the loyal protestants vindication, fairly offered to all those sober minds who have the art of using reason, and the power of suppressing passion by a queen elizabeth protestant. queen elizabeth protestant. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the loyal protestants vindication, fairly offered to all those sober minds who have the art of using reason, and the power of suppressing passion by a queen elizabeth protestant. queen elizabeth protestant. defoe, daniel, ?- . [ ], p. printed for walter kettilby ..., london : . attributed to defoe in the wrenn catalogue. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng church and state -- england. protestants -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the loyal protestants vindication , fairly offered to all those sober minds who have the art of using reason , and the power of suppressing passion . by a queen elizabeth protestant . london , printed for walter kettilby , at the sign of the bishops-head , in s. paul's church-yard , . the loyal protestants vindication . fellow natives and brother protestants . for by birth and charity we are bound so to call you . and we hope , that ( upon the ebbs of your heat and humour ) you will out of humility think it fit at last to call us so too . it cannot de denied , but that ( ever since the blessed reformation ) protestanism is the common cause and interest of england . and that he only is to be reputed our enemy , who shall and doth by plots and designs endeavour , either to subvert or alter our government , as it now stands by law established both in church and state. now for the blasting and defeating of all wicked conspiracies against our established government , both at present and for the future , i can assure you , that you have our heads , our hands and our hearts . nor can you be more zealous for the overthrow of the late discovered damnable and hellish popish plot , and the suppressing the growth of popery , than the true honest-minded church of england men are . pardon them only in this ; that they love a zeal regulated with prudence , and softned with moderation . you all very well know , that it hath been of late the great artifice of the jesuited party to intrude ( if possible ) their damnable plot upon that classis of protestants call'd presbyterians . who i am perswaded have learn'd from their former miscarriages , that it is both theirs and all protestants interest , not to disturb our national government , or disoblige their prince . and i could heartily wish that the papists might never have had any colourable pretence for fathering their brat of rebellion upon any sort of protestants amongst us. and this they would never have had , if the years between . and . could be raz'd out of the book of time , and the memory of this age. but whatever things the papists may revive to serve their cause , we are willing to forget them , so it may heal our breaches , and cement us together in a brotherly assistance of each other , for the saving both of you and us , and our protestant religion . and for the effectual promoting of so considerable and publick a concern , i think all judicious and thoughtful men will allow that there is nothing so essential and necessary as our union . and though it 's not reasonable to expect , that all the sorts of protestants in england should in a moment concentre in one mind , in one judgment and opinion : yet what should hinder , but that they may have a reciprocal kindness and love one for another , and one and the same loyalty to their prince ? unless the protestant parties in england are like the princes in germany , wherein every one is so much wedded to his own interest , that he had rather see the emperor dethron'd , and the whole empire lost , than lose one little regalia of his own to save it . never were the papists so full of plots , and so big with hopes as now . and never was the wicked one so busie in sowing the seeds of discord and contention as within this moneth or two last past . for to an observing eye the print of the cloven foot hath been easily seen in all the roads , cities , towns and corporations of england within that time . and whatever sentiments some over-zealous and misguided men may have of linking and listing themselves and names , under the form of a petition ; yet certainly none but the jesuite , ( who alone hath the art of out doing the devil in malice and mischief ) could have invented a more proper and effectual way of setting protestants in england at a greater variance and distance than ever they were before . the old weather-beaten course which the jesuits used to make us protestants hateful to , and hating one of another , was to cast upon some the name and character of calvinists , upon some arminians , upon some socinians , upon some pelagians , upon some cavaliers and malignants , upon some covenanters and round-heads after the old style ; but now church-men and fanaticks , or court and countrey party , after the style of the newest fashions . but now since the jesuit perceives that we protestants begin to smell the device of these nick-names , and that we are growing so skilful as to discern that these are only bones thrown in amongst us , merely to make us snarl , and bite , and devour one another ; therefore the jesuits ( to perpetuate and continue the protestant fray and scuffle , which is the only advantage to their cause ) have now at this time ( if not invented ) yet at least set on foot a form and mode of petitioning , which must inevitably run us into fearful broyles , if not timely prevented . for pray observe , with what heat and earnestness did some press the subscription of it upon others their fellow subjects ? with what reluctancy and stubbornness did others deny and refuse it ? how passionately and bitterly did many in coffee-houses and other places debate and argue the lawfulness and unlawfulness of it ? and it 's to be wisht , that in some towns , parishes , and neighbourhoods it be not the standing cause of irreconcileable feuds and quarrels among the people . for such hath been the imprudence of some hot-headed men that carried this petition about for subscriptions , that they told the un-thinking vulgar , it was the shibboleth to discern between the protestants and papists in england . and hence many of them ( poor souls ! ) out of fear and ignorance set their hands , but more their marks to it : when as they , and those that prest it upon them , can give no just positive account , whether this petition , and the solemn league and covenant , were invented and fram'd either by a papist or a protestant . and now is not this a pretty piece of sport to our common enemy the papist , to see a leaf of paper set all england in a flame , and create most desperate animosities amongst its protestant natives ? could there be any project or device ( next to the killing of our gracious soveraign whom god long preserve ) so essential and proper for the ruine of us , and our protestant religion as this ? what need have the papists of collections from their friends ? or moneys from the holy chamber ? or of armyes from foreign popish princes ? when as our divisions , which they have set up amongst us , will with good looking after most certainly and inevitably do this work to their hands , without any such cost or trouble . serious and frequent have been our addresses to you for a brotherly correspondence and reconciliation , and your joyning with us in the defence and preservation of the protestant religion . nay we have made it our humble requests to you , that you would do us that right and justice , as to own and allow us to be protestants as well as your selves . and yet such hath been the hard fate and misfortune of our gentleness and meekness towards you , that like the grace of god to proud and wanton sinners , they have been scorn'd and rejected . for instead of any civilities to us for this our humble demeanour , you have imperiously ascended the seat of judgment , and the chair of the scorner : loading us with scoffs and reproaches , and condemning us for hereticks and papists . nay , so mightily sowr'd are you in your opinions and judgments of an english church-man , that you nauseate him , as you pretend to do a papist , and shun his converse and sight as much as a man of curdled bloud doth cheese . but whatever treatments you are pleased to give us , or whatever liveries you think fit to clothe us withal ; yet ( begging your leave ) we shall desire this freedom as to cleanse our garments from those foul aspersions thrown upon them from pulpits in conventicles , libels from the press , and those scurrilous reproaches vented by republican tools and tantivy's . and therefore let him that hath eyes and learning to read , consider the loyal protestants vindication , in these following particulars , first , we do own and love all protestants of whatever sort , title and name , that do really abominate the superstitious fooleries and heretical doctrines of the church of rome . secondly , we do approve and delight in all persons , which assert and vindicate the king's supremacy over all persons and in all causes both in church and state. thirdly , we countenance and commend all such , who mind their own business and study to be quiet , and who out of duty as well as modesty have so good and just opinion of their present soveraign's art and judgment in governing , that they will not presume to prescribe him rules and methods of managing the people which god hath committed to his care and charge . for such hath been his education , and so much experience hath he learnt in foreign courts and countreys , during his exile , that we can positively say , he is the wisest king in christendom , and the best statesman in all his whole kingdom . fourthly , we are for giving all men their just dues according to their dignities , places , and qualities , and do abominate all those harsh and rough methods , which irritate our superiors anger and displeasure . for certainly of all persons , governours chiefly are to be oblig'd and not forc't . fifthly , we do verily believe , that according to the contents of our new testament , no man ought to affront and vilifie his princes person and authority either in words or deeds . and that if he cannot conform to the government of his prince , yet he is bound in conscience , not to be openly , publickly , and actually disobedient , especially where the prince is christian and protestant too . and where the ground of subjects obedience and disobedience is purely about things indifferent , which is a thing that wholly excludes all doubts and scruples of conscience . sixthly , we do abominate , and as seasonably and prudentially as we can , rebuke and suppress all sorts of vices and immoralities without respect had to persons . and should be heartily glad to see whoredom , adultery , drunkenness , swearing and pride , to grow out of fashion in the kingdom ; as we wish , malice , spight , backbiting , censuring , slandering , railing and bitterness of spirit may decay amongst you . seventhly , we heartily love , and highly applaud all plain-hearted and publick-spirited men , who aim and endeavour at things for the kings honour and greatness , and the real good of the whole kingdom . but we do detest and abhor all self-ended and self-seeking men , especially those who engage a whole kingdom for a particular disgust ; and study revenge for a private defeat they have received , or who design to make themselves popular , great and rich under the pretence of serving the publick . eighthly , we heartily pray , and use all the interest we have , that this late damnable hellish popish plot , ( which god in mercy to us all hath brought to light ) may be daily more and more detected and brought to a final period . and we joyn with you in our souls , that the parliament may sit for the tryal of those great conspirators , who cannot be otherwise tryed but by parliament . but as for the time , when this parliament should sit about this weighty affair , we humbly leave it to his majesties prudence , who , of all men hath the sole right , and is best able to chuse the seasonableness of doing it . ninthly , we do firmly believe , that the present actings and designs of our enemies the papists are so wicked and evil , and our cause so good and just , that we dare ( with the use of lawful and justifiable means ) in an humble confidence refer the whole matter into the hands of providence , not doubting but that god will so rule the heart of our king , and direct his councils , that we and our religion will at last have as memorable a deliverance , as any of those which have been in the days of our ancestors . tenthly , we do affirm , and can justifie it : that the men of the church of england are the true , right , and only protestants . and for this we dare appeal to the known laws of the land , to the hugonots of france , and all the calvinistical and lutheran churches abroad ; for whenever they write or speak of the church of england , they mean that which is established by law in our nation . and because the memory of queen elizabeth is always so fresh and fragrant in your minds , that you keep her anniversary coronation-day above all other protestant kings of england , with the solemnities of bonefires and ringing of bells . we therefore take the opportunity to declare to you ; that it 's not you , but we are the men , who are not only the legal , but the true queen elizabeth protestants . and i would advise you , the next time you observe that day , ( which i shall observe with you ) that you would enquire into your selves , whether you are the protestants of that mould and stamp , which she loved , and her laws protected in her reign . eleventhly , though you take a pride or pleasure , or both , to represent us to the vulgar under those filthy characters of mungrel protestants , half protestants , protestants in masquerade , and church papists . yet under our patient bearing of your reproaches : we beg your pardon to make this declaration : that we do abhor and detest those black and odious titles . and had you but a spark of modesty , or a grain of reason , or the least insight into our laws , you would have long since forborn to persecute us with this slanderous accusation . what was queen elizabeth a good protestant , and now must the queen elizabeth protestants be counted no protestants , or call'd half protestants , and protestants in masquerade ? what doth the jesuit and papists hate us , and plot to destroy us , because he finds us the best and truest protestants ? and must you to revile us and seek to root us out : because we are not protestants according to your standard ? certainly had you but any wit or reason about you , you might plainly see ; that whatever you think of us , the papists take us only to be the truest protestants , and their greatest enemies . for it 's against us that all these malicious plots are levell'd . and they have only set you up as tools and instruments to compleat their design . for alas , there is hardly one amongst all your parties hath writ so judiciously and rationally against the church of rome , as to deserve either a learned papists reading or answer . and now must our bishops , doctors and divines be the only champions for the protestant religion against the romanists . and yet must their hearers and followers be branded with the ignominious names of half protestants , church papists , and protestants in masquerade ? for shame forbear these unchristian slanders ; or else all foreign protestants will say , that you want both manners and modesty , or which is worse , brains and reason . go on , if you please , with your trade of calumniating : but thus plain we will be with you , to acquaint you , that our eyes are so open , as to see you use one way , and the papists use another way , to destroy and ruine the church of england , with its protestant professors . and we declare , that from our knowledge of you both , we expect no quarter or mercy from either of you . for the church of england men have already endured two persecutions , the one of fire in the reign of queen mary , the other of the sword in our late unnatural wars , when men of your own kidney plundered , sequestred , imprisoned , hanged and beheaded many thousands , for no other crime , but that they were loyal subjects , and queen elizabeth protestants . and now we are expecting to fall under a third persecution : but whether it will come from the papists , or you , we cannot as yet so easily discern . lastly , because you so arrogantly call your selves the protestants , and the true protestants ; and so scoffingly call us the half protestants , and church papists , and protestants in masquerade : we therefore send you this challenge . go if you dare with us into westminster-hall , to the assizes and quarter-sessions before the judges and justices of the peace ; and there ( if you dare ) take with us the oaths of allegiance and supremacy . renounce with us the doctrine of transubstantiation , and the solemn league and covenant . subscribe with us the declaration of the unlawfulness of taking up arms against the king. and bring with us your certificates of receiving the sacrament according to the church of england . this , this is the test and shiboleth to distinguish protestants from papists , and not your form of petition which lately went in procession ; and should your boasted multitudes of subscribers be brought to this touchstone , we know that three parts of five would run a great danger of being convicted for recusants by law ; for many of you who proudly call your selves the true protestants , will as stifly deny the doing of these things as the rankest papist in england . in love therefore i desire you to refrain from the villifying us with the filthy characters of protestants in masquerade , and church papists , since that we have been so kind to you for many years , as not to put you upon this tryal , which we know would be as ungrateful and prejudicial to you as any papists . and if you cannot out of modesty and charity , yet out of interest learn to be more sober and moderate to your fellow natives and protestant brethren ; and do not calumniate the honest church-men of england who pray for you , and love you better than you do your selves , and would be glad to have you to joyn with them in all lawful and justifiable ways , for the overthrow of all popish plots , and the preservation of that protestant religion which is established by law. and now let all the world judge , whether we or you , are half-protestants , and protestants in masquerade ; since that we will abide by those legal tryals and touch-stones , which are the national discriminations between protestants and papists : and you , or the major-part of you , refuse these tests as well as the papists ; and as long as you stand in the refusal of them , you are but papists in a protestant disguise . finis . lex talionis, or, an enquiry into the most proper ways to prevent the persecution of the protestants in france defoe, daniel, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) lex talionis, or, an enquiry into the most proper ways to prevent the persecution of the protestants in france defoe, daniel, ?- . [ ], p. [s.n.], london printed : m dc xcviii [ ] half-title page reads: lex talionis. attributed by wing and nuc pre- imprints to defoe. reproduction of original in the cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng huguenots -- france. protestants -- france. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion lex talionis . lex talionis : or , an enquiry into the most proper ways to prevent the persecution of the protestants in france . matth. vii . . with what judgment ye judge , ye shall be judged : and with what measure ye mete , it shall be measured to you again . london , printed in the year m dc xcviii . lex talionis . evrope has now for nine years past been afflicted with a bloody , a cruel and a destructive war , carried on with a vast effusion of blood and treasure ; and in all parts of it manag'd with more eagerness and fury , than any war among the europoean princes ever was in the memory of man. the french , who are masters of address , used all the skill and cunning with the roman catholick princes , especially those of italy , to have made it pass for a war of religion , thinking by that fineness , to have drawn them off from the confederacy . but innocent xi . who , 't was likely , knew as much of religion , and the interest of the church , as the statesmen of france , saw through that artifice , and readily agreed with the emperor , and the king of spain , that the growing greatness of france , and the measures laid for the subjecting europe to her government , were really more dangerous things , and of more immediate consequence to the publick liberty , than the matter of religion could be : and therefore , though the court of rome made some seeming difficulties at first ; yet the french having thrown off the mask , and fallen upon his catholick confederate the duke of savoy , the most bigotted romanist , made no scruple to entertain heretick soldiers , to recall the banish'd vaudois , to fight under the command of protestant generals , to accept of the subsidial supplies of protestant money , and the protection of protestant armies ; thereby evidently declaring to all the world , that this was a war of state , not of religion ; and that the real interest of princes , is to preserve themselves , and their subjects , against a too powerful invader , by leagues and assistances , let their religious interests be what they will. nor have the protestant princes , though their forces in this confederacy have been much superiour , been backward to push on the common interest with their utmost vigour , but have with extraordinary chearfulness assisted the roman catholick confederates , with their armies , fleets , and moneys ; witness the subsidies paid to the duke of savoy , by the english and dutch ; the army maintain'd , under the command of duke schombergh in english pay in piedmont ; the forces ship'd from england to catalonia , to aid the spaniard , which sav'd the city of barcelona a whole year ; witness also the english fleet wintering at cadiz , under admiral russel ; the squadron sent to the west-indies , to relieve cartagena : and indeed the whole series of the war has been one continual instance of the safety and protection the roman catholick countries have enjoy'd , by the sword and power of the protestant interest . so that it has been apparent , beyond the power of contradiction , that this has been a war of state , not a war of religion : nor can i imagine , generally speaking that it can ever be the interest of the powers of europe , take them together , to commence a war of religion : for though 't is true , that the pope always exalted both his power and credit , in the blind ages of bigotted devotion , by his crusadoes and holy expeditions ; yet since , the world has more years over its head , and the cheat has been discovered , int'rest has prevail'd too much upon devotion to be deceiv'd any more at that rate : and the reformed kingdoms of europe , are too potent to be us'd so any more . 't is true , the protestant religion has lost ground in france ; and that kingdom where once the protestants were strong enough to contend with their governours for their liberty , is now wholly roman , at least seems to be so . but notwithstanding that , i believe the protestant interest in europe , very well able to stand a shock with the popish , when ever the pope thinks fit to publish another bloody jubilee , and display the standard of st. peter against st. paul. and not to descend to particulars , i shall only draw up the several kingdoms , on each side , who would form this great division in case of such a war. on the roman catholick side , there would be the emperor , the pope , the king of france , the king of spain , the king of portugal , the king of poland , the princes of italy , five electoral princes of germany , and the catholick cantons of swisserland . on the protestant side , the king of england , king of denmark , king of sweden , the czar of moscovy , states of holland , three electoral princes of germany , but those by far the strongest ; the protestant cantons of swisserland , the grisons , hungarians , transilvanians , and moldavians . in the first place , i think it wou'd easily be granted , that the english , dutch , dane , and swede , united ; wou'd be able to maintain so absolute a dominion of the seas , as would entirely ruine the negotia-tion of the catholick party , beggar their merchants , starve their islands , and destroy all their trade ; they should never be able to build a ship , without leave ; their ports should be bombarded and destroy'd , their open country be ruin'd by descents , and all their coasts continually harrass'd and alarm'd by fleets , and volant parties . what the armies at land could do , i referr to the history of the present war , and of gustavus adolphus king of sweden ; who , barely on a war of religion , and with only his own single force , and the protestant princes of germany , who were then much weaker than they are now , in two years and a half pass'd the rhine and the danube , and shook the imperial crown on the head of ferdinand the second . it would take up too much room in this short treatise , to consider the proportion of the force of these nations in general ; 't is true that the weight of the force of the catholick party , lies in the power of the french ; who must , in such a case , be the bulwark and support of their cause . as to the spaniard , he wou'd as he has in all cases , have work enough to secure his own ; the empire separated from the protestant party , with the swede , dane , brandenburghers , saxons , and all the princes of the augustane confession on its front , with the protestants of upper hungary and transylvania in the rear , with the switz and grisons in flank , wou'd be very hard bestead , having no power but the bavarian , and the small electorates of ments , triers and cologne , which are of no consideration to uphold it . some support might be drawn from italy indeed ; but the french must give a powerful assistance , or the emperor would be devoured in two campagns ; the english , dutch , and eastern germans , as the lunenburghers , of hanouer and brunswick , would be the opposites to the french on this side , and there the contention would be strongest . i believe no wise man wishes for so universal a distraction as such a war would make in europe , but 't is needful to suppose such a thing , in order to examine whether we ought to apprehend any danger from it , in case such an attempt shou'd ever be made in europe ; for 't is apparent , some princes of the roman catholick party , have will enough to such an enterprize , and the pope would be forward enough to set it on foot , if he were but sure of the success . the glorious peace of reswick , in which all the world must acknowledge the french have been very much reduc'd , has but one clause that any way eclipses the honour of its conclusion on the protestant side , and that is , that it left the poor protestant subjects of the king of france , without any shelter from the violences of their persecutors ; as if the protestant princes had so much excluded the int'rests of religion from the articles , that they had not one compassionate thought for their distressed persecuted brethren . 't is true , the war was wholly a war of state , as is before noted , and the invasion of property was the occasion of it ; and therefore the surrender of luxemburgh to the spaniard , who is a roman catholick , nay , a few villages in the chattelany of aeth , made more bustle in the treaty , than the restoration of three hundred thousand banish'd christians to their country and estates . some have presum'd to say , that had the restoration of the edict of nants been insisted on with the same vigour as the dutchy of lorrain , it wou'd as easily have been obtain'd ; and these people , among whom some of the french refugees are of that mind , think the protestant int'rest was not so much considered in that treaty as it ought to have been . i cou'd easily answer such objectors , by telling them , that the ground of this war being only matter of right , to reduce the power of france to a balance , and to oblige her to restore what she had by force and injustice taken from her neighbours ; this being obtain'd , the end was answer'd , and the confederate princes had no further pretence for a war : as to the protestant refugees , they were the subjects of the king of france , and strictly speaking with respect of princes , no body had any thing to do with it , let him use them how he would . besides , to have made it an article of the peace , it could not be expected that the catholick branches of the confederacy would have insisted on it , or , indeed , have desired it , and the treaty being manag'd in one body , by the resolutions and measures of several princes and states in congress , the catholick princes would have immediately protested against it , and the union must have been dissolved . so that there was no room to espouse the interests of the protestant subjects of france in the general treaty , any other way than by intercession with their king to use them mercifully : and this has been done by all parties , though hitherto without success . it remains now to examine what methods are further to be used , in order to oblige the king of france to use his protestant subjects with more humanity , and if possible , either to preserve them that peace and enjoyment of their properties and estates , which is their natural right ; or to procure them some other equivalent which may give them some kind of satisfaction and repose . to commence a war against the king of france , for the prosecution of his protestant subjects , seems to be very unjust ; because speaking of right and wrong , we are not interested in the quarrel . i make no question but the protestants of france themselves have , by the laws of nature and reason , a right to defend their own possessions and inheritances , and to maintain themselves in them by force , if they had a power ; and by the same rule might by strength of hand recover and take possession of their own estates if they were able : but it does not seem so clear that a neighbour nation or state can justifie the making war on the king of france , to oblige him to do justice to his protestant subjects . nor will i attempt to determine how far it would be lawful to assist such a people in such a forcible return , or in maintaining themselves in the possession and enjoyment of their own rights , be they never so just. only thus far 't is plain , that by the particular article of the peace of riswick , respecting the kings of england and france ; england is fore-closed from such an attempt both sides having expresly stipulated not to assist the subjects of either against their sovereign . the fourth article of the said treaty , providing as follows , ( viz. ) and since the most christian king was never more desirous of any thing , than that the peace be firm and inviolable , the said king promises and agrees for himself and his successors , that he will on no account whatsoever disturb the said king of great britain in the free possession of the kingdoms , countries , lands or dominions which he now enjoys , and therefore engages his honour , upon the faith , and word of a king , that he will not give or afford any assistance , directly or indirectly , to any enemy or enemies of the said king of great britain ; and that he will in no manner whatsoever favour the conspiracies or plots which any rebels , or ill-disposed persons , may in any place excite or contrive against the said king ; and for that end promises and engages , that he will not assist with arms , ammunition , provisions , ships or money , or in any other way , by sea or land , any person or persons , who shall hereafter , under any pretence whatsoever , disturb or molest the said king of great britain in the free and full possession of his kingdoms , countries , lands and dominions . the king of great britain likewise promises and engages for himself and successors , kings of great britain , that he will inviolably do and perform the same towards the said most christian king , his kingdoms , countries , lands and dominions . there seems to be but one way left , either to make any amends to these poor desolate people , or to bring to pass their re-admission ; i do not say , that the princes of europe will find it their int'rest to put it in practice any more than i believe it is really the int'rest of the king of france , to ruine so many thousand families of his peaceable subjects ; i mean , the old standard law of retaliation . but if it might be a means to re-establish those poor people in peace and liberty , the sacrificing ten thousand families of other persons , as innocent as them , seems to be a justice their present case calls for . lex talionis seems to me to be the foundation-law of right and wrong ; the scripture is full of instances of this nature : adoni-bezek , agag , and a multitude of other relations therein , declare it to be agreeable to the divine method of executive justice ; the reason of rewards and punishments , seems to be wholly measured by it : and if exactly administred , it carries so convictive a force , that no person who ever fell under the severest part of it , could object against the execution of it . adoni-bezek , above-mention'd , made a confession of the justice of his punishment , when his thumbs and great toes were cut off , as a retaliation of his barbarities . and samuel's return upon agag , that as his sword had made women childless , so should his mother be childless among women ; declares both the reason and the justice of god's decree against him , sam. xv. . 't is true , this retaliation is strictly personal ; and all retaliation ought to be so , if possible : but in some cases it differs ; and where a personal retaliation is not practicable , then people are considered in collective bodies , nations , families , and states . thus , in a war , the subjects of either party account it very justifiable , to make themselves satisfaction for injuries received , on any of the subjects of the contrary party , though the wrong particularly suffered , is not chargeable on those particular persons who suffer for it . by the same rule , it seems justifiable , if we cast the whole body of europe into two sorts , popish and protestant , that while the one part commit hostilities and depredations on the other , the injur'd party should have a right of retaliation on any member of the same body , of what nation or government soever they shall be , where the power is properly put into their hands : for power , in such a case , may pass for a sufficient right of directing the said punishment , since nothing but want of power interrupts its being personal . the french king has given a challenge to all the protestant princes of europe , in his present usage of the reformed churches of france : he has carry'd on , though not with much success , a war for above eight years , against the whole united power of europe ; at last he has made a peace , not at all to his advantage , nor much for his honour : and now the war of state is at an end , he seems to be beginning a war of religion ; and that he may lay the foundation of it safely , he has began it upon his own subjects . i cannot imagine why all the protestant princes of europe should not think themselves concern'd in this invasion of their religion , since nothing is more certain than that they are all strook at , though more remotely : and by all the rules of humane policy , prevention ought to extend as far as the evil is design'd . if the weakening the protestant interest in general , were only the design ; the strengthening that interest ought to be the care of the other : besides , the papists are the aggressors , as they always have been , and the injustice of their cause so great , that they have hardly ever attempted to make any other pretences for all their barbarities , than the absolute will and pleasure of their omnipotent monarch , who will have but one religion within his dominions . i confess , to me it seems very proper , for the ease of all parties , that religion should really divide the whole body of europe , and that all the roman catholicks , and all the protestants , if they could but agree it among themselves , should live by themselves ; that if the french king will have no protestants in his dominion , the protestants should suffer no roman catholicks in theirs ; and when all parties are withdrawn to their own sort , and the division compleated , let the roman catholicks begin a war of religion as soon as they please . it is , in my opinion , the unjustest thing in the world , that since the spaniards and italians suffer no protestants to live amongst them , but the bloody inquisition destroys them ; and the french have dragoon'd three hundred thousand of their protestant subjects to mass , and hurry'd three hundred thousand more out of their country , to seek comfort from the charity of neighbour states . the duke of savoy has exiled all his protestant vaudois : and hardly any popish country admit the protestants among them , some few parts of germany excepted ; yet the protestant governments , at the same time , suffer three millions of papists to live among them , and enjoy their liberties and estates unmolested . nor is this all , the protestants of france , savoy , and hungary , have been persecuted , under the assurances of the most solemn treaties , the most sacred edicts , and the firmest peace that could be made ; they have never , their enemies themselves being judges , been guilty of the breach of their faith or loyalty . henry iii. of france , acknowledged it , when he had recourse to them for protection against his own mutinous catholick subjects . the duke of savoy acknowledged it , in his speech to those vaudois whom he had releas'd out of the citadel of turin . we never read of any war begun by the protestants , they were always defendants ; we have not one instance of a massacre committed , or of a king assassinated , or of nobles undermined , in order to to be blown up by them ; they have always been men of peace , till self-defence has oblig'd them to be men of war. on the contrary , the roman-catholicks have been always uneasie to the governments they have lived under . our histories are full of their treasons . ireland has twice been deluged in blood by their rebellions and cruelties . two kings of france have been murthered by their assassinations ; and innumerable protestants massacred and butcher'd in cold blood , under the pretences of friendship , and assurance of a treaty . the reigns of all our kings and queens in england , since henry viii . have been strangely disturb'd by the plots , the treasons and rebellions of the papists ; they have often forfeited their estates and liberties to the publick justice of the nation , had they been dealt with by the rules of strict retaliation . england , scotland and ireland have such reasons for entire removing them out of their dominions , as no nation in the world can have greater ; and yet here they live in peace , under the protection of those very princes they refuse to swear allegiance to , and under the shelter of those laws they refuse to be bound by . 't is no plea in bar of any right , that the plaintiff is a papist ; our courts of justice are as open to them , as to any of the kings most faithful subjects : of which more hereafter . on the contrary , the protestants of france , tho' charg'd with no disloyalty , nor guilty of no crimes , are dispossess'd of their estates , banish'd their native country , dragoon'd , shipt to the gallies , and many of them hang'd , their children torn from them by violence , and buried alive in monasteries and nunneries , and all the cruelties an unbridled soldiery can inflict , acted upon them , without any manner of crime alledg'd but their religion , and this when that very religion was secur'd to them by the solemnest leagues and treaties in the world , declared in the famous edict of nantes , entred , receiv'd and registred in all the parliaments of the kingdom . the king of france , in persecuting his protestant subjects , acts not only the part of a tyrant over them , as they are his subjects , but is guilty of the breach of the faith and honour of a king , oppressing those people who had their religion tolerated and allow'd to them by his ancestors , in the most sacred manner possible ; and he is guilty also of the greatest unkindness to those very people who were the instruments and agents of the glory of his family , and of his person . to make good which reflection , that i may not seem to be guilty of disrespect to the majesty of the king of france , 't is needful to examine a little the ground on which the protestant interest in france stood for the last century of years , and the history of the present royal family of france , and how they came to the crown . in the year . on the th . day of august , charles ix . being king of france , the third war with the hugonots having been lately ended , and a peace made with the protestants , the cities of rochell , montauban , coignac , and la charitie , being put into their hands for security , and the chief of the protestants wholly resting on the faith and honour of the king , in full satisfaction of his sincere intentions , being come to court , was acted the massacre of paris ; at which , in the space of five days , above thirty thousand protestants were barbarously surprized and butcher'd in cold blood. upon which follow'd the fourth and fifth civil war ; during which , king charles ix . died ; and the crown fell to henry iii. the last of the house of valois , and then newly elected king of poland . the beginning of his reign being entangled with civil broils , the protestant interest grew very strong ; and though the league forced the king to make three several wars with them , yet they still maintain'd their liberty and religion . at length the faction of the guises , known by the name of the catholick league , declar'd themselves so absolutely against the king , and grew so powerful , especially after the death of the duke and cardinal of guise , whom the king had caused to be kill'd , that they had almost driven him out of the kingdom . in this exigence , the protestants , against whom he had carry'd on four persecutions and wars , and therein destroyed many thousands of their brethren , undertook his defence , and joining all their forces , in order to restore him , marched with him to the very gates of paris ; where , while he was preparing for a general attack of the city , he was barbarously assassinated by jacques clement , a jacobin monk , sent out of the city on purpose , being stabb'd in the belly with a poynard , of which he died the day after . henry iv. the present king's grand-father , was then king of navarre , and a protestant ; and being lawful heir to the crown , as also recommended to the nobility by the deceased king , at his death , took upon him the stile and title of king of france . the league , back'd by the power of the king of spain , oppos'd him with all the vigour imaginable ; and many of the catholick nobility deserted him , on the account of his being an heretick . the protestants serv'd him with all the glory and loyalty that ever was shown , perhaps , in any war in the world ; and , as is computed , during the years war he maintain'd against the league , and the spanish power , above an hundred and sixty thousand protestant soldiers lost their lives in his service . at length , to put an end to the war , and assure himself of the kingdom , he deserted his religion , and turn'd roman-catholick ; by which means he obtain'd a full possession of the crown , ruin'd the league , the chief heads of it making their peace with him , one by one ; and at last concluded the war with the spaniard , at the peace of vervin . the protestants , however , never withdrew their loyalty nor their services from him : the famous mareschal de biron , the dukes de bouillon , du plessis , and de la tremouille , continuing to do him the most faithful and important services against the spaniards to the last . having setled himself in the kingdom , and made peace with all the world , the protestants , who had serv'd him so faithfully , and who expected no other reward than the security of their religion and estates , obtain'd from him the famous edict of nantes ; in which is particularly stated and stipulated , the terms of their liberty , in what places they should erect their temples , how they should hold their synods and assemblies : money was allotted out of the publick revenues , to maintain their ministers ; cities were allotted to them , for their security , the garrisons whereof were to be paid by the king : and the edict was made perpetual and irrevocable , by being entred and registred in the parliaments , and courts of justice all over the kingdom . but all the services of the protestants to this great king , by which he was brought to the crown of france , nor the solemn engagement of this edict , could not preserve them , but that in the ministry of cardinal richlieu , under the very next reign , they were again attack'd , and driven to the necessity of taking arms in their own defence : which cardinal , after three times making peace , and breaking it again at his pleasure , compleated the conquest of them , in the taking of rochelle ; the protestants being miserably deserted by the english , and thirteen thousand people starv'd to death in the town . since this , in the infancy of the present king , while the contests between the prince of conde and the queen-mother were so hot as to break out into a war , the protestants , as subjects only , were not a little instrumental to the maintaining him in that very power , which now he makes use of to their destruction . i think this history fully makes good the assertion that the present usage of the protestants is both perfidious and ungrateful . perfidious , as being acted while under the protection of a sacred league and solemn treaty , and ungrateful as it is exercised on those very people , who with their lives and estates , raised the present fortune of the house of bourbon , to the greatness it now enjoys . i have been the more particular in this account , because from hence it will appear that the protestants of france stand on a different foot from other subjects of that monarchy , and that his right of dealing with them , differs from his power over the rest of his subjects , for they are his subjects by express stipulations and agreements , whose obedience to him has been always allow'd to be conditional ; they have made peace and war with their kings , not as rebels , but as persons having a lawful right to plead and to defend , their kings have given them cautionary towns for the performance of the treaties made with them ; a thing which in its own nature implies that they might hold those towns against him , if he did not perform the postulata of those treaties , without the scandal of rebellion . so that their right to the liberty of their religion , had an authority sufficient to justifie them in taking arms ; nor does any of the french histories , that ever i saw , though wrote with the greatest partiality , ever call it a rebellion , but a war with the hugonots , and the conclusions were always call'd , a peace with the hugonots , as is evident through d' avila's whole history of the civil wars of france . the history of the protestants of the upper hungary and of bohemia , might in many respects bear a parallel with this , the persecutions and ill usage of them , having been after the solemnest agreement and treaties with them that could be made ; insomuch as that poor unhappy people being so absolutely separated from any relief of their brethren of germany , have been forced to fly for protection to the enemies of christianity , the turk , with whom however they have this satisfaction , that whatever bargain they make for their religion , they are sure they will keep it . and i remember very well a banished hungarian minister told me , discoursing of this very case , he was sorry to say it , that the turks , though they made them pay dear for it , were juster and truer to their leagues and treaties than the imperialists , who call'd themselves christians . it may possibly be objected here , that while we exclaim against the french and germans for their violence to their subjects , if we should do the same thing to the papists , it would be practising what we condemn , and doing evil that good may come . the answer to this is included in what goes before , ( viz. ) taking the whole roman catholick and protestant party in europe asunder , and considering them as two collective bodies divided in interest and religion , it seems to me to be just that a retaliation of the injuries done upon the members of one party in one place , may be made upon the members of the same party in another place , by the same rule that depredations of subjects of one prince in war , may be paid by reprizal upon any of the subjects of the same prince . but this may be more fully answer'd thus , that if the popish subjects of some protestant governments have so behaved themselves to their governors , as to make their extirpation just , that justice however suspended in mercy to them hitherto , will absolutely justifie removing them from those governments , and by that means lex talionis be executed by the hands of publick justice , and one banishment be at the same time both a punishment of their several crimes , and a retaliation of the oppressions of their party . this is a method god almighty often takes himself , while he suffers a punishment for a publick crime of less guilt to be the executor of his vengeance for some crime of a higher nature not known . to go no farther than ireland for an instance of this , the present inhabitants , i mean the popish irish by a bloody massacre of . thousand protestants in . by little less intended , and as much as they were able executed , this late war , have deserved no doubt to have been used at the discretion of the english ; and oliver cromwell was more than once consulting to transplant the whole nation from that island . if he had done it , or if it had now been done , i am of the opinion , no nation in the world wou'd have tax'd us with injustice , and i do verily think oliver acted with more generosity than discretion in omitting it ; for this is certain , that if he had done it , this last war and the expence of so much treasure as it cost this nation , and the ruine of so many thousand protestant families , who were driven from thence by king james , all the destruction at london-derry , the sickness at dundalk , and the blood of people , who at least one way or other , on both sides , perish'd in it , had been prevented . it may be enquired whether oliver design'd to transplant them , i could answer directly to that also ; but 't is sufficient to my purpose to say , had he clear'd the island of them , it had been no matter at all to us whither they had gone , and the king of france has set a rule for such as banish their subjects to let them go where they please , and then they certainly separate ; whereas had he sent the protestants to any particular place , they wou'd have been so many and so united , they might possibly have come back again with swords in their hands , and ha' bidden fair for another hugonot war. i have also seen among the letters of state written by mr. milton , who was his secretary for the foreign dispatches , a letter written to the states of holland , wherein by way of argument to prevail , for some ease to the protestants of piedmont , he proposes a confederacy with the dutch , and all their reform'd friends , to reduce the duke of savoy to a necessity of giving better conditions to the vaudois ; and seems to threaten to expel all the roman catholicks in england , scotland and ireland , out of his dominions . i remember upon discoursing of this passage in some company , one asked , what if he had ? and another by way of repartee , made answer , then there wou'd have been none left . i repeat it not for any great wit in the answer ; but to introduce the question , what if he had ? . if he had , possibly we had not been troubled with any popish plot in . nor none of the bloody consequences of it ; we had had no sham-plot upon that , no russel , sidney , nor armstrong murthered ; no blood lost in an invasion by the duke of monmouth , nor cruel executions in the west ; we had had no popish successor , no standing army , no bishops sent to the tower , no invasion of charters nor privilege of universities ; no ecclesiastical commission , &c. . we had had no nuncio from rome , to take his progress over the kingdom , no fire-works for a sham-prince of wales , nor no mass sung in windsor chapel , no seminaries of priests , nor nunneries of whores , at chelsea , lincolns-inn fields , or hammersmith . . in short , we had had no war of nine years to restore a popish king , the nation had not spent millions sterling , nor lost of the stoutest of her inhabitants to maintain her liberty ; king william had been king in right of his wife , and a peaceable admission had been given him . in all probability this had been the consequence , if oliver cromwell had sent them all out of the kingdom . i beshrew his heart he did not . i do not pretend to lead my reader to any political reasons why this shou'd be done now ; our governours are best judges of the publick interest . but thus far , i think , may be assumed without danger of reflection . if the nation shou'd think fit in compassion to the miseries of our poor distressed brethren of france to retaliate their usage upon the roman catholicks of england and ireland , the following consequences would in all probability ensue , which whether it wou'd be just in the whole , or beneficial to england and ireland in particular , i leave to the judgment of impartial readers to consider , . it might be a means , by the intercession of parties , to procure some reasonable conditions for the poor protestants of france , as the stopping the mareschal boufflers at the surrender of namur procur'd justice to the imprisoned garrisons of deinse , and dixmuide . this is a practice too well known in the war to need any contention , where the putting a prisoner of war to death , or any other breach of articles has been requited by putting some other prisoner of war to death on the contrary side ; and though the latter be an innocent person , lex talionis is the word , the justice of it is not disputed . . it wou'd put these kingdoms in a condition to entertain and relieve that great multitude of distressed christians , with the very substance of their adversaries , and the king of france might , if he pleas'd , make the roman catholicks amends , by giving them the estates of the hugonots , or what other way he thought fit . this is most certain , that the roman catholicks of england , wou'd not have half the reason to complain of hard usage that the protestants of france have , they have no leagues or capitulations to show for their permission the laws of the kingdom are expresly against them , and they have in all the reigns for years past , been the disturbers of the peace of it ; they resuse now to swear allegiance to the government , and if they do not disturb it , it is owing to their want of power , not their want of will. but if they had all those defences to make , which have been hinted , on behalf of the protestants of france , they wou'd have no body to thank for such usage , but their own friends . and the pope , if he ow'd them so much care , might use his interest with the king of france , to let the protestants enjoy their liberty , in order to save them from the same fate . some , indeed , object against the receiving such vast numbers of foreigners among us , as prejudicial to the interest of trade , and to our own manufacturers and inhabitants , by eating the bread out of our mouths , and starving our own poor . this is an argument would require a little volume to answer ; but in general , i presume to affirm , that no number of foreigners can be prejudicial to england , let it be never so great . number of inhabitants , is the wealth and strength of a kingdom ; and if we had a million of people in england , more than we have , let them be of what nation they would , it would be far from being a damage to us . 't is true , if these million of people were all artisans , manufacturers , it would be some detriment to our poor who are employ'd in those particular manufactures : but allow one third to be artisans , one third labourers , husbandmen or sailors , and one third merchants , shop-keepers or gentlemen ; and if the greatest number that can be supposed came to settle in england , it could be no injury , but a vast advantage to the kingdom in general : and it will appear by this one particular , well examin'd . an addition of a million of people , suppose that were the number , would devour a proportion'd quantity of corn and flesh for food and drink , and a proportioned quantity of manufactures for cloth and housholdstuff ; the one employs more land , and the other more people . now 't is apparent , we have in england more land lies unimprov'd , common , and waste , than would feed a vast many people more than we have ; and we have a staple of wooll , never to be exhausted . in manufactures , the more lands we improve , the greater the rents will be , and the greater the general stock of the nation will be ; and the more manufactures are made , the better the poor are employ'd , and the richer the manufacturer is made . many other arguments might be used , to prove , that the coming over of foreigners can be no general prejudice to the nation , as to trade . but that is not the main thing here . if the roman-catholick princes pursue their protestant subjects with such cruelty , and drive them into banishment and exile , to seek relief in foreign countries , the case seems to speak for it self , the protestants can have no readier way , either to prevent the miseries of those poor persecuted people , or to relieve them in their exile , than by dealing with the papists in their dominions in the same manner , and inviting the said persecuted french to come and live in the estates and in the places of their adversaries . this is lex talionis : and this is a way that would soon tire the papists out . for i think i may be allowed to suppose there are much the greater number of papists among the protestants , than there are of protestants among the papists ; and the exile of the parties would also differ , as to places . for , generally speaking , the protestant countries are the best for strangers to live in , the protestant people are the trading people of the world : therefore the exile of the protestants of france and hungary would be less to their disadvantage , than the papists of england , ireland and holland , who must apply themselves to countries where there are few manufactures , small trade , and but very indifferent means for a stranger to live . so that the popish exiles would be in much the worse circumstances : and there is no question , but whenever the protestant princes of europe shall find it needful to use this remedy , the roman-catholick powers will find it for their interest to make some cartel , or condition , upon which all their subjects , though they are protestants , may enjoy some sort of liberty in their own native countries ; and so persecution , as well as war , might end in an universal happy peace to europe , both in matters of religion , as well as civil affairs , which has so often been attempted by other methods , to so little purpose . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e judg. i. . the great pressures and grievances of the protestants in france and their apology to the late ordinances made against them : both out of the edict of nantes, and several other fundamental laws of france : and that these new illegalities, and their miseries are contrived by the pop. bishops arbitrary power / gathered and digested by e. e. of greys inn ... ; humbly dedicated to his majesty of great britain in parliament. everard, edmund. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the great pressures and grievances of the protestants in france and their apology to the late ordinances made against them : both out of the edict of nantes, and several other fundamental laws of france : and that these new illegalities, and their miseries are contrived by the pop. bishops arbitrary power / gathered and digested by e. e. of greys inn ... ; humbly dedicated to his majesty of great britain in parliament. everard, edmund. france. sovereign ( - : louis xiv) france. edit de nantes. [ ], p. printed by e. t. and r. h. for t. cockeril ... and r. hartford ..., london : . "the epistle dedicatory" signed: edmond everard. contains the edict of nantes granted by henry iv of france and two declarations of louis xiv. 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characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng france. -- edit de nantes. protestants -- france. france -- history -- henry iv, - . france -- history -- louis xiv, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the great pressures and grievances of the protestants in france . and their apology to the late ordinances made against them ; both out of the edict of nantes , and several other fundamental laws of france ; and that these new illegalities , and their miseries are contrived by the pop. bishops arbitrary power . gathered and digested by e. e. of grays-inn , sometime under-secretary to the french king. humbly dedicated to his majesty of great britain in parliament . london , printed by e. t. and r. h. for t. cockeril at the three legs over against the stocks-market ; and r. hartford at the angel in cornhil , near the royal exchange . . to the king in parliament . great sir , it is for the amplyfying of your name and dignity , for the patronizing and securing of true religion at home and abroad , and in special gratitude to my masters in the faith , that i introduce these undone french supplicants to petition and appeal to your majesty and your grand council for your mediation or some other redress , which they with all possible submission and reiterated applications , nay with tears of blood , and with broken hearts and backs , have long sought in vain of that incroaching monarch that rules and tramples over them : as may appear by these following sheets . that which makes them conceive the greater trust and confidence , is certain titles of your majesties , and that particularly of defender of the faith , which they hope you will think to fulfil , according as occasion at home will suffer your prudence to turn your eyes to their exigencies and the present opportunities abroad . the solemn embassies that your majesties protestant predecessors sent thither , for to expostulate with the french kings concerning the illegal oppressions of the huguenots , contrary to the edict of nantes , ( whereof the kings of england were held the guaranties , ) were allowed and are found recorded in their own memoires and registers of state , without the least animadversion or disclaim , it being a privilege that the kings of this realm had used as their right to practise and insist upon ; and which we in our days ought by no means to lose by prescription . now if that king should go about to huff at any forraign princes concerning himself in this nature , with the state of his subjects ; besides the premised reasons , his mouth may be stopped with this argumentum ad hominem . that he himself took the same liberty in writing to the duke of savoy in favour of his oppressed protestant subjects of the valleys of piedmont , at that time when not only england , but sweadland , denmark , and most of the protestant princes of europe had done the same . but this patronizing spirit for the protestant interest , which was so conspicuously famous even in a woman , a princess of this nation , was not suffered to decay in the hearts of the english people it self during that unhappy absence of your majesty from your kingdom , for amidst their civil distractions , they forgot not the right our nation had to mediate and succour their french brethren of the reformed religion ; for , besides letters and messages they sent for their present solid relief twenty thousand two hundred thirty three pounds by sir samuel morland , as part of a general collection made for them throughout england , whereof remained in ready cash , sixteen thousand three hundred thirty three pound ten shillings to be improved for them ; and we know in whose hands this sum was deposited at your majesties happy restoration , but since it is so scattered , that few knows what is become of it , which is a thing that we humbly beg your majesty and parliament to give order to inquire into , who they were that laid sacrilegious hands on such an holy offering of the nations to the indigent members of christ in foraign churches . the french church in london have a procuration to receive it for the piedmontoes . in fine , both divine and humane reasons do clearly demonstrate , that whatever temporizing pseudo-polititians may insinuate , nothing would ( as it is presumed ) so much strengthen your majesty at home and abroad , as to give all possible proofs to your neighbours , that you roundly and vigorously intend to shew your self the head of the protestant religion , and that you will appear to be defender of the faith indeed . and certainly the opposite interest ( god be thanked ) does so visibly decay , according to his unsurmountable decree ; that the protestants are and shall be found to be the best friends and strongest supporters your majesty may have , did worldly prudence it self lead one to make a choice . now the matter of this book will afford sufficient matter for your royal compassion and protection , and though you see here but a rough draught of their miseries , and a few of the very many decrees ( which i have by me ) that were made against them , yet here is as much as may satisfy your majesty and the world , that they suffer not as evil doers ; as 't is plain by the edict of nantes here inserted , and their plea out of it , and other french laws . france was sadly distracted and disjoynted within it self for many ages upon this account of religion , when the popes emissaries would never suffer the poor huguenots to live as peaceable subjects among them , striving ( though in vain ) utterly to extirpate and root them out . but all their devices turned to their own shame , and all their other attempts for the s●tling the peace of that nation in any other way , still proved unsuccessful till this healing edict called of nantes was enacted by henry the fourth at that city , whereby the free exercise of religion in determined fixed places throughout the nation with sundry other priviledges , were allowed to those of the reformed religion . this wrought such a general unity and harmony and such a blessing from god upon that kingdom , that both popish bishops and presbyterian professors lived quietly together for about a whole century , till now of late , those proud prelates not induring any fellows in the ministry , and not content with the whole fleece , will have all the room to dilate their phylacteries , and so upon several superstitious pretences and jealousies they drew that king to grant those decrees against protestants , as oft as he would require money of their convocated clergy . thus they first of all break the bonds of charity and christian unity , and afterwards that of the civil concord of the nation , by incroaching upon the civil magistrates power of making and executing of penal laws , in their courts against their fellow christians ; wherein they are antichrists successors , not christs , nor his apostles : for his kingdom was not of this world. but may it not then be hoped and humbly offered that the ordaining of such another edict of nantes here in england , would in allowing some limited privileges to the non-conformists conforming in fundamentals , ( whose principles are not destructive to monarchy nor morality ) work the same good effects here as it did in that country , and prevent those further growing divisions and distractions in church and state. in sine , both we and the french protestants ought in all humble thankfulness to acknowledge the late bountiful relief of your majesties , for the conveying some of the most indigent banished french protestants into carolina , and giving them an azile there ; but be pleased to consider , that if some course be not taken to protect them , rather where they are , that it seems no greater pleasure can be done to the french king nor his bishops ; for by a too considerable transportation of them , the protestant interest in christendom will grow weaker , and the french and popish will become by so much the stronger , the ballance of europe shall not be maintained , which may be your majesties true interest and privilege to preserve ; and besides , religion will be made to flee to america , while state-policy calmly looks on , and inthrones itself in its place : therefore the premisses , and the finding out any other more fit expedient , is humbly laid at your majesties feet , and your grand councils censure and better deliberation and resolve , by your majesties meanest and dutifullest servant and subject , edmond everard . the edict ; or statute granted by henry the iv of france . to those of the reformed religion of that kingdom , for the free exercises of their consciences , in matters of their religion , &c. called the edict of nants , because enacted at that city , with the king's declaration upon the precedent edicts of pacification . henry , by the grace of god , king of france , and navarr , to all present , and to come , greeteth . among the infinite mercies that god hath pleased to bestow upon us , that most signal and remarkable is , his having given us power and strength not to yield to the dreadful troubles , confusions , and disorders , which were found at our coming to this kingdom , divided into so many parties and factions , that the most legitimate was almost the least , enabling us with constancy in such manner to oppose the storm , as in the end to surmount it , reducing this estate to peace and rest ; for which , to him alone be given the honour and glory , and us the grace to acknowledge our obligation , in having our labours made use of for the accomplishing so good a work , in which it hath been visible to all , that we have not only done what was our duty , and in our power , but something more than at another time , would ( peradventure ) have been agreeable to the dignity we now hold ; as in not having more care , than to have many times so freely exposed our own life . and in this great concurrence of weighty and perillous affairs , not being able to compose all at one and the same time , we have chosen in this order ; first to undertake those who were not to be suppressed but by force , and rather to remit and suspend others for some time , who might be dealt with by reason , and justice : for the general difference among our good subjects , and the particular evils of the soundest parts of the state , we judged might be easily cured , after the principal cause ( the continuation of the civil wars ) was taken away , in which we have , by the blessing of god , well and happily succeeded , all hostility and wars through the kingdom being now ceased , and we hope he will also prosper us in our other affairs , which remain to be composed , and that by this means we shall arrive at the establishment of a good peace , with tranquility and rest , ( which hath ever been the end of all our vows and intentions ) as all the reward we desire or expect for so much pains and trouble , as we have taken in the whole course of our life . amongst our said affairs ( towards which it behooves us to have patience ) one of the principal hath been , the many complaints we received from divers of our provinces and catholick cities , for that the exercise of the catholick religion was not universally re-established , as is provided by edicts or statutes heretofore made for the pacification of the troubles arising from religion ; as also the supplications and remonstrances which have been made to us by our subjects of the reformed religion , as well upon the execution of what hath been granted by the said former laws , as that they desire to have some addition for the exercise of their religion , the liberty of their consciences and the security of their persons and fortunes ; presuming to have just reasons for desiring some inlargement of articles , as not being without great apprehensions , because their ruine hath been the principal pretext and original foundation of the late wars , troubles , and commotions . now not to burden us with too much business at once , as also that the fury of war was not compatible with the establishment of laws , how good soever they might be , we have hitherto deferred from time to time giving remedy herein . but now that it hath pleased god to give us a beginning of enjoying some rest , we think we cannot imploy our self better , than to apply to that which may tend to the glory and service of his holy name , and to provide that he may be adored and prayed unto by all our subjects : and if it hath not yet pleased him to permit it to be in one and the same form of religion , that it may at the least be with one and the same intention , and with such rules that may prevent amongst them all troubles and tumults : and that we and this kingdom may alwayes conserve the glorious title of most christian , which hath been by so much merit so long since acquired , and by the same means take away the cause of mischief and trouble , which may happen from the actions of religion , which of all others are most prevalent and penetrating . for this cause , acknowledging this affair to be of the greatest importance , and worthy of the best consideration , after having considered the papers of complaints of our catholick subjects , and having also permitted to our subjects of the reformed religion to assemble themselves by deputies , for framing their complaints , and making a collection of all their remonstrances ; and having thereupon conferred divers times with them , viewing the precedent laws , we have upon the whole judged it necessary to give to all our said subjects one general law , clear , pure , and absolute , by which they shall be regulated in all differences which have heretofore risen among them , or may hereafter rise , wherewith the one and other may be contented , being framed according as the time requires : and having had no other regard in this deliberation than solely the zeal we have to the service of god , praying that he would henceforward render to all our subjects a durable and established peace . upon which we implore and expect from his divine bounty the same protection and favour , as he hath alwayes visibly bestowed upon this kingdom from our birth , during the many years we have attained unto , and give our said subjects the grace to understand , that in observation of this our ordinance consisteth ( after that which is their duty toward god and us ) the principal foundation of their union , concord , tranquility , rest , and the re-establishment of all this estate in its first splendor , opulency and strength . as on our part we promise to cause all to be exactly observed , without suffering any contradiction . and for these causes , having with the advice of the princes of our blood , other princes and officers of our crown , and other great and eminent persons of our council of state , being near us , well and diligently weighed and considered all this affair ; we have by this edict or statute perpetuall and irrevocable said , declared , and ordained , saying , declaring , and ordaining ; . that the memory of all things passed on the one part and the other , since the beginning of the month of march , . untill our coming to the crown , and also during the other precedent troubles , and the occasion of the same , shall remain extinguished and suppressed , as things that had never been . and it shall not be lawfull or permitted to our attorneys general , nor other person or persons whatsoever , publick or private , in any time , or for any occasion whatsoever it may be , to make mention thereof , process or prosecution in any courts or jurisdiction whatsoever . . we prohibit to all our subjects of what state and condition soever they be , to renew the memory thereof , to attaque , resent , injure , or provoke one the other by reproaches for what is past , under any pretext or cause whatsoever , by disputing , contesting , quarrelling , reviling , or offending by factious words ; but to contain themselves , and live peaceably together as brethren , friends , and fellow-citizens , upon penalty for acting to the contrary , to be punished for breakers of peace , and disturbers of the publick quiet . . we ordain , that the catholick religion shall be restored and re-established in all places , and quarters of this kingdom and countrey under our obedience , and where the exercise of the same hath been intermitted , to be there again , peaceably and freely exercised without any trouble or impediment . most expresly prohibiting all persons of what state , quality or condition soever , upon the penalties before-mentioned not to trouble , molest , or disquiet the ecclesiasticks in the celebration of divine service , injoyning of receiving of tythes , the fruits and revenues of their benefices , and all other rights and duties belonging to them : and we command , that all those who during the troubles , have invaded churches , houses , goods , and revenues belonging to the ecclesiasticks , and those who detain and possess them , to deliver over to them the intire possession thereof with a peaceable enjoyment , and with such rights , liberties , and security as they had before they were deseized . most expresly forbidding to those of the reformed religion , to preach or exercise their said religion in the churches , houses , and habitations of the said ecclesiasticks . . it shall be the choice of the said ecclesiasticks to buy the houses and structures built upon their ground in profane places , and made use of against their wills during the troubles , or compell the possessors of the said buildings to buy the ground according to the estimation that shall be made by skilfull persons , agreed upon by both parties : and to come the better to an agreement , the judges of the place shall provide such for them , except the said possessors will try the title to whom the places in question belong . and where the said ecclesiasticks shall compell the possessors to buy the ground , the purchase-money if of estimation , shall not be put in their hands , but shall remain charged in the possessors hands , to make profit thereof at five per cent. untill it shall be imployed to the profit of the church , which shall be done within a year . and after that time , if the purchaser will not continue any longer at the said interest , he shall be discharged thereof by consigning the money to a responsible person , with the authority of the justice . and for such places as are sacred , advice shall be given therein by the commissioners who shall be ordained for the execution of the present edict , for which we shall provide . . nevertheless the ground and foundation of places used for the reparation and fortification of cities and places in our kingdom , and the materials imployed therein , may not be sold nor taken away by the ecclesiasticks , or other persons publick or private , untill the said reparations and fortifications shall by our order be demolished . . and not to leave any occasion of trouble and difference among our subjects , we have permitted and do permit to those of the reformed riligion , to live and dwell in all the cities and places of this our kingdom and countreys under our obedience , without being inquired after , vexed , molested , or compelled to do any thing in religion , contrary to their conscience , nor by reason of the same be searched after in houses or places where they live , they comporting themselves in other things as is contained in this our present edict or statute . . we also permit to all lords , gentlemen and other persons , as well inhabitants as others , making profession of the reformed religion , having in our kingdom and countreys under our obedience , high justice as chief lord ( as in normandy ) be it in propriety or usage , in whole , moiety , or third part , to have in such of their houses of the said high justice or fiefs , as abovesaid ( which they shall be obliged to nominate for their principall residence to our bayliffs and chief justice each in their jurisdiction ) the exercise of the said religion as long as they are resident there , and in their absence , their wives or families , or part of the same . and though the right of justice or whole fief be controverted ; nevertheless the exercise of the said religion shall be allowed there , provided that the abovesaid be in actual possession of the said high justice , though our attorney generall be a party . we permitting them also to have the said exercise in their other houses of high justice or fiefs abovesaid , so long as they shall be present , and not otherwise : and all , as well for them , their families and subjects , as others that shall go thither . . in the houses that are fiefs , where those of the said religion have not high justice , there the said exercise of the reformed religion shall not be permitted , save only to their own families , yet nevertheless , if other persons , to the number of thirty , besides their families , shall be there upon the occasion of christenings , visits of their friends , or otherwise , our meaning is , that in such case they shall not be molested : provided also , that the said houses be not within cities , burroughs , or villages belonging to any catholick lord ( save to us ) having high justice , in which the said catholick lords have their houses . for in such cases , those of the said religion shall not hold the said exercise in the said cities , burroughs , or villages , except by permission of the said lords high justices . . we permit also to those of the said religion to hold , and continue the exercise of the same in all the cities and places under our obedience , where it hath by them been established and made publick by many and divers times , in the year , and in , until the end of the month of august , notwithstanding all decrees and judgements whatsoever to the contrary . . in like manner the said exercise may be established , and re-established in all the cities and places where it hath been established , or ought to be by the statute of pacification , made in the year , the particular articles and conferences of nerat and fleux , without hindering the establishment in places of domain , granted by the said statutes , articles , and conferences for the place of bailiwicks , or which shall be hereafter , though they have been alienated to catholicks , or shall be in the future . not understanding nevertheless that the said exercise may be re-established in the places of the said domain , which have been heretofore possessed by those of the said reformed religion , which hath been in consideration of their persons , or because of the privilege of fiefs , if the said fiefs are found at present possessed by persons of the said catholick religion . . furthermore , in each ancient bailiwick , jurisdiction and government , holding place of a bailiwick with an immediate appeal ( without mediation ) to the parliament , we ordain , that in the suburbs of a city , besides that which hath been agreed to them by the said statute , particular articles and conferences ; and where it is not a city , in a burrough or village , the exercise of the said reformed religion may be publickly held for all such as will come , though the said bailiwicks , chief jurisdictions and governments have many places where the said exercise is established , except , and be excepted the bailiwick , new created by the present edict or law , the cities in which are arch-bishops and bishops , where nevertheless those of the said reformed religion are not for that reason deprived of having power to demand and nominate for the said exercise certain borroughs and villages near the said cities : except also the signories belonging to the ecclesiasticks , in which we do not understand , that the second place of bailiwicks may be established , those being excepted and reserved . we understanding under the name of ancient bailiwicks , such as were in the time of the deceased king henry , our most honoured lord and father in law , held for bailiwicks , chief justice-ships and governments , appealing without intercession to our said courts . . we don't understand by this present statute , to derogate from the laws and agreements heretofore made for the reduction of any prince , lord , gentleman , or catholick city under our obedience , in that which concerns the exercise of the said religion , the which laws and records shall be kept and observed upon that account , according as shall be contained in the instructions given the commissioners for the execution of the present edict or law. . we prohibit most expresly to all those of the said religion , to hold any exercise of the same as well by ministers preaching , discipling of pupils , or publick instruction of children , as otherways , in this our kingdom or countries under our obedience , in that which concerns religion , except in the places permitted and granted by the present edict or law. . as also not to exercise the said religion in our court , nor in our territories and countries beyond the mountains , nor in our city of paris , nor within five leagues of the said city : nevertheless those of the said religion dwelling in the said lands and countries beyond the mountains , and in our said city , and within five leagues about the same , shall not be searched after in their houses , nor constrained to do any thing in religion against their consciences , comporting themselves in all other things according as is contained in our present edict or law. . nor also shall hold publick exercise of the said religion in the armies , except in the quarters of the principal commanders , who make profession of the same , except nevertheless where the quarters of our person shall be . . following the second article of the conference of nerat , we grant to those of the said religion power to build places for the exercise of the same , in cities and places where it is granted them , and that those shall be rendered to them which they have heretofore built , or the foundations of the same in the condition as they are at present , even in places where the said exercise was not permitted to them , except they are converted into another nature of building : in which case there shall be given to them by the possessors of the said buildings , other houses and places of the same value that they were before they were built , or the just estimation of the same , according to the judgment of experienced persons , saving to the said proprietors and possessors , their tryal at law to whom they shall belong . . we prohibit all preachers , readers , and others who speak in publick , to use any words , discourse , or propositions tending to excite the people to sedition ; and we injoin them to contain and comport themselves modestly , and to say nothing which shall not be for the instruction and edification of the auditors , and maintaining the peace and tranquillity established by us in our said kingdom , upon the penalties mentioned in the precedent statutes . expresly injoyning our attourney generals , and their substitutes , to inform against them that are contrary hereunto , upon the penalty of answering therefore , and the loss of their office. . forbidding also to our subjects , of what quality and condition soever they be , to take away by force or inducement , against the will of their parents , the children of the said religion , to baptize or confirm them in the catholick church ; as also we forbid the same to those of the said reformed religion upon pain of being exemplarily punished . . those of the reformed religion shall not be at all constrained , nor remain obliged by reason of abjurations , promises , and oaths , which they have heretofore made , or by caution given concerning the practice of the said religion , nor shall therefore be molested or prosecuted in any sort whatsoever . . they shall also be obliged to keep and observe the festivals of the catholick church , and shall not on the same dayes work , sell , or keep open shop , nor likewise the artisans shall not work out of their shops , in their chambers or houses privately on the said festivals , and other dayes forbidden , of any trade , the noise whereof may be heard without by those that pass by , or by the neighbours : the searching after which shall notwithstanding be made by none but by the officers of justice . . books concerning the said reformed religion shall not be printed or sold publickly , save in the cities and places where the publick exercise of the said religion is permitted . and for other books which shall be printed in other cities , they shall be viewed and visited by our theological officers , as is directed by our ordinances . forbidding most expresly the printing , publishing , and selling of all books , libells , and writings defamatory , upon the penalties contained in our ordinances , injoyning all our judges and officers to seize the same . . we ordain , that there shall not be made any difference or distinction upon the account of the said religion , in receiving scholars to be instructed in the universities , colledges , or schools , nor of the sick or poor into hospitals , sick houses or publick almshouses . . those of the reformed religion shall be obliged to observe the laws of the catholick church , received in this our kingdom , as to marriages and contracts , and to contract in the degrees of consanguinity and affinity . . in like manner those of the said religion shall pay the rights of entry , as is accustomed for offices unto which they shall be chosen , without being constrained to observe or assist in any ceremonies contrary to their said religion : and being called to take an oath , shall not be obliged to do it otherwise than by holding up the hand , swearing and promising in the name of god , to say all the truth : nor shall they be dispensed with for the oath by taken in passing contracts and obligations . . we will and ordain , that all those of the reformed religion , and others who have followed their party , of what state , quality or condition soever they be , shall be obliged and constrained by all due and reasonable wayes , and under the penalties contained in the said edict or statute relating thereunto , to pay tythes to the curates , and other ecclesiasticks , and to all others to whom they shall appertain , according to the usage and custom of the places . . disinheritations of privations , be it in disposition in life-time or testimentary , made from hatred only , or for religion sake , shall have no place neither for the time passed or to come among our subjects . . to the end to re-unite so much the better the minds and good will of our subjects , as is our intention , and to take away all complaints for the future ; we declare all those who make or shall make profession of the said reformed religion , to be capable of holding and exercising all estates , dignities , offices , and publick charges whatsoever , royal , signioral , or of cities of our kingdom , countreys , lands and lordships under our obedience , notwithstanding all oaths to the contrary , and to be indifferently admitted and received into the same , and our court of parliament and other judges shall content themselves with informing and inquiring after the lives , manners , religion and honest conversation of those that were or shall be preferred to such offices , as well of the one religion as the other , without taking other oath of them than for the good and faithful service of the king in the exercise of their office , and to keep the ordinances , as they have been observed in all times . also vacancies hapning of such of the said estates , charges , and offices as shall be in our disposition , they shall be provided by us indifferently , and without distinction of persons , as that which tends to the union of our subjects . understanding likewise that those of the reformed religion may be admitted and received into all councells , deliberations , assemblies , and functions depending upon the abovesaid things , without being rejected or hindred the injoyment thereof by reason of the said religion . . we ordain for the interrment of the dead of the said religion throughout the cities and places of this kingdom , that there shall in each place be provided for them by our officers and magistrates , and by the commissioners that we shall depute for the execution of our present edict or statute , a place the most commodious that can be : and the burying places which they have had heretofore , and whereof they have by the troubles been deprived , shall be restored unto them , except they be found to be converted into buildings of what quality or kind soever it be , in which case a compensation shall be made another way . . we enjoyn most expresly our officers to look to it , that no scandal be given in the said interrments , and they shall be obliged within fifteen dayes after request made , to provide those of the said religion with convenient places for sepulchres , without delay , upon penalty of five hundred crowns in their own proper and private names . and it is also forbidden , as well to the said officers as to all others , to exact any thing for the conduct of the said dead bodies upon penalty of extortion . . to the end that justice be given and administred to our subjects , without any suspition , hatred or favour , as being one of the principal means for the maintaining peace and concord , we have ordained and do ordain , that in our court of parliament of paris shall be established a chamber , composed of a president and sixteen counsellors of the said parliament , which shall be called and entituled the chamber of edict , and shall take cognisance not only of the causes and process of the said reformed religion which shall be within the jurisdiction of the said court ; but also of the appeals of our parliaments of normandy and bretagne , according to the jurisdiction which shall be hereafter given to it by this present edict or statute and that until in each of the said parliaments , there shall be established a chamber for rendring justice upon the place . we ordain also , that of four offices of councellors in our said parliament , remaining of the last erection which hath by us been made , there shall be presently provided and received in the said parliament , four of the said reformed religion sufficient and capable , which shall be distributed ; ( to wit ) the first into the chamber of edicts , and the other three in like manner shall be received in the three chambers of inquests ; and besides , the two first offices of councellors of the said courts , which shall come to be vacant by death , shall be supplied by two of the reformed religion , and the same distributed also in the two other chambers of inquests . . besides the chamber heretofore established at castres , for appeals from our parliament of tholouse , which shall be continued in the estate it is , we have for the same reasons ordained , and we do ordain , that in each of our parliaments of grenoble and bourdeaux , there shall be in like manner established a chamber , composed of two presidents , one a catholick , and the other of the reformed religion , and twelve councellors , whereof six shall be catholicks , and the other six of the said religion ; which catholick president and councellors shall be by us chosen and taken out of the body of our said courts . and as to those of the religion , there shall be made a new creation of one president and six councellors for the parliament of bourdeaux , and one president and three councellors for that of grenoble , which with the three councellors of the said religion which are at present in the said parliament , shall be imployed in the said chamber of dauphin . and the said officers shall be created by a new creation , with the same salleries , honours , authorities , and preheminences , as the others of the said courts . and the said seat of the said chamber of bourdeaux shall be in the said city of bourdeaux , or at nerat , and that of dauphine at grenoble . . the chamber of dauphine shall take cognizance of the causes of those of the reformed religion within the jurisdiction of our parliament of province , without having need of letters of evocation , or appeal , or other provisions , than in our chancery of dauphine . as also those of the said religion of normandy and brittan shall not be obliged to take letters of evocation or appeal , nor other provision than in our chancery of paris . . our subjects of the reformed religion of the parliament of burgundy , shall have the choice to plead in the chamber ordained in the parliament of paris , or in those of dauphine , and shall not be obliged to take letters of evocation or appeal nor other provisions than in the said chanceries of paris or dauphine , according as they shall make choice . . all the said several chambers composed as is said , shall have cognisance , and by decree shall judge in soveraignty and last appeal , exclusive to all others , the process and differences that are already , or shall arise , in which those of the reformed religion are or shall be parties , principalls or guarrantees , in demanding or defending in all matters as well civil as criminal , if demanded before contestation in the cause , and commencing of the suit : whether the process be by writing or verbal appellation ; excepting nevertheless all customs belonging to benefices and the possessors of tenths , not infeoffed , the ecclesiastical patrons and their suits for their rights and duties , and the demains of the church ; all which shall be tryed and judged in the courts of parliament exclusive to the said chambers of edict . as also we will and require that as to judging and deciding the criminal process which may happen betwixt the said ecclesiasticks and those of the reformed religion , that if the ecclesiasticks are defendant in such case , recognizance and judgment of criminal process shall belong to our soveraign courts distinct as to the said chamber ; and where the ecclesiasticks shall be plaintiff , and one of the reformed religion defendant , the cognizance and judgment of criminal process shall belong in last appeal to the said chambers established . and we acknowledge also the said chambers in time of vacations for matters attributed by the edicts and ordinances to belong to the said chambers established for times of vacation , each within his jurisdiction . . the chamber of grenoble shall be from henceforward united and incorporated into the body of the said court of parliament , and the president and councellors of the reformed religion shall be called president and councellors of the said court , and hold the rank and number of the same , and to this end shall be first distributed through the other chambers , and then drawn from them to be imployed and serve in that which we now ordain of new , with condition nevertheless , that they shall assist and have voice and session in all the deliberations which the chamber assembled shall have , and shall enjoy the same sallary , authority and preheminence which the other presidents and councellors of the said courts do enjoy . . we will and ordain , that the said chamber of castres and bourdeaux be united and incorporated in the same parliaments , in the same manner and form as others : and when need shall require , and that the causes which have moved us to make this establishment shall cease , and shall not have any more place among our subjects ; then shall the presidents and councellors of the same , of the said reformed religion , be held for presidents and councellors of the said courts . . there shall also be a new creation or erection in the chamber ordained in the parliament of bourdeaux , of two substitutes for our procurators , or attorneys and advocates generall , whereof one shall be catholick , and the other of the reformed religion , which shall have the said offices with competent sallaries . . these substitutes shall not assume other qualities than that of substitutes ; and when the chambers or courts ordained for the parliaments of tholouse and bourdeaux , shall be united and incorporated to the said parliaments , the said substitutes shall have the office of councellors in the same . . the dispatches of the chancery of bourdeaux shall be perused in the presence of two councellors of the same chamber , whereof one shall be a catholick , and the other of the reformed religion . in the absence of one of the masters of request of our pallace , one of the notaries and secretaries of the said court of parliament of bourdeaux , shall be resident in the place where the said chamber shall be established , or else one of the ordinary secretaries of the chancery to sign the dispatches of the said chancery . . we will and ordain , that in the said chamber of bourdeaux , there shall be two commissioners of the register of the said parliament , the one civil and the other criminal , who shall exercise their offices by our commissions , and shall be called commissioners to the register civil and criminal ; but nevertheless shall not be revoked by the registers of the parliament , yet shall be accountable for the profits of the offices to the said registers , which commissioners shall be sallaried by the said registers as the said chamber shall think fit to appoint , there shall be ordained some catholick messengers , who shall be taken in the said court or elsewhere , according to our pleasure ; besides which , there shall also be two de novo freely chosen of the reformed religion : and all the said messengers , or door-keepers shall be regulated by the said chamber or court , as well in the exercise of their offices as in the profits or fees which they shall take . there shall also be a commission dispatched for payment of sallaries and receiving of americaments of the said court , which shall be such as we shall please to appoint . if the said chamber shall be established in other place than the said city , the commission heretofore agreed for paying the sallaries of the chamber of castres , shall go out in its full and intire effect , and there shall be joyned to the said office , the commission for the receipt of the amerciaments of the said court. . there shall be provided good and sufficient assignations for the sallaries of the officers of the chambers ordained by this edict . . the presidents , councellors , and other catholick officers of the said chambers or courts , shall be continued so long as we shall see it to be for our service , and the good of our subjects : and in the dismissing any of them others shall be admitted in their places , before their departure , they having no power during their service to depart , or be absent from the said chambers , without the leave of the same , which shall be judged of according to the ordinance . . the said chambers or courts mypartis shall be established within six months , during which ( if the establishment shall be so long in doing ) the process commenced , and to be commenced , where those of the religion shall be parties within the jurisdiction of our parliaments of paris , rouen , dyon and rennes , shall be presently removed to the chamber or court established at paris , by vertue of the edict of . or else to the great councell at the election of those of the said religion if they require it : and those which shall be of the parliament of bourdeaux , to the chamber or court established at castres , or to the said grand councell at their election , and those which shall be of provence to the parliament of grenoble . and if the said chambers , or courts , are not established within three months after the presentation of our edict that parliament which shall make refusal thereof , shall be prohibited the cognizance and judgement of the causes of those of the religion . . the process not yet judged , depending in the said courts of parliaments and great counsel of the quality abovesaid , shall be sent back in what estate soever they be , to the said chambers or courts , each within his jurisdiction , if one of the parties of the religion require it within four months after the establishment of the same ; and as to those which shall be discontinued , and are not in condition of being judged , those of the said religion shall be obliged to make declaration upon the first intimation and signification to them of the prosecution , and the time past shall not be understood to require the dismission . . the said chambers ( or courts ) of grenoble and bourdeaux , as also that of castres , shall keep the forms and stile of parliament , where the jurisdiction of the same shall be established , and shall judge by equal numbers of the one and the other religion , if the parties consent not to the contrary . . all the judges to whom the address shall be made for execution of decrees , commissions of the said chambers , and patents obtained in chancery for the same , together with all the messengers and serjeants , shall be obliged to put them in execution , and the said messengers and serjeants shall do all acts throughout our kingdom , without demanding a placet , or peremptory warrant , upon penalty of suspension of their estates , and of the expenses , damages and interests of the parties , the cognizance whereof shall belong to the said chambers . . no removal of causes shall be allowed to any whereof the cognizance is attributed to the said chambers , except in cases of ordinance , the removal by which shall be made to the next chamber established according to our edict . and the dividing of the process of the same chambers shall be judged by the nearest , observing the proportion and forms of the said chambers , where the process shall be proceeded upon ; except the chamber of edict in our parliament of paris , where the process divided shall be distributed in the same chamber by the judges , which shall be by us named by our particular letters patents for that effect , if the parties had not rather wait the removing of the said chamber . and happening that one and the same process be divided in all the chambers , myparty , or half on religion , half th' other , the division shall be sent to the chamber of paris . . the refusal that shall be proposed against the presidents and councellors of the chambers , half one religion and half the other , called the court of edict , may be judged by the number of six , to which number the parties shall be obliged to restrain themselves , otherwise they shall be passed over without having regard to the said refusal . . the examinations of the presidents and councellors newly erected in the chambers of edict , mypartis , shall be made in our privy council , or by the said chambers each in his precinct , when they shall be a sufficient number ; and nevertheless the oath accustomed shall be by them taken in the courts where the said chambers shall be established , and upon refusal , in our privy-council : except those of the chamber of languedoc , in which they shall take oath before our chancellor , or in the same chamber . . we will and ordain , that the reception of our officers of the said religion , judged in the said chambers half papist and half of the reformed religion by pluralities of voices , as is accustomed in other courts , without being needfull that the opinions surpass two thirds , following the ordinance which for the same cause is abrogated . . there shall be made in the said chambers mypartis , the propositions , deliberations , and resolutions which shall appertain to the publick peace , and for the particular state and policy of the cities where the same chambers shall be . . the article for the jurisdiction of the said chambers ordained by the present edict , shall be followed and observed according to its form and tenure , even in that which concerns the execution or breach of our edict , when those of the religion shall be parties . . the kings subordinate officers , or others whereof the reception belongeth to our courts of parliament , if they be of the reformed religion , they may be examined and received in the said chambers , viz. those under the jurisdiction of the parliaments of paris , normandy and bretagne , in the said chambers of paris ; those of dauphine and provence , in the chamber of grenoble ; those of burgundy in the said chamber of paris , or dauphine , at their choice ; those under the jurisdiction of tholouse , in the chamber of castres ; and those of the parliament of bourdeaux , in the chamber of guyenne ; without that others may oppose themselves against their reception ; and render themselves parties , as our procurators general and their substitutes , and those enjoying the said offices : yet nevertheless the accustomed oath shall be by them taken in the courts of parliaments , who shall not take any cognizance of the said receptions ; and in refusal of the said parliaments , the said officers shall take the oath in the said chambers ; after which so taken , they shall be obliged to present by a messenger or notary , the act of their reception , to the register of the said courts of parliaments , and to leave a coppy thereof examined by the said register , who is enjoyned to register the said acts , upon penalty of all the expence , dammage and interest of the parties ; and the registers refusing to do it , shall suffer the said officers to report the act of the said summons , dispatched by the said messengers or notaries , and cause the same to be registred in the register-office of their said jurisdiction , for to have recourse thereunto when need shall be , upon penalty of nullity of their proceedings and judgments . and as to the officers , whereof the reception hath not been accustomed to be made in our said parliaments , in case those to whom it belongs shall refuse to proceed to the said examination and reception , then the said officers shall repair to the said chambers for to be there provided as it shall appertain . . the officers of the said reformed religion , who shall hereafter be appointed to serve in the body of our said courts of parliaments , grand counsell , chambers of accompts , courts of aids , officers of the general treasuries of france , and other officers of the exchequer , shall be examined and received in places where they have been accustomed , and in case of refusal or denying of justice , they shall be appointed by our privy councel . . the reception of our officers made in the chamber heretofore established at castres , shall remain valid notwithstanding all decrees and ordinances to the contrary . and shall be also valid , the reception of judges , councellors , assistants , and other officers of the said religion made in our privy-councill , or by commissioners by us ordained in case of the refusal of our courts of parliaments , courts of aids , and chambers of accompts , even as if they were done in the said courts and chambers , and by the other judges to whom the reception belongeth . and their sallaries shall be allowed them by the chambers of accompt without difficulty ; and if any have been put out , they shall be established without need of any other command than the present edict , and without that the said officer shall be obliged to shew any other reception , notwithstanding all decrees given to the contrary which shall remain null and of none effect . . in the mean time untill the charges of the justice of the said chambers can be defrayed by amerciaments , there shall be provided by us by valuable assignations sufficient for maintaining the said charges , without expecting to do it by the goods of the condemned . . the presidents and councellors of the reformed religion heretofore received in our court of parliament of dauphine , and in the chamber of edict incorporated in the same , shall continue and have their session and orders for the same ; that is to say , presidents , as they have injoyed , and do injoy at present , and the councellors according to the decrees and provisions that they have heretofore obteined in our privy councel . . we declare all sentences , judgments , procedures , seisures , sales , and decrees made and given against those of the reformed religion , as well living as dead , from the death of the deceased king henry the second our most honoured lord and father in law , upon the occasion of the said religion , tumults and troubles since hapning , as also the execution of the same judgments and decrees , from henceforward cancelled , revoked , and anulled . and we ordain , that they shall be eased and taken out of the registers office of the courts , as well soveraign as inferiour : and we will and require also to be taken away and defaced all marks , foot-steps , and monuments of the said executions , books , and acts defamatory against their persons , memory and posterity , and that the places which have been for that occasion demolished or rased , be rendred in such condition as now they are to the proprietors of the same , to enjoy and dispose at their pleasure . and generally we cancell , revoke and null all proceedings and informations made for any enterprize whatsoever , pretended crimes of high treason , and others : notwithstanding the procedures , decrees and judgments containing re-union , incorporation , and confiscation ; and we farther will and command , that those of the reformed religion , and others that have followed their party , and their heirs re-enter really and actually into the possession of all and each of their goods . . all proceedings , judgments and decrees given , during the troubles against those of the religion who have born arms , or are retired out of our kingdom , or within the same into cities and countries by them held , or for any other cause as well as for religion and the troubles ; together with all non-suiting of causes , prescriptions , as well legal , conditional , as customary , seizing of fiefs fallen during the troubles , by hindring legitimate proceedings , shall be esteemed as not done or happening ; and such we have declared and do declare , and the same we have and do annihilate and make void , without admitting any satisfaction therefore : but they shall be restored to their former condition , notwithstanding the decrees and execution of the same ; and the possession thereof shall be rendred to them , out of which they were upon this account disseised . and this , as above , shall have like place , upon the account of those that have followed the party of those of the religion , or who have been absent from our kingdom upon the occasion of the troubles . and for the young children of persons of quality abovesaid , who died during the troubles , we restore the parties into the same condition as they were formerly , without refunding the expence , or being obliged for the amerciaments not understanding nevertheless that the judgements given by the chief judges , or other inferiour judges against those of the religion , or who have followed their party , shall remain null , if they have been given by judges sitting in cities by them held , which was to them of free access . . the decrees given in our court of parliament , in matters whereof the cognizance belongs to the chambers or courts ordained by the edict in the year and articles of nerac and flex into which courts the parties have not proceeded voluntarily , but have been forced to alledge and propose declinatory ends , and which decrees have been given by default or foreclusion , as well in civil as criminal matters , notwithstanding which allegations the said parties have been constrained to go on , shall be in like manner null and of no value . and as to the decrees given against those of the religion , who have proceeded voluntarily , and without having proposed ends declinatory , those decrees shall remain without prejudice for the execution of the same . yet nevertheless permitting them , if it seem good to them , to bring by petition their cause before the chamber ordained by the present edict , without that the elapsing the time appointed by the ordinances shall be to their prejudice : and untill the said chambers and chanceries , for the same shall be established . verbal appellations , or in writing interposed by those of the religion before judges , registers , or commissioners , executors of decrees and judgements , shall have like effect as if they were by command from the king. . in all inquiries which shall be made for what cause soever in matters civil , if the inquisitor or commissioner be a catholick , the parties shall be obliged to convene an assistant , and where they will not do it , there shall be taken from the office by the said inquisitor or commissioner one who shall be of the religion , and the same shall be practised when the commissioner or inquisitor shall be of the said religion for an assistant who shall be a catholick . . we will and ordain , that our judges may take cognizance of the validity of testaments , in which those of the religion may have an interest if they require it ; and the appellations from the said judgements , may be brought to the said chambers ordained for the process of those of the religion ; notwithstanding all customs to the contrary , even those of bretagne . . to obviate all differences which may arise betwixt our courts of parliaments , and the chambers of the same courts , ordained by our present edict , there shall be made by us a good and ample reglement , betwixt the said courts and chambers , and such as those of the religion shall enjoy entirely from the said edict , the which reglement shall be verified in our courts of parliaments , and kept and observed without having regard to precedents . . we inhibit and forbid all our courts , soveraign and others of this realm , the taking cognizance , and judging the civil , or criminal process of those of the religion ; the cognizance of which is attributed by our edict to the chambers of edict ; provided that the appeal thereunto be demanded as is said in the fortieth article going before . . we also will and command , for the present , and untill we have otherwise therein ordained , that in all process commenced , or to be commenced , where those of the religion are plaintiff or defendants , parties , principals or guarrantees in matters civil , in which our officers and chief courts of justice have pow●●… to judge without appeal , that it shall be permitted to them to except against two of the chamber , where the process ought to be judged , who shall forbear judgement of the same ; and without having the cause expressed , shall be obliged to withdraw , notwithstanding the ordinance by which the judges ought not to be excepted against without cause shown , and shall have farther right to except against others upon shewing cause . and in matters criminal , in which also the said courts of justice and others of the kings subordinate judges do judge without appeal , those of the religion may except against three of the said judges without showing cause . and the provosts of the mareschalsie of france , vice-bayliffs , vice-presidents , lievetenants of the short robe , and other officers of the like quality shall judge according to the ordinances and reglements heretofore given upon the account of vagabonds . and as to the houshold charged and accused by the provosts , if they are of the said religion , they may require that three of the said judges , who might have cognizance thereof , do abstain from the judgement of their process , and they shall be obliged to abstain therefrom without having cause shewn except where the process is to be judged , there shall be found to the number of two in civil , and three in criminal causes of the religion , in which case it shall not be lawfull to except without cause shewn : and this shall be reciprocall in the like cases , as above , to the catholicks upon the account of appeals from the judges , where those of the religion are the greater number , not understanding nevertheless that the chief justice , provosts of the marshalsies , vice-bayliffs , vice-stewards , and others who judge without appeal , take by virtue of this that is said , cognizance of the past troubles . and as to crimes and excess happening by other occasions than the troubles since the beginning of march , . untill the end of . in case they take cognizance thereof , we will that an appeal be suffered from their judgement to the chamber ordained by the present edict , as shall be practised in like manner for the catholick and confederates , where those of the religion are parties . . we will and ordain also , that henceforward in all instructions other than informations of criminal process in the chief justices court of tholouse , carcassonne , roverque , loragais , beziers , montpellier and nimes , the magistrate or commissary deputed for the said instructions if he is a catholick shall be obliged to take an associate who is of the religion , whereof the parties shall agree ; or where they cannot agree , one of the office of the said religion shall be taken by the abovesaid magistrate or commissioner : as in like manner , if the said magistrate or commissioner is of the religion , he shall be obliged in the same manner , as abovesaid , to take and associate a catholick . . when it shall be a question of making a criminal process by the provosts of the marshalsies or their leivetenants , against some of the religion , a house-keeper who is charged and accused of a crime belonging to the provost , or subject to the jurisdiction of a provost , the said provost or their leivetenants , if they are catholicks , shall be obliged to call to the instruction of the said process an associate of the religion : which associate shall also assist at the judgement of the difference , and in the definitive judgement of the said process : which difference shall not be judged otherwise than by the next presidial court assembled with the principal officers of the said court which shall be found upon the place , upon penalty of nullity , except the accused shall require to have the difference judged in the chambers ordained by the present edict : in which case upon the account of the house-keepers in the provinces of guyenne , languedoc , province , and dauphine , the substitutes of our procurators general in the said chambers , shall at the request of the said house-keepers , cause to be brought into the same the charges and informations made against them , to know and judge if the causes are tryable before the provost or not , that according to the quality of the crimes they may by the chamber be sent back to the ordinary , or judged tryable by the provost , as shall be found reasonable by the contents of our present edict ; and the presidial judges , provosts of mareschalsie , vice-bayliffs , vice-stewards , and others who judge without appeal , shall be obliged respectively to obey and satisfie the commands of the said chambers , as they use to do to the said parliaments , upon penalty of the loss of their estates . . the outcries for sale of inheritances , and giving notice thereof by warning passed or chalked according to order , shall be done in places and at hours usual , if possible , following our ordinances , or else in publick markets , if in the place where the land lies there is a market-place ; and where there shall be none in the next market within the jurisdiction of the court where judgement ought to be given : and the fixing of the notice shall be upon the posts of the said market-place , and at the entry of the assembly of the said place , and this order being observed , the notice shall be valid , and pass beyond the interposition of the sentence or decree , as to any nullity which might be alledged upon this account . . all title and papers , instructions , and documents which have been taken , shall be restored by both parties to those to whom they belong , though the said papers , or the castles and houses in which they were kept , have been taken and seized by special commission from the last deceased king , our most honoured lord and brother in law , or from us , or by the command of the governors and lievetenant generals of our provinces , or by the authority of the heads of the other party , or under what pretext soever it shall be . . the children of those that are retired out of our kingdom since the death of henry the second our father-in-law , by reason of religion and troubles , though the said children are born out of the kingdom , shall be held for true french inhabitants : and we have declared and do declare , that it is lawfull for such as at any time within ten years after the publication of this present edict , to come and dwell in this kingdom without being needfull to take letters patents of naturalization , or any other provision from us than this present edict , notwithstanding all ordinances to the contrary touching children bron in foraign countreys . . those of the reformed religion , and others who have followed their party , who have before the troubles taken to farm any office , or other domaine , gabel , foraign imposition , or other rights appertaining unto us , which they could not enjoy by reason of the troubles , shall remain discharged , and we discharge them of what they have not received of our finances , and of what they have without fraud paid otherwise than into the receipts of our exchequer , notwithstanding all their obligation given thereupon . . all places , cities , and profits of our kingdom , countries , lands , and lordships under our obedience , shall use and enjoy the same priviledges , immunities , liberties , franchises , fairs , markets , jurisdictions and courts of justice which they did before the troubles began . and others preceding , notwithstanding all patents to the contrary , and translation of any of the seals of justice , provided they have been done only by occasion of the troubles , which courts or seats of justice shall be restored to the cities and places where they have been formerly . . if there are any prisoners who are yet kept by anthority of justice , or otherwise , in gallies , by reason of the troubles , or of the said religion , they shall be released and set in full liberty . . those of the religion shall never hereafter be charged and oppressed with any charge ordinary or extraordinary more than the catholicks , and according to their abilities and trades ; and the parties who shall pretend to be over-charged above their ability may appeal to the judges , to whom the cognizance belongs , and all our subjects as well catholick as of the reformed religion , shall be indifferently discharged of all charge which have been imposed by one and the other part , during the troubles , upon those that were on the contrary party , and not consenting , as also of debts created and not paid , and expences made without consent of the same , without nevertheless having power to recover the revennue which should have been imployed to the payment of the said charges . . we do not also understand , that those of the religion , and others who have followed their party , nor the catholicks who dwell in cities and places kept and imployed by them , and who have contributed to them , shall be prosecuted for the payment of tailles , aids , grants , fifteens , taillon , utensils , reparations , and other impositions and subsidies fallen due and imposed during the troubles hapning before and untill our coming to the crown , be it by the edicts , commands of deceased kings our predecessors , or by the advice and deliberation of governors and estates of provinces , courts of parliament , and others , whereof we have discharged and do discharge them , prohibiting the treasurers-general of france and of our finances , receivers general and particular , their commissioners and agents , and other intendants and commisseries of our said finances , to prosecute them , molest , disquiet , directly or indirectly , in any kind whatsoever . . all generals , lords , knights , gentlemen , officers , common-councills of cities and commonalties ; and all others who have aided and succoured them , their wives , heirs , and successors , shall remain quitted and discharged of all money which have been by them and their order taken and levied , as well the kings money , to what sum soever it may amount , as of cities and communities , and particular rents , revennues , plate , sale of moveable goods , ecclesiastick , and other woods of a high growth , be it of domains or otherwise , amerciaments , booty , ransoms , or other kind of money taken by them , occasioned by the troubles began in the month of march , . and other precedent troubles , untill our coming to the crown , so that they or those that have by them been imployed in the levying of the said money , or that they have given or furnished by their orders , shall not be therefore any wayes prosecuted at present , or for the time to come : and shall remain acquitted as well themselves , as their commissaries , for the management and administration of the said money , expecting all thereof discharged within four months after the publication of the present edict made in our parliament of paris , acquittances being duly dispatched for the heads of those of the religion , or for those that had been commissionated for the auditing and ballancing of the accounts , or for the communities of cities who have had command and charge during the said troubles , and all the said heads of the reformed religion , and others who have followed their party ( as if they were particularly expressed and specified ) since the death of henry the second our father-in-law , shall in like manner remain acquitted and discharged of all acts of hostility , leavies , and conduct of soldiers , minting and valuing of money ( done by order of the said chief commanders ) casting and taking of ordnance and ammunition , compounding of powder and salt-peter , prizes , fortifications , dismantling and demolishing of cities , castles , burroughs , and villages , enterprises upon the same , burning and demolishing of churches and houses , establishing of judicatures , judgements , and executions of the same , be it in civil or criminal matters , policy and reglement made amongst themselves , voyages for intelligence , negotiations , treaties and contracts made with all foraign princes and communities , the introduction of the said strangers into cities and other places , of our kingdom , and generally of all that hath been done , executed and negotiated during the said troubles , since as aforesaid , the death of henry the second our father-in-law . . those of the said religion shall also remain discharged of all general and provincial assemblies by them made and held , as well at nantes as since in other places untill this present time ; as also of councils by them established and ordained by provinces , declarations , ordinances , and reglements made by the said assemblies and councells , establishment and augmentations of garrisons , assembling and taking of soldiers , levying and taking of our money , be it from the receivers-general or particular collecters of parishes , or otherwise in what manner soever , seizures of salt , continuation or erection of taxes , tolls , and receipts of the same at royan , and upon the rivers of charant , garronne , rosne , and dordonne , arming and fighting by sea , and all accidents and excess hapning upon forcing the payment of taxes , tolls , and other money by fortifying of cities , castles , and places , impositions of money and day-works , receipts of the same money , displacing of our receivers , farmers , and other officers , establishing others in their places , and of all leagues , dispatches and negotiations made as well within as without the kingdom : and in general , of all that hath been done , deliberated , written , and ordained by the said assembly and councell , so that those who have given their advice , signed , executed , caused to sign and execute the said ordinances , reglements and deliberations , shall not be prosecuted , or their wives , heirs and successors , now and for the time to come , though the particulars thereof be not amply declared . and above all , perpetual silence is hereby commanded to our procurators-general and their substitutes , and all those who may pretend to an interest therein , in whatsoever fashion or manner it may be , notwithstanding all decrees , sentences , judgements , informations , and procedures made to the contrary . . we further approve , allow , and authorize the accounts which have been heard , ballanced , and examined by the deputies of the said assembly : willing and requiring that the same , together with the acquittances and peices which have been rendred by the accomptants , be carried into our chambers of accompts at paris , three months after the publication of this present edict , and put into the hands of our procurator-general , to be kept with the books and registers of our chamber , to have there recourse to them as often as shall be needfull , and they shall not be subject to review , nor the accomptants held in any kind liable to appearance or correction , except in case of omission of receipts or false acquittances : and we hereby impose silence upon our procurator-generall , for the overplus that shall be found wanting , or for not observing of formalities : prohibiting to our accomptants , as well of paris as of other provinces where they are established , to take any cognizance thereof in any sort or manner whatsoever . . and as the accompts which have not yet been rendred , we will and ordain that the same be heard , ballanced and examined by the commissaries , who shall by us be deputed thereunto , who without difficulty shall pass and allow all the parcels paid by the said accomptants , by vertue of the ordinances of the said assembly , or others having power . . all collectors , receivers , farmers , and all others , shall remain well and duly discharged of all the sums of money which have been paid to the said commissioners of the assembly , of what nature soever they be , untill the last day of this month. and we will and command , that all be passed and allowed in the accompts , which accompts they shall give into our chambers of accompts , purely and simply by vertue of the acquittances which shall be brought ; and if any shall hereafter be delivered they shall remain null , and those who shall accept or deliver them , shall be condemned in the penalty of forgery . and where there shall be any accompts already given in , upon which there shall have intervened any raisings or additions , we do hereby taken away the same , and re-establish the parties intirely , by vertue of these presents , which being needfull to have particular patents , or any other thing than an extract of this present article . . the governors , captains , consuls , and persons commissioned to recover money for paying garrisons held by those of the religion , to whom our receivers and collectors of parishes have furnished by loan upon their credits and obligations , whether by constraint , or in obedience to the commandment of the treasurers-general , and the money necessary for the entertaining of the said garrisons , untill the concurrence of the state which we dispatched in the beginning of . and augmentations since agreed unto by us , shall be held acquitted and discharged of all which hath been paid for the effect above said , though by the said scedules and obligations no mention hath been thereof made , which shall be to them rendred as null . and to satisfie therein the treasurers-general in each generality , the particular treasurers of our tallies shall give their acquittances to the said collectors ; and the receivers-general shall give their acquittances to the particular receivers : and for the discharge of the receivers general , the sums whereof they should have given account , as is said , shall be indorsed upon the commissions levied by the treasurer of the expenses , under the name of treasurers-general for the extraordinaries of our wars , for the payment of the said garrisons . and where the said commissions shall not amount to as much as the establishment and augmentations of our army did in . we ordain that to supply the same , there shall be dispatched new commissions for what is necessary for the discharge of our accomptants , and restitution of the said promises and obligations , in such sort as there shall not for the time to come be any thing demanded thereof from those that shall have made them , and that all patents of ratifications which shall be necessary for the discharge of accomptants , shall be dispatched by virtue of this present article . . those also of the said religion shall depart and desist henceforward from all practices , negotiations , and intelligences , as well within as without our kingdom ; and the said assemblies and councels established within the provinces , shall readily separate ; and also all the leagues and associations made or to be made under what pretext soever , to the prejudice of our present edict , shall be cancelled and annulled , as we do cancell and annull them ; prohibiting most expresly to all our subjects to make henceforwards any assesments or leavy's of money , fortifications , enrolments of men , congregations and assemblies of other than such as are permitted by our present edict , and without arms : and we do prohibit and forbid them to do the contrary upon the penalty of being severely punished as contemners and breakers of our commands and ordinances . . all prizes which have been taken by sea , during the troubles , by vertue of the leave and allowance given , and those which have been made by land , upon those of the contrary party , and which have been judged by the judges and commissioners of the admiralty , or by the heads of those of the religion , or their councell , shall remain extinguished under the benefit of our present edict , without making any prosecution ; the captains or others who have made the said prizes , their securities , judges , officers , wives and heirs , shall not be prosecuted nor molested in any sort whatsoever , notwithstanding all the decrees of our privy councell and parliaments , of all letters of mart and seizures depending and not judged of , we will and require that there be made a full and intire discharge of all suits arising therefrom . . in like manner there shall not be any prosecution of those of the religion for the oppositions and obstructions which they have given formerly , and since the troubles , in the execution of decrees and judgements given for the re-establishment of the catholick religion in divers places of this kingdom . . and as to what hath been done , or taken during the troubles out of the way of hostility , or by hostility against the publick or particular rules of the heads of communalties of the provinces which they commanded , there shall be no prosecution by the way of justice . . forasmuch that whereas that which hath been done against the rules of one party or the other is indifferently excepted and reserved from the general abolition contained in our present edict , and is liable to be inquired after or prosecuted , yet nevertheless no soldier shall be troubled , whence may arise the renewing of troubles ; and for this cause , we will and ordain , that execrable cases shall only be excepted out of the said abolition : as ravishing and forcing of women and maids , burnings , murders , robberies , treachery , and lying in wait or ambush , out of the way of hostility , and for private revenge , against the duty of war , breaking of pass-ports and safeguards , with murders and pillages without command from those of the religion , or those that have followed the party of their generals who have had authority over them , founded upon particular occasions which have moved them to ordain and command it . . we ordain also , that punishment be inflicted for crimes and offences committed betwixt persons of the same party , if acts not commanded by the hands of one party or the other by necessity of law and order of war. and as for the leavying and exacting of money , bearing of arms , and other exploits of war done by private authority and without allowance , the parties guilty thereof shall be prosecuted by way of justice . . the cities dismantled during the troubles , may with our permission be re-edified and repaired by the inhabitants at their costs and charges , and the provisions granted heretofore upon that account shall hold and have place . . we ordain , and our will and pleasure is , that all lords , knights , gentlemen , and others of what quality and condition soever of the reformed religion , and others who have followed their party , shall enter and be effectually conserved in the enjoyment of all and each of their goods , rights , titles , and actions , notwithstanding the judgements following thereupon during the said troubles , and by reason of the same ; with decrees , seizures , judgements , and all that shall follow thereupon , we have to this end declared , and we do declare them null and of no effect and value . . the acquisitions that those of the reformed religion , and others which have followed their party , have made by the authority of the deceased kings our predecessors or others , for the immovables belonging to the church , shall not have any place or effect ; but we ordain and our pleasure is , that the ecclesiasticks enter immediately , and without delay be conserved in the possession and enjoyment really and actually of the said goods so alienated , without being obliged to pay the purchase-money which to this effect we have cancelled and revoked as null , without remedy for the purchasers to have against the generals , &c. by the authority of which the said goods have been sold . yet nevertheless for the re-imbursement of the money by them truly and without fraud disbursed , our letters patents of permission shall be dispatched to those of the religion , to interpose and equalize bare sums of the said purchases cost , the purchasers not being allowed to bring any action for their damages and interest for want of enjoyment ; but shall content themselves with the re-imbursement of the money by them furnished for the price of the acquisitions , accounting for the price of the fruits received , in case that the said sale should be found to be made at an under rate . . to the end that as well our justices and officers as our other subjects be clearly and with all certainty advertised of our will and intentions , and for taking away all ambiguity and doubt which may arise from the variety of former edicts , articles , secret letters patents , declarations , modifications , restrictions , interpretations , decrees and registers , as also all secrets as well as other deliberations heretofore by us or the kings our predecessors , made in our courts of parliaments or otherwayes , concerning the said reformed religion , and the troubles hapning in our said kingdom , we have declared and do hereby declare them to be of no value and effect : and as to the derogatory part therein contained , we have by this our edict abrogated , and we do abrogate , and from henceforward we cancell , revoke , and anull them . declaring expresly that our will and pleasure is , that this our edict be firmly and inviolably kept and observed as well by our justices and officers , as other subjects , without hesitation , or having any regard at all to that which may be contrary or derogatory to the same . . and for the greater assurance of the keeping and observing what we herein desire , we will and ordain , and it is our pleasure , that all the governors and leivetenants general of our provinces , bayliffs , chief-justices and other ordinary judges of the cities of our said kingdom immediately after the receit of this same edict , and do bind themselves by oath to keep and cause to be kept and observed each in their district as shall also the mayors , sheriffs , principal magistrates , consuls , and jurates of cities either annual or perpetual . enjoyning likewise our bayliffs , chief justices , or their livetenants , and other judges to make the principal inhabitants of the said cities , as well of the one religion as the other , to swear to the keeping and observing of this present edict immediately after the publication thereof : and taking all those of the said cities under our protection , command that one and the other respectively shall either answer for the opposition that shall be made to this our said edict within the said cities by the inhabitants thereof , or else to present and deliver over to justice the said opposers . we will and command our well beloved the people holding our courts of parliaments , chambers of accounts , and courts of aids , that immediately after the receipt of this present edict they cause all things to cease , and upon penalty of nullity of the acts which they shall otherwise do , to take the like oath as above , and to publish and register our said edict in our said courts according to the form and tenure of the same , purely and simply , without using any modifications , restrictions , declarations , or secret registers , or expecting any other order or command from us : and we do require our procurators-general to pursue immediately and without delay the said publication hereof . we give in command to the people of our said courts of parliaments , chambers of our courts , and courts of our aids , bayliffs , chief-justices , provosts and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their leivetenants , that they cause to be read , published , and registred this our present edict and ordinance in their courts and jurisdictions , and the same keep punctually , and the contents of the same to cause to be injoyned and used fully and peaceably to all those to whom it shall belong , ceasing and making to cease all troubles and obstructions to the contrary , for such is our pleasure : and in witness hereof we have signed these presents with our own hand ; and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable for ever , we have caused to put and indorse our seal to the same . given at nantes in the month of april in the year of grace . and of our reign the ninth signed henry . and underneath , the king being in council , forget . and on the other side , visa . this visa signifies the lord chancellors perusal . sealed with the great seal of green-wax upon a red and green string of silk . read , published , and registred , the kings procurator or attorney-general hearing and consenting to it in the parliament of paris , the th . of february , . signed , voysin . read , published , and in-registred the chamber of accompts , the kings procurator-general hearing and consenting , the last day of may , . signed de la fontaine . read , published , and registred , the kings procurator-general hearing and consenting , at paris in the court of aids the th . of april , . signed bernard . observations upon the kings two declarations given at st. germains in laye the second of april , . the one , concerning the affairs of those of the pretended reformed religion . the other , entituled against the relapsed and blasphemers . the preface of the first declaration . lewis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarr , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . our greatest care since we came unto the crown hath been to maintain our catholick subjects , and those that be of the pretended reformed religion in perfect peace and tranquility , observing exactly the edict of nantes , and that of the year . but although the laws foresee those cases which happen more ordinarily , so as to apply thereto necessary pre-cautions ; yet seeing a multiplicity of actions which daily occurr , cannot be reduced to one certain rule ; it was therefore necessary to make particular provisions assoon as difficulties of any sort did occasionally arise , and therein to make judgement and decision by the ordinary rules and forms of justice : which thing hath made way for many decrees made in our council , and sundry others passed in our chambers of the edict , of which there having been no publick notice given , our subjects have found themselves often ingaged in suites ▪ and contestations , which they might have then avoided , if they had known that the like questions had been already decided by former judgements : insomuch that for preventing the like inconveniencies , and to nourish peace and amity amongst our subjects , as well catholicks as those of the pretended reformed religion , the arch-bishops , bishops , and other ecclesiastick deputies in the general assembly of the clergy , which is held at present by our permission in our good city of paris , have very instantly besought us to reduce the said decisions into one single declaration , adjoyning thereunto certain articles touching some actions thereupon occuring , to the end that the whole may be made more notorious and publick to all our subjects ; and that by this means they having no cause to pretend ignorance , may conform themselves thereto , and cause to cease the discords and altercations which may arise on such like actions ; and that what hath been judged and decided by the said decrees , may be for ever confirmed and established , and may be put in execution as a law inviolable . for these causes with the advice of our counsel , and of our certain knowledge , full power and authority royal , we have by these presents signed with our hand , said , and declared , say and declare , we will , and it is our pleasure that the said decrees made in our counsell , be kept and observed according to their form and tenour , in such manner . observations upon this preface . if this declaration , which contains fifty nine articles , had hurt them of the pretended reformed religion only in points of commodity and convenience ; they have so much respect for whatsoever bears the august name of their soveraign , they would have contained themselves in silence , and not have troubled by the importunity of their complaints , the satisfaction which this great monarch doth injoy in the sweets of peace and prosperities of his estate . but the deplorable extremity to which they see themselves to be reduced , doth forcibly draw from them whether they will or no , those groans which they would have stifled if their sorrows had not been extreme . for this declaration which they esteem as the greatest and most rigorous blow , by which they could be smitten ; like a clap of thunder , doth throw them into the greatest terrors , and doth not suffer them to be silent : and it seems to them that they should make themselves criminals , if upon this so pressing an occasion , which threatens their goods , their honours , their families , their lives , and which is yet more and more dear unto them , their religion , and the liberty of their consciences , they should not cause their sad voice to be heard by his majesty , for that were no other than to testify an injurious distrust , as if his justice and his royal protection could be wanting to his miserable subjects , who come to prostrate themselves at the feet of this extraordinary prince , given of god expresly for this end , that he might do good unto men , and that his scepter , no less just than puissant , might be the sanctuary of afflicted innocence . so that it is not only their necessity but their sence of their duty it self , which gives them of the pretended reformed religion the boldness to address themselves unto the king , to demand of him with all profound humility , the revocation of an ordinance , which is not properly his own work , but of them of the clergy who have suggested it . kings have alwayes at the highest point of their grandeur and of their puissance , made no difficulty to change their most absolute oders , when they have been caused to understand that they had been surprised . and yet even from this also they have received glory ; because to give laws , is only to rule over others ▪ but to revoke those , which persons interessed have imposed upon the spirit of the prince , is to reign over himself ; and this is the means by which soveraign force may make it self to be acknowledged through all the world as truly worthy of empire , if the love of justice be more powerfull in his heart than that of his soveraign authority . there is then reason to hope for these generous sentiments , from a king whose soul is yet more noble than the crown it self which he wears ; and whose resolution hath already begun to display it self in naming commissioners of the highest dignity to review the declaration now in debate . which is a piece that appears so many strange wayes , that they themselves who made it would confess it to be so , if they could but for some moments of time devest themselves of their prejudice . i. first of all , the declaration sets forth , that it was granted at the request , and upon the very instant supplications of the arch-bishops , bishops , and other ecclesiastical deputies in the assembly of the clergy . which had it not been so clearly expressed , might nevertheless have been easily known by reading the memoires of the clergy , those publick memoires which were printed in the year one thousand six hundred and sixty six . for all the same things which were remarkable , and which the clergy pretended to at that time : all the demands which they made ; all the decrees they proposed to themselves to obtain , are found in the articles of this declaration . in regard whereof they can be looked upon no otherwise than as the execution of those so destructive memoires , since therein may be seen all the pretentions of the clergy turned into form of rules , and ordinances . ii. besides , who else but the ecclesiasticks , that is to say , most passionate parties , could ever have conceived that thought which they had , and which they have by surprize caused to be set in the preface of this declaration , where it is said , that what hath been judged and decided by the decrees of the counsell , should be confirmed and established for ever , and be executed as a law inviolable . for to desire that the decrees in generall made in counsel , that is to say , decrees whereof many were given upon a petition only , and without cognisance of the cause ; or upon particular actions and upon circumstances extraordinary , should pass into a law inviolable throughout the realm , certainly is a thing that cannot easily be conceived . there is no thing more common than to see the decrees of the counsel annulled by others subsequent , because the king being better informed of the state and truth of things , wills that the rights of justice should be maintained on the same tribunal where the artifice of the parties would have given it some defeat ; decrees being indeed no rules of the law , but on the contrary , the law the true rule of decrees . iii. the form and tenure of the articles makes it no less clear that the declaration was a surprize . for they are all prejudicial to the pretended reformed religion . and in the mean time the king in the beginning of the preface doth say expresly , that his greatest care since his coming to the crown , hath been to maintain his catholick subjects and those of the petended reformed religion in perfect peace and tranquility : and a few lines after , that the design of this declaration was to nourish peace and amity amongst his majesties subjects as well catholicks as those of the pretended reformed religion . in pursuance of this design truly worthy the justice and goodness of the king , the declaration ought to have been conceived in such sort , that in giving satisfaction to the one , some regard might have been had at least of the weal and subsistence of the other ; and that not only they of the roman catholick religion , but they also of the pretended reformed religion might have found therein some matter of contentment . but contrary to this so just a maxim , this whole declaration is to the disadvantage of the latter ; and so far from being proper to nourish peace and amity that it can serve for nothing else but to beget eternal troubles and divisions . this is one manifest proof that it was neither the king nor his counsell that formed this declaration , not only so partial but so openly contrary to so considerable a party of his majesties subjects . for kings have not been wont to deal after this manner in the regulations which they make for the union and repose of the persons whose differences they would appease . they do alwayes conserve the interest of the one part with the other betwixt whom they seek to establish concord and good understanding . the edict of nantes hath been conceived by this true spirit of royalty . for it propounds so to regulate the affairs of those of the catholick , apostolick and roman religion and those of the pretended reformed religion , that both the one and the other might find therein some cause to be contented . and also for the composing thereof henry the great called unto his person , the most prudent and best qualified of the two religions , that he might confer with them . he received their bills , he hearkned to their complaints and to their remonstrances , to the end he might not be surprized in any point . but here they of the pretended reformed religion were neither heard nor called ; the ecclesiasticks only in this ( rencounter ) had the honour to approach unto the person of the king ; and having disguised matters unto him according to the dictates of their passion , they have imposed upon him sinister impressions to the prejudice of the truth , to the end they might cause him to set forth a declaration which they had a long time before framed in their own bosoms . it is then the clergy who have suggested it through the motives of their hatred against them of the pretended reformed religion , and who were desirous therein to accumulate all things whatsoever their passion could enable them to imagine , as most proper to atchieve their overthrow and ruine . iv. but that which renders this surprize in every respect sensible and palpable , is the pablick protestation which the king makes in the entrance of this declaration , that he will observe exactly the edict of nantes and that of . for it will be found that this declaration is so very far from exactly observing those edicts so authorised , that it repeals them in many of its articles ; so that none can doubt but that it is contrary to the intention of his majesty , and that they who have obtained it have surprised him in the sincerity of his heart . for where is the person so rash or so wicked , as to dare to say that the king doth indeed protest that he will observe the edict of nantes , but that notwithstanding it is not his intention ? they are none but the enemies of france and of the glory of our illustrious monarch who can make such discourses . they of the pretended reformed religion who are resolved to live and die in the respects which they owe unto his sacred majesty , can never have such a suspicion of so admirable a prince , and the grand-child of henry the great . for that great heroe who hath transmitted unto him his vertues with his blood , gives us very well to understand that his posterity are uncapable of any such procedure , when he pronounces these generous words which the history hath preserved and he addressed in so firm a tone to them of the parliament of paris about the matter of the edict of nantes . i find it not good , saith he , to intend one thing and write another , and if any have done so , i will not do the same . cousenage is altogether odious , but most of all in a prince , whose word ought to be unchangeable . the successor then and worthy imitator of henry the great having given his royal word , and willed himself that the publick should be thereof both depositary and witness even of this his word , by which he hath engaged to observe exactly the edict of nantes ; it cannot be denyed that all that whatsoever it be which clashes with this perpetual and irrevocable edict , is at the same time contrary unto the will of his royal majesty . being then it is so , that almost in all the articles of the declaration of . there are contrarieties to the edict , we must needs conclude that they are so many surprizes , of which his majesty will do right to his justice by making a solemn revocation of the same . v. they who have contrived them believed that they had found a very specious pretext under which they might procure them to pass , when they represented to his majesty that the law could not foresee all those particular actions which might occurr in the succession of time , and that therefore besides the edict of nantes some other declaration must be had , which might serve for a certain rule . but this pretense is also another surprize . for the edict it self stiles it self a general , perspicuous , clear and absolute law , by which all those of the one or the other religion should be regulated in all the differences which had befaln or should hereafter occurr betwixt them . but for the full discovery of the vanity of this artificial pretext , they of the pretended reformed religion maintain , that this declaration under the pretence of explicating and interpreting this edict , doth ruine it , and that the settlements of the one are the overturners of the other . which thing will appear as clear as day by the following observations , which will give us to see that the greater part of those things which are contained in this long declaration are contrary to the edict of nantes , or if there be any which are not of that number , they are unprofitable innovations , and which can serve for nothing unless it be secretly to dress a trap for the liberties of those of the pretended reformed religion . these are the two hinges upon which all these following remarks do rowl , and these two principles do equally conclude to cause a revocation of this declaration ; since that the articles contrary to the edict cannot accord with the intention of his majesty , and those which are fruitless are unworthy to hold any rank in a royal ordinance . article i. prohibition to preach any other where than in the places appointed for that usage . that the ministers may not make their sermons in any other places than those destinate to that usage , and not in publick places on any pretext whatsoever . observation . if this article carried no other sense than what appears in open view , they of the pretended reformed religion had found nothing to say unto it , seeing that they never pretended that it was permitted them to preach in any publick place . but these last words which are read in the end of this article under any pretense whatsoever , are an artifice which the ecclesiasticks have invented for to ruine the liberty of those of the pretended reformed religion , and to authorize certain decrees gotten of the counsel ; by surprize for they would joyn these terms , under what pretext soever it be , not to the second clause of the article where it speaks of publick places , but to the first , which in general forbids to preach else-where than in places appointed for that usage . so that by vertue of these words they will prohibit them who have petty fees to cause sermons to be made in their own houses , where they have no temples nor places particularly appointed for preaching : which notwithstanding is contrary to the eighth article of the edict of nantes , wherein the right of these fees is formally established . and besides , if a temple fall to ruine , or is pulled down in some popular sedition , or burnt by fire , they will pretend that they who have accustomed to hold their exercise in that place , cannot assemble in any near place , or neighbour house untill such times as the temple is re-built , and if a temple be made unaccessible by a deluge of waters , or if the plague , or enemies , or any other obstacle hinder their approach thereunto ; they will pretend the same thing , against reason and justice , and also against the sixth article of the particulars of the edict of nantes . finally , if they of the pretended reformed religion be obliged to transfer their exercises for necessary reasons , and there observe all conditions requisite ; or if they preach to their assemblies in the country in places uncovered where they have right ; they will thereupon raise troubles and suits in consequence of this article . this is the cause why they of the said religion do most humbly beseech his majesty to revoke this article as tending to give occasion to many vexing contestations , and contrary to the intention of the edicts : or it will be necessary for removing all matters of vexation instead of these terms , under any pretext whatsoever , to employ these without intending notwithstanding to do any prejudice to the priviledge of the fees ; or to forbid in case of hostility , contagion or fire , overflowing of water , or ruine , or other lawfull causes to preach in any neighbour place , provided it be not a publick place , notwithstanding any decrees or judgements made to the contrary . article ii. places of demesme . that they of the pretended reformed religion aforesaid may not establish any preachings in the places of their demesme which are adjudged unto them , under pretence of any priviledge annexed to courts of high-justice contained within their said adjudications . this is formally contrary to the seventh article of the edict of nantes , by which — it is allowed to all lords , gentlemen and other persons of the reformed pretended religion , having right of high justice-courts , or tenure of knights , whether as proprietors ; or as vsufructuaries only , to have the exercise of religion in their houses : these words have respect to those that obtain the demesme of the king as well as others , for they are general ; they speak of all persons that have power of high justice without any distinction ; and there is as to this point no difference betwixt those that enjoy the right of high justice by the king's engagement , and those that possess it as their own proper estate , because the morgagee enjoys all the rights which depend on the fee of which he is the possessor , until such time as he is reimbursed . the liberty then of publick exercise being one of the attributes of high justice , and of the fee of knights service ; it is but reason , that the morgagee of the domain , do enjoy it , during his possession . the edict it self leaves no place to doubt of this . for in the article we have now alledged , mention is made of those that have high justice , whether as proprietaries or vsufructuaries . now the possessor of a demain by morgage is an usufructuary : and by consequent is comprised expresly in the edict . but the thing will be entirely out of question , if we consider the tenth article of the edict , where these words are read — so that the said establishment be not hindred in such places of demain as have been given by the said edict , articles and conferences for places of bailiwicks , or which hereafter shall be , although they have been alienated heretofore , or shall be hereafter by persons of the catholick apostolick , roman religion . an exception which shews , that the places of the demesnes are subjected to the right of exercise as well as others . and to the end that we might not suppose that it was the intent of the edict to be restrained to the places of bayliwicks only ; this tenth article proceeds thus — however we do not understand , that the said exercise may be re-established in places and seats of the said demain , which have been heretofore possessed by them of the said p. r. r. which they did enjoy in consideration of their persons , or because of their fees , if those fees be found at present in the possession of persons of the said catholick apostolick and roman religion . an exception which doth evidently testifie that fees of demain engaged follow in this respect the condition of others ; which when they are withdrawn out of the hands of those of the p. r. r. the exercise cannot be any longer continued ; for that the privilege was personal , and affixed to the fee : whence it follows , that according to the edict , so long as the said fees are possessed by persons of this religion , the exercises thereof ought to be freely made there , as in other fees of requisite qualification . his majesty therefore out of the design which he hath to cause the edict of nantes to be observed , will be pleased to accord to the revocation of this article ; as also in like manner to an evacuation of a decree made in council january , ; in which they of the p. r. r. are not only forbidden to — establish any preaching in the place of demain , which shall be adjudged unto them under pretence of right of high justice comprised within their adjudications : but moreover in it they find another settlement , yet more rigorous , in as much as it import that — when his majesty accords to the right of high justice in any of the lands of those of the p. r. r. there must be express mention made in the erection of those rights of high justice , that the exercise of their religion may not be established there under the pretext of that high justice . a strange surprise imposed on the king , and we have cause to promise our selves , that his majesty cannot suffer this rigour , which turns his favour into a punishment , and depriveth them of the p. r. r. of a liberty , which is of the number of those which the edict hath most formally expressed . article iii. places of high justice . that in places where the lords of the p. r. r. having the right of high justice do exercise the same , there shall be no marks of publick exercise . this article is incompatible with the thirty fourth of the particulars of nantes , which expresseth — that in all places where the exercise of the said religion shall be publick , the people may be assembled , and that also by the sound of a bell , and do all the acts and functions that appertain as well to the exercise of their religion , as the regulation of their discipline , as to hold consistories , colloquies and synods provincial and national by the permission of his majesty . this settlement is formal ; for it speaks generally , and without exception of all places where the exercise is publick . therefore it intends the places of high justice as well as other places accorded by the edict , since by the seventh article of the generals , the right of exercise is attributed to the places of high-justice , and to the fees of knight-service , in which the lords and gentlemen , possessors thereof may cause sermons to be made , as well for themselves , their families and subjects , as for others that will resort thither , which thing makes the exercise publick . further , this thirty fourth article of the particulars permits in all places where the exercise of the p. r. r. is publick ; to assemble the people by the sound of the bell ; which bell for assembling the people , supposeth a power to have a bell-house , and the bell-house supposeth a temple : so that according to the intention of the edict , temples may be had in the places of high justice . and here we may perceive also by the settlement of this th . article , that it is permitted in all places where the publick exercise is celebrated , to hold synods not only provincial , but national also . by consequent all places of this nature , of the number of which are those of the high justice , may have the marks of a publick exercise . for how can a provincial or a national synod be held in a place , where there is neither chair to preach nor bench to sit ? is it credible that the edict did command that there should be a place where the deputies from the whole kingdom should have liberty to assemble in a synod without giving power to their ministers notwithstanding to ascend the pulpit , to make there the sermons necessary to such solemn assembles ? being therefore this article cannot be made to agree unto the edict , his majesty is most humbly besought to revoke it , as also those decrees , which the clergy have obtained by surprize , for authorising so ill founded a pretention . and this thing appears yet more strange , because the places wherein the pretended reformed religion is exercised have nothing at all in outward shew , which might move jealousie to any person : for they are places altogether simple and plain , without pomp , without imbellishments , and without ornaments . there is nothing but a chair , and seats without curiosity , and being they have nothing but what is absolutely necessary , those places cannot reasonably be deprived thereof whereunto the edict gives right of publick exercise . article iv. consolation of prisoners . that the ministers may not comfort the prisoners in the goals , but with a low voice , in a chamber apart ; and assisted only with one or two persons . here may be seen also a manifest contrariety to the fourth article of the particulars of nantes , where it is said , — as to them who shall be condemned by course of justice , the said ministers may likewise visit , and comfort them , without making publick prayers , except only in places where the said publick exercise is permitted unto them by the edict . this article permits in the places authorised by the edict , publick prayers to be made , that is to say , in a publick place , at the very place of punishment , before all the great concourse of people assembled there : and the declaration on the contrary forbids without distinction of places , prayers to be made with a loud voice , and even in private also , in the chambers of the prisons , with the doors shut . are not these two settlements opposite , which destroy one the other ? it seems likewise , that the declaration contradicts it self . for if the ministers be obliged to comfort prisoners in a chamber apart , wherefore are they commanded to speak with a low voice ? since one hath free liberty to speak in a chamber distinct from others : or if it be their will that they should speak with a low voice , why do they oblige them to a chamber apart ? since a low voice needs not a distinct place . and besides , what stream of processes will there issue from this obligation to speak with a low voice ? for they will without intermission make trouble to the ministers for the tone of his voice ? they will pretend , that he hath not spoken low enough , and it will be in a manner impossible to find the just mean betwixt a voice too low , which the prisoner cannot hear , and by which he cannot be comforted ; and a voice a little too high , which may be understood by others . it will be therefore necessary at the least to regulate this , so that itmay be understood of a low voice , that it is to be spoken in such a sense as it is used in the case of the noise of those that work on a festival day , that it be such a voice as cannot be heard in the street , nor of the neighbours . it is also hard to conceive how the ministers can observe that clause which speaks of a chamber apart ; for shall it be in their power to bring the prisoners into a chamber apart : if the question were only of them that are condemned to death , the matter would be easie ; for they do ordinarily put them in a place apart , after their condemnation : but the article of the declaration speaks of all prisoners without distinction . and shall the minister have authority to cause to lead , or carry into a chamber apart a sick prisoner , whom they find in the same place with many others ? and if the jaylor will not suffer it , then what means shall the ministers have to cause him to obey them . and it may so fall out , that an unfortunate person detained in prison for his debts , or for any other cause , may die there without consolation , or exhortation to repentance , for that he cannot be in a chamber apart . this article being then impossible to be executed , and tending to leave poor prisoners to die miserably , without being assisted in their consciences : his majesty is most humbly besought to cause this article to be put out , and to be content in the affair of prisoners , with the regulation contained in the fourth article of the particulars of nantes . article v. to speak of the catholick religion with all respect . that the ministers shall not in their sermons and elsewhere , use any injurious or offensive terms against the catholick religion , or the state , but on the contrary shall carry themselves with that moderation which is ordained by the edicts , and speak of the catholick religion with all respect . they of the p. r. r. cannot behold without sensible grief , that their ministers are forbidden to use injurious terms against the estate . for this prohibition seems to presuppose , that they either have been guilty of this crime , or that they have some propensity to commit it . and notwithstanding there is nothing that they abhor more , and of which they are more incapable . the love of the estate , and zeal of their religion are inseparable in their hearts and mouths . they never express themselves neither in their sermons , nor in their discourses , but as good french and faithful subjects , and they never ascend their pulpits , but they pray to god for the sacred person of the king , for all the royal family , and for the prosperity of his estate . as for what belongs to the catholick religion , they always speak thereof with the moderation ordained by the edicts . but to make a law which commands them to speak with all respect , is to expose them to the uttermost misery : and they can never assure themselves any longer neither of their goods , nor of their liberty , nor of their lives , if this ordinance continue ; for whatsoever moderation they use in their sermons , whatsoever pains they take to chuse their terms , when they are obliged to touch matters of controversie , there will be found , notwithstanding , persons who will pretend that they have not spoken with all respect ; so will it come to pass , that they shall see themselves every hour overwhelmed with fines , imprisoned , and condemned to many kinds of punishments . this is the reason wherefore his majesty is instantly besought to give remedy to this mischief , by expunging this article which renders it inevitable , and to be satisfied with that regulation which is found in the edict of nantes , where in its seventeenth article it forbids all preachers , lecturers and others who speak in publick , to use any speeches , discourses or propositions illuding to stir up the people to sedition , with a strict command to demean themselves modestly , and to speak nothing which may not be for the instruction and comfort of their hearers , and for maintaining the tranquillity and repose of the realm . a prohibition which of good right was made general and common to all sorts of preachers , as well of the one religion , as of the other , notwithstanding that indeed the ministers have less need of this injunction , in this matter , than the preachers of the catholick apostolick and roman religion , amongst whom it is easie to find , that they give themselves liberties apt to trouble the publick peace of all , art . vi. acts of notaries . that notaries who receive the testaments and other acts of the p. r. r. shall not speak of them of the said religion in other terms than such as the edicts permit . they of the p. r. r. find not any thing of their concern in this article , and cannot divine upon what consideration the ecclesiasticks have caused it to be put in this declaration ; unless it be , that they well fore-seeing that justice would infallibly prevail with his majesty to reform a piece wherein they had surprised his royal goodness in so many ways ; they have expresly for that end caused articles unprofitable , and to no purpose to be foisted therein , to the end , that when this work comes to be examined , they may have therein certain matters which they might remit ; to give pretence that afterwards the declaration should be very moderate , and could no more give cause of complaint to any person . but our monarch hath an understanding too much enlightned not to discover this artifice : and when this sixth article of this declaration , and divers others of like nature which may be found therein , are outed ; they of the p. r. r. cannot esteem their condition any thing the better , nor more supportable , if the other points which ruine their liberties be maintained ; their subsistence being nevertheless in this kingdom impossible . this is the cause wherefore his majesty is besought to keep this in mind , to the end , that this observation may be applyed to many other articles insignificant , or of small consequence , with which this declaration is swoln apparently for some design worthy to be observed . art . vii . books . that those of the p. r. r. may not cause any books to be printed concerning the p. r. r. which are not attested and certified by approved ministers , for which they are to be responsible , nor without the permission of the magistrates , and the consent of our attourneys , and that the said books shall not be vended , but in such places where the exercise of the said religion is permitted . there needs no law to oblige them of the p. r. r. to observe the former part of this article , which wills , that their books may not be printed without the attestation of approved ministers ; for this is an order which is observed inviolably amongst them , and which is established by their own synods . but as for the second part which forbids them to cause any books to be printed concerning their religion , without the permission of the magistrates , and the consent of the king's attournies , is a rigour altogether opposite to the edict of nantes ; for thus it speaks in the one and twentieth article , let not the books which concern the p. r. r. be printed , or sold publickly , except in the towns and places where the publick exercise of that religion is permitted : and for other books which are printed in other towns ; let them be viewed and revised , as well by the king's officers , as divines , according to the true intent of the ordinances . where may be observed an express distinction of books of the p. r. r. some printed in the towns where the publick exercise of the p. r. r. is permitted , and others which are printed in places where this exercise is not permitted . as for those this edict wills , that they be viewed and visited by the king's officers ; which indeed is but reasonable , being there the p. r. r. is not openly and publickly professed . but of the other , the edict speaks in a far different manner , permitting to print them , and sell them publickly in the towns and places where the p. r. r. is prosessed , without submitting them to the visitation of permission of the kings officers , which is required in the other case . now therefore the declaration forbids what the edict of nantes permits in express terms . and this is a matter very considerable , and whereof they of the pretended reformed religion have just cause to complain , in that this new declaration is more rigorous in this point than the edict of it self , notwithstanding that it was made during all the heat and animosity of the civil wars . for the edict of . was content to require that the books of them of the pretended reformed religion should be viewed and approved by the chambers my parties , of which one half was alwaies found to profess the said religion . in place whereof this new declaration subjects them of the said pretended reformed religion to obtain a permission from the magistrates and consent from the kings attorneys who are all of a contrary religion . this is to make it impossible , for the kings attorneys who will never give their consent to the impression of books which treat of another religion than their own ; and to permit them to print with this condition , is to forbid them absolutely against the clear and express intent of the edict of nantes . this then is a meer surprize of the clergy , who have passionately longed and aspired to have such an article as this to be made , as may appear by their memoirs which were published . for their desire is there found expressed thus , it is requisite , say they , to have a decree containing a prohibition to print any books which have not been formerly viewed and approved by the kings officers , which also testifies that before this time , no decree had forbidden this , and that it was formerly unknown . and surely it is a matter of admiration that the ecclesiasticks desired to obtain this prohibition , for it is not for the advantage of the catholick roman religion . it will seem that they are afraid of the books which they oppose and mistrust they cannot answer them . they therefore of the pretended reformed religion hope that his majesty according to their most humble supplication which they make unto him , will revoke this article concerning the books of their religion , and vacate all the decrees by which he hath been surprized in this matter . article viii . the quality of pastors , and prohibition to speak of the church with irreverence of holy things . that the said ministers shall not take on them the quality of pastors of the church , but only that of ministers of the pretended reformed religion ; as also that they shall not speak irreverently of holy things , and of the ceremonies of the church , and shall not call the catholicks by any other name than that of catholicks . vve cannot admire enough that they have caused to be entred in a declaration royal and of consequence a prohibition of the name pastor . for this term hath nothing considerable in it , nor any thing that makes for the honour of those who bear it . it is common both to good and bad pastors , and the holy scripture doth often cry out against false pastors that abuse and corrupt the people . they make no difficulty to give to the pretended reformed churches the name of a flock ; by what reason then do they refuse their ministers the name of pastors which is relative thereto , since a pastor is he that feeds the flock ? so that no more exception is to be taken against the quality of a pastor than is against the appellation of a minister , since it doth barely set out their duty without determining whether they discharge it well or ill . and this language cannot be blamed , being warranted by the example and authority of his majesty himself . for when he did them the honour to write to their national synod at london the th of november , . the superscription of his letter was in these terms , to our dear and well-beloved the pastors and elders , the deputees in the assembly of the national synod of our subjects professing the pretended reformed religion at london . the residue of this article of the declaration is of the same nature with the fifth article ; and if there be any difference , it is in this , that this aggravates the other and goes above it . it is an endless source and everlasting seed of all sorts of mischief to the ministers , who notwithstanding all the most accurate pre-caution , and the most wise and modest continence , will be continually halled before the tribunals , cast into prisons , ruinated in their goods , and overwhelmed in their very persons ; because there will be alwayes found some ill-minded people who will accuse them for having spoken irreverently of the holy things , and ceremonies of the catholick apostolick roman church . to the end therefore that they may injoy in this realm the liberty which was granted to them by the edict , his majesty is most ardently besought that he would cause these two articles , the fifth and the eighth to be excluded , as which draw innumerable calamities on those persons whom he hath been pleased to declare that he will take into his royal protection . neither is it only the concern of the ministers security that causes them to demand the revocation of these articles , but the repose and subsistence of all those persons in general who are of the pretended reformed religion . for a method hath been taken up of late which doth sufficiently make known how much a prohibition to speak of holy things and the ceremonies of the church may hurt them . that is , that the parish priests when they please publish their censures and monitions ▪ against any person of the pretended reformed religion obliging all their parishioners in general to depose if they have heard any thing spoken by him against the catholick apostolick roman religion , which makes way for them to rip up all a mans life from his very infancy ; and if it have hapned that he have spoken of any controversie they impute it unto him to have uttered some blasphemies against the mysteries and ceremonies of the church . and sometime witnesses are found who by false reports bring the honour and life of men in hazard ; and we have already seen persons unreproachable whose innocence could not secure them from such calumnious accusations , and who have been condemned to death for words maliciously contrived with design to destroy them ; your majesty is therefore humbly prayed to hinder this so great a mischief , not only by removing this article which will serve for pretext to evil disposed spirits ; but also by ordaining just and reasonable penalties against the accusers and the witnesses , who in such contests shall be convinced of falshood and fall short of proving their accusations ; and above all forbidding those minatories , and those wandring uncertain and undetermined informations which smell of the inquisition , and are capable of troubling all the whole realm . article ix . robes and cassocks of ministers . that the ministers may not wear gowns or cassocks , nor appear in the long robe elsewhere than within their temples . the liberty of habit is so great in france , that it were to strip the ministers of the quality of french-men , to bring the form of their garments into controversie . if cassocks or long robes were in such manner peculiar to church-men , that it might pass for an infallible mark of their character and order ; it might be that they might have some reason to dispute them with those whom they will not acknowledge for ecclesiasticks . but the cassock and the gown are worn of many persons that are not of the orders of the church . judges , counsellors , attorneys themselves , recorders , ushers , physicians , regents of schools or colledges have this priviledge without contestation . and the quality of doctors , licentiates , or masters of arts , in which ministers may be invested as well as others , and are in a manner , is that which properly giveth right of wearing the cassock and long robe . it cannot therefore be imagined for what reason they ought to be forbidden unto ministers ; and when the ecclesiasticks required this prohibition and obtained it by a decree of the counsel gotten by surprize the th of june . to serve for a foundation of this article of the declaration , it was meerly the effect of their dissatisfaction to the ministers and only upon design to blast them . but the ministers who are born subjects of the king , hope to find his justice in the defence of their honour as well as of their persons . article x. registers of baptisms and marriages . that the said ministers shall keeep registers of the baptisms and marriages which are made by those of the pretended reformed religion , and shall produce from three months to three months an extract thereof to the registers of the bailywick and constableries of their precincts . this article is altogether useless , in regard that the new ordinance which is now observed through the whole realm , hath sufficiently provided for the recording of baptisms and marriages . article xi . celebration of marriages . that they may not make any mariages betwixt persons that are catholicks and those of the pretended reformed religion whereon any opposition is made , untill such time as such opposition have been removed by the judges to whom the cognizance thereof doth appertain . this settlement is also to be numbred amongst the fruitless , and there is no need of an ordinance to inforce this duty upon the ministers . for they do never bestow the nuptial blessing on marriages contracted betwixt persons of divers religions , unless it be by vertue of some decree or judgement of the magistrates . their own ecclesiastick discipline forbids them to do otherwise ; and when there is opposition the cognizance whereof belongs unto the judges , they never proceed till they be determined . art . xii . consistories . that those of the pretended reformed religion may not receive into the assemblies of their consistories others than those whom they call elders with their ministers . the consistories of those of the pretended reformed religion are composed , not only of ministers and elders ; but also of deacons who have the particular care of feeding , cloathing , and harbouring the poor . the discipline of the pretended reformed churches makes express mention of these three sorts of persons , regulates their charges , their imployments and their functions , being therefore the edict of nantes in the thirty fourth article of the particulars doth authorize the exercise of this discipline , and that even the thirty fifth article doth formally name the deacons as being part of the consistories ; it is not credible that the kings intention was to exclude the deacons from thence . but as it is usual to draw advantage of every thing against them of the pretended reformed religion , if the word elders be left alone in this article of the declaration ; occasion undoubtedly will be taken thereby to hinder the deacons from entring into their consistories , contrary to the order of their discipline and the intent of the edict . wherefore it is necessary to add unto this article the term deacons which is there omitted . besides this illustration there are three other particulars also , no less necessary to make this article accord with the discipline of the pretended reformed churches , and with the edict of nantes which doth authorize it . for their discipline , which is the rule of their conduct in their ecclesiastical politie wills , that when they are about the calling of a minister all the heads of the families of one flock should be assembled to give their voice ; as being all concerned in the establishment of a person who is appointed for their service : so that if they of the said religion may receive none into their assemblies but ministers , elders , and deacons , they cannot call any ministers to the service of their churches when they have need ; which cannot be the kings intention . besides the edict of nantes in the forty third article of the particulars , permits those of the pretended reformed religion to assemble , to make impositions of monies which are necessary for the charges of their synods and entertainment of their ministers , which notwithstanding they cannot do , if this article of the declaration be continued as it is , and if they cannot receive into the assemblies of their consistories other persons than their elders and deacons . and it may may also come to pass that there may be found troublesome spirits who will contend that they may not call offenders and scandalous persons into their consistories , to censure them according to their merit and to reduce them to their duty . for the avoiding therefore all ambiguity , and that there may not be left any advantage for contentious spirits to trouble those of the pretended reformed religion without cause ; this present article had need to be explicated , in such sort that his majesty thereby doe declare , that he intends not at all to deprive those of the said religion of the liberty of calling into their consistories those whom they shall think fit to cause to come thither because of scandal ; nor to assemble the heads of families for the calling of their ministers ; nor to hold assemblies permitted by the edict for imposition of monies for the entertainment of their ministers , and charges of their synods . art . xiii . donations and legacies . that the elders of the consistories may not be appointed inheritours nor legatees universal in their said quality . the forty second article of the edict of nantes is repealed by this . for it contains that the donations or legacies made or to be made , whether it be by last will in the case of death , or made by the living , for the entertainment of their ministers , doctors , scholars , or for the poor of the pretended reformed religion or other matters of piety , should be valid , and obtain their full and intire effect , notwithstanding all judgements , decrees , or ether things to the contrary thereof whatsoever . this settlement is general and absolute ; and it distinguisheth not betwixt the universal and particular donations . and by consequent it respects the one as well as the other . for there where the law distinguisheth not , men are not to distinguish . also the king lewis the just , your majesties father , finding this law to be indisputable , confirmed it solemnly in . by his royal answer to the paper of those of the pretended reformed religion in these terms . the forty second of the private articles made at nantes concerning donations and testamentary legacies let it be observed in favour of the poor of the pretended reformed religion notwithstanding any judgements to the contrary . and all the decrees of the counsell and parliaments have been alwayes conformable to this law : this change is therefore surprizing and a notable breach of the edict . at the least we cannot doubt that the kings justice will make him find two things reasonable and necessary , to which his majesty is most humbly besought to have regard . the one is that being no ordinances have any power retroactive , nor touch any thing that is past ; he would be pleased to ordain in the explication of this article of the declaration that it may not prejudice those donations or legacies universal which were formerly made to the consistories . the other that it is not the intention of his majesty to hinder particular donations which may be given to consistories . it is very certain , that the king's design is not to forbid them . for being that in this article he forbids only donations universal , it follows necessarily that he confirms the particular . in the mean time they begin by an excessive transport to dispute the particular gifts and legacies ; and parliaments have lately made some rigorous decrees , against which , those of the said religion demand justice of his majesty , at whose feet they seek their only refuge ; beseeching him to authorise the particular donations which have been , or shall hereafter be made unto the consistories , conformable to the forty second article of the particular of nantes , notwithstanding all decrees and judgments to the contrary . art . xiv . preaching and residence of ministers in divers places . that those of the said p. r. r. assembled in their synod national or provincial , permit not their ministers to preach , or reside in divers places by turns , but on the contrary do enjoyn them to reside and preach only in one place which is given them by the said synods . this article contains two parts , the one regarding the preaching , and the other the residing of ministers in more than one place . as for the preaching by course in divers places , it is true , that there have been many decrees pro and con about this matter ; so that indeed the business being at this day as it were suspended , amongst many decrees contrary to one another ; it belongs now unto his majesty to determine of them by his soveraign authority . and his justice gives them of the p. r. r. to hope that he will maintain them in the liberty of their annexes , taking away the prohibitions which have been made against their preaching in divers places . that which gives them this hope , is this , that these prohibitions have been founded on no other thing than a misinformation . for they never had any other foundation than from the edict of the month of january one thousand five hundred and sixty one , by which it was forbidden ministers to walk from place to place , and from village to village to preach there by violence and without right . but it doth not treat at all of this business of annexes . for it is agreed , that ministers ought not to be vagabonds , and wander from place to place of their own fancy . their discipline it self doth sorbid this ; and the maxims of a good conscience , as well as those of good polity do oppose it . therefore the edict of january is in this point altogether just . but the annexes suffer not the ministers to be vagabonds ; but on the contrary fix and settle them with certain flocks . they do not give them liberty to go and preach in places where the exercise is not permitted ; but on the contrary fix them in places where they have right to exercise according to the edict . what is it then that should hinder the ministers that they may not preach in two or three places of this nature ? what pretence can the ecclesiasticks find to give a colour to their enterprise ? will they alledge the edict ? but that forbids not to preach in divers places , when they have a right to exercise . besides , there is found a decree made in the council in the month of may , by which the king doth formally declare , that all the decrees which have outed the ministers of this liberty , are contrary to the edicts . so that the intent of his majesty's being to cause the edict of nantes ; to be exactly observed , there is ground to believe , that he will leave unto the ministers this liberty , the prohibition whereof he hath himself declared to be contrary to the edicts . will they alledge the declaration given at s. germain the nineteenth of december , which they will pretend to be so much the more available , for that it was verified in the chamber of the edicts of castres the first of january , ? but this declaration was founded upon this , that the ministers of languedoc went to preach in divers places of that province , where that exercise was not allowed them . these are the proper words which are read in that declaration , which by consequence concerns not the annexes where they have right to exercise . will they alledge reason ? but what reason is there to hinder a minister to preach in many places , when one is not of sufficient ability , nor furnished with fruits of the earth to entertain him ? can the estate or the publick suffer any prejudice thereby ? do we not see , that when cures are too weak every one to maintain a curate alone , they put two together under one rector ? that which is approved amongst parish priests , how comes it to be criminal amongst ministers , when the poverty of the flock permits them not to have one person whole and entire unto themselves ? besides this poverty of these small p. r. c. is come from no other cause , than that the pension of a hundred and thirty five thousand livers agreed unto by henry the great , for the entertainment of their ministers , hath for some time ceased to be paid . for if they had continued to be paid , every flock might have had its own minister without annexing any . it is not therefore probable , that at the same time when the king withdraws his liberality , that he will hinder the feeble flocks in the country to find out some other means to conserve unto themselves , at least , a part of the ministry , by joyning themselves to some other neighbour's flock , which may help its subsistence . do they alledge the usage ? that is all contrary to the pretence of the clergy , for unto this very day it hath been always seen in all the provinces of the realm , that the small p. r. churches have united themselves two or three together for to raise a pension for one and the same minister . finally , do they alledge the interest of the ecclesiasticks ? besides , that they ought not to be heard in this sort of affairs , because they are the principal parties , against whom the complaint is made , it seems also that it would be for their interest to diminish the number of the ministers , instead whereof , if they hinder them from preaching in many places , they will oblige them in every p. r. church , to use their uttermost endeavour to have a minister apart , which will much augment their number . for there is no person who will not resolve rather to sacrifice his temporal commodities , than continue deprived of spiritual sood , which he supposes needful for his salvation . so that all the pursuit of the clergy in this affair will effect nothing but only to incommodate them of the p. r. r. in their estates , and thereby render them less able to contribute to the necessity of the publick . these considerations are they which give hope that his majesty taking particular cognizance of this affair will leave them of the p. r. r. in the liberty of their annexes ; and that in expounding the present article of the declaration , he will have the goodness to say that in forbidding the ministers from preaching in divers places , he intends not to hinder them from preaching , save only in those places where they had not right to exercise , according to the decrees of the council of the twenty sixth of sept. , and of june , and may . as for the residence of the ministers , the edict doth not only authorise it in every town , and every place of the realm indifferently in the sixth article of the generals , and first of the particulars : but moreover hath interpreted himself by a decree made in council , april , , by which it is permitted to ministers to make their residence with their families in such cities , burroughs , and villages near the place of their settlement as they shall choose . and without doubt the king intends no otherwise here . but notwithstanding because this article of his last declaration may receive another interpretation , his majesty will be pleased of his goodness to remove all ambiguity which may be found therein , declaring with reference to the residence of the ministers , that his intention is agreeable to his decree of th of april , . article xv. the churches of foedary estates . as also that they of the p. r. r. who assist at their synods , shall not enter in the tables of their churches , the places where the publick exercise of their religion is forbid , nor those wherein it is permitted only by the priviledge of the lord and in his castle . since the churches of the feodary estates are established by the edict as well as those of possession or of bayliwicks ; they ought to be comprized in the tables of the synods as well as others . and they have at all times used this order from the beginning ; and there is no cause to change an usage so constant and innocent . all that they can require of those of the p. r. r. is that in the tables of their synods they distinguish their churches , and express which are of feodary estates , which of possession , and which of bailywicks whereto they shall yield obedience if it be judged necessary . but to require absolutely that they should not put into the tables of the synods the churches feodary estates , were to make the ministers of those places so far independents , that they should neither have superiour nor discipline , nor be restrained by any other curb , so that they might live after their own fantasie to the prejudice of the estate it self . for the tables of the synods are nothing else but the appearances of the ministers in their assemblies , where every one of them is set down by his name , and that of the church he serveth . being therefore it is necessary that the ministers appear in their synods according to their discipline which straitly enjoynes them to be there ; so it is necessary that the churches of feodary estates should be entred in the tables of those societies . article xvi . correspondence betwixt the provinces . as also in like manner , that they of the pretended reformed religion may not entertain any correspondence with them of other provinces , nor write unto them under pretext of charity or other affair whatsoever , nor receive appeals from other synods , save only to remit them to the national synod . the artifice of the clergy have fitted this article expresly to render the inviolable fidelity of those of the p. r. r. suspected , of which they have given so essential proofs to the king , that this great prince hath been pleased to testify by publick marks how well he is satisfied therein . for in his declaration may , . he useth these terms , and for as much as our said subjects of the p. r. r. have given us certain proof of their affection and fidelity in these present occasions , wherewith we rest very well satisfied . and his majesty may be pleased to remember that in a certain letter which he wrote in the year . and which is found in a publick book whose impression is dispersed into the hands of all the world , he makes use of these words which are a perpetual commendation to them of the p. r. r. i have cause to praise their fidelity and zeal for my service , they on their part not omitting any occasion to give me proof thereof , and also beyond all that can be imagined , contributing in every thing to the behoof and advantage of my affairs . these good testimonies which his majesty hath given them in so authentick manner , will incline him to reject this article which tends to the dishonour of their fidelity ; as if they were a people capable to betray the estate , and to carry on by their correspondencies with the provinces , criminal caballs against the service of their soveraign , whose prosperity is more dear unto them than their very lives . since the king is pleased to permit them to live and to profess their religion in the realm , necessity requires that they be permitted to write and correspond with the provinces for their ecclesiastick affairs , as well as their secular : for without this neither can their universities subsist any longer , who have no other maintenance but by the relief of the provinces , neither can they demand nor receive the payment of the sallaries of their professors and of their regents : and when they want a professor they cannot provide if they be deprived of the liberty of searching out , and sending for them by letters , the only means to be imployed in such exigencies . it is also evident that this article of this declaration contradicts it self . for in forbidding to receive appeals from other synods , save only to transmit them to the national synods , they authorize national synods , and approve the convoking of them . but how can they be convocate if the provinces may not correspond one with another , and it be not permitted unto them to write ; being the convocation of national synods is not nor cannot be made without letters sent into the provinces , as well to advertize them of the time as of the place where they are held , as to authorize the deputies which ought to be present in those assemblies . finally this article gives occasion to them of the p. r. r. to beseech his majesty to consent unto their national synods in the term of their discipline , which requires that these general assemblies may be held from three years to three years . for during the long interval of time which intervenes betwixt the national synods , to hinder appeals unto other synods , were to open a gate to infinite helpless unredressable inconveniencies . this were to forego the means of removing scandals , extinguish vices , and to oppose the abuses of the discipline , and corruption of manners . this would bring in disorders whose course and progress all good men ought to desire to obviate , stop , and prevent . so that this article being of very dangerous consequence in every part of it , they of the p. r. r. do fervently beseech his majesty to revoke the whole , as being inconsistent with the liberty which is given them by the edicts , and also ruining their discipline which permits appeals from other synods in the tenth article of the eighth chapter . article xvii . colloquies . the same prohibitions are made to the ministers , elders , and others of the p. r. r. to assemble any colloquies , except at such times as the synod is assembled by the permission of his majesty , and in the presence of his deputed commissioner . the establishment of this article doth not only stifle the edict of nantes , but blows it up all at once . for the edict authorizes the colloquies in such a manner as permits not to contest their establishment . this is in the thirty fourth article of the particulars which hath been already rehearsed on another occasion , that in all places where the exercise of the said religion shall be publick , the people may be assembled , and that also by the sound of a bell , and do all the acts and functions that appertain as well to the exercise of their religion , as the regulation of their discipline , as to hold consistories , colloquies , and synods provincial , and national by the permission of his majesty . it cannot be imagined that they can elude these so authentick words , and say that the declaration doth permit our colloquies only during the session of the synods , and that the edict goes no farther . for the contrary doth appear manifestly ; and they must first make them of the p. r. r. renounce all common sence , before they can perswade them a thing so evidently irreconcilable to the intent , disposition , drift and settlement of the edict , which distinguishes the colloquies from the synods , as different assemblies , and which may be held at divers times . if the edict would only authorize colloquies during the sitting of the synods ; they may maintain by the same reason that they are not permitted to hold consistories but in the synods , nor provincial synods but in the national . the article of the edict being not more express for the consistories than for the colloquies , and not expressing the one in any other manner than the other , wherefore like as the one is intirely unsustainable , and cannot sall into the thoughts of any person , so the other is no less to be rejected . besides , ever since the edict the p. r. churches have alwayes without impeachment enjoyed this liberty of their colloquies , and the answers made unto their papers at divers times by the king's majesties predecessors , have maintained them in this usage , which by this means is found to have the edict for its foundation , and also the possession of threescore and ten years , which alone is a title more than sufficient . this is the reason wherefore nothing herein can be changed without contradicting his majesties intention , who declares that he wills that the edict of nantes be exactly observed . and certainly the ecclesiasticks cannot pretend to any thing wherein they will find themselves more destitue of all appearance of reason than in this point , for what pretence can they make to colour the prohibition of the colloquies ? do they conclude of any thing that may render them odious or suspected ? have they not there a commissioner for the king as well as in the synods ? the affairs which they handle there are they not purely ecclesiastick ? and the shortness of the time which they imploy therein , which in ordinary extends not beyond a day or two , shews it not that these innocent societies propose nothing to themselves but readily to expedite some points of their discipline ? finally , being they permit the synods , for what reason do they forbid the colloquies , which are nothing but small synods peculiar to one class , one bailywick , or one stewardship , as the synods are general colloquies for the whole province ? what then can be the scope of this condemnation of the colloquies ? surely it cannot come but from a bare meer design of inconveniencing those of the p. r. r. and hurting their affairs . but this cannot be the design of the prince , who seeks on the contrary the repose , comfort and commodity of his subjects , as the preface of this declaration it self doth testify . this is only the intent of the ecclesiasticks , who hate them of the said religion and seek all possible means to cross them and to render their condition miserable . for to exclude them from the colloquies , would be a means to cast them into inexpressible inconveniencies , for that the synods not sitting but from year to year , and in some provinces from two years to two years , they cannot without colloquies held in the meanwhile intervals , remedy those previsory and pressing affairs which will be now worse by delay , and which for the most part require to be handled in those very places where they happen , about which they easily assemble the colloquies , because they are composed of few persons and they not far distant , which cannot be said of the synods . without these little societies which assemble easily , they must suffer vice and scandals to take their course without providing against them . their flocks must remain whole years and sometimes longer without ministers , when death deprives them of those that did serve them . in one word , so it might come to pass that they of the p. r. r. might have a whole year without discipline . for when persons of bad lives amongst them cannot be reduced to their duty , there are none but the colloquies that are capable to censure them , and they will enjoy license and impunity in their sins during a whole year , if the colloquies be abolished , or remitted to the times of the synods only . for this is more truly to abolish them than remit them in this manner , for the colloquies have nothing to do when once the synods are assembled , for then all their affairs may be decided in the synods . and this is also to require an impossibility to oblige them of the p. r. r. to hold their colloquies during their synods , and that in the presence of the deputed commissioner . for there are provinces that contain seven or eight colloquies . what means then can there be to send the commissioners to eight places at one time ? or if they will that it be done successively , how tedious must those synods henceforth be , for regulating as well the general affairs of the province as the particulars of all the several classes ? and where shall they find commissioners that will have the patience to attend so long time from their houses , and to quit their charges and imployments ? and will the governors of the provinces or lievetenants of the king suffer the synods to continue their assembly for many months ? his majesty is therefore most instantly besought to revoke this article , which suppresseth their colloquies , and to leave matters of this concern to the terms of the edict and usage , notwithanding all decrees and judgements that have been made to the contrary . art . xviii . assemblies , commissions , deliberations and letters in the interval of synods . neither to make any assemblies in the intervals of the said synods , wherein during the said interval they may receive any candidates , give commissions , or deliberate of any affairs by circular letters , or in any other manner , on any cause whatsoever , on pain of being punished according to our edicts and ordinances . it was not enough for the clergy to assault our colloquies . they were affraid that for want of these ordinary meetings we should attempt a supply by assemblies extraordinary , or by letters-missives or by some other means . wherefore to the end that they might make it impossible for them of the pretended reformed religion to exercise their discipline , which is so formally authorized by the edict , that they might ruine them by division ; the clergy have proposed to have them forbidden all sorts of assemblies , commissions , deliberations and common letters for what cause soever , on pain of being punished ▪ according to the rigour of the ordinances . this is a grief uncapable of any consolation to them of the said religion to see themselves thus treated . for god be praised , they have done nothing wherefore their zeal to the kings service ought to be suspected , and their adherence to the good of the estate is immovable . their conduct and their actions speak for them in the one and in the other of these two things , and they shall continue all their lives in these sentiments which make one essential part of the duty of their consciences . in the mean time if they had a design to betray their country they could not be tyed and chained more strongly than by forbidding them all sorts of assemblies , commissions , deliberations , and letters . above all this the passion of the clergy cannot suffer that they should receive candidates in the intervals of synods : this is the effect of an animosity whereof the pretence is hard to be imagined . for since we are permitted to have ministers and since we are not hindred to receive them in the synods ; what reason can the ecclesiasticks alledge to forbid them to receive candidates in the intervals of synods in which they think good that they should be examined ? it is manifest they can render no other reason than their own animosity , which carries them on to desire that they of the pretended reformed religion may continue oftentimes unprovided of ministers . for if a minister happen to die immediately after the session of a synod , it may so fall out that his church as a widow shall not only keep a year of mourning , but remain subjected also to two years of widow-hood , in those provinces where the synods assemble not but from two years to two years . and it must needs be , that during all this time , she be deprived of the word of god preached , and the administration of the sacraments ; that the sick die there without consolation , and infants without baptism ; this inconvenience being so much more remediless in the terme of the declaration , because by the fourteenth article , ministers are forbidden to preach in divers places , and by that all means are taken away from a church that is destitute to have assistance from any neighbour-minister : so a place that hath right of exercise very certain and well known , shall hereby be uncapable of enjoying it notwithstanding . but this mischief doth not stay here neither . for if this article of the declaration stand , we must speak no more of synods themselves . it will be impossible to call them , or execute their orders . for how shall they call them if letters-missives be forbidden ? being this assembly cannot be called but by circular letters sent to all the flocks of a province , to give them warning to cause their deputies to appear in the place and time designed for holding those assemblies ? and how shall they execute their orders and acts , if commissions and letters be forbidden them ; for the resolves of synods are not executed but by these wayes , or by deputing commissioners to carry them to the places , or giving them charge to write letters to the persons concerned , to the end they may be reduced to their duty when the synods do sit no longer ; or by authorizing some ministers to deliberate with their consistories , and so to conclude those affairs which the shortness of the time permits them not to project and design by the synods , nay , it will not be possible to have ministers if commissions have no place any more ; for ministers are not installed in their charge , nor invested in their ministry but by means of commissioners named in the synods for laying hands on them , which cannot be done but in the intervals of synods , because the discipline of those of the pretended reformed religion ordains , that the candidates who have been examined by the synods , shall make three sermons of tryal on three lords dayes successively before the church whither they are sent , before they can receive imposition of hands and power to administer the sacraments , from the commissioners deputed for that purpose . it must here be added that this article proceeds yet farther , and leaves them of the pretended reformed religion no more any surety for their persons or their lives . for they are forbidden to deliberate of any affairs for any cause , or in any manner whatsoever on pain of being punished . so as soon as two or three persons of that religion be seen together , their enemies will pretend that they are consulting of affairs , and bring process against them . there will be no tranquillity for them in the realm , neither can there be any society , conversation or commerce amongst them without danger . his majesty is therefore besought with all the ardour of which his subjects of the pretended reformed religion are capable , that he would take off this prohibition , and take away an article so fatal to their repose . article xix . the validity of marriages . that the ministers , consistories and synods of the said pretended reformed religion , take not on them to judge of the validity of marriages made and contracted by those of the said pretended reformed religion . an article needs not for a thing which they of the pretended reformed religion have never designed to undertake . they leave it to the magistrates to judge of the validity of marriages , and their ministers do pretend nothing therein : only their calling obligeth them to reprove and censure the incestuous ; and the king without doubt doth not intend to deprive them of this power which is given them by their discipline , the exercise whereof is authorized by the edict of nantes . article xx. those that are sent to catholick colledges . the like prohibition is also made to their consistories and synods to censure or otherwise to punish fathers , mothers , and tutors who send their children or pupils to the catholick colledges or schools or elsewhere to be instructed by catholick masters , notwithstanding that the said children be not constrained to imbrace their religion . this prohibition cannot stand with the thirty fourth article of the particulars of nantes , by which it is permitted to them of the pretended reformed religion to exercise all acts and functions that belong to the regulation of their discipline . and it may be seen in this discipline the fourteenth chapter and fourteenth article , that it is forbidden to fathers and mothers of that religion , to send their children to the colledges and schools of those of the catholick apostolick and roman religion . this is therefore a manifest repeal of the edict to take from the consistories and synods the power of censuring fathers and mothers in this case , being that censure is part of that discipline the exercise whereof is established by the edict . this doth not hinder but that when the regents of colledges and masters of schools are of sufficient discretion and fidelity not to discourse of religion to infants , their fathers , mothers , and tutors may send them to their classes to be there instructed , for this is a daily practice . but if they do attempt to induce them to change their religion , can the consistories then be blamed for doing their duty in advertizing fathers and mothers to withdraw their children from a place where they believe their souls are in danger . this article then is of the number of those of which the edict demands the revocation . article xxi . bonefires . that when bonefires are to be made by the order of his majesty in publick places , and when execution is done upon criminals of the p. r. r. there ministers and others of the p. r. r. shall not have power to sing psalms . the prosperity of the king and of the estate will alwayes produce sentiments of joy and gladness , in the hearts of those of the p. r. r. as becomes the true and faithfull subjects of his majesty . they will render thanks unto god publickly in their temples , and also bless him privately in their houses . that it is to no purpose to forbid them to sing psalms in publick places on what occasion soever ; and the clergy have made use of this prohibition only to make shew that they attempt things which never came once in their thoughts . article xxii . burials in churches or church-yards . that the dead bodies of those of the said p. r. r. may not be interred in the church-yards of the catholicks , nor in their churches , upon pretext that the tombs of their ancestors were there , or that they had there any right of lordship or patronage . this prohibition is also needless , for that they of the said religion have never had any thoughts of interring their dead in the churches , nor in the church-yards of them of the c. r. r. but this article that speaks of patronages , gives occasion to them of the p. r. r. to complain unto his majesty of the wrong which is done them in all the provinces of the realm , by hindering them to enjoy their right of patronage which was left them by the thirty fourth article of the generals of the edict of nantes , and confirmed by an authentick decree of the council of estate , july , . by which his majesty doth keep and confirm his subjects of the p. r. r. in the possession and enjoyment of naming capable persons to the benefices of which they are patrons , with the charge only of naming persons that are catholicks , of whom it gives them power to make the said nominations and presentations : which being done the bishops , arch-bishops , and other ecclesiastical collators shall be obliged to admitt in the ordinary form such nominations and presentations as shall be so made ; his said majesty ordaining that this regulation should be executed from point to point according to the form and tenure thereof , notwithstanding all judgements to the contrary . if the clergy have gotten any decrees since this differing therefrom , they are decrees gotten by surprize , and which ought not to be put in ballance with this of which was granted in foro contradictorio and upon full cognizance of the cause . they of the p. r. r. do therefore promise themselves from the kings justice , that the consideration of his own ordinance , joyned with the authority of the edict , which in the eighty ninth article willeth , that all lords , knights , gentlemen and others of what quality or condition soever they be of the p. r. r. shall be effectually preserved in the enjoyment of all their goods , rights , nominations , reasons and actions , will cause him to maintain his subjects of the said religion in a right which doth appertain so legitimately unto them , and which is annexed to their fees and lands which they possess . if there be any small appearance of difficulty in this matter , it is fully removed by the condition prescribed in the decree of , which orders that the nominations and presentations unto benefices shall be made by persons of the c. r. r. to whom the lords of the p. r. r. shall have given their power . this condition was more than sufficient to remove from the most scrupulous what they might find to object against the right of patronages possessed by them of a different religion , for as to the capacity and manners of those whom they shall name to benefices , there is no fear of abuse therein , because that it pertains to the bishops and ecclesiasticks to judge thereof , and that it is in their power not to admit any persons in whom they do not find the necessary qualities . article xxiii . exposing dead bodies before the gates . that those of the said religion may not expose their dead bodies before the doors of their houses , nor make any exhortations or consolations in the streets upon occasion of their interrments . they pretend not hereto at all , and this tends only to perswade his majesty that they of the p. r. r. are an adventurous presumptuous busie people , and which take to themselves liberties which they are not allowed , to the end they may hinder this great king from having compassion on their miseries and hearing their groans , which the violence of their grief doth continually draw from them . article xxiv . the hour and number requisite for interrments . that the interments of the dead bodies of those of the said pretended reformed religion may not be made in those places where the exercise of their religion is not permitted , but in the morning at the break of the day , and in the evening in the entrance of the night , and that no greater number may be assisting thereunto than ten persons of the kindred and friends of the dead , and that for those places where the publick exercise of the said religion is permitted , the said interrments be made from after the month of april to the end of the month of september precisely at six of the clock in the morning , and six of the clock at night ; and they may have for convoys , if they please , the nearest kindred of the deceased , and to the number of thirty persons only , their said kindred being comprised in that number . the greatest animosity ceaseth for the most part after the death of the persons who are hated , and those who cannot be born with whilst they are alive , become an object of compassion after they are dead ; this notwithstanding the hatred of the clergy against them of the p. r. r. extends it self also beyond their decease , and they are desirous to trouble them in their sepultures , of which the said consolation is not denied to the greatest enemies . the article which the ecclesiasticks have obtained , as also the decree which they have gotten by surprize from the counsel about this sad affair , is capable of engendring endless troubles and suits . for they will continually molest persons about the hour , namely whether the interrment be made after six in the morning , or before six at night : about the number , namely whether the carriers of the dead be to be esteemed to make part of them that assist as convoys ; in which case it often falls out , when the number is limited to ten , that the children cannot perform their last duty to their father , or else be constrained to carry him themselves to the grave . they will dispute also whether those that betake themselves to the church-yard to behold the interrment , and those which are found in the street looking on the bier as it passeth , are not to be considered as exceeding the number permitted ; and they will find many other means to disquiet them of the p. r. r. on these occasions , which are sufficiently dolourous of themselves . by which means we shall daily find some poor families who in the midst of the tears they shed , and sorrows which overwhelm them because of the loss of their dead , will see themselves also against all sense of humanity , committed into the hands of judges who will condemn them , and of serjeants who will execute their sentences upon them with all rigour . the edict of nantes , nor other edicts and declarations made thereupon , have never yet limited neither the time of funerals , nor the number of persons . they of the p. r. r. have alwayes enjoyed a full and entire liberty in this respect , and it is but of late that they have been deprived thereof by the solicitation of the clergy : wherefore they hope that his majesty considering that this limitation is a nursery of suits and disorders , will revoke all this article of the declaration , and the decrees which have been made conform thereto , and will leave them of the said religion in the liberty of their burials , that they may enjoy them so and in the same manner as they have been accustomed to use them before such decrees . but besides all this his majesty will be pleased to understand , that in the countrey the execution of this article is absolutely impossible , for the church-yards are very far distant , and oftentimes it behooves them to travail two or three leagues to commit their corps unto the earth . if then they be not to part from the house of the dead untill the entry of the night , how can they make so tedious a convoy through the horror of darkness , many times through dreadful wayes and mires , through which they will have all trouble imaginable to make passage ? the morning hour doth not help this mischief at all , for if they set out at break of day it will be necessary thereupon that they travel two or three hours after the sun is risen : from whence the parish priests will not sail speedily to lay hold of occasion to raise suits , and also to oppose the convoy by violence , as it hath fallen out in many places , so that the dead corps hath been abandoned in the midst of a great high-way ; upon pretence that the interrment ought to have been accomplished by break of day , for which reason the parliament of rouen , who cannot be suspected to be too favourable to them of the p. r. r. have made a regulation importing that burials in the country may be made at all hours , except only those of the divine service of catholick apostolick roman churches . this being a thing evidently just , should be ordained through all the realm , adding only an explication of what is intended by the hours of divine service , that it comprizeth only the morning service and the celebration of the mass , because if the hours of divine service be understood to contain all those in which any sort of ceremonies or religious offices may be performed , there will be no hours left free in the whole day for the interrments of those of the p. r. r. from whence many suits have been seen to arise in normandy , about the hours of divine service . but instead of making an article against them of the p. r. r. about the matter of burials , it were much more necessary to make one against them of the c. a. r. religion ; for they trouble and abuse the others excessively in their interrments , making insolent noises and cries after them ; pursuing them with blows of stones , many times breaking open the gates of their burying places ; filling the graves appointed for their sepulture with bones and ordure , and act many other indignities , of which the examples are so frequent , that it were a vain thing to make report of them . it is also a thing very ordinary with them to hinder those of that religion from burying their dead in their parishes where their predecessors have had burial places , upon pretence that the publick exercise of their religion is not there had or is not there permitted . and oftentimes violence is used to disseize them of the liberty acquired by the edicts , and sometimes they come to arms , and that with a confused rout of people to dispute with them the entry of their burying places . it is to these disorders that his majesty is most humbly besought to provide remedy , which may hinder that no such violences nor seditious practises may happen any more ; by ordaining that the funerals of those of the pretended reformed religion may be freely made , without molestation or scandal ; and with prohibition to insult over them in word or deed , according to the twenty ninth article of the exict of nantes ; as also to disturb them in regard of the hour or number of persons in these occasions . article xxv . burying places . that the burying places possessed by those of the p. r. r. and those which belong to churches , shall be restored to the catholicks , notwithstanding all acts and transactions to the contrary . and for those burying places possessed by them that are not belonging to churches , in places where they have none but what are common with the catholicks , they of the said p. r. r. shall exhibit within three months the antient registers of those places before the commissioners , executors of the edict , or their catholick subdelegates , to make proof that the said burying places do not belong to the catholicks ; in which case they shall be restored without any re-imbursement : and in case they of the said p. r. r. do not produce the said registers within the said time , they shall be obliged to quit the said burying places to the catholicks , without pretending to any damages by reason thereof . and in case of eviction from the said burying places , his majesty doth permit them to buy others at their own charge and expence in places commodious , and which shall be appointed them by the said commissioners or their subdelegates . the hatred of the clergy against the deceased of the p. r. r. is declared by degrees . in the twenty third article they have forbidden them the liberty of exposing them before the doors of their houses , to expell them from that small honour unto which notwithstanding they of the said r. r. have never pretended . then afterwards they deprived them of the convenience and benefit of convoys in the th article . and behold here also they would take from them their burying places that they might deprive them of burial , which humanity and the laws of nations have allowed all the world. it is manifest that the ecclesiasticks have observed no moderation in this article , for they will that notwithstanding all acts and transactions , the burial places should be taken from them of the p. r. r. if they had pretended that they had usurped their burial places there had been reason to oblige them to restore them , but to dspossess them of what belongs unto them by just titles , and by vertue of good acts and authentick transactions , is to have no regard to right never so well established . they will alledge that the burying places belong to churches , and that this is a sufficient reason to deprive them of the p. r. r. because that their divine service is disturbed by their burials in this case . but the funerals of those of the said r. cannot cause any the least trouble to them of the c. a. r. r. in their churches , because they are not made with singing , preaching , prayers , or any ceremony at their interrment . and if the burying places of them of the p. r. r. belong to any churches , or are nigh them , they were the commissioners deputed by his majesty who have chosen and assigned those unto them in those places by the consent of the parishioners . it is very true that those of the said religion refuse not to forgo those burial places which appertain to churches , and they will be very glad that others be given them in convenient places . but since that those burying places have been given them by the kings commissioners , and they enjoy them by titles unquestionable ; it is altogether just that the catholicks should deliver unto them others ; or repay unto them the price of the ground , and charges of reparations and augmentations which have been made by them . and this is the most humble supplication which they direct unto his majesty in this particular . for the other burial-places which belong not to churches , and which nevertheless are common to them with those of the c. a. r. r. the article of the declaration is in that point very surprizing . for it requires that those of the p. r. r. should make proof that those burying places do not at all appertain to the catholicks . that is to say , they would oblige them to prove a negative , against all the law of the world. it had been sufficient to require them to prove that these priviledges had belonged unto them . for possession alone of more than forty years suffices , and hath the force of an uncontrovertable title . but to constrain them to prove that these burying places belong not to others , is indeed without all excuse . it is also true that those of the p. r. r. refuse not to quit the burying places which they have common with them of the c. a. r. r. but since these also have been assigned them by his majesties comissioners , and that they possess them by acts and transactions whose truth cannot be drawn into question ; reason requires also , that they be re-imbursed , or that they who would have their burying places , should give them others at their charge and expence in convenient place . but instead of disputing with them of the p. r. r. the possession of their burying places , it were more necessary to provide against the troubles which are given them to hinder their enjoyment of those which are not belonging to churches , nor common to them with the catholicks . for this is a very common evil , and which hath of late caused strange disorders . for so it is , that when there dies in the country any person of the p. r. r. in a parish where there is no burial-place appointed for them of that communion ; if they would carry the corps to some burying place which they have in some neighbour-parish , the parish-priests oppose them with incredible heat , yea some of them have come also to that excess , as to threaten to raise the country against the bearers , and those which did accompany the bier . being this is an inhumane action and which natural compassion cannot suffer , that the earth should be forbidden to any dead person whatsoever ; the king is most humbly besought to imploy his authority in this matter , and to ordain that either in every village , some burying place be delivered to them of the p. r. r. according to the twenty eighth article of the edict of nantes ; or that in such places wherein they have no burying place , they of the said religion may carry their dead to some burying-place , which they have in some neighbour-parish . article xxvi . process for cases reserved to provosts . that house-keepers of the said p. r. r. against whom the presidial courts shall issue process , in any case subject to the jurisdiction of the ordinary judges or provost , shall not cause the competence to be judged in the chamber of the edicts when the said presidial courts have commenced the suit before the provosts ( or ordinary judges ) but the competence shall be judged by the said presidial courts ; in which case the defendant may refuse three judges without cause known , according to the sixty fifth article of the edict of nantes . notwithstanding the said house-keepers of pretended reformed religion being defendants upon any crime under the jurisdiction of the ordinary local judges , may demand their remission to the chambers of the edict , for to cause the competence to be there judged , where the provost or ordinary local judge shall begin the suit according to the , and articles of the edict , which shall be executed as to vagabonds according to their form and tenor . and the judgement made upon the declinator by the said chamber , for the housholders of the said p. r. r. shall take place for the catholicks defendants , for , or upon the same crime where the process shall be made conjunctly . the import of this article is terrible , in that it respects the lives of those of the p. r. r. whom it throws back , especially those of the provinces of guyenne , languedoc , province and dauphine , into the first condition in which they were before the erection of the chambers of the edict , which were expresly agreed upon for their sakes , that they might not be left exposed to the passions of the inferiour judges , whose motions are commonly more suddain , more hot , and violent than those of soveraign courts . this notwithstanding , this article withdraws the house-keepers of the p. r. r. from under the chambers of the edict , to subject them in causes in the jurisdiction of ordinary judges unto the presidial court , that they may judge of them with soveraign authority . which the clergy pretends to ground on this pretence . so it is , say they , that the edict of nantes in its sixty seventh article hath not attributed to the chambers ordained by this edict , the power of judging of competencies in process criminal , but only when they are brought by the provosts ( ordinary local judges ) and not when they are brought by presidial courts . but there can be nothing more unreasonable than this imagination of the clergy . for if presidial courts cannot judge of the competition of provosts , ( inferiour judges ) and are obliged to remit their judgement to the chambers of the edicts , when the defendant requires it ; how much less are they capable to judge of their own proper competence ? for being herein they are concerned in their own personal and particular interest , there is cause certainly wherefore they should be the more suspected ; what appearance of reason can there be to make them judges of their own proposals ? and to what danger shall not the lives of them of the p. r. r. be exposed for the future , if they be abandoned to those judges , out of whose hands they have been withdrawn so many years by the edict , who come now to revenge themselves on them for the time they have lost ? neither may they pretend to diminish this danger , by saying that the presidents cannot make criminal process against any house-holder of the p. r. r. but only in cases subject to provosts , ordinary local judges ; for if they be once established judges of their own competencies all crimes shall become provostall in their hands , wherein persons of this religion shall be concerned ; so instead of one provost ( inferiour judge ) from whom the edict doth exempt them , they shall have many who shall treat them severely upon all occasions . and it will come to pass oftentimes that the presidial courts by a suddainness as formidable as that of the most fiery provosts ( ordinary judges ) will dispatch an honest man in twenty four hours time ; because he hath not any means to bring himself before his proper judges , who are the chambers of the edict . farthermore , it appears manifestly by the settlement of this article of the edict of nantes , that the intention of the law-giver was to comprehend equally under the same law the provosts and the presidial courts : for after that he had ordained that the competency should be judged by the said chambers , if the defendant did require it , he adds , that as well the judges in presidial courts as the provosts marshal , vice-bayliffs , vice-sheriffs , and all others that judge finally , should be obliged respectively to obey and satisfie the commands given them by the said chambers , in such manner as they have been accustomed to do to parliaments , upon pain of deprivation from their estates : where it is manifest that the right of judging competencies granted unto those chambers , respects the one as well as the other ; for the presidials have not received power to judge finally in the four provostal cases ( i.e. which belong to inferiour judges ) otherwise than those provosts had it before : so that the authority of the one ought not to be priviledged more than that of the others who first exercised it . in a word , there needs but one thing to be noted for discovery of the surprize in this article of the declaration , which is this . that the edict hath absolutely taken away from parliaments the cognizance of process criminal against them of p. r. r. and the declaration hath attributed soveraign judgements of the same unto the presidial courts . is it because the presidial courts are more capable more illuminate , and less passionate than the parliaments ? who sees not in this the surprize of the clergy , from which may it please the king to secure those of the said religion by a revocation of this article ? but they have need that his majesty would herein also redress another mischief . for they have attempted to ruine their liberty likewise in regard of criminal process , which they make against them by the provost marshals or by their leivetenants . witness the decree got from the council by surprize the of october . which declaring that the crimes of making and uttering false moneys , altering the species and clipping of gold or silver ; and the adherents and accomplices of these crimes , should be in the sole jurisdiction of the provosts in case of citation by them , whether the defendants were housholders or not ; did forbid the chamber of the edict in castres to receive the petitions of appeal , which should be presented unto them by these of the p. r. r. upon these capital heads , when they should be accused thereof ; or to decree any distresses against the clerks of the provosts ( ordinary judges ) for not remitting of the proceedings , which had been made before them against the defendants , if they were not actually in their prisons . whereupon it comes to pass that the provost marshals will no longer obey the chambers of the edict , which having made way for divers conflicts about jurisdiction before the council , decrees were observed with astonishment to be given shortly after , which denied unto the parties accused , the remission which they demanded of the chamber of castres to judge of the competence . there can be nothing more contrary than this not only to the edict , but even to the kings last declaration , who in this th article agrees so expresly that the housholders of the p. r. r. being defendants in any case provostal ( i.e. subject to ordinary judges ) should be remitted to the chambers of the edict , where their process is made by the provosts ; so true is it that one prejudice granted against them of the said religion makes way for many others , and gives boldness to push on against them the extremity of rigour . for this cause , the king taking notice of the consequence of the breaches which may be made of the edict , will be pleased to preserve it intire , causing for that intent this article to be expunged , which is found so opposite unto this edict , giving such assurance unto his subjects of the p. r. r. or to provosts marshal , that they may never more have cause to fear any thing because of their jurisdiction , from which they are so formally exempted , nor of the decrees which would subject them thereunto , which they instantly demand of his majesty to rescind . article xxvii . the preceding of judges . that the judges of the said p. r. r. in sheriffs courts and others , may not preside in the absence of the heads of their company , but catholicks only , who shall be mouth to the rest ; so as to exclude the officers of the said p. r. r. notwithstanding that they be the more ancient . how shall this blasting article be reconciled with the th of the edict of nantes ? in which they of the p. r. r. are declared capable to hold and exercise all estates , dignities , offices and charges publick whatsoever , and to be indifferently admitted and received without being rejected or hindred from enjoying them , because of the said religion . and with the forty eighth of the peculiars of the said edict which expresseth , that the most ancient president in the chamber 's miparties should preside in the audience , and in his absence the second ; the order and rank established for the presidents , serve for a rule to the judges assessors . besides , this matter hath also been decided by the royal answers of henry the great , as well in the paper of . upon the first article of the twelfth chapter , as that of upon the article . the king therefore , who with a design truly worthy the greatness of his soul , is resolved to walk in all things after the glorious steps of his grand-father , will be pleased to maintain that which hath been so justly established by that admirable prince , and will cause this article which is contrary thereunto , to be put out of the declaration . the importance is so great , that if this prohibition be left therein , it will continually furnish new matter for insulting over the officers of the p. r. r. and to put such affronts upon them as will render their lives extremely bitter . this hath been seen of late in mountaubau , where the private lievetenant of the presidial court of that town , hath had a pretension the most unreasonable in the world , and notwithstanding hath procured it by surprize to be authorized , having obtained upon petition to the council a decree , importing that another leivetenant of the same bench but of the c. a. r. r. should take place , not only in that which is proper to the presidency , but in all other functions of his charge , notwithstanding that he was the younger in admission ; which is expresly against not only the edict , but also to a decree of the council given in the th of february , . on the behalf of the officers of the court of aids of montpellier : for there it is ordained that the officers of the p. r. r. should in all other acts as well as that of presiding , and being mouth of the courts be preserved in their rank , sitting , place of seniority , and prerogatives according to the order of their admission . therefore the other decree which respects the leivetenant of montaubau being contrary to the preceding settlement of the edict and the decrees of the council , cannot in any wise stand good , and the king is humbly besought to null it , as a surprize made upon him by a petition as uncivil in its ground as artificial in its utterance . article xxviii . process of commonalties . that the process that concern the generality of the towns and communalties , whose consuls are parties in this quality , although the consulat be miparties , shall not be drawn into the chambers of the edict for affairs that concern accompts only ; although also amongst them the number of the persons of the said p. r. r. be greater than of the catholicks , saving only to the particular persons of the said p. r. r. . to enjoy their priviledge of appeal to the said chambers of the edict , in which we will that they be preserved according to the edicts . the intent of this article is more dangerous than the words . for therein is found by all appearance a fault in the impression , and that in these words , for affairs which concern accompts only , the word accompts is put by mistake for that of commonalties . for this article is taken out of a decree made in council the seventeenth of november . by which the cognizance of all affairs of towns and of corporations , in which the consuls are parties in this quality , is taken from the chambers of the edict , albeit in those communities the consulate be mipartie and that therein be more persons of the p. r. r. than catholicks . but both that decree , and this article of the declarations are a surprize made upon the kings justice . for the edict of nantes is to all purposes contrary to this new settlement . and the th article of the generals cannot suffer it . there it may be seen that the law-giver after he had established the chambers of the edict , regulates their competence , and ordains that they should take cognizance and judge soveraignly and finally by decree privative to all others , of process , and differences , moved and to be moved , in which those of the p. r. r. should be the principal parties or securities , whether plaintiff or defendant , and in all matters civil or criminal , whether the process were made in writing or by verbal appeal . it is not possible to give a larger extent to the competence of those chambers . for the edict speaks generally of all processes , and all differences , moved or to be moved , in all matters civil and criminal , when they of the p. r. r. are defendants or plaintiffs , parties principall , or security , by writing or word . can there be any doubt , considering this exactness , that it was not the mind of the edict to attribute to the chambers which it erected , the cognizance of all affairs of them of the said religion , in what manner of cause soever they might be ; and that in this generality , process in which communalties were made parties , should not be comprized as well as others ? and that which affords a proof yet to more clear , is , that in the same article of the edict , after that he had so strongly extended the competence of the chambers , he comes in the sequel to specifie the restrictions which ought to be made thereto . except saith he , for all matters of benefices and possessions of tythes not inscoft , ecclesiastick patronages , and causes wherein shall be concerned the rights , duties or demaines of the church , which shall be created and judged by the courts of parliament , so that the said chambers of the edict shall have no cognizance thereof . there is no person that may not easily gather from hence , that if the process of communities , in which they of the p. r. r. have interest , could not be brought to the chambers of the edict , they ought to have been placed in this exception , which so particularly notes out all the reserved cases : and in that it hath not spoken thereof , it is an indubitable proof that the edict had no intention thereof to deprive the said chambers . on the contrary , it appears manifestly by the . article of the generals , that it would have the chamber of judge of the affairs of communalties and towns. for there these words are read , there shall be made unto the said chambers miparties , propositions , deliberations , and resolutions which belong to the publick peace , or for the peculiar estate and polity of the towns where these chambers shall be . for if the affairs which respect the publick peace , and those which concern the estate and polity of the towns , be under the jurisdiction of these chambers ; it may reasonably be concluded that those of the communalties are not without their competencie , being that of all the affairs of the communalties there are none of greater importance , than those of the publick peace and polity of the towns. and certainly reason also doth evidently agree in this with the edict . for if in particular affairs , wherein one person alone of the p. r. r. is concerned , the cognizance belongs to the said chambers , to the exclusion of parliaments , then much more in general affairs , in which thousands of people are included , and how much more in the affairs of those commonalties wherein they of the p. r. r. are found to be many more in number than the catholicks ? every thing follows the nature of the parties ; and being the chambers of the edict only have the power to judge soveraignly of all the particular interests , in which they of the said religion pretend to have some right , how can they contest against their judgement in their general interests , who are the body and compositum whereof the others are only members and parts ? for to say that the commonalties ought alwayes to be esteemed catholicks , how great soever the number be of those of the p. r. r. is an allegation which cannot satisfie any equitable persons . this maxim though it were certain , cannot be extended farther than to respect things purely honourable , and where the publick authority is not only touched ; but not to respect matters of gain , in which the question is only of interest ; and of this rank are the processes in which the generality cannot suffer , but the particulars must also infallibly suffer at the same time . being therefore the edict doth secure the lives and estates of those of the p. r. r. their interests ought to be preserved in all sorts of affairs , whether they be common or particular . it is in vain to reply here that the article of the declaration provides sufficiently for their interest in agreeing that every one should have apart , the priviledge of his appeal to the chambers of the edict . for besides that this benefit , which doth only regard private persons of the said religion , hinders not but that they may be hurt in common : it is certain that the private persons themselves will find no relief for their sufferings . for when once they are condemned by the parliaments in their body , in the community ; they will deride them when every one in particular comes to help himself by his priviledge , and betakes him to the chambers of the edicts . they will treat them as persons already condemned , they will hear them no more : they will despise all their reasons , they shall have brave demanding justice , they will not forbear to ruine them piecemeal , and send them back with their appeal to pay those sums from which they were exempt by the edict . this article therefore being so troublesome , and so prejudicial to them of the p. r. r. his majesty is most humbly besought to discharge them thereof , without having any regard to the decree of the seventeenth of november . and to permit the chambers of the edicts the soverain judgement in all their process and all their differences , with reservation only of those , whose cognizance belong to the courts of aids and chambers of accompts , which they do not pretend to decline in affairs which are in their competence . article xxix . states and sessions of diocesses . that according to the declaration of , and the twenty seventh article of the edict of nantes , in the towns where the consulates and consul politicks are miparties , the first consul shall be chosen out of the number of such inhabitants as are best qualified , and of ability to bear cesses ; with prohibition to those of the p. r. r. to demand admittance to the first consulate , neither into the estates they held in the provinces , nor in the sessions of the diocesses . hitherto the clergy have done nothing else but contradict the edicts , but here they also contradict themselves . for in this article which they have suggested , and is a surprise , they would , that according to the declaration of , and the twenty seventh article of the edict of nantes , the first consul should be of the c. a. r. r. and that those of the p. r. r. be not admitted to the first consulate , nor be admitted into the estates , nor into the sessions of the diocesses . in the mean time , the twenty seventh article of the edict , admits those of the said religion to all estates , dignities , offices , and publick charges ; as also it receives them into all councils , deliberations , assemblies and functions , which depend thereon indifferently , and without distinction . so that whilst they alledge this article , they destroy it ; and making semblance to execute it , they utterly overturn it from top to bottom . as for the declaration of they have but little more faithfully cited it to his majesty . for here we see is a general settlement , which forbids them of the p. r. r. to enter into the assemblies of the estates which are held in the provinces . whereas that declaration of was particularly for them of languedoc and guienne ; and it speaks nothing at all of their entrance in the assemblies of the estates ; but only of the my party division of the consulates and politick charges . it is indeed true , that the declaration ordains , that the first consul should be always of the c. a. r. r. and because of all the consuls none but the first enters the assembly of the estates in languedoc , the said declaration by that means shuts the door against all the consuls of p. r. r. in that province ; which is a formal opposition to the said twenty seventh article of the edict , and they of the p. r. r. have good ground thereof to demand a revocation . but so far are they at this day from repairing the wrong which they did then , that they have aggravated it yet more , and have in divers places outed them of the p. r. r. from the consulate whole and entire , which the declaration of had only made miparty ; and now over and above all , the clergy by an evident surprise have here taken occasion by an ordinance which hath respect only to the consuls of languedoc , to forbid the entrance into the assemblies into the estates generally to all those of the p. r. r. in what part of france soever they live ; that they might comprehend in this exclusion those persons which have right thereto by the edict , and which is more , which are in peaceable possession , and who never have been questioned for their entrance into , aud rank in the estates of their country ; as the jurats of bearn , who without distinction of religion have been always for more than this hundred years received into the estates of their province . as also the lords , gentlemen and others of this religion , who without any difficulty have been admitted into all the estates of the realm , and who here implore the justice of his majesty for the conservation of their right , beseeching his majesty to declare , that it is not his intention to deprive them thereof . but the surprise of the clergy doth not stay here ; but that which renders it altogether insupportable , are the last words where they mention the sessions of the diocesses , this is a novelty which was never heard of before , and renders the condition of those of the p. r. r. wholly deplorable . though it might well be said , that as to the estates , the first consulate being taken from them of the said religion by the declaration of , they could not , according to the terms of that declaration , pretend to have any entrance there : yet the same cannot be extended to the sessions of the diocesses , for to this day all the consuls from the first to the last as well of the one as of the other religion have always without difference had entrance into these sessions of the diocesses , because they are coaequators ( i.e. assessors ) born , as they speak in languedoc , that is to say , that in the quality of consuls , they have all the right of proceeding unto the division of the taxes , and other impositions laid on the diocesses by the order of the estates ; the sessions being nothing else but an assembly made in every diocess , after the sitting of the estates , for making necessary impositions . being then there is nothing treated of in these sessions , but the division of the charges which are to be born by them of the p. r. r. as well as others ; and that all the consuls without exception have right to assist there , it is just that they should be admitted as heretofore , for the preservation of their interests there . for by what justice can they banish from those sessions the persons who are to bear the greatest part of the charges , who pay to the king much more than they of the c. a. r. r. because they are more in number , and possess more lands ; the difference being so great , that of eight parts they have seven in divers places ; wherefore shall they be driven from those assemblies where they have so great an interest , if not to this end , that in their absence they may cast on them the whole charge to be born , that they may ruine them , and overwhelm them by unreasonable impositions , and many times contrary to the edicts , and that they may treat them not as subjects of the king , and natural french , but as strangers and prisoners of war , whom they would put to their ransom ? being then all this article is contrary to the edict , and to the liberties of those of the p. r. r. and drawing after it the ruine of their estates , let it by the king 's good pleasure be cast out of the declaration , and above all , the end which excludes them of the said religion from entring into the estates and the sessions of the diocesses ; and for to secure their repose in a point of so great consequence , they do most humbly beseech his majesty to rescind all the decrees , judgments , and declarations , which may have given any occasion to this article . article xxx . common council of towns and commonalties . that in all assemblies of towns and communities , the catholick consuls , and common-council-men be at least of equal number to those of the p. r. r. into which assemblies the rector or vicar may enter , as one of the common-council , and have the first vote , in want of other inhabitants better qualified , and without prejudice to the right of those places which may appertain to ecclesiasticks , provided of benefices situate in the said places . the manner then of putting this article into execution in all communities , being there are divers places in the realm , where all the inhabitants are of the p. r. r. is reserved to the parson and his vicar . it will therefore come to pass , that in such places they can never assemble , and that the publick affairs be wholly deserted ; where the voters are not above four in number , which is not at all reasonable ; and besides there are occasions in which it will be impossible . for sometimes affairs occur which concern the parson and other ecclesiasticks ; so that in those places where there are none of the c. a. r. r. but the parson and his vicar , no deliberation can possibly be had in those accidents . adde hereunto , that in many places there are ancient statutes which exclude the ecclesiasticks from entring the town-houses , for that they contribute nothing to the ordinary charges , by reason of their privileges ; and therefore it is not just to put into their hands the conduct of the affairs which concern the communities . and it may also be feared , lest the affairs of the king receive prejudice , because in these assemblies the curats , parsons and vicars will have so great care of the interests of the clergy , that those of his majesty may thereby be incommodated . this article therefore not being possible to be executed , doth of it self require to be suppressed . article xxxi . single municipal employments . that the charges of the secretaries to consular houses , clerks to communities , clock-keepers , porters , and other charges municipal , which are single , shall not be held by any but catholicks only . it must needs be , that the clergy have a strange hatred against those of the p. r. r. being they cannot suffer them to be so much as clarks , clock-keepers , or porters . should not they take notice how contrary this pretension is to the intent of his majesty , who declares , that he wills that the edict of nantes be exactly observed ; that edict which admits indifferently , and without distinction in the twenty seventh article , those of the p. r. r. to all estates , dignities , offices and charges publick whatsoever belonging to knights , nobles or cities , of which these last are they which this declaration terms municipal . in the mean time against a settlement so clear repeated and confirmed in the tenth article of the particulars , they will not allow the least employments , nor the smallest offices to them of this r. ought not the clergy to have had more respect to the king 's royal promise , and not to have demanded of his majesty things which he hath published to the whole world , to be contrary to his will , whilst he declares , that he will observe the edict of nantes ? but this article doth not only combat the edict , but it surpasses also the rigour of the declaration , which imports that all the municipal charges should be miparties , and that one half of them should be supplyed with those of the c. a. r. r. and the other half of the p. r. r. which is so well observed , that the single places , as those of the secretaries to the consular houses , are used by turns one year by a person of the c. a. r. r. and another year by one of the p. r. r. and so in order consecutively . there are therefore no bounds to the animosity of the ecclesiasticks against them of the p. r. r. in the year . they were content to demand that the municipal offices should be m●parties , now they will wholly exclude those of the said religion . in which it must be avowed , that they little consider reason so they satisfie themselves . for goods and lands being possessed by them of the p. r. r. as well as others ; the inequality it self being so great in divers places that of eight parts those of the p. r. r. possess seven , as hath been already observed ; can there be any reason to require that all the titles and the records of heritages and of lands , should remain in the hands of those of the c. a. r. r. to dispose at their pleasure , and to cause the substance of others to disappear when they shall be possessed with envy toward them , or any other emotion inspired by the diversity of their religion , shall cause them to conceive such a design ? this is therefore an article upon which the justice of the king is implored to cause it to be intirely abolished , and his majesty may easily judge of how great importance it is to retain a settlement so rigorous , in that it continually furnisheth new vexations to his subjects of the p. r. r. as appears by the injury done to them of castres , where under pretext of this article which forbids them all single municipal charges , they will not permit them any longer to be porters to the town ; notwithstanding that this charge is not a single one , and that there are many porters according to the number of the gates ▪ this is a very clear proof that the least pretext serves to bring the uttermost extremity upon them of the p. r. r. because they look on them as persons upon whom they may attempt all things without fear of punishment . article xxxii . trades and professions . that in the assemblies of the sworn masters of trades , the catholicks shall be at least equal in number to those of the p. r. r. it behooves that we voluntarily close our eyes that we may not perceive that this article proceeds farther than it seems , and that the clergy hath here another design than what appears in their words . for they know that there are places where all the masters of certain trades are of the p. r. r. for that those of the c. a. r. r. neglect those professions , and apply not themselves thereunto . from whence the clergy could not fail to infer , that it was impossible to put this article in execution in those places . but the ecclesiasticks would in this affair cover another more secret intention . that is , to reduce and limit the number of the masters in every trade . for , if in the companies of the sworn masters , those of the c. a. r. r. ought to be at least in like number with them of the p. r. r. it will quickly be concluded from thence that no masters are to be received , untill the number of those of the catholick a. r. r. become equal to the others . and they will then proceed yet much farther , for then they will have the number of the masters of the c. a. r. r. to be much greater than that of the others , and that the same proportion is to be kept which is in every place betwixt the persons of both religions . this is the reason that the parliament of normandy hath forbidden the admitting of any goldsmith , or grocer of the p. r. r. in the town of rouen , untill such times as they are reduced to fifteen , that is to say , that for fifteen goldsmiths of the c. a. r. r. there can be but one of the p. r. r. that which is done in trades is done also with the same rigour in all liberal arts , in all professions , and in all imployments . it is no more possible to cause them to receive any advocates of the said religion , and the parliament of rouen have made a regulation , secret indeed , but which is executed with all possible exactness , importing that they will not receive any more advocates of the p. r. r. untill such times as they are reduced to the number of ten for the parliament , two for the presidial courts and bailywicks , and one only for the sheriffs courts , that is , that there be none received into parliament for fifty years , for that half an age at least will be necessary to make this reduction to the number of ten . in like manner they receive no more clerks , no more notaries nor messengers , no more ushers nor serjeants , no more attorneys . and we see with grief in the suppression which is made of a certain number of attorneys in every seat of judicature , they have pitched alltogether of them of the p. r. r. that they may drive them from all the jurisdictions of the realm . it is incredible that ever such a change could be seen to come in an estate where the edict of nantes hath been so well verified by parliaments , and so authentickly confirmed by the successors of henry the great . upon what grounds do they interdict them of the p. r. r. of the functions of counsellors , clerks or attorneys ? what have those charges common with religion ? and to exclude them of the p. r. r. from the quality of counsellors , is no other than to cause that their innocence and the merits of their causes should be without support before the tribunals , that they may be oppressed at the pleasure of their enemies , and adverse parties . for to reduce them of the p. r. r. to serve themselves of no others than councellors of the ca. a. r. r. were to take from them all means to defend themselves in matters of religion , there being no likelihood that counsellors of another faith would take on them to defend interests of that nature ; or if they would , it must needs be done with such feebleness and negligence , that no success could be thereupon expected . they proceed so far herein as not to be willing to suffer any physitians of the p. r. r. as if the precepts of hyppocrates and galen were incompatible with the consession of the faith of the p. r. r. churches . the parliament of rouen have limited the number of two to that great town , and almost all the universities of france begin to refuse the degrees of doctor in physick to those of the p. r. r. notwithstanding that we see the jews , open and declared enemies of christianity , do exercise this profession , and fill even the chairs of physick in the most famous universities of italy . finally it is not sufficient to say that they do at this day limit the number of those of the p. r. r. that aspire to professions and arts , we must also add that they exclude them wholly . for it is not without incredible pains that any one hath admittance . and as for trades , they refuse with a high hand in a manner all those that offer themselves , without alledging any other cause than their religion . this is not only simply to shut upon them the gate to honours and dignities ; but it is also to take away from them of the said religion , all means of gaining their lively-hood ; and to condemn them cruelly to dye of hunger ; as if there were left no more humanity for them neither in their hearts nor in their spirits . it is true that the king hath been willing to remedy this injustice by his decrees given in council the th of june , the th of september and th of november . by which it is ordained that those of the p. r. r. should be indifferently admitted to arts and trades serving their apprentiships , and doing their master-pieces , by which also the contrary decrees of the parliament of rouen are rescinded . but there are three things which grief and necessity force them of the said religion to present before his majesty . the first is , that neither the parliaments nor the inferiour jurisdictions depending on them have any regard at all to these decrees of the council . they make open profession not to regard them , and they are not afraid to say aloud that they will not yield to them at all , if the king do not express himself otherwise , nor make them understand his will by a declaration formal . in effect the court of money by a decree of the th of december . have forbidden any master of the goldsmiths to be received in rouen , untill such times as the number of the catholicks be supplyed : and thereupon the jurisdiction of mony in the said town hath refused an apprentice-goldsmith to be received master , and have dismissed him lately by their sentence of the th of july . the parliament of paris hath fined one named magdalen de la fond , and put her to pay costs and damages , and forbids her the exercise of the trade of a linnen merchant by their decree of the seventh of september . somewhat more than two months after the first decree of the council which ordained , that those of the p. r. r. should be indifferently admitted to arts and trades , being dated june , . and which is yet more astonishing , the council it self made a decree of the like nature , august of the same year . to forbid that there should be any linnen merchant in paris of that religion . by which one may conclude that the decrees of the council are not sufficient to establish a certain law , and that the declarations of the king are necessary to determine affairs , especially in the savour of them of the p. r. r. who find always strong opposition in the spirits of their judges . the second thing to be considered in this place is , that the decrees of the council speak only of arts and trades , and not of professions and charges , such as be of small consequence , as those of clerks which hath given them occasion obstinately to refuse physitians , counsellors , attorneys , clerks , ushers and serjeants by a marvellous hard usage , which constrains them which have these gifts and talents proper for the service of the publick , to continue in forced silence which renders them unprofitable to the estate , and which overwhelms them in confusion ; as if they were persons notorious and infamous , and which had deserved for their evil actions not to be admitted into any honest profession , nor received into any remarkable employment . this is the reason , that they of this religion which perceive themselves to have any capacity , and which may be profitable to their country , think of nothing else but to retire themselves out of the realm : and the estate by this means will see it self deprived of many persons of merit and service , by whom strangers benefit themselves to the prejudice of france . the third thing which ought here to be observed , is , that the decrees of the council receive not them of the p. r. r. to arts and trades , but under condition of apprentiships and performing master-pieces , to deprive them by this clause of those letters of master-ship which the king hath been accustomed to grant upon important and advantageous occasions , as hath been done in favour of the general peace , the happy marriage of his majesty , the birth and baptism of my lord the dolphin . they of the p. r. r. cannot express the grief they have conceived from a decree gotten by surprise from the council july , , by which they are deprived of these letters , which are the gracious favours of their soveraign , the refusal whereof cannot be unto them but most sad , not only because of the prejudice which they receive thereby , but especially because of the dishonour which it casts on them . for to refuse them these letters of mastership , is loudly to declare them unworthy of the least grace from their prince : and what would they not do to recover themselves from this blasting ? are they not french by birth and original as well as others ? take they not part as they ought in the prosperities of the estate ? the general peace , the happy marriage of his majesty , the birth and baptism of my lord the dauphin , and the other advantages of the crown and royal house , are not their hearts therewith sensibly affected ? have they acted any treachery , or any attempt which might exclude them from those graces which diffuse themselves to all others subjects ? on the contrary his majesty hath testified himself for them , that they have given proofs of their fidelity and zeal beyond all he could have imagined . this is therefore a surprise made upon his majesty , whereby a decree hath been obtained from the council , wherein the rigour proceeds so far as to declare them of the p. r. r. unworthy the favour of being shooe-makers , or joyners . they are those of this r. especially that have need of these letters of freedom , for that the most part of the masters of the c. a. r. r. will not take them for apprentices , and the guardians being almost never satisfied with their master-pieces , the entrance into trades in this way is to them ordinarily impossible . besides these letters have never been denyed them hitherto , they have always very easily obtained them ; they peaceably enjoyed them ; and this hath made their refusal more pungent and afflicting . but above all this they cannot sufficiently complain of the unjustice of the parliaments , who overbearing that infallible maxim of right , that no law hath any effect but for the time to come , would this notwithstanding , that the decree of the council of july , . which deprives those of the p. r. r. of the letters of mastership , should have a virtue retroactive . for they condemned those persons to shut up their shops , who in consequence of such letters were admitted masters , and who had many years before exercised their trades . therefore the king is most humbly besought to redress this : and for to stay those disorders which cast his subjects of the p. r. r. into a famine worse than that which comes through the barrenness of the earth , or which will force them to seek their bread in strange countries , as many in considerable numbers have done already , to the great prejudice of the trade , and manufactures of the realm ; his majesty will be pleased to ordain , that they of the said religion may not be refused upon what pretext soever it be to be admitted into arts , and into trades , and that they be received indifferently , whether it be by letters of mastership , or apprentiships , or master-pieces ; and that those who have heretofore obtained letters of mastership may not be hindred to make use thereof , and that at length those of the said religion may be admitted into all sorts of professions , of arts and trades , without restriction or limitation of number , that they may enjoy all the rights , and perform all the functions which depend thereon . and that his majesty would have the goodness to insert this into a declaration in good form , that may not leave any more place of disobedience to passionate judges and officers . article xxxiii . ceasing of singing psalms in churches whilst processions pass . that when the processions in which the holy sacrament is born , pass before the temples of those of the p. r. r. they shall cease to sing their psalms until the said processions be past by . here is no appearance that they would have this article to be extended to all sorts of procession of that quality which is here specified , for that it would be impossible to obey what pains soever were taken therein . for the most part of these processions are arbitrary , and unforeseen , and made on days and hours not fixed , nor settled ; how then can it be possible for those who are in an assembly to know when they are to pass ? and how shall they who sing in a temple , many times far distant from the street or way , shut in with walls , and in a place apart , understand whether a procession pass or not ? there is therefore sufficient reason to believe , that the intention of the king in this article is to speak only of that solemn procession of the day called corpus christi day , which being known and foreseen of all people , those of the p. r. r. may be forewarned not to preach in the morning of that day , but to chuse some other , as is already practised in divers places . this is the interpretation which they herein request of his majesty for preventing the evil intentions of those who seek to trouble their repose , and will raise a thousand suits against them , if this article remain in the condition it is in at present . for if they of the p. r. r. whilst they are in a temple , be not silent when a procession passeth , although they could neither foresee it , nor discover it , nor perceive it ; they will not fail to fall on them , and draw them into law , and condemn them to pay great amercements ; and perhaps will use them far worse . for they will think themselves sufficiently authorised to assault the temple , and to treat it as rebellious , and demand to have it pulled down , and it may even so come to pass , that the people in the procession will seditiously pull it down at that instant , through their fervor , without attending the order of justice , as hath been often seen in those times in which they have had no declaration which might serve them for a pretext for such popular commotion . and this may happen to be the mean to raise whole cities , and to cause such flames as cannot be extinguished but by the blood of many persons . his majesty therefore will be pleased to revoke this article ; or at least to make it clear , by restraining it to the procession of the day named corpus christi day , and leaving , in regard of other processions to them of the p. r. r. the liberty which they have always enjoyed , notwithstanding all contrary decrees , judgments and ordinances . article xxxiv . to make clean the streets before their doors against festival days . those of the said p. r. r. shall be obliged to suffer their houses to be hung in the streets by the authority of the officers of the place , and other places appertaining unto them , on the feasts days ordained so to do , according to the third of the private articles of nantes , and that they of the said p. r. r. shall make clean before their doors . it is true , that by the third of the private articles of the edict of nantes , they of the p. r. r. are obliged to suffer hangings to be put up before their houses , but not to clean the streets before their doors . this is an addition to the law , and which appears also contrary to the law , for that the edict in the sixth general article doth expresly signifie , that those of the p. r. r. may not be constrained to do any thing to any religious purpose against their conscience . they then humbly beseech his majesty to dispense with them for sweeping before their doors , on the occasion of the feasts , because this is a thing repugnant unto their consciences , being done as a religious ceremony , which their faith approves not of . this also will be after a short season a matter of suit also ; because they will always pretend that they have not swept clean enough ; and there will be found people so ill disposed , as to cast ordure before their doors , to the intent they may make them criminal offenders . for this cause , being the civil ordinances are sufficient for cleansing the pavements of towns , and those of the p. r. r. are at all times very careful to acquit themselves well herein before their horses ; there is no need of the last clause of this article , and his majesty is besought to revoke it . article xxxv . meeting the sacrament in the streets . that those of the pretended r. r. meeting the holy sacrament in the streets , carried abroad to the sick , or otherwise , be obliged to retire at the sound of the bell which goes before it ; or if not , to put themselves in a posture of respect , by putting off their hats , if they be men , with prohibition that they appear not at the doors , shops , nor windows of their houses , whilst the holy sacrament passeth , unless they put themselves in such posture . being the king leaves unto them of the p. r. r. the liberty of the alternative , and permits them to retire in these incident cases ; they never give cause to complain of them . but they find themselves constrained in this matter to represent three things unto his majesty . the first is , that they are always in these occasions hindred from retiring ; the way is stopped , the doors of the houses are shut upon them , they are held by force , they are outraged , they are laid on with blows , after all this they are over and above punished , as not retiring : his majesty is therefore besought to add unto this article , that no hindrance be made to them that would retire ▪ and that those who attempt to stay , force , or outrage them in any manner whatsoever , be punished as disturbers of the publick peace . the second is , that whereas in this article nothing is said save only of meetings in the streets , many flye out so far as to require them to put off their hats , who are closed in chambers and houses , and in case they refuse , they make criminal process against them , and hold them a long season in prison without any other cause , by an unexcusable violence . so far that they would even oblige the councellors of the p. r. r. to be uncovered when they are within the tarress , where the object of the adoration of those of c. a. r. r. is neither seen , nor perceived , and whence it is not possible for them to retire . his majesty is therefore besought to declare , that this article is not extended , but to those meetings which happen in the street only , and not otherwise . the third thing is , that the parliament of rouen , in verifying the king's declaration have much aggravated this article . for whereas the king obliges those that will not retire , only to put off the hat , which respects men only , and insists on an action less than bending of the knee ; the parliament extending the rigour of this authority against both the sexes , have carried it on so far , as to command : that they should put themselves in the same observance as the catholicks , that is to say , to kneel : which cannot be reasonably exacted of them of the p. r. r. so long as they are left in the liberty of their faith. therefore his majesty expounding this article in the manner which hath been represented , may be pleased to forbid to hinder them who would retire , or , to do them any displeasure ; by declaring that this article is not to be extended , save only to meetings which happen in the streets , without having any regard to the verification of the parliament of rouen , which he discharges , as contrary to his intention . article xxxvi . levies of moneys . that those of the p. r. r. may make no levies of money amongst themselves , in the name and pretext of collects , but only those that are permitted them by the edicts . those of the p. r. r. make no levies of money amongst themselves , but what are permitted them by the edicts , they pretend not to make any others ; and those who would raise this suspition amongst them , do impose upon them a thing of which they are extremely innocent . and by consequence this article ought to be rescinded as to no purpose . article xxxvii . collectors of money appointed for the affairs of those of the pretended reformed religion . that the money which they have power to impose may be imposed in the presence of a royal judge , according to the article of the particulars of the edict of nantes , and the state thereof be transferred to his majesty or his chancellor , and with prohibition to the collectors of the taxes to charge themselves directly or indirectly with the levying of the money of them of the said p. r. r. which they have imposed for their particular affairs , which shall be levied by distinct collectors . nothing should have been said to this article , if the zeal which they of the p. r. r. have for the service of the king , had not obliged them to speak thereto . for it is certain that those who have suggested this settlement in thinking to hurt them , have done nothing but to the prejudice of his majesties affairs . the reason is manifest which is this , that the collectors of the taxes of the provinces of guienne and languedoc , making at the same time the levies of the money appointed for the entertainment of the ministers ; these collectors have still more money in their hands , and by consequence the king is much better paid ; because the collectors do alwayes take of all the money which comes into their hands , that which belongs unto his majesty by preference in the first place . but this is not the interest of them of the p. r. r. save only so as the interest of the prince is the same with that of all his true subjects . and it suffices them here to remark only how the ecclesiasticks are animated against them ; being they regard not at whose cost their passion is declared , and that the interest of the king himself cannot hinder them from hurting them of the said religion , when occasion is presented them . article xxxviii . contribution to the charges of chappels and guilds . that according to the second article of the particulars of the edict of nantes , the artisans of the said p. r. r. may not be obliged to contribute to the charges of chappels , fraternities , or other the like ; if there be not statutes , conventions , or foundations to the contrary : and yet notwithstanding that they may be constrained to contribute and pay the rights which are ordinarily paid by the masters , and the freemen , of the said trades , that the said sums may be imployed to the relief of the poor of the said trades , and other necessities and affairs of the trade . the clergy who see that it is the intention of his majesty in his declarations to cause the edict of nantes to be exactly observed , imploy all their force and art to ruine the edict , whilst they make shew to conform themselves to it , and in searching out biases which may give it some supposed senses , whereby they may turn it against them whose protection it undertakes . this is the principal artifice of the ecclesiasticks . this is that wherby they think to cast powder in the eyes , and this method appears in no part of these declarations more naked than in this article . for here we see the second article of the particulars of the edict of nantes cited , by which the artisans of the p. r. r. are discharged from contributing to the charges of chappels and fraternities . but we find three wayes practised to make this article unprofitable to them of the said religion ; and to imploy it even against them . the first is , that they apply to the fraternities the exception which is found in that article , when it saith , except they have any foundations , donations , or other settlements made by themselves or their predecessors . and yet it is certain that the foundations and donations have no respect unto the brother-hoods , but only to the other things specified in that article , as churches and chappels . the second means is , that by an ingenious shift whilst they discharge the artisans of the said religion from contributing to the charges of chappels , and brother-hoods , and such like ; they condemn them nevertheless to pay the same sums from which they exempt them , to be imployed to the relief of the poor , and necessitous of their trades . this is directly to pull away with one hand what they will not receive with the other . the king hath not the terms of his declaration so intended ; being in this place equivocal , those persons which are enemies to them of the p. r. r. will never fail readily to give it an inconvenient sence . therefore his majesty is besought to expound himself , and to make it known that in subjecting the masters and artisans of this religion to the payment of the dues to the trades , he hath not intended those which are paid to the services and devotions of the guildes ; but only those which the masters of the one and the other religion are obliged to pay for the relief of the poor , and for the sustaining the affairs of their trade which are purely politick . the third is much more considerable and dangerous , which is , that in this article of the declaration they have inserted the word statutes , which is not found in the second article of the particulars of nantes ; and by this word statutes they will elude the whole settlement of the edict . for there is no guild which hath not its statutes , so that they of the p. r. r. shall find themselves bound by the force of this word , to contribute to all the guilds , to the prejudice of the edict which exempts them from doing any thing contrary to their consciences . and that they may leave them of the said religion no hope of saving themselves therefrom , they have contrived of late to make new statutes for their trades , obliging the masters to cause masses to be said , expresly to this intent , that they may subject them to the charge of the service of the guilds from which the edict hath exempted them . yea , and by vertue of these new invented statutes they will pretend to exclude all those of the p. r. r. from trades , because there are found in them articles which oblige the masters to the service and ceremonies of the c. a. r. r. church , and which amount to thus much that none shall be admitted masters who make no profession of the c. a. r. r. and because these statutes are made since the edict of nantes , they will maintain that they do derogate therefrom . his majesty therefore to obviate this mischief which is contrary to his intention , and to the decrees of his council , will be pleased to hear the most humble petition which his subjects of the p. r. r. make unto him to expunge this article of the declaration , and to be contented in the matter of chappels and guilds , with the second article of the particulars of nantes , and to expell out of his ordinance , the word statutes , which is not found in the edict ; and acording to his equitable wisdom to impede those new statutes which they would establish in the trades ; or at least to cause them to withdraw the articles which concern the difference of the two religions , as being of great prejudice to the traffick and behoof of the publick , which thereby will be found most remarkably injured . article xxxix . eliquidation or stating of debts that the debts contracted by them of the p. r. r. be paid by themselves only , and that the clearing the sums may not be made before any other than the commissioners of the provinces deputed by his majesty . here is another attaint which they would pass against the chambers of the edict , to whom properly belongs the cognizance of the debts contracted by them of the p. r. r. the commissioners of his majesty and the intendants of the provinces may well make the liquidation of the debts of the community , but those of the communities are different from those which respect them of the p. r. r. alone . it belongs to the chambers of the edicts to verify their debts , with exclusion to all other judges . article xl. inducements to change religion . that those of the said religion may not suborn the catholicks , nor induce them to change their religion under any pretext whatsoever ; and that the catholicks which shall abjure their religion may not be married for six months after their change. pure and simple subornation which is not accompanied with violence , nor threats , nor promises , nor presents , hath no reference to those that are of age ; for that they being of age to know , discern , and choose , are capable to defend themselves from suborners ; and when they suffer themselves to be perswaded to any thing , it is by an acquiescence of the soul altogether free , which is carried of its self to imbrace that which it esteemeth reasonable ; and this is the cause also why the th article of the edict of nantes , which forbids inducement to the change of religion , speaks only of infants , willing that they should not be induced to this change without the consent of their parents . and the same article makes the prohibition reciprocal for them of the one and the other religion under the same pains ; yet beginning at the children of those of the p. r. r. because they are in effect more exposed to this danger . according to this model his majesty is besought to cause this article of the declaration to be reformed , restraining it to infants and minors , who only are capable of being suborned in the manner which hath been above described . for as to others who are at the age of reason and choice , what would follow if it were forbidden to induce them to change their religion ? how many mischiefs and troubles would this prohibition occasion ? for they would pretend that it were no more permitted unto any person of the p. r. r. to talk at all in any manner of his faith , no nor to render a reason thereof to them who shall come to question them about their belief . if one touch upon any point in discourse , if one lend any book of religion to those who intreat it , if one instruct even his own children in the presence of any of the r. c. a. r. immediately they will pretend that he had a design to induce and suborn them to change their religion and put him in trouble with process . so will there be no more liberty of conscience in the realm , there will be no more security for masters of families of the p. r. r. in their houses , for if they are about to chastise their servants , or houshould , they to revenge themselves , may accuse them to have gone about to suborn them . this also would be a pretext to dive into the secrets of families , and to introduce a kind of inquisition into france , against the liberties not only accorded to by the edicts , but alwayes established in this realm . there can then be nothing more equitable than to restore and bring back this article of the declaration to the terms of the th of the edict , forbidding as well those of the c. a. r. as those of the p. r. r. to suborn one anothers children , and to induce them to change their religion without the consent of their parents , rescinding for this purpose an arrest gotten by surprize from the council by the syndic of the clergy of neemes , novemb. , . which decree doth generally forbid to induce the catholicks to change their religion in any manner whatsoever it be . as for the prohibition made unto them who shall abjure the c. a. r. r. to marry for six months after their change , it is a novelty and an innovation never known till now , and contrary to the liberty granted by the edicts . article xli . observations of the laws of the romish church . observation of the laws of the r. c. in point of marriage . those of the p. r. r. shall be obliged , according as they are enjoyned by the article of the edict of nantes to observe the laws of the r. c. received in this realm , in the case of marriages contracted and to be contracted both in the degrees of consanguinity and affinity . it may seem that this article were altogether innocent , being taken in a manner word for word , from the of the edict . but there is notwithstanding cause to fear that it is no other than a trap set by the clergy , to out them of the p. r. r. from the liberty which is given them by the th article of the particulars of the edict of nantes , where his majesty doth permit them to contract marriage in the third and fourth degree , and promise to dispence for the second , one of the second and another of the third , or second and half ; which hath been constantly and without any lett practised untill now , these dispensations and letters of the prince being never refused to them who had recourse unto his majesty and did demand them . notwithstanding it is this right and this usage so well established and so reasonable which they intend to shake by this article , which therefore by consequence ought to be erased , as being of ill consequence , and against the edict : or at the least there ought to be added unto it , that it is without prejudice to the fortieth article of the particulars of nantes . by this also in all appearance , they have had a design to confirm a decree gotten by surprize from the council january . taking from them of the p. r. r. of the country of gez , the power of celebrating their marriages in the times forbidden by the c. a. r. c. which his majesty is besought to revoke as an innovation made against the edict , and a thing contrary to the discipline of those of the said religion , and to the liberty of their conscience . article xlii . ministers converted . that the ministers being converted shall be preserved from payment of taxes and quartering of souldiers , as they were before their conversion . the king may bestow his favours on whom he pleaseth ; and they of the p. r. r. do in this place only beseech him , that seeing the exemption of ministers after their change is founded only on what they had before , by vertue of their character , that it would please his majesty to cause the ministers exercising their charge , peaceably to enjoy the exemption which belongs unto them , and to hinder the crosses which are continually laid upon them in the provinces , where they attempt to impose taxes upon them notwithstanding so many decrees of the council which have fully discharged them , and for the execution whereof the ministers address themselves unto his majesty , humbly beseeching to give his order in such manner , that they may be observed by the generalities and in the elections of the kingdom . article xliii . exemption of converts from the debts of them of the p. r. r. that those that are converted unto the c. r. be exempted from paying the debts of those of the p. r. r. this settlement being indeed an astonishing one , is of that sort which testify most the credit of the clergy . for to obtain this it behooved them to reverse a decree given expresly to the contrary in the council the th of march , . this is a decree quite contrary to this article ; and which ordains that the catholick inhabitants of the town of privas , who have purchased the houses and inheritances of those of the p. r. r. of the same place , obliged or condemned with the other inhabitants of the same religion for the payment of the common debts contracted , the community should pay the part which belonged unto them , of the debts contracted by them of the p. r. r. for the lands and inheritances which have formerly appertained to them of the said religion , and now belong to catholicks , whether by succession , donation , or purchase , saving their remedy against the sellers : this decree adding also in formal terms that those who were converted should not pretend exemption from paying their debts , whether they were obliged in particular , or in the body and communitie for the lands which they possessed . the nature of things hath not changed since . the rules of reason , right and justice , are still the same in the council and in all the tribunals of the earth ; and notwithstanding . they destroy what they have ordained in . and have made one express article , that converts to the catholick religion should be exempt from payment of the debts of those of the p. r. r. what lights could there be had in this case to make so considerable a change ? it is hard to imagine . for , can it be that the change of religion should change the nature of contracts and obligations ; and introduce this novelty in commerce , that those who are debtors , cease so to be , to the prejudice of their creditors , who have lent them their money upon their credit , and upon just confidence they had upon the validity of publick acts , by which they who borrowed their money , became their debtors ? the king will never consent to a favour or priviledge to the prejudice of others : but here the favour which they would shew to these new converts turns to the damage , and it may be even to the ruine of their creditors , whose bond may not only happen to be relaxed by the discharge of some of their debtors : but it may fall out also that all his obliges becoming converts , some one man may loose all his whole debt in general , and so may see himself reduced to beggery . if the king would except these converts , it would seem necessary for him to reconcile his grace with his justice , that his majesty would be pleased to pay their debts , and to discharge them with his own money . otherwise this were to give away the estate of another , and to cause a loss without recompence , to those of whom the prince is the natural tutor is the quality of a father of his country . it is also a thing worthy to be considered that in the provinces of languedoc and guienne , the debts contracted by bodies corporate are charges real , which follow the land and immovable goods , into what hands soever they pass . because the possessor is obliged to pay his part according to the proportion of his inheritances , when they come to the division of these debts . how then can the converts be reasonably discharged of these debts , being their obligation is not only personal but real also , and affecteth the lands which they possess , and whose enjoyment by consequence is a sufficient title against them to make them liable unto this payment ? how great soever this matter of complaint is in it self ; yet it must here be added that they go about to make it yet more insupportable . for although this article is not extended farther than the debts of communalties , yet there are many notwithstanding so absurd as to desire to extend it to particular debts , and to make use of their conversion as an infallible means to cross the books of the merchants of the p. r. r. of the sums of which the new converts find themselves accountable , and to extinguish and acquit all the rents with which they shall be charged , and to cancel all the promises by which they are held obliged to them of the said religion . the king without doubt never intended to authorize an imagination so unreasonable . this were to do outrage to the christian religion , to make it serve a design so contrary to its precepts , to whose disciples it is commanded by the mouth of st. paul. ( rom. . . ) to render unto all that which is their due . this article then drawing after it so many bad consequences ; they of the p. r. r. demand with all respect and instance the revocation of it ; and beseech his majesty to expound it in such sort , that converts may not imagine that they may be freed from paying their creditors of the said religion their personal and particular debts , with which they are charged by contract , or by obligation , or otherwise . article lxiv . temples and burying places not to be discharged of taxes . that the temples and burying places of them of the p. r. r. be not left out of the rolls nor discharged of taxes , but shall be used as heretofore . it is hard to comprehend the sense of this article , for it contains an evident contradiction . it imports that the temples and burying places should not be left out of the codastre , i. e. out of the common register , which contains the roll of the houses and lands of one parish , and that they shall not be discharged of the taxes of the countries where they are real , and in the mean time the same article adds , that they should be used as heretofore . this is a contradiction impossible to be reconciled . for if they be to be used as in times past , the temples and the burying places shall be left out of the parish rolls and freed from taxes , because they have been alwayes used in this manner heretofore . to establish the settlement contained in the beginning of this article were to overturn order and use . and reason opposes it no less than custom , for temples and burying places are places fallen into mortmaine , which are no longer in commerce amongst men , and which being not possessed by any particular person , are not subject to any charges which are put upon particular persons only . and this is that which hath been formally ordained by the answer of henry the great to the th article of the paper of . on the behalf of the dauphine ; and by that of lewis the just to the th article of the paper of . in behalf of all the burying places of them of the p. r. r. in general . justice therefore and the royal decision of the two last soveraigns of this estate , demand the revocation of this article . article xlv . infants . that the children whose fathers are or have been catholicks , shall be baptized and brought up in the c. c. though their mothers be of the p. r. r. and also the children whose fathers are departed in the said c. r. shall be brought up in the said religion ; for which purpose they shall be committed to the hands of their mothers , tutors , or other kindred which are catholicks , upon demand ; with express prohibition to lead the said children to the temples or schools of the said p. r. r. or to bring them up therein , albeit their mothers be of the said p. r. r. being fathers have nothing more clear than their children , this article doth cause also an inexpressible grief to them of the p. r. r. because it takes away from many amongst them the liberty of causing their own children to be baptized and brought up in the religion which they profess , upon pretence that they have sometimes been catholicks . if this article had spoken only of parents who are or who dye in the c. a. r. r. it would have been thought less strange . but to require that a man should not baptize his child in the communion in which he lives , because he hath been of another religion or years before ; certainly is a severity sufficient to throw a man into despair . besides , here is also a contradiction in this very article , which speaks not only of fathers which are , but which have been catholicks . for wherefore will they that infants , born of a catholick father , should be baptized and brought up in the catholick church . it is without doubt because it is just and reasonable that the children should follow the religion of their fathers , when as yet they are not of age nor in estate to choose one . and by the same reason the children of those who actually profess the p. r. r. ought not they be baptized and trained up in the same religion , being the same with their fathers , and wherein they were born , and being that whilst they are yet in their infancy , they are not capable to choose a different one ? this were to tear away from fathers their bowels , thus to ravish from them their infants , and to cause them to be baptized in a church , and instructed in a religion which they have renounced . and we must talk no more of liberty of conscience in a realm , where it is given and authorized solemnly by so many edicts , if this prohibition take place . this is to chase out of france all those persons how many soever there be who have imbraced the pretended reformed religion within this eighty years . for where is that father that can resolve to see his infants in whom he hopes to live after his death , lead whether he will or not into a communion from whom he is retired , as not finding there any repose for his conscience ? where is there a father that can digest the mortal displeasure to see himself bereaved of the fruits of his marriage , and to be condemned afterwards to pay them a pension , as we have seen examples in divers places , and particularly in rouen in the person of one named bindel painter , whose children are brought up in this manner . if then his majesty be touched with any compassion towards his poor and humble subjects of the p. r. r. he is besought herein to lend an ear unto their grief , and cause these terms to be put out of this present article , which seem to have been slipped into it , and added thereto by surprize against the intention of so wise a soveraign . for the other part of this article which imports that the infants , whose fathers are departed in the catholick religion shall be brought up in the same religion ; they intend not at all against it , provided it be intended of infants that are under twelve years for fe-males , and fourteen years males , according to the decrees of the council , regulating the age from which infants may change their religion . but here is cause to complain of two things in this matter . the one , that notwithstanding by the edict of nantes , and by two decrees made in council of the twenty eighth of september , and of the twenty fourth of april , . the same thing hath been decreed for the infants whose fathers have dyed in the p. r. r , i. e. that their infants should be brought up in the same religion , and for this purpose should be committed into the hands of their mothers , tutors , or other kindred of the pretended reformed religion : yet notwithstanding they have nor here made this article reciprocal . from whence they may in time infer that in this they have derogated from the edict and decrees of the council which were before . for this cause the king rejecting these words which have been , will be pleased to render this article reciprocal for them of the p. r. r. as well as for them of the c. a. r. the other cause of complaint is , that even since the two decrees came to be published , they have not ceased to hale away also by force from the kindred of the p. r. r. infants whose fathers and mothers have alwayes been of this religion and dyed therein . moreover now very lately , the parliament of rouen by an arrest of the first of february , . have decreed that a little maid whose father and mother were departed in the p. r. r. should be taken out of the hands of her kindred of that religion , notwithstanding they offered to bring her up for nothing , that she might be put into the hands of her tutor who is of the c. a. r. the reason which serves them to authorize such violences to the prejudice of the preceding decrees is , say they , because these decrees of the council are not registred , and by consequence oblige not , albeit that the last of the fourteenth of april , . enjoynes all officers to be conformable thereunto , and to cause it to be executed under pain of rebellion . the king therefore to give some means unto his subjects of the p. r. r. whereby his orders may take effect in this important matter , is besought to make thereof an authentick declaration which may be registred in the parliaments . article xlvi . schools . that they of the said p. r. r. may not keep any schools for the instruction of their own children or others , but in places where they have right to the publick exercise of their religion , according to the th article of the particulars of the edict of nantes , in which schools whether they be in the towns or in the suburbs , they may not teach save only to read , write , and arithmetick . to understand well what the schools of those of the p. r. r. are , it is necessary to observe that they are of three sorts . the first are their academies and colledges where they teach their divinity . the second are publick schools where they may teach grammar and humane learning with open doors . the third sort are particular petty schools which they keep with their doors shut , where the infants of the said religion , learn to read , write , and arithmetick only . for their academies and colledges they are fixed to certain places , and they shall not be insisted on here , because this article deals not with their concerns . for the publick schools , the edict permits them in all towns , and in all places , where the exercise is publick , as the th article of the particulars , doth prove , they of the said religion ( saith it ) may not keep publick schools , save only in the towns and places where the publick exercise thereof is permitted . but as for petty schools , the edict supposeth them as permitted in all places indifferently by natural reason and equity , which authorises fathers no less to give instruction than bread unto their children , and as well to nourish their spirits by a familiar instruction , as to sustain their bodies by an ordinary nourishment . so that it cannot be doubted that this is the intent of the edict , for that when it forbids to have schools elsewhere than in places where the exercise is permitted ; it speaks expresly of publick schools ; whence it results , that it leaves a liberty for particular schools in other places where the publick exercise is not had . in effect , this practice hath alwayes been followed since the edict , and parliaments have formally authorized this usage by their decrees . the parliament of rouen have granted many on this occasion and two remarkable ones , amongst others , the one in the month of may , . by which , notwithstanding the opposition of the abbess of montivilliers , one named haise was permitted to teach to write , and read in that town of montivilliers , notwithstanding that there was no exercise of the p. r. r. neither in the town nor in the suburbs , nor within more than two leagues round about ; upon condition only that he might not dogmatize . the other was of the first of february ; . by which the same thing was permitted to one named poignant under the same condition , not to dogmatize , and not to use the prayers of his religion in the parish of st. anthony of the forrest , where the said exercise was not at all established : and this , notwithstanding the opposition of the official of rouen , since which time , the thing hath not been any more disputed ; and they of the p. r. r. have not been troubled untill these last years , in which the hatred which many persons bear unto them , hath been permitted , all things without restraint , they have been desirous to forbid them these particular petty schools in all places . and the same hath passed even to that excess , as to forbid masters to go teach children in particular houses : and to heap up this measure , it is carried on to a refusal of receiving masters of the arts of writing and arithmetick , as this may be seen all in one decree of the parliament of rouen made against one named du perry . this is one of the evils of which they of the p. r. r. do complain with the greatest sorrow ; this is one of those for which they have the least pretext . for what danger can there rise from these petty and obscure schools , which are rather a mark of the weakness of those of this r. then of their power ? is it then a crime for their children to read and write ? will they bring process against a man for putting a pen into the hands of a simple flock of infants which come to seek him in his chamber without noise or shew ? and shall fathers be compelled to let their children live like beasts , or send them to masters whom they suspect , or send them two or three leagues from their houses to find there a master of the religion which they profess ? the distinction which here is made of the schools of those of the p. r. r. shews clearly how many surprizes are to be found in this forty sixth article of the declaration . for first , the thirteenth article of the edict of nantes , is cited to prove that they of the said religion may not have any schools , but in the places where they have publick exercise ; and yet it speaks only in the thirteenth article of the instruction of infants in that which concerns religion ; an evident proof , that in the places where the exercise is not publick , it is permitted to them of the p. r. r. to have other schools , that is , such as intermeddle not at all with religion , and where they are taught nothing but learning that is purely humane . secondly , the article of the declaration wills , that in the schools whether they be in towns , or in suburbs , where the exercise of the said religion is established , they may teach to read , write , and arithmetick only , which is true indeed of the particular petty schools which may be kept indifferently in all places with their doors shut , but not of the publick schools which are authorized by the th article of the particulars . for that article doth not restrain the permission of those schools to reading nor to writing , nor to arithmetick alone , but leaves them the intire liberty of schools , to give the same lessons there which they practise in other schools of the kingdom . therefore to bring back and restore these things to the settlement in the edict , it is just and necessary to permit publick schools in all the towns and all the places where the publick exercize of the said p. r. r. is had : and to consent to the particular petty schools in all places of the realm . this is that concerning which his majesty is most humbly besought ; as also to stay the course of the devices and injustice which is done to them of the said religion concerning their schools . for they do continually raise suits against them about the word places , which is found in the edict of nantes , when it is said , that they may not have publick schools but in the towns and places where their exercise is permitted ; there are many who have the rigour to desire to oblige them to keep their schools in the same place with their exercise , i.e. within the enclosure of their temples : notwithstanding that king henry the fourth expounded himself in this matter , by his answer to the paper of , art. . wherein he consented that the children of the towns and suburbs should have schools in the towns and suburbs where the exercise of their religion was permitted : and that the children of the neighbour villages round about should have schools in the suburbs . wherefore to hinder us a vexation so ill conceived , his majesty is most humbly besought to renew this explication , and to declare , that by the places of publick schools permitted to them of the p. r. r. he intends the townes or suburbs where the exercize is publickly enjoyed , and wholly extended to the suburbs , burrows , and villages where they have the right of exercise , notwithstanding all decrees and judgements to the contrary . article xlvii . sojourners with ministers . that the ministers of the said religion may not entertain any sojourners save of the p. r. r. nor in greater number than two at a time . this is a thing which is not common to see ministers entertain sojourners . but it was not expected that a law of the realm would have been made to hinder them . for every one may use his house , his table , and his time as seems good unto himself , provided he do nothing against the estate . and it is not easie to imagine in what the estate receives prejudice when ministers entertain sojourners in their houses . for all the instructions which they can give them is only particular , which is no where forbidden but in the countries of the inquisition . it is only publick instruction which is limited in france to the places where the publick exercise of the p. r. r. is permitted . yet in these authorized places ministers must at least be permitted , to entertain as many sojourners as they will to agree with the edict . they who have suggested this article ought to have thought that it was not worthy to be put into the declaration of a great king , and for that very reason ought to be outed . article xlviii . the sick. that the ecclesiasticks and the religious may not enter into the houses of the sick of the p. r. r. if they be not accompanied with some magistrate , or an alderman , or the mayor of the place , and sent for by the sick : in which case no hinderance shall be given unto them . notwithstanding it shall be permitted to the rector of the place assisted with some judge , alderman or consul — to present himself to the sick to know of him if he will dye in the p. r. r. or not , and after his declaration he shall withdraw himself . here we have the most important article of all the declaration . there is nothing more contrary to them of the pretended reformed religion , nothing more capable to trouble the publick tranquility , nor to cause so deadly consequences of all sorts . for it is in sickness , and above all , at the approach of death , that men have the greatest need of repose , and that trouble is to them most insupportable ; for that being otherwise sufficiently toyled , they cannot indure to be molested in that estate , nor to be hindred in the injoyment of the peace and comfort of their souls , the salvation whereof is then their sole interest . the clergy in their other articles have striven to take from them of the p. r. r. the means to live , in this they come to deprive them of the liberty of dying in the profession of their faith , against that so express settlement of the edict of nantes in the th article of the particulars , they of the said religion ( saith it , ) shall not be obliged to receive exhortations when they are sick and nigh unto death , whether it be by condemnation of justice or otherwise , of others than they of the same religion ; and they may be visited and comforted by their ministers , without being molested . and this point was judged to be of so great consequence that the king ratified it by his answer of . art. . for his majesty there ordained , that the fourth article of the particulars of the edict of nantes should be entirely observed , with injunction to his officers to hold their hand therein , on pain to answer it in their proper and private names . can there be any thing more opposite to the declaration ? the edict of nantes wills that the sick of the p. r. r. shall not be obliged to receive exhortations of others than those of their own religion , and the declaration on the contrary wills , that they be obliged to suffer the parish priests and aldermen to enter into their houses without their consents , and without being called . how shall we agree these two settlements so contrary ? for to say that the declaration only permits the parish priests to presents themselves to the sick to know their minds , not to make any exhortations unto them , this is in truth to say nothing at all . for where is the parish priest that seeing himself master of the chamber of a sick person , will not adventure to speak somewhat unto him for to gain him ? and if any attempt to hinder him , what uproar and what mischief shall not follow upon it ? they will cry rebellion against those that assist the sick . they will pretend that they offer violence to the parish priest who making himself to be heard through the windows , the neighbourhood and almost all the people will run thither in a tumult , break open the doors , throw themselves in a fury into the chamber of the poor agonising person , who shall at the same time see himself miserably molested , all his family terrified and discomforted , at what time as he ought to be left in repose , to bethink himself of his salvation . and how many other mischiefs will this permission given to the parish priests draw after it ? for the least word that one can say to them to free ones self from their urgencies and importunities shall be taken for an attempt on his person ; their persons shall be seized who let fall any word wherewith they are not satisfied , they will drag them to prison , they will in the conclusion condemn them to so great fines and such rigorous reparations , as are to be seen by divers examples in many places . humanity it self ought to oblige unto more compassion to families who are in sorrow , and not to establish means to give trouble over and above to a wife that hath more than enough by the sickness of her husband , or to a mother that is weeping over a child ready to give up the ghost , or to children that have their hearts wounded for the sad estate of their father . furthermore , if a man be in a phrenzy by the heat of a violent feaver , and he in the distraction of his spirit let fall any word conrary to his intention before the parish priest ; they will quickly lay hold on it as a good and formal conversion , and thereupon they will drive out of his chamber all those that attend him : they will hale away the wife from her husband , and the husband from his wife , under pretext that the sick hath changed his religion , and ought to have the liberty of his conscience . and if any person dye in this phrensie , they will seize on his body , and interr him after the ceremonies of the c. a. r. r. though he never had any thoughts on it . yea , and force his children to leave the church wherein they were born , and pass over to that in which they pretend their father dyed , by vertue of the th article of this declaration , which imports , that the children of the fathers , who departed in the r. c. a. r. should be brought up in the said religion . but if the sick man escape , they will constrain him to go unto the mass , and hinder him from returning to the p. r. r. by vertue of the declaration against the relapsed , though he never thought in the least to quit his belief ; and if he have said any thing it hath been the pure effect of his feaver , in a time when he knew not what he said , and when he was not himself . and above all this , they will constrain his children also to go unto the mass , in consequence of this declaration , which in the th article ordains , that infants whose fathers have been catholicks shall be brought up in the catholick church . is it possible to be any misery like to this ? there is also herein another inconvenience which must not here be forgotten : which is , that the parish priests , when they present themselves to the sick , put to them captious and artificial questions , upon design to entangle and surprize them , for example , they will ask them whether they would not be of the true faith ? whether they be not willing to believe the pure and sound doctrine ? whether they would not live and dye in the true church ? and other such like things . to which , if a man answer only one , yes , immediately they take this word for an abjuration , and at the same time they put his friends from him , because they pretend by this one yes , that the man is become a good roman catholick . they must not pretend to put them of the p. r. r. into shelter against all these disorders , by the presence of the judge and the magistrate , whom the declaration wills to accompany the parish priests . for the parish priests ? will choose the judges and officers according to their liking ; and they will find many as ill-disposed as the parish priests themselves ; and who far from moderating them , will push them on to undertake any thing . so that their presence instead of helping , many times will hurt , because it giveth more authority to that which he doth , and the sick and his friends are less able to cause a judge to depart , than a simple parish priest . but if on the other hand the parish priest and the judge transported with zeal , be minded to report the declaration of the sick otherwise than he hath made it , what means hath he to make the truth known ? will he oppose the testimony of his friends and the standers by ? why they will be suspected , and shall not be believed to the prejudice of the judge and the parish priest . neither shall they for the most part of the time serve themselves of their testimony , because the judges and parish priests do commonly send all people out of the sick mans chamber whereinto they enter , this is a mischief for which there is no remedy but by revocation of this article . for the other ecclesiasticks and religious , it may seem that the declaration doth not give them so much power , because it wills that they be sent for by the sick . but at bottom this limitation is a fruitless remedy , for that when a monk hath a mind to see a sick person , he will always find persons enough who will testify that he desired and sent for him ; and experience hath already made us see sufficiently that these witnesses will never he wanting ; in such sort , that upon their report , a poor sick person well setled in his religion , and that hath no design to change it , sees those persons enter into his chamber , whose presence alone is capable to trouble his spirit . this article therefore which concerns the sick , being of so sad and destructive consequence , and casting them of the p. r. r. into dangers which they cannot think of without uttermost consternation , they do demand with most profound humility , and yet at the same time with the most vehement ardour of their souls , the revocation thereof whole and entire . to be content with a moderation herein were to no purpose , because there needs no more than the least shadow of permission to the parish priests to carry them beyond all bounds . witness the declaration which permits them not to go in to any sick without a judge or an alderman , or a consul . and yet we see they go boldly beyond this rule , and intrude alone into the houses of the sick ; and in the same manner the simple priests and monks go without a magistrate , and without calling , because they have the power in their own hands , and they have nothing to fear whatsoever they enterprize . the king therefore may be pleased to consider that the yoke which this article imposeth on them of the p. r. r. is unsupportable , and that he may discharge them thereof according to justice , without which it may be said most truly , that they cannot any longer subsist in the kingdom , because they have no longer any liberty to live or dy in repose . article xlix . hospitals . that the poor sick catholicks and those of the p. r. r. shall be received indifferently into the hospitals in all places , without being constrained by violence to change their religion : and the ministers and others of the p. r. r. may go and visit and comfort them of the said r. on condition that they make no assemblies , prayers , nor exhortations with a loud voice which may be heard by the other sick . the end of this article destroyes the beginning . for if it be not permitted to them of the p. r. r. to make prayers nor exhortations in the hospitals which may be heard by others ; certainly their sick can neither be visited nor comforted , and therefore cannot remain in the hospitals . for it is well known in what manner the hospitals are made ; every sick person hath not his chamber apart ; there are alwayes many together , and often two in the same bed . it is therefore impossible to speak unto one without being heard of some others ; and it comes all to one to exclude the p. r. r. from the hospitals , as to receive them upon an impossible condition . but over and above this , the clergy have also proposed another scope unto this article , which yet every one cannot perceive ; so going on to surprize them who pierce not into their secret intentions , for in causing it to be ordained , that the catholicks and those of the p. r. r. should be received indifferently into hospitals in all places ; this is to hinder them of the said religion from assisting their poor sick in their particular houses , and to constrain them to cause them to be carried to their hospitals , where the priests and monks will not fail to belabour them , for to cause them to change their religion , so that in consenting that they may enjoy the hospitals they consent to nothing at all ; because they add thereunto a condition which takes from them in those places , the means of being visited and comforted by their ministers . and at the same time forbid them those houses wherein they may be assisted in their bodies without prejudice to the liberty of their consciences , and consolation of their souls . this article therefore deserves to be rescinded ; and there is no need to add any thing in this matter to the edict of nantes , which in the twenty second article runs thus ▪ that the sick and the poor may be received into publick , hospitals , spittles and alms-houses , without difference or distinction in regard of the said religion . article l. infants exposed . that infants which are , or shall be exposed shall be carried into the hospitals of the catholicks , to be nourished and brought up in the catholick religion .   article li. alms of chapters . that the alms which are at the disposal of chapters , priors and rectors , be made by themselves , or by their order at the places of their foundation , or church doors , to the poor , as well catholicks as those of the p. r. r. and that in the presence of the consuls of the place . and as for alms which are to be distributed by aldermen or consuls , they shall be dealt publickly at the gate of the town house , in the presence of the priors or vicars of the place who may thereof keep record .   article lii . administration of hospitals and spittles . that the hospitals and spittles , of the foundation of corporations be ruled by the consuls of the place . these three articles are altogether useless . article liii . festivals . that they of the p. r. r. keep and observe the feasts instituted by the church , and may not on the dayes which are to be observed in those feasts sell nor retail in open shops , and that their handicrafts likewise work not out of their chambers and houses close shut on the said prohibited dayes , in any trade whose noise may be heard without by those that pass by , or by their neighbours , according to the twentieth article of the edict of nantes , for which purpose the said feasts shall be published by the sound of a bell , or proclaimed by the diligence of the consuls or aldermen . vvhat makes this article here which is nothing else than the twentieth of the edict of nantes , wherein sufficient provision is made for the observation of feasts ? notwithstanding , the clergy would not have given themselves the trouble to copy out so long an article for nothing : and this without doubt is their design ; namely , to cut off the end of this twentieth article of the edict in which it is ordained , that the inquisition after the violation of the feasts , should not be made by any other than the officers of justice . and in place of those words they substituted these , that the feasts should be declared by the sound of a bell , or proclaimed by the diligence of the consuls or aldermen , but this addition is of little benefit ; instead whereof the end of the twentieth article is absolutely necessary to repress the ill humour of the parish priest and other ecclesiasticks , who will pretend to be competent parties against them of the p. r. r. in the not observation of feasts , and who will bring against them an infinity of suits if they be not excluded from this inquiry by attributing it to the officers of justice only . therefore this article of the declaration making a breach upon the edict ought to be expunged , to the end that that of the edict may abide in force . article liv. sale of meats on dayes forbidden . that they of the p. r. r. may not retail or sell victuals publickly on the dayes which the catholick church hath appointed for abstinence therefrom . this prohibition is needlesly made against them of the p. r. r. for they will not give this occasion of offence to the catholicks . article lv. ringing of bells . that the bells in the temples of them of the p. r. r. in the places where the exercise is permitted , cease to ring from holy thursday at ten of the clock in the morning , untill holy saturday at mid day , as those of the catholicks are wont to do . if the bells of those of the p. r. r. were rung at divers hours of the day : if they were in great number to make much noise ▪ or had a shrill sound , or had an harmonious chime like those which are heard on the feast dayes , and upon occasions of joy ; it would be thought less strange that they would impose silence on them so long as those of the catholicks are silent . but those bells which are never more than one in every temple , and which ring not but one moment in the day , to give notice of the hour of the sermon ; and whose sound is exceeding simple ; there is no more reason to cause the bell to cease which calls to the temple , than that of the clock which tells the hour of the sermon and prayers . article lvi . bells in temples , in places of citadels and garrisons . that in towns and places where there are citadels or garrisons by our order , they aforesaid of the p. r. r. may not assemble by the sound of a bell , nor place any in their temples . the same design which the clergy have already made appear in divers articles , is remarkable also in this ; it is this , that they would bring the fidelity of those of the p. r. r. into suspition , as if there were some cause to fear that they would make use of their bells , as a signal to betray the places where there were a citadel or a garrison . but the knowledge which his majesty hath of their inviolable zeal , and faithful affection which they have unto his service , will cause him to pierce through all the vain clouds of unjust suspitions which they would give him , and to revoke an article so injurious to his subjects whose obedience is without reproach , and who deserve not in this point to be treated otherwise than the rest of their fellow citizens and country men. article lvii . judgment of the validity of marriages . and being we have been informed of certain actions occurring , not yet decided by any decrees , to prevent altercations and differences betwixt our catholick subjects and those of the p. r. r. we ordain , that the marriages made and contracted in the catholick churches , or before their proper rector shall not be judged but by the officials of the bishops , who may take cognizance of their validity or invalidity . and if the said marriages be made in the temples of those of the said religion or before their ministers , in this case , if the defender be a catholick , the said officials shall have the cognizance thereof in like manner ; and if the defender be of the p. r. r. the royal judges shall have the cognizance thereof ; and by appeal the chambers of the edict . this is a rude blow which the clergy would reach the edict of nantes in favour of the officials of the bishops . for the edict in the article of the particulars had ordained , that the cognizance of processes concerning marriages should appertain to the judges royal ; and by appeal to the chambers of the edict , then when both parties are of the p. r. r. not attributing the cognizance to the officials , but when the one of the parties is of the c. a. r. r. and so much the more if he be defendant . but the article of the declaration is contrary hereunto in two manners . for first , it wills that the marriages which are made before the parish priests or in the catholick churches , should be judged by the officials of the bishops , though the defendant be of the p. r. r. secondly , this article is couched in such sort , that even when both the parties are of the p. r. r. it gives to understand that notwithstanding , if their marriages were made in the churches of those of the c. a. r. r. or before their papish priests , it should belong for all that to the officials to take cognizance and judge thereof . thus here they of the p. r. r. who are in no sort at all justifiable by the ecclesiasticks , are subjected unto their tribunals : and what may they expect from judges prejudiced and passionate , but rigorous condemnations ? this article then takes them of the p. r. r. out of the hands of the kings judges , to put them in the hands of the officials . this is properly to repeal the edict , whose settlement in this matter is so just and so reasonable , that the new commentator who hath imployed all his spirits to endeavour to take away this sacred buckler of the edict from them of the p. r. r. hath notwithstanding said nothing at all to elude this article of the particulars : on the contrary , he hath elsewhere confirmed it by the conference of fleix on the article of the generals . so also the usage hath alwayes been hitherto conformable to the edict . they of the p. r. r. have hitherto never pleaded in causes matrimonial , but before the judges royal and those of the chamber of the edict . this is therefore an innovation , which the king out of the design which he hath to cause the edict of nantes to be exactly observed , without doubt cannot suffer . article lviii . tythes infeoft . that criminal causes in which the ecclesiasticks are defendants , may be handled before the royal judges and the stewards , and in case of appeal before the parliaments , and that the chambers of the edict may not have cognizance of the propriety nor of the possession of tythes , no not of those that are infeoffed , nor of other rights , dues , and demains of the church ; with prohibition to the said chambers of the edicts to take any cognizance thereof . all this whole article was contrived by the clergy for no other purpose than to foist into it one word which doth clash with the edict , and enervate the powers of the chambers appointed in favour of them of the p. r. r. for the edict having declared in the thirty fourth article , that the said chambers should take cognizance and judge soveraignly , and without appeal by decree privative to all others the process moved or to be moved , in which they of the p. r. r. were parties principal or security , plaintiff or defendant , in all matters civil or criminal ; it after adjoyns this exception ; except notwithstanding all matters of benefices and the possession of tythes not infeoft &c. the edict then takes not from the chambers allowed them of the p. r. r. the judgement of tythes but when they are not infeoft , and the declaration on the contrary prohibits them the cognizance of tythes even infeoft . is not this i , and nay , pro , and con , affirmative , and negative ? in a word , the most formal opposition that can be imagined ? if then the king will that the edict be exactly observed , as cannot be doubted after the solemn protestation that he hath made thereof , it is impossible that this clause should subsist , and it ought necessarily to be revoked . article lix . reparation of churches and presbyteries . that those of the said p. r. r. pay the impositions ordained as well for the re-edification , and reparation of parochial churches and rectories , as for the entertainment of catholick school-masters and regents ; notwithstanding that they may not be rated in regard of the head-money which may be ordained for this purpose , according to the second particular of the edict of nantes . they say commonly the end crowns the work : but here it destroys and ruines it . for we must remember that the preface of this declaration imported that it had for its scope to cause the edict of nantes to be observed , and the decrees since interposed according to their form and tenure . but the clergy having lost all memory of this project , suggests here an article which equally repeals the edict , and all the decrees which have hitherto treated upon this matter , which is the re-edification and reparation of parish churches , rectories , with the entertainment of catholick school masters and regents . for as for the edict of nantes , it is so formal that it is an astonishment to any one , doubtless , to see it cited in this place as conformable to this declaration . thus it speaks in the second article of the particulars , which is alledged in this place . they of the said religion may not be constrained to contribute to the reparations and constructions of churches , chappels , presbyteries , nor to buy ornaments for priests , lights , founding of bells , holy bread , rights of guilds , hiring of houses for residence of priests and religion persons , and other such like ; if they were not obliged by their foundations , endowments , or other settlements made by themselves , their authors and predecessors . he that compares with this article of the edict that of the declaration , shall find betwixt them the most perfect contrariety in the world. the edict of nantes saith , that they of the p. r. r. may not be constrained to contribute to the reparations , and buildings of churches and presbyteries , and the declaration saith , they of the said religion shall pay the impositions that are appointed for the re-edification or reparation of parish-churches or parsonage-houses . nor indeed is black more opposite to white , and the day to the night , than the edict and the declaration are in this point . besides , it is a thing worthy of consideration , that not only the edict hath exempted those of the p. r. r. from reparations , re-edifications and buildings , both of churches , and parsonage-houses ; but also the author of the edict henry the great , and lewis the just his son , both of glorious and immortal memory , have afterwards confirmed this exemption throughout , so many times as occasion was presented , as may be seen in their answers to the papers of . art. , . art. , . article . and not only the edict and the royal answers which are the explications and sequels thereof , have established this right in favour of them of the p. r. r. but also it is certain that the decrees both of the council , and chambers of the edict have been alway conformed thereunto . there are found four decrees of the council that make proofs of this . the first is of the fourth of march . by which francis boutillon and others making profession of the p. r. r. at quellebeuf , were discharged of the re-edification of the said church at quellebeuf , and the catholicks of that place , their adversaries were condemned to restore unto them that which they had paid , both the principal and costs . the second was of the one and twentyeth of august following , by which the inhabitants of the p. r. r. of conde upon noireau were discharged , without regard to the sentence of the baily of that place , of the rate set upon them for the re-edification of the church and altar of that burrow ; with a prohibition to the parson and the catholick inhabitants to rate them for those reparations , on the pain of five hundred crowns , and to answer in their own proper and private names . the third was of the twenty eighth of august . which discharged the inhabitants of the p. r. r. of the country of bearn , from contributing to the reparation of the churches and covents of the catholicks , as well as the catholicks from contributing to the building and re-edification of the temples of those of the said religion ; making those two things equal and reciprocal ; the which decree was enregistred by the parliament of pau , the first of july . and agreeable to so authentick a settlement , my lord the count of gramont , governor and lievetenant general for the king in his kingdom of navarre , and in his country of bearn , gave forth his ordinance on the twenty third of june . by which he condemned the jurats of the place of st. susannne to be arrested , and carried to the prison of the castle of orther for having commanded the inhabitants of the p. r. r. of that place , to work in the reparation of the parish church there , and for having seized their goods upon their refusal . the fourth decree was of the counsel of the fourth of may . by which the inhabitants of the c. a. r. r. of the parish of st. thomas in the town of st. lo , were debarred upon their own proper petition , tending to cause those of the p. r. r. to contribute to the sum of . livers , which was to be raised on the parishioners in common for the re-edification of the church of saint thomas ; notwithstanding that the catholicks alledged that the said church had been heretofore demolished by them of the p. r. r. during the troubles . as for the chambers of the edict , they have given like decrees in so great number , that their multitude only hinders from citing them , so that this question hath not been dubious in the parliament of normandy it self , and the usage of the palais of that court hath been so constant to discharge them of the p. r. r. that they condemned them also to pay costs , who had the rashness to assail them in this matter of reparations of churches and parsonage-houses , of which those of the said religion have the decrees in readiness to justifie the truth of their allegation in case there be need . what strang surprize then is this to see at this day a practice of justice so well established to be changed all at one blow , and to repeal a possession founded on the edict , on the answer-royal . on the decrees of the council and the chambers of the edict , without any one appearing to the contrary , to the time of this declaration . the preface of this declaration it self setting down — that what hath been judged and decided by the decrees should be firm for ever , and executed as a law inviolable . a maxim surely , which is one of the greatest surprises that the clergy have made upon the justice of the king , as hath been shewn in the beginning . but notwithstanding that this maxim cannot be received in other things , the exemption granted unto them of the p. r. r. in respect of the churches and parsonage houses ought to pass for a law inviolable , since it hath been judged and decided in all occurrences by the decrees of the council and chambers of the edict ; decrees which are so much the more indisputable because they are founded on the law , which is the edict of nantes . what can the ecclesiasticks then alledge for to colour their pretensions ? all that they have in their mouths is a vain consequence which they draw by a false reasoning , and which serves only to shew how ill founded they are . they say that they of the p. r. r. do indeed pay tythes to the parsons : and by consequence they ought also to contribute to the charges of churches and parsonage-houses . but there can be nothing less reasonable . for there is found in the edict one express article which obligeth them of the said religion to pay the tythes . but so far it is from having condemned them to contribute to the repaires of the churches , and building parsonage-houses ; that on the contrary it hath one to exempt them . they cannot then argue rightly from tenths to reparations . and if one might draw a consequence from the one to the other , they of the p. r. r. might as well have good grounds to maintain , that because they are exempt from reparations , they ought not to be subject unto tythes : as the other think they have good ground to maintain , that because those of the said religion are subject to tythes , therefore they ought to contribute to reparations . but the principal foundation of this affair is indeed , that they of the p. r. r. were not made subject unto tythes but by the pure and only authority of henry the great , who would have it so that he might give that satisfaction to the ecclesiasticks ; for at the bottom , the parish priests are not the pastors of them of the p. r. r. and do them no manner of service in spiritual things ; they are not bound to entertain them , but only their own ministers who take care of their souls ; which also king henry the fourth knew so well , that for to indemnify them in a thing from which their religion did exempt them ; he was willing to pay them yearly the sum of . crowns for the subsistence of their ministers , to the intent that this sum might be in the place of the tythes which they ought not to have paid . with what appearance of reason then can they draw a consequence from tythes to reparations ; being the payment of tythes themselves is a charge to which they of the p. r. r. were so little subject , that the king himself thought that it was just for him to indemnify them in that particular ? would it not be a case very deplorable , that the money being taken away which was expresly allowed them to mitigate their payment of tythes ; yet notwithstanding nevertheless , the tythes should obtain to oblige them to reparations ? and doth it not seem rather to be justice to restore their pension of crowns for to recompense the tythes which they pay in consideration of that sum , than to will that they be charged with new payments for reparations , from which they are exempt by all manner of reason ? it were in vain to pretend to make that limitation valid , which is found in the end of this article , where it is said , that they may not be cottized , rated by the poll , i.e. that they may not be obliged to contribute , with respect to their persons ; but only according to the proportion of their lands and inheritances which they possess in their parishes , so that they who have neither houses nor lands should pay nothing . this is a very sad consolation , which regards only those miserable persons that have neither house nor home . and which is more , this sort of rating is not ordinarily set , save only on inheritances , so that to allow this exemption only to those that have no estate in lands , is to allow nothing in effect . the edict it self will not suffer a thought of this fruitless exemption . for can it be said that when the edict of nantes exempts them of the p. r. r. from contributing to the reparation of churches and parsonage-houses , that its intention was only to discharge persons and not lands ? there is no appearance that any person would propose a thing so unreasonable . for the decrees of the council and of the chambers of the edict alledged above do fully evince the contrary , by authentick decisions which have been made in this matter during the term of more than threescor● years ; alwayes discharging those of the p. r. r. which possessed lands purely and wholly of these ecclesiastick reparations . being then the edict exempts the inheritances as well as the persons ; it follows clearly that this new declaration in pronouncing that they of the said religion should not be rated in regard of their heads , makes nothing at all for them , and that it cannot be otherwise looked on than as the ruine of the article of the edict . a ruine which infallibly draws after it that of his majesties subjects who profess the p. r. r. for this will be a sure means for the ecclesiasticks to spoil them of their estates : because that out of hate to their religion , the parsons , treasurers and guardians of parishes will make them bear almost all the charges of these reparations ; as is seen of late by experience . they invent even every day a thousand crafty shifts , for to charge all the load of expences on them , and to discharge those of the c. a. r. r. and it will quickly be found , if there be no remedy , that all the mony which should be paid to the king , or imployed to the publick weal , will go to the re-edification of churches , and building of parsonage-houses , or trimming up of altars . this article then is one of them , the revocation whereof is of most importance , and his majesty shall do a thing worthy his justice and his royal bounty to condescend thereto , and to evacuate the decrees and judgements that have been given in consequence thereof . thus they of the p. r. r. justify what they have undertaken ; maintaining that this whole declaration of the second of april . is composed of nothing else but articles either frivolous which deserve not to have any place therein , or contrary to the edict of nantes , and by consequence worthy to be rejected , as contrary to his majesties intention , who would that this perpetual and irrevocable edict be exactly observed in his dominion . this great monarch who by god's example , whose living image he is , hath no respect unto the appearance of mens persons , and who heares the least of his people as well as the greatest of his realm , is besought to give to these observations , some moments of that equitable attention which he allows to all those who implore his justice : to the end , that knowing how reasonable the complaints of his subjects of the p. r. r. are , he may revoke a declaration which is the tomb of the edict , the work of the hate and animosity of the clergy , the ruine of the liberty of conscience , and a sourse of infinite mischie● publick and private , and which will bring to the extremest misery , more than a million of persons , whose religion commends nothing unto them after the service of god , above fidelity unto their king ; and whose carriage hath made the whole world to see , that the zeal to be good christians , and that of being good french-men , is in their hearts inseparable . the second declaration of the same second day of april , . entituled against the relapsed and blasphemers . lewis , by the grace of god , king of france and navarr , to all those to whom these presents shall come , greeting . since it hath pleased god to give peace unto our realm , we have applyed our cares to reform the disorders which the licence of the war hath introduced ; and because the violations of the edicts of the pacification were the most considerable , we have laboured to repair them exactly by commissioners , as well catholicks as of the p. r. r. whom we have sent for this purpose into our provinces , by whose report we having understood that one of the greatest evils , and against which it was necessary to make some provision , concerned the abuse which hath been introduced of late time , by which , many who professed the p. r. r. did abjure it to embrace the catholick , and after they had participated of the most holy mysteries , returned by a scandalous contempt and sacriledge to their first heresie . as also , that those who were engaged in holy orders , whereunto they were obliged by vows , quitted their order , and forsook their monastery , to profess the p. r. r. against which we believed we had sufficiently provided by our declaration of the month of april . having prohibited our subjects of the p. r. r. who had once made abjuration thereof , to profess the catholick religion , and those who were engaged in the holy orders of the church , and to the religious men and women , to quitt the catholick religion , to take up the p. r. r. upon any pretext whatsoever . but because these prohibitions without any penalty , have not produced the effect which we did promise our selves , we were obliged to give out a second declaration of the twentieth of june , the last year , . by which we ordained that the relapsed and apostates , should be punished by the penalty of banishment ; which declarations have also continued without effect , because those who were guilty of these crimes , betook themselves unto the chambers of the edict , notwithstanding the cognizance of that fact was appropriated by the said declaration , to our parliaments , to whom for this purpose we had addressed them , and that under pretext that we had not precisely forbidden the cognisance thereof unto the said chambers , to whom the jurisdiction thereof could not pertain , our edicts being not made in favour of them who were convict of such crimes , no more than of blasphemies and impieties uttered against the mysteries of the catholick religion . know therefore , that for these causes and other good considerations thereunto moving vs ; by the advice of our council , and of our certain knowledge , full power and royal authority , we have said and declared , and do by these presents , signed with our hand , say and declare ; we will , and it is our pleasure , that according to our said declaration , all who are guilty and accused of the crime of relapse or apostacy , shall be judged by the parliaments every one in his precinct , and the process by them made and perfected , according to the declaration of june , . as also in like manner , they who are convicted of blasphemy and impieties uttered against the mysteries of the catholick religion , with prohibition to the chambers of the edict to take cognizance thereof directly or indirectly , under any pretext or occasion whatsoever , under pain of nullity , and evacuation of the proceedings , costs , damages , and interests of the parties , and greater , if need be ; which our attorneys of the said chambers shall take notice of , upon pain of answering therefore : giving commandment to our beloved and leige counsellors holding our courts of parliament , baylifs , stewards , and all other our officers and justices to whom it appertains , that they cause these presents to be registred purely and simply ; and the contents thereof to be executed , kept and observed according to the form and tenure thereof ; for such is our pleasure . in witness whereof we have caused our seal to be put unto these presents , to the copies whereof credit is to be given as to the original , given at st. germains in laye the second day of april , in the year of grace , . and the twenty third of our reign . signed , louis ; and below . by the king phelypeaux . observations upon this second declaration . as this second declaration is brought forth in the same place and on the same day with the former , so is it conceived by the same spirit . for the clergy who suggested the former , are also the authors of this , and the character of the ecclesiasticks appears so visible therein , that one cannot read it without perceiving immediately that it is their work , and that the sacred name of his majesty was not set to it without a most evident surprize .. the style alone of this ordinance shews sufficiently from whom it doth proceed , we need only consider the terms it makes use of , to avouch that it is not the king that speaks therein . for the p. r. r. is therein called heresie ; they that have quitted it , and return thereto , are named relapsed : the priests and monks which embrace it , apostates and sacrilegious ; and those that speak at all as they think of matters in controversie , are qualified as blasphemers against the mysteries of the catholick religion . all france knows that since the edicts of pacification , our kings have never expressed themselves in this manner , and there is not found any declaration , decree or publick act , that have used these injurious terms . on the contrary , the edict of nantes in its second article hath forbidden all those of the one and other religion to outrage or offend one another in word or deed , enjoyning them to contain themselves and to live peaceably together as brethren , friends , and fellow-citizens , upon pain upon the transgressors to be punished as infringers of the peace and disturbers of the publick repose , which was no other than a renovation of the ordinance made in the year , by charles the ninth , confirmed by henry the third in his edicts of , and . and found so just and necessary by lewis the thirteenth father of his majesty , that he would expresly re-iterate the same in his declaration given at blois , in the year . how is it possible to cause this prohibition to be executed , and to hinder them of the catholick apostolick religion from outraging in word and in deed these of the p. r. r. if the declarations themselves which bear the kings name , treat the religion and belief of the latter as heresie ? for is it not to authorize the other to call them hereticks ; a term which without contradiction is an injury of all other most outragious , and most capable to wound the hearts and provoke the spirits of men : and so far off is this odious name from consisting with the design of their living together as friends and brethren , that it is certain that it is capable to make brethren and themselves irreconcilable enemies . the wisdom and justice of our kings have caused them to condemn formally this factious name of hereticks , and sometimes to imploy the authority of their ordinances to banish it from the writings and language of their subjects , in respect of them who profess the p. r. r. this may be seen by the answer of henry the great to the fourteenth article of the paper presented unto him in . by those of the p. r. r. who complained that contrary unto the tenure of the seventeenth article of the edict many preachers , and the advocates of the parliaments of tholouse , bordeox , province and britain , and other benches of their precincts did licence themselves to hold scandalous discourses , calling them of the said religion hereticks , whereupon it was enjoyned the attorneys general and their substitutes thereof to inform ex officio on pain to answer it in their own proper private names . it may be seen also by the answer of the same king to the sixth article of the paper of . for they of the said religion having conceived that in the great church of bazas , there was left an inscription made , during the troubles , in which were these words , ab hereticis huguenotis ; it was said that a commission should be given out to the steward of bazas for to cause them to be put out . above all , the answer of lewis the just to the third article of the paper of . reviewed and ratified by that of the third and sixth of may . is extreamly considerable . for they of the p. r. r. who saw that the clergy would serve themselves of the oath which the king made at his coronation to extirpate heresies to animate him unto their ruine , demanded that it would please his majesty to declare that this oath did not respect them at all ▪ nor imported any prejudice to the liberty of the edicts of pacification made in favour unto them ; it was answered in these terms , the king hath not intended in the oath which he took at his coronation to comprehend those of the p. r. r. living in this realm , under the benefit of his edicts . is it not then a thing wonderful strange that against the settlement of so many edicts ; against the declarations of four kings , and particularly those two great princes , the grand-father and father of his majesty ; against the usage of so many years , and sentiment of a whole age , the ecclesiasticks have enterprized to give the p. r. r. the defaming title of heresie , and to cause them who make profession of this doctrine to pass for hereticks in a royal declaration ? they have done it without doubt to make themselves a dispensation from the observation of the seventeenth article of the edict , which forbids all readers , preachers and others who speak in publick , to use any words , talk , or discourses tending to stir up the people to sedition ; enjoyning them to contain and comport themselves modestly , and to say nothing but what might tend to maintain the repose and tranquility established within the kingdom . for having by surprize caused the kings declarations to talke after their manner , what will they not allow themselves in their chaires ? what licence will they not inspire into their auditors ? what aversation and hate will they not draw upon those whose peace the edict did intend to procure ? since after this their countrymen considering them under the masque of heresie , will look on them no longer but with horror ; and the example of the parliament of bretaigne , testifies very well how far this impression may carry men . for amongst the parliaments of france this is one of the most eager against them of the p. r. r. and the condemnation of mounseiur de la touche whom they caused to be taken and burnt with cruel torments for a crime whereof he never had a thought , and of which the providence of god was pleased to justifie him after his death in an admirable manner , is but too sad a proof ; and others no less convincing may be also alledged . these transports are the consequents of the licence which this parliament hath alwayes given it self to treat them of this religion as heretick , of which it hath taken so strong a habit , that it condemned the last year by a decree , the bayliffs deputy of the town of vitre in livers fine , for having ordained joyntly with other two catholick judges that the term of heresie imployed in the writs of a conplainant should be rased out . they of the said religion complain unto his majesty of this unjust decree , and humbly demand of him the revocation of it ; and they also at the same time do beseech him to prohibit the ecclesiasticks and all others , and particularly the writer of the gazets , whose writings are the more dangerous , because they pass into all places of europe , to blast them by the name of hereticks , being it cannot but tend to cause sedition in the estate , and to make union and concord amongst his majesties subjects to become impossible . but though the stile of this declaration in which it delivers it self be strange , certainly the settlements which it contains are no less , and the passion of the ecclesiasticks is here manifested without any converture . for herein they speak of three sorts of persons , of the relapsed , apostates , and blasphemers of the mysteries of the catholick religion . the two first are condemned to be banished out of the kingdom ; and the cognizance of the process to be made against all the three , is taken absolutely from the chambers of the edicts , and attributed intirely to the parliaments . so it is , that the clergy thrust forward and advance alwayes their enterprizes against them of the p. r. r. to throw them at last , if they can , into despair . for in the month of april , . they have gotten a declaration by surprize , against those whom they call relapsed and apostates . but that said nothing at all of those others whom they call blasphemers against the mysteries of the catholick religion . afterwards in the month of june . the clergy suggested another declaration to express and fix the penalty which they would impose upon these pretended relapsed and apostates , causing them to be condemned unto perpetual banishment . but the chambers of the edict were not forbidden to take cognizance thereof . in the end the animosity of the clergy being not yet satisfied , and fearing they had not yet got force enough to banish those out of the realm whose abode in france is to them insupportable ; they would give them the last blow in . procuring this declaration , which leaves them no means who shall be accused for relapsed or apostates , or blasphemers against the catholick religion , to bring themselves before the chambers of the edict , to the end they may find no shelter any where against the ardour of the pursuit of their adversaries . it is easie to shew that in all these heads the king is imposed on , and that they have surprized him in his religion and equity . of the relapsed . as for the relapsed , the ecclesiasticks have given his majesty to understand , as it appears by the first declaration of the month of april . that he should not suffer the profanation and impiety of those who for the considerations of marriages and other like motives , after they had made abjuration of the p. r. r. and profession of the catholick religion turned to their first error . and certainly it is true that those who out of an impious and profane spirit , sport themselves so with the mysteries of r. or that seek only to deceive the world with a dissembled profession and for interests meerly humane , are infinitely condemnible and deserve to be punished exemplarily . but under this pretence , the clergy , by a visible artifice have caused a general law to be made against those who would return unto the profession of their first belief , whatsoever their motive be , and although their return be altogether disinteressed , and though they have no other end of their change than the repose of their consciences . in this the surprize appears manifestly . for , is it credible that the king would force by the severity of his ordinances and by rigorous penalties , a person wounded in his soul , to stay against its resentments in a religion which it esteems not good , and wherein it hath no hope to be saved ? if a man through infirmity , or ignorance , or by some temptation which dazles his spirit and surprizes his heart , suffers himself to be transported to quit his religion , and afterwards a serious reflection , or more ample instruction , give him apprehensions , and perswade him that he cannot be saved but by re-entring into the church from which he was departed ; is it possible that any should desire either to constrain or punish him whilst he acts by this principle , and hath no other motive but the discharge and duty of his conscience ? his majesty knows that of all things in the world , conscience is most free , and that the authority of those soveraigns whose yoak is born by the whole earth , pretend not to have a right to constrain it . if st. bernard had not said it in his time , that faith is to be perswaded and not to be commanded , ( fides suadenda est non imperanda . ) reason it self hath spoken it enough ; and the example of the king of kings affords us thereof a good proof . for this adorable master to whom the whole world oweth obedience , hath never imployed the terror of his thunder , nor the greatness of his authority to oblige men to believe his gospel . he hath not used in this his design any thing but the truth of his mysteries and the preaching of his apostles . faith ( saith st. paul , rom. . . ) is by hearing , and hearing by the word of god , he saith not that faith is by hearing of declarations , nor of decrees , nor of menaces , but of that divine word whose perswasion alone is capable to beget it in mens spirits . how then would they put on the king to enforce man by the terror of his banishments to continue in that religion which he approves not ? for what can come of this constraint ? but only that he should be inwardly of one religion ; and outwardly of another ; that is to say , that he should be an hypocrite , sacrilegious , and impious who prophanes two religions at once ; who doth violate the one by the thoughts of his heart , and the other by the words of his mouth , and actions of his body . or to speak more truly , he will be a man without religion . for he that serves himself of two religions at once hath none at all , and differs very little from an atheist . the king himself cannot have confidence in him , nor be assured of his fidelity . for how shall one believe that his obedience was sincere towards his prince , whilst it is dissembled towards god ? finally , the edict of nantes needs only to be considered , for to avouch that the declaration intituled against the relapsed , can be nothing else than a surprize . for it is manifest that that edict gives an entire liberty of conscience without exception to them of the p. r. r. without distinguishing of those that are born in it , and those that come over to it , betwixt them that have alwayes followed it , and those that return after they have quitted it for some time . the sixth article of the generals expresseth it self in these terms , that we may not leave any occasion of troubles and differences amongst our subjects , we have permitted and do permit them of the said p. r. r. to abide in all the towns and places of this our realm and the countries under our obedience , without being inquired after , vexed , molested , nor constrained to do any thing in the matters of religion against their conscience , nor by reason thereof to be sought out in their houses and places where they are pleased to dwell . according to this article then all those that are of this religion of what sort soever they be , may dwell safely and peaceably in their houses ; and the declaration on the contrary banisheth them from all places of the whole realm , one part of them of that religion , i. e. those who return thereto after some slight change . the first article of the particulars is also more considerable and more express . for it gives such an extent to this liberty of conscience , that no person is therefrom excluded , making use of these words , the sixth article of the said edict , touching liberty of conscience , and permission to all his majesties subjects to live and abide in this realm , shall take place and be observed according to its form and tenure , as well for ministers and schoolmasters , as for all others who are , or shall be of the said r. whether they be inhabitants of this kingdom , or others . it cannot be doubted , that this settlement doth comprize those whom they call relapsed , since it speaks not only those which are , but those also which shall be of the p. r. r. authorizing also those persons that may return thereunto hereafter , as well as those who have not departed from it at all . this hath been so constant from the time of the edict , that the edict it self wills , that this liberty of conscience should be extended unto those who before were returned to the p. r. r , and that it hath in it one article to hinder all inquiry after them , notwithstanding any security that they might have given for assurance of the contrary . this is in the ninth article , which imports , that those of the p. r. r. should not be any ways constrained , nor continue obliged , by reason of any abjurations , promises , or oaths which they have made heretofore , or securities that they had given , concerning any matter of religion , and that they might not be molested or troubled therefore in any sort whatsoever . it is therefore without all reason that any one should make use of this article against them , who after the edict , re-assume the religion which they had abjured , as if the intention of the law-giver had respected that only which was past . for before the edict , the liberty of conscience not well established throughout the realm , and the records being full of decrees , of arrests against the bodies , and other rigorous sentences against those , who notwithstanding their abjurations and securities had changed once more , it was therefore necessary to provide for that . but by the edict this liberty being so plainly and generally granted to all people , as is seen by the articles already rehearsed ; the thing was not afterwards any more in question , and there were no more sureties to be taken of those who after their abjuration should change in the future , for that they were comprised in the common liberty of all persons within the realm . it is not possible to have any doubt of this matter , when it is considered , that until the declaration , there was never any inquiry nor pursuit made against those who returned in this manner . an indubitable proof that they were within the terms of the benefit of the edict . otherwise we must accuse all the attourney-generals , and all their substitutes to have been ignorant of their duty , or not to have executed their office for so long a space of time . and how come the ecclesiasticks that are so active , and so vigilant against those who depart from their communion to enter into another which they hate , to have slept so many years without enterprising to disquiet them by justice ? that decree it self given by the council of estate , september , , to declare that the ordinance of the king against the relapsed , might have no effect retroactive against them who before were returned from the p. r. r. is an evident testimony , that this is a new law contrary to the intention of the edict , that since the edict until then there had been no pursuit made against these persons , and that they had not pretended only so much as to have right to do . for he that hath acted against the law , is a debtor to the law. being then they have let pass sixty five years , without demanding any thing against the pretended relapsed , it is concluded that they were not debtors , and that they had not transgressed the edict ; satis est argumenti nihil esse debitum naevio , quod tam diu nihil petivit . orat. pro quinctio . it is argument enough that there is nothing due unto naevius , because of so long time he hath demanded nothing . as the roman orator speaks . of apostates . the same reasons which have been alledged for those whom they named relapsed , serve equally for those whom they qualifie as apostates . for the liberty of conscience is acquired by the edict to all sorts of persons , whether ecclesiasticks , or laicks . where the question was of regulating the interests of the ecclesiasticks , who before the edict changed their religion , there was nothing at all touched concerning their subsistence , or abode within the realm , because that was presupposed as certain and assured , by the liberty of conscience given universally unto all ; but provision was only made for their marriages to declare them good and valid ; and the succession to their moveables , purchases and acquisitions were confirmed to their children by the thirty ninth article of the particulars . is it possible that the condition of these persons is made worse by the edict which is the foundation of the publick liberty ? this is a thing not conceivable ; and notwithstanding that would come to pass , if the marriages of the ecclesiastick and religious persons which were before the edict , being authorized ; it were not permitted to others who would imitate them at this day , to live only in france , and to continue in the possession of their goods . this were to bring them back to be under the yoak of the edict of charles the ninth , that edict which was made in . in the midst of the height of the wars , and in the greatest aversation of spirits . for in the twelfth article it is ordained , that the professed religious men and women who had liberty given them to depart ( out of their monasteries ) during , and since the troubles , should return to their monasteries , to live there according to the constitutions of the c. a. r. c. otherwise they should be obliged to depart the kingdom . it s known that this edict and all those that followed were abrogated by that of nantes , in the ninety first article ; so that this were to bring back the settlement of the edict . and to evacuate that of nantes which had annulled the other . the ecclesiasticks themselves ought to hinder them of their orders from being thus handled , by the maxim which they teach , that the intention of the priest is necessary to the sacraments . for what intention can they have who are retained by constraint in a religion which they believe not to be orthodox ? for this cause it is to be hoped that his majesty seeing things by lights much clearer than those of passionate persons , will re-establish that liberty which they inforce themselves to very ill purpose to destroy , and that he will find that it will not be just to condemn unto banishment the ecclesiasticks who would embrace the p. r. r. being they recompence the ministers who abandon it and allow them priviledges , and assign them yearly pensions . of blasphemers of the mysteries of the catholick religion . we cannot promise our selves less justice towards those whom they would have to pass for blasphemers against the mysteries of the catholick religion . this is a point of the highest importance , and which throws them of the p. r. r. into mortal allarms . for by these mysteries of the catholick religion , they mean without doubt the doctrines and ceremonies with which they of another communion do not accord . so that all the sermons of their ministers , all their books of controversie , all private discourses of these disputed matters , shall hereafter be treated as blasphemies and impieties . so that they may never hereafter pretend neither to speak of these things in their chaires , nor to write thereof in their books , nor to conserr about them upon the most just and inevitable occasions . there must therefore be no more liberty for them in the kingdom . there can be no more for them any sort of security . they must of necessity either be cowardly or prevaricators , in not daring to speak of their faith ; or miserable , in exposing their lives at every word which they shall dare to pronounce in maintainance of their belief . to establish this rigour were infallibly to banish them all out of the state , which is a rigour impossible to be reconciled with his majesties intention . for being in france , the liberty is left them of the p. r. r. to believe and to profess their doctrine , it follows of necessity that that of speaking also be allowed unto them . the language of the mouth ought to be conformable to the apprehensions of the heart , and the profession of any doctrine cannot be otherwise made than by words , which are thereof the natural image and portraiture . this is the reason also why the clergy knowing well that the pretended crime of a blasphemer against the mysteries of the catholick religion , even as those of the relapsed and apostates , were no other than supposed crimes ; they believed that to attain to their design , of causing them to be punished , it was necessary to take away the cognizance thereof from the judges who are obliged to keep close to the edict , and who knew how they of the p. r. r. ought to live and ought to speak ; upon this account they have caused the chambers of the edict to be prohibited to judge in these matters , that they might attribute it only unto parliaments , and to the great chambers , as the declaration imports , of which complaint is now made . of the prohibition made to the chambers of the edict , to take cognizance of the relapsed apostates , and of blasphemers against the mysteries of the catholick religion . of all complaints which can be made by them of the p. r. r. there is not any that can give them more fear and more disquiet than this , and therefore they cast themselves in this matter , at his majesties feet , beseeching him with extreme consternation that he would have pitty on them . for to send these back unto the parliaments , of whom this declaration speaks , is an assured means , not only to destroy them , but to destroy all those of that religion ; for hereafter to destroy a person of that profession , it will need only to impute unto him that he hath held some discourse against the mysteries of the catholick religion , to the end that he may be brought before the great chambers , whereof the greatest part of the judges are so animated , that it sufficeth with them to be of the p. r. r. to make him criminal and punishable in their spirits . they will mingle also this ingredient even in all the causes of them of the said religion , so that there shall not be any more any chambers of the edict for them , and all their affairs shall be brought before the parliaments . this is to repeal the great design of the edict , and to give them of the p. r. r. cause to fear that they shall not be suffered any longer in france . for that they might enjoy any repose , the edict of nantes judged it necessary to take them out of the hands of the parliaments , and to allow them particular chambers , where justice might be done them without suspition or hatred , as the thirtieth article of the generals doth speak . how great then hath the surprize of the clergy been in this point ? and of what reason can they serve themselves to cause the chambers of the edict to be prohibited to judge of those whom they name relapsed , apostates , and blasphemers ? for being they have given unto these people such names as they pleased ; and conceived an action against them under the idea of the greatest crimes , therefore the rather according to the edict , ought the chambers ordained for them of the p. r. r. take cognizance thereof , with exclusion of the parliaments . for the thirty fourth article of the generals imports , that the said chambers should take cognizance , and judge soveraignly and with final determination by decree , privatively to all others , the process and differences moved and which shall be moved , in which they of the said religion were parties , principal , or security , plaintifs or defendants in all matters civil or criminal . the fifty second article in confirming this settlement , addes thereunto a clause decisive in these terms , the article of the jurisdiction of these chambers ordained by this present edict , shall be followed and observed according to the form and tenure even in what concerns the execution and not execution or violation of our edicts , when they of the said religion shall be parties . from this an invincible argument may be drawn ; for the action of them whom they call relapsed , apostates and blasphemers , is either a violation of the edict or not : if it be not , then is it not to be inquired after , nor condemned , nor punished . if it be , it ought then to be sent back to the chambers of the edict , to whom alone , as competent judges belongs the jurisdiction of the inexecution or violation of the edicts . one may say , that the law-giver foreseeing these very assaults which the clergy would one day make against the jurisdiction of these chambers , he hath been desirous to prevent them by all means possible . for not content with the two articles which have been already represented , he hath made another also , which is as it were the last seal of his will : inhibiting , saith he , and forbidding all our soveraign courts and others of our realm , to take cognizance of , or judge process civiles or criminals of those of the said religion , whose cognizance is by our edict attributed to the said chambers , provided that the reference thereof be by them demanded . art. . can there be now a contrariety more formal than that of this article and the declaration ? that prohibits all the soveraign courts of the realm to take cognizance or to judge of the criminal process of them of the p. r. r. and this ordinance reversing it , wills that all guilty and accused af the crime of relapse , apostasie , or blasphemies uttered against the mysteries of the catholick religion , shall be judged by the parliaments every one in his precinct ; with prohibition to the chambers of the edict to take cognizance thereof directly or indirectly , under what pretext or occasion soever , upon pain of nullity , evacuation of proceedings , expenses , charges , damages and interests of the parties , and greatter if need require . the ecclesiasticks then can never attempt any thing more highly against the edict , then in suggesting this declaration ; and it is clear that they had not pursued thus far , but to the end their prey might not escape them , because the animosity of the parliaments is so great against them of the p. r. r. that they are infallibly lost , if they be left in their power . there have been infinite vexatious experiences had of this ; and that we may not pass from the matter that is here in question , a decree was made by the parliament of tolouse , feb. , . against one named john gayrard , who had forsaken his religion , and was returned on the second of april , . a year before the first declaration against the pretended relapsed . notwithstanding by this decree , he was condemned to be delivered into the hands of the executioner of the haut justice to be led with a halter ahout his neck , in his shirt , his head and feet bare , on a lords day before the cathedral church of montauban , at the close of the great mass ; where being on his knees , he should ask pardon of god , the king , and justice for his misdeeds , be banished the town and shrievalty of montauban , for three years , and condemned in a hundred livers for a fine , and in the charges , and sent back to the consuls of montauban to cause this decree to be put in execution . in pursuit whereof , having been re-closed three months in the prisons of tolouse , he was led to that of montauban , where he hath been ever since , and there he is at present . so it comes to pass that this parliament gives it self all license , not only to surpass the rigour of the declarations , in turning one part of his banishment into a reparation much more infamous and insupportable ; but which is more , they have condemned a man , who according to the decree of the council of estate , of the th of september , . ought to have been absolved and discharged of all penalties , because he was re-entred into his religion a year before the first of the declarations by which they would prevail against him . but we need not be surprised at this proceeding of the parliament of tholouse . for in all times it hath made appear in all sorts of occasions and excessive hate against them of the p. r. r. so far , that king charles the ix . having ordained by his edict of . that untill such times as the chambers of the edict should be established , they of the said religion might refuse in the parliaments four judges of the chamber , wherein their process were depending without expressing any cause , and without prejudice to the ordinary right of chalenges , but as for the parliament of tholouse , it was declared to be wholly refusable in process , wherein they of that religion were interested . and in case they could not agree of another parliament , it was ordered that the parties should be sent back to the court of requests , to be there judged with final determination . afterward in the year . when the towns of the p. r. r. gave hostages to the same king , it was decreed that they might be sent to any town of the kingdom which it pleased him saving that of tholouse ; the royal authority , the publick faith , and the law of nations , being not judged a sufficient warrant from the violence of that parliament . also in the edict of . which in the , and . articles did import that the catholick officers serving the chambers of the edict were to be taken from the parliaments , that of tholouse was excepted , and it was ordained that the catholick commissioners of the chamber of the edict in languedoc , should be taken from other parliaments , or from the grand council , which was executed in that sort , till the parliament being displeased to see themselves so chastized , promised to moderate it self and to do justice . but they have not observed their promise , and have alwayes continued to give such great proofs of their ill will , that there is now no more cause to trust them than heretofore . the grief is , that the other parliaments have imitated their example , and a certain spirit of fierceness and aversion hath so pre-possessed them for some time , that they of the p. r. r. can well say , that they and their liberties are at an end , if they must abide under a jurisdiction so contrary and averse . witness the decree of the parliament of remes against james caillion seiur de la touche , and the parliaments of pau , bordeaux , and rouen , have done of late things which render them no less formidable . the king therefore who will not see his subjects to perish miserably , of whom he knows himself that he hath no cause to complain , will be pleased to revoke this rigorous declaration which subjects them unto parliaments , in many of which there are not so much as any counsellors of the p. r. r. for to defend their innocence . he will maintain of his justice and equitable goodness , the chambers of the edict in their power , without permitting any breach to be made upon their jurisdiction . he will remove the prohibitions gotten by surprize against those who are painted out under the name of relapsed , apostates , and blasphemers , leaving to all his subjects full liberty of conscience , which the edicts confirmed by his majesty have established throughout the realm ; and for that person named gayrard in particular , your majesty is besought to cause him to be freed from prison , by evacuating the decree made against him by the parliament of tolouse , and ordaining that the warrant of his imprisonment be cancelled and the gaoler constrained by all sorts of means , and even arrest of his body it self to suffer him to depart . a brief table of the estate of those of the p. r. r. after all these several observations which a hard necessity hath in a manner haled from the breast of those of the p. r. r. it is now easie to judge unto what extremity they are reduced , and how deplorable their condition is , if the king to whom they look as their only support on earth do not suffer himself to be touched with their supplications and their tears . for at length , what can be thought of their estate ? they behold the most part of their temples to be condemned and demolished in all the provinces of the realm , so that a possession of threescore and ten years and titles authentick could not save them . they dare no more correspond one with another , nor write of their affairs . their ministers dare not preach , without exposing themselves to the peril of being informed against to the justices , for not having spoken with all respect of the catholick religion . they cannot any more cause any books to be printed to defend their doctrine , without the permission of the magistrates and consent of his majesties attorneys , which makes the impression impossible . they have no more liberty to hold their colloquies for the conduct of their flocks , and for the exercise of their discipline . in the interval of provincial synods , it is forbidden them to receive any candidates , to the end that their churches may often remain whole years without ministers ; and consequently without consolation , without sermons , without sacraments . the synods national are refused them , or consented to at such distance from one another , that they serve for little else than to make them feel their misery ; and in the mean while they hinder them from calling one provincial synod after another , for the affairs for which they provide . the schools are taken from them in all places , and they cannot any longer cause their children to be instructed by masters unsuspected . their children themselves are ravisht from them every day to be thrown into cloysters , and to heap up the measure of this evil usage which is sufficient to cause pity in the most insensible , their fathers are condemned to pay a pension to those places where they behold them with most bitter sorrow . all wayes of getting their liveli-hood are denyed them . for they are excluded from all charges , from all professions , from all arts , from all the most mechanick trades ; and if one of them be received into any mystery , it is a grace so rare as it doth not deserve to be accounted of , and is bought so dear that the profits of his trade will not of a long time equal the expence he must be at to enter it . they have not only taken from them the means to gain their bread , but they have also brought in innovations to hale from them that little estate which they possess , by constraining them to contribute to the charges of chappels and guilds , to the re-edifications and reparations of churches and parsonage-houses . they are not assured of their lives themselves , because that in criminal process they do not permit them to be brought before the chambers of the edict , and they subject them to the presidial courts in cases provostal , or to parliaments and great chambers in pretended crimes of religion . the liberty of conscience which is granted unto them is so straitned , that it is no longer a liberty , but a rack ; because they that persist in their belief , do not speak of it without fear of being accused of blasphemy , those who quit it cannot return to it without being driven out of the kingdom for ever : and the ecclesiasticks who would embrace it , have not at all permission to say it , so that they are necessarily obliged to chuse banishment or dissimulation ; credidi , propter quod locutus sum , psal . . i have believed , therefore have i spoken , is no more a good maxim for them , they must hold the quite contrary ; credidi propter quod tacui , i have believed , therefore have i been silent . the sick of this religion themselves cannot be comforted in repose . the parish priests may trouble them without penalty in their very beds ; and there procure unto them agonies more cruel than those of death it self , finally , they are still pursued even after death , and cannot promise themselves to be quit of their travels in their coffins . because for the most part they take away their burying-places , and they must sustain incredible pains who bring them to their graves , so difficult do they make their interrments . see here a lively picture of the unhappy state of those of the r. r. they present it to his majesty , with assurance that it need only to make him know these things for to receive the effects of his justice . hitherto the church-men have hindred him from seeing the miseries of those whose ruine they desire . they themselves who suffer have been silent out of respect , hoping that their patience would sweeten or weary the hatred of their adversaries : but the excess of their grief hath this day constrained them to speak , and to offer this sad draught to the eyes of their prince . they hope he will have compassion of their misery , and his royal goodness having a sence of their evils , will consent unto some remedy . and that which principally promotes this hope is , that the remedy which is necessary for them is the self-same which the king hath protested to have in his intention , to wit , to cause the edict of nantes to be exactly observed . this is all they demand of his majesty ; they require of him no other favour at all than the observation of that important edict , which the best and most zealous catholicks have named the establishment of the kingdom of god amongst the french , the law of concord and union , the true cement of peace , a holy and sacred law , a work worthy of the great king who made it , and which deserves not only to be imprinted in books , but also to be engraved in the memories of all them who desire the peace and welfare of france . but seeing it is the kings pleasure to cause the edict to be religiously observed , they of the r. r. will to that end address here two supplications to this great monarch , with all the respect which is due to his sacred majesty . . that the ecclesiasticks hereafter may not be permitted to make themselves their opposite parties neither in the council , nor in parliaments , nor before other jurisdictions when any thing is in hand that concerns the execution or violation of the edicts : for it cannot be hoped that the edict ever will be observed hereafter in the kingdom while these church-men ( whose authority is so great , and whose name alone is so puissant and revered by the spirits of the judges ) shall become adverse parties against them , whose religion renders their persons odious and prejudiced . this is one of the principal springs of the grievances and griefs which are brought upon them , and there can never be peace nor repose for them in the nation , if this manner of dealing take place ; for the ecclesiasticks do hate them with an ardour which is almost unseparable from their characters ; if they continue in this allowance and liberty , to make themselves ex professo , their adverse parties , as if it were a duty incumbent upon them , they will bring thus , suits and vexations against them to an infinite number . this also the edict of nantes did provide for . for in the , , , . articles , where it speaks of inquiries touching the violations of the edict , it is always said , that it should be by the kings officers , to exclude therefrom the ecclesiasticks . and by the answer of lewis the th . unto the th article of the paper of . it is expresly imported ; that the parish priests should not make themselves parties in the non-observation of feasts , agreeable to the th article of the edict . if the parish priests be excluded from this inquisition , because they find it to make for their interest , to make processes against the protestants upon this point ; by the same reason ought not the clergy in general to be rejected as uncompetent prosecutors , touching the violations of the edict , being it is their great interest and one of their principal satisfactions to trouble them of this religion , and to ruine them with all their powers ? the order of justice also requires , that ecclesiasticks meddle not with things but what are purely spiritual . it cannot be without passing their bounds and without attempting an enterprize dangerous to the estate , for them to intrude themselves into politick affairs , such as are the violations of edicts . it is their part to defend their doctrine by their sermons and writings , but as for the interests of state , it becomes the kings ministers and officers only to manage them . the ecclesiasticks have no right , they have no qualification or call to this affair ; all that they have to do is to become denunciators against them that are culpable . but the action and the pursuit belongs unto his majesties officers , and the clergy cannot pretend to it , unless they will confound spirituals with temporals ; the distinction whereof is so necessary for the weal of kings and kingdoms . to the end therefore that these things may be left in their due order and station , and that the root of a thousand troubles otherwise inevitable may be pulled up , they of the r. r. do instantly beseech the king , that the ecclesiasticks may contain themselves in the functions of their charges , and that if any be guilty of any violations of the edicts , the enquiry after them only may be made by competent parties , who are the kings attornies , as it hath been always practised . . the other supplication they present unto his majesty is , that he would take care to recall or reduce the two declarations of april , . ( and others such like made since ) to the terms of that inviolable edict , by revoking those things which are contrary thereunto , and that he would be pleased at the same time to make known his will therein , by the means and way of a declaration . for that shall quiet all and stop the mouth of both catholicks and religionaries , it will reduce them to their former state of tranquility and quietness , which they injoyed on both sides for many years ; else such new surreptitious orders drawn from your majesty ( without due and impartial information ) will be a precedent and inlet for a thousand more , that will totally subvert a fundamental law and edict established by your famous and wise predecessors , with the full advice and consent of the states of the realm , and which was by your majesty often allowed and ratified ; so that thence would follow a thousand secret and publick oppressions , without the redress or due representation to your majesty , which would bring the judgments of god upon your majesties kingdoms and throne , ( which god forbid ) and might destroy and scatter a great part of your subjects , and reduce their adversaries to those extremities against them which disquieted this nation for many years , and that could have no end but by establishing that impartial reconciling and sacred edict of nantes . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e mem. of rohan . and others . notes for div a -e mathieu in the history of henry the fourth book . notes for div a -e beloi . mathien conference des ordonances & edicts royaux , &c. a french prophecy, or, an admonition to the english concerning their near approaching danger and the means to escape it : being a prediction of a gentleman of quality in languedoc concerning the downfall of the french king ... to which is added a fuller account of archbishop usher's prophecy ... / translated from the french copy. avis pour les fidelles d'angleterre. english. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing f estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a french prophecy, or, an admonition to the english concerning their near approaching danger and the means to escape it : being a prediction of a gentleman of quality in languedoc concerning the downfall of the french king ... to which is added a fuller account of archbishop usher's prophecy ... / translated from the french copy. avis pour les fidelles d'angleterre. english. ussher, james, - . prediction concerning a coming persecution of protestants. p. printed for j. harris ..., london : . contains a translation of: avis pour les fidelles d'angleterre. french and english in parallel columns. caption title. imprint from colophon. imperfect: pages stained and torn with loss of print. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- england -- early works to . protestants -- france -- early works to . great britain -- church history -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a french prophecy : or , an admonition to the english , concerning their near approaching danger , and the means to escape it . being a prediction of a gentleman of quality in languedoc , concerning the downfall of the french king , and several other things relating to england . to which is added , a fuller account of archbishop vsher's prophecy than has ever yet been printed , ( agreeing with this , ) and attested by the lord chief justice hale , and another person of honour . translated from the french copy . licens'd feb. . . the original french of following admonition i received lately in holland of the author , whose name is thereunto subscribed ; a gentleman of an ancient family in languedoc , whose seat is an ancient castle of the same name with himself , about three english miles from montpeilier , with a considerable revenue thereunto belonging . but he was forced to leave it , and all that he had , after two years imprisonment , for his religion . and this is his condition at present . the author of the admonition , which he mentions , was his younger brother , who died near three years since , of about forty eight years of age , a person , as he saith , of great piety and credit , and of extraordinary knowledge of things absent and future . and of him our author received both admonition before-hand of the things here said to have happened to him , and an explication afterward of the mysteries of them , and the signification thereof . he is not without witnesses of the truth of what he relates ; but they are dispersed into several parts , and some of them now in england . it was the author's desire to have it committed to the english as soon as might be , and my good-will to my country , and desire to serve them , inclined me to lend him my assistance therein without much difficulty , both because it doth agree so much with the known prediction of bishop usher , and because the state and course of affairs seem to agree but too much with both , in a manifest tendency to the accomplishment of them . and that the reader may not be so much disturbed , as admonished by it , for his better direction and instruction how to use it , i thought fit to subjoyn the principal part of the bishop's predictions : which i can assure the reader to be no imposture , but true and genuine , from the testimony of two witnesses beyond all exception : the one , the late lord chief justice hale , who , when i shewed it him in writing before ever ▪ it was printed , and desired his judgment of it , told me he had heard him say the substance of it , the substance of it ( repeating those words ) twenty times with a great deal of confidence : the other , a person whom i ought not to name without license , but of great honour by degree , and much greater by real worth and vertue , to whom the words were spoken by the bishop , and who committed them to writing , and was pleased to favour me with the perusal of the original . avis pour les fidelles d'angleterre . il faut être dans un grand aveuglement pour ne s'être pas apperceu , que la colere de dieu paroit alummée depuis long temps presque sur toutes les parties de l'europe , de sorte qu'il semble que dieu vueille comme par un nouveau deluge exterminer toute chair ; puisqu'il n'est que trop uray qu'elle s'est portée á toute sorte d'excess . l'indignation du tout-puissant a commencé á le respandre en particulier presque sur tous ceux , qui portent le nom des protestans . ces raisons devoient nous porter a nous amender & nous corriger de nos vices ; mais le ciel & la terre sont temoins que nous n'avons sçeu qu c'estoit d'affliger nos ames & amender le train de nôtre vie ; c'est aussi pour cela que les jugemens de dieu ( dont nous n'avons tenu conte , lorsque leur decret a tant & tant de fois si epouvantablement enfanté ) se sont tous jours r'enforcées . l'experience nous la fait voir en france , n'ayant pas profité des avis qui nous avoyent ête donnes . il y a plus de vingt ans que je receus une lettre , qui m'apprennoit nos malheurs & me marquoit le moien de les prevenir , qui êtoit d'assembler les intendants pasteurs & anciens de l'eglise & leur dire de faire faire , une jeune de trois jours á la premiere eglise qui feroit attaquée & qu'on en verroit les effets . je negligai cet avis , non sçachant d'ou il venoit . mais environ dix ans apres l'ayant sçeu , & vu arriver bien de choses qui m'avoyent êté marquées , j'en parlay á ces messieurs , qui n'en profitoyent pas : ce qui nous a fait voir de façheuses suittes . il y a en angleterre plusieurs ministres qui estoient presens lorsque je leur vis voir la lettre , qui m'avoit êté envoyée . madam de turene , monsieur de rouvigny , & monsieur gaches ministre de l'eglise de charonton curent les mêmes avis que moy , le synode en eut en suite & l'auteur voyant qu'on n'en profitoit pas m'ecrivoit en ces termes . un vaisseau ogitè d'une rude tempete en piteux êtat . lorsqu'un enfant , n'avant su eveiller les matelots pout sortir les eaux qu'il y voioit entrer , est en-fin obligé de crier ; sauve qui peut . malheur á qui n'aime le seigneur jesus & ne porte tous les jours ce divin crucifié dans son ceur . il y a environ huiet a neuf ans que je receus un coup de foudre de jour ; j'avois été averti de de ce coup trois ans avant qu'il tomba sur moy & par trois diverses fois : ce coup fut suivi environ six semaines apres d'un coup de tonnerre , qui tomba de nuit ( dont même etoit averti . ) je fus obligé de faire eveiller tous ceux , qui estoyent chez moy an lict : nous fusmes au lieu ou je faisois precher ; je faisois lire la parole de dieu , lorsque le tonnere tomba sous mes pieds : le lieu ou nous estions estoit pavé & les rochers au dessous : ou entendoit gronder le tonner sous moy , qui estois ' eloigné d'eux neanmoins , dans le même endroit , aussi fort qui'l a accoutumé de faire ; il y fut assez de tems ; nous ne discontinuasmes pas pourtant la lecture de l'e●●iture sainte . ces fui ent des coups terribles & mystnrieux presages & avantcourreurs des maux pres á fondre sur la france & sur l'angleterre : il y a en angleterre plusieurs personnes qui estoyent ches moy lorsque ces choses se passereat : ils en ignoroyent le mystere , mais je puis bien prouver ce que j'avance . etant en etat de quitter la province ou je faisois mon sejour , il y a environ cinq á six ans , l'auteur des avis , qui a rêcu d'une vie si chretienne qu'on ne luy sçauroit rien imputer & á qui dieu a fait de graces si extraordinaires que je ne pense pas que depuis plusiers siecles on ait oui parler de semblables , me donna un depôt cachete , & me dit le tems que je devois l'ouuir ; il avoit au commencent de cet êcrit . o roy un plus grand roy que toy te commande : songe aut conte que tu dois rendre plutôt que tu ne penses : et a fin , o angleterre si tu te rends complice du crime tu auras part á la peine . l'orage est furieux rempli d'horreur & de carnage , tachez á le prevenir á fin que votre contree soit une contre de paix , une isle fortunée , & un jardpin d eden : c'est le souhait de votre tres obeissant serviteur , saint jean . guettes israel c'est ici le tems de veiller & de prier , c'est le tems de cries á plein gosier & de ne se point epargner , sonnez du cornet en sion , reveillez les peuples endormis , insistez en tems & hors tems , & ditez hardiment á jerusalem , qu'elle fe repente á fin qu'il y ait paix pour elle & non une souddain destruction : car le tonnere a grondé . an admonition to the christians of england . he must be very blind , who perceives not that the wrath of god hath long since been kindled against all parts almost of europe ; so that he seems resolved to destroy all flesh again as it were with a new deluge , since it is but too true , that they have abandon'd themselves to all kind of wickedness . but the indignation of the almighty hath begun to manifest it self more especially against those who are called protestants . and by those means ought we to have been induced to repentance and the reformation of our manners . but heaven and earth are witness , that we have not so much as known , or well considered , what it is to afflict our souls and amend our lives . hence it is that the judgments of god , which we so little regarded , though the decree hath again and again brought forth so terribly , have been daily more and more increasing . this we in france have been made to see by experience , since we neglected the admonitions which were given to us . it is now twenty years and upwards , since i received a letter , which admonished me of our approaching miseries [ in france , ] and the means to prevent them : which were , to call together the governours of our church , and acquaint them that they should appoint a three days fast in that church , which soever should first be attach'd , [ by process by our enemies ; ] and they should see the effects thereof . but i neglected that advice , not knowing whence it came . but abut ten years after , when i understood that , and saw the event of much of that which was foretold , i acquainted those gentlemen with it : but they regarded not what i said . which made the consequence so sad . there are now in england divers ministers , who were present when i shewed the letter which was sent me . the same advice which was given to me , was sent also to madam turone , and to the sieur rouvigny , and to mr. gache minister of charenton , and to the synod of languedock : and when the author , who sent these admonitions , understood that nothing was done thrreupon , be wrote thus to me : very unhappy is that ship , which being shaken in a grievous storm , the mariners will not be roused even by a child to pump out the water , which he sees running in , till he be forced to cry out , every one shift for himself . wo to him who loves not our lord jesus , and doth not carry the divine crucified one daily in his heart . about eight or nine years since a sudden stroke as of thunder struck me down in the day-time ( about eight in the morning ) according to three several warnings thereof given to me three years before . this was followed about six weeks after by a thunder in the night : whereof i had also been admonished . whereupon i called up all who were in bed in my house ; and we went into the room where we used to have prayers , and there read the scriptures . while that was doing it thundered under my feet , though the plate was paved and upon a rock . we all heard the noise of thunder ( directly ) under me ( who was at a distance from them , though all in the same room ) as loud as it used to be in the air , and for some time . yet we left not off our reading the scriptures . those were terrible claps , and mysterious ▪ presages and forerunners of the calamities , which are ready to break out upon the kingdoms of france and england . there are in england several persons who were at my house when these things happened : they understood not the mystery of them : but i am able to prove what i here declare . about five or six years since , when i was to leave the countrey where i dwelt , the author o● these admonitions , ( who lived so christian a lif● as none could blame , and whom god had favoured with such extraordinary graces , as few , i believe in several ages have heard the like , ) deposited with me a sealed paper ; and told me the time when i should open it . in the begitning were these words : o king , ( meaning the french king , ) a greate king than thee commands [ or rules ] thee : consider of the reckoning thou art to make , soone● than thou thinkest . and in the end. o england , if thou make thy self partaker i● the crime , thou shalt take part in the punishment ▪ the storm is violent , full of horror and destruction : endeavour to prevent it , that your countrey may be a countrey of peace , a fortunate island and a garden of eden : which is the hearty desire of your most obedient servant , saint jean postscript . ] you , who are watchmen of israe● this is the time to watch and to pray , this is t●● time to cry aloud and spare not : sound the trump●● in sion ; awaken the sleeping people : be instant season , and out of seasor , and speak boldly to jerusalem , that she repent , that so peace may be unto he● and not sudden destruction ; for the thunder has a●ready begun . archbishop usher's predictions . the year before he died , being asked , wbether he did believe that great persecution of the church of god in england , scotland and ireland , ( of which he had spoken with great confidence many years before in time of great peace ) to be passed , or yet to come ? he said , that it was yet to come , and that he did as confidently expect it , as ever he had done ; adding , that this said persecution would fall upon all the protestant churches of europe . and when it was answered , it might be hoped that it might have been past in these nations , by reason of the devastation and bloodshed which had been in the late civil war : he replied with a very serious and stern look , fool not your self with such hopes ; for i tell you , all you have yet seen , hath been but the beginning of sorrows , to what is yet to come upon the protestant churches of christ : who will e're long fall under a sharper persecution than ever yet has been upon them . and therefore look you be not found in the outward court , but a worshipper in the temple before the altar . for christ will measure all those who profess his name , and call themselves his people ; and the outward worshippers he will leave out to be trodden down by the gentiles . the outward court is the formal christian , whose religion lies in performing the out-side duties of christianity , without having an inward life , and power of faith and love uniting them to christ. and those god will leave to be trodden down and swept away by the gentiles . but the worshippers within the temple and before the altar , are those who do indeed worship god in spirit and in truth , whose souls are made his temple , and he is honoured and adored in the most inward thoughts of their hearts ; and they sacrifice their lusts and vise affections , yea , and their own wills to him . and these god will hide in the hollow of his hand , and under the shadow of his wings . and this shall be one great difference between this last and all the other preceding persecutions : for in the former , the most eminent and spiritual ministers and christians did generally suffer most , and were most violently fallen upon ; but in this last persecution , these shall be preserved by god as a seed to partake of that glory , which shall immediately follow and come upon the church , as soon as this storm shall be over : for as it shall be the sharpest , so it shall be the shortest persecution of them all ; and shall only take away the gross hypocrites and formal profissors ; but the true spiritual believers shall be preserved till the calamity be overpassed . to this i think very pertinent that excellent passage of his to the same person , concerning sanctification , in these words : i must tell you , we do not well understand what sanctification and the new creature are . it is no less than for a man to be brought to an intire resignation of his will to be will of god ; and to live in the offering up of his soul continually in the flames of love , as a whole burnt . offering to christ. and how little are many of those , who profess christianity , experimentally acquainted with this work on their souls ! some circumstances of the persecution aforesaid are mentioned in the printed paper of his predictions , to which i refer the reader . but one there is not mentioned there , or ever by him expresly , that i have heard of , viz. the time. of which yet it may be observed , that he seems in divers discourses to have intimated it so , as it must be now very near , by telling some persons , viz. such as were ancient , that they should not live to see it , and others that they might , that is by course of years , and among others judge hale , who , had he been now living , had been upwards of eighty one . besides , if the same was signified by the thunder under-ground mentioned by mr. st. jean , that seems to agree well with the manner mentioned by the archbishop , of a sudden unexpected massacre . london , printed for j. harris in the poultrey , . the letter writ by the last assembly general of the clergy of france to the protestants, inviting them to return to their communion together with the methods proposed by them for their conviction / translated into english, and examined by gilbert burnet. burnet, gilbert, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the letter writ by the last assembly general of the clergy of france to the protestants, inviting them to return to their communion together with the methods proposed by them for their conviction / translated into english, and examined by gilbert burnet. burnet, gilbert, - . catholic church. assemblée générale du clergé de france. [ ], , [ ] p. printed for richard chiswell ..., london : . includes bibliographical references. advertisement: p. [ ]-[ ] at end. "the letter writ by the assembly of the clergy to the calvinists in france.": p. - . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project 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illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church. -- assemblée générale du clergé de france. protestants -- france. calvinism -- france. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the letter writ by the last assembly general of the clergy of france to the protestants , inviting them to return to their communion . together with the methods proposed by them for their conviction . translated into english , and examined by gilbert burnet , d. d. london , printed for richard chiswell at the rose and crown in s. paul's church-yard . m dc lxxxiii . the preface . the fate of most that answer any particular book or treatise , is such , that , one may be justly discouraged from undertaking it : for besides the great trouble the answerer is put to , in following his author in all his digressions , and perhaps impertinences , and the small game he is often engaged in , about some ill-sounding expression , or some misunderstood period ; the issue of the whole business in matters of controversies , comes at best to this , that it may be confest his adversary has been too unwary in some assertions , or unconcluding in some of his arguments : but still men retain their old perswasions : and if one whom they had set up for their champion , should happen to be baffled , they will only say that they mistook their man ; and be being made quit the stage , another is set in his room . so that at most their engagement proves to be of the nature of a single combate , in the issue of which only two individuals , and not two parties are concerned . but when a whole body speaks in one voice , here the undertaking of a single person , in opposition to them , may be thought indeed too hardy and bold ; but yet the debate becomes of more consequence , at least to the one side , because the credit of those against whom he writes , is so well established , that a satisfactory answer to what they offer as the strength of their cause , must needs have great effect on these who examine those matters critically , and judge of them impartially . the world hath been filled with the noise of the conversions lately made in france ; but it has been generally given out that the violences of monsieur de marilliac and the souldiers , and the payments dispensed by monsieur pellisson , have been the most prevailing arguments hitherto made use of . that great king has indeed interposed in this matter , with a zeal , that if it were well directed , might well become one who reckons these to be his most esteemed titles , that he is the most christian king , and the eldest son of the church . but amidst all this noise of conversions , we have heard more of the temporal than spiritual sword ; and except in the violences and out-rages of some of the clergy , we have not heard much of any share they have had in this matter . it is true , the celebrated explication of their faith , written some years ago by the then bishop of condom , now of mea●x , has made a great shew , and most of the conversions are esteemed the effects of that book : and the eminent vertues of the author , joined with that great gentleness , by which he insinuates himself much into the hearts of all those that come near him , have perhaps really wrought much on some , whose consciences were by other motives , disposed to be very easily perswaded . soft words and good periods , have also had some weight with superficial enquirers . but that explication of his , which may be well called a good plea , managed with much skill and great eloquence for a bad cause , has been so often , and so judiciously answered , that i am confident such as have considered these answers , are no more in danger of being blinded with that dust , which he has so ingeniously raised : for it must be confessed , that his book deserves all the commendations that can be given it , for every thing except the sincerity of it , which ( i am sorry to say it ) is not of a piece with the other excellent qualities of that great prelate . but now we have before us a work of much more importance , in which we may reasonably conclude the strength of the roman cause is to be found : since it is the unanimous voice of the most learned and soundest part of that communion : for while the spaniards have chiefly amused themselves mith the metaphysical subtilties of school-divinity , and when the italians have added to that , the study of the canon law , as the best way for preferm●nt ; the french have now for above an age been set on a more solid and generous pursuit of t●ue learning : they have laboured in the publishing of the fathers works , with great diligence , and more sincerity than could be expected in any other part of that church ; where the watchful eyes of inquisitors might have prevented that fidelity which they have observed in publishing those records of antiquity : so that the state of the former ages of the church is better understood there than in any other nation of that communion . nor has the secular clergy , or laity , only laboured with great faithfulness in those enquiries , such as albaspine , de marca , godeau , launnoy , huetius , rigaltius , valesius and balusius ; to name no more ; but even that order , which is not so much admired over the world for great scrupulosity of conscience , has produced there several great men , that are never to be named but with honour , such as fronto ducaeus , and petavius ; but above all , sirmondus , through whose writings there runs such a tincture of candour and probity , that in matters of fact , protestants are generally more enclined to acquiesce in his authority , than those of his own perswasion are ; which made them afraid at rome to give him free access to their manuscripts . nor is the learning of the gallican church that for which they are chiefly to be esteemed : it must also be acknowledged , that from the study of the ancient fathers many of them seem to have derived a great measure of their spirit , which has engaged diverse among them to set forward as great a reformation as the constitution of their church can admit of . they have endeavoured not only to discover the corruptions in morality and casuistical divinity , and many other abuses in the government of the church , but have also infused in their clergy a greater reverence for the scriptures , a deeper sense of the pastoral care , and a higher value for holy orders , than had appeared among them for divers ages before . some of their bishops have set their clergy great examples : and a disposition of reforming mens lives , and of restoring the government of the church according to the primitive rules , hath been such , that even those who are better reformed , both as to their doctrine and worship , must yet acknowledge that there are many things among them highly imitable , and by which they are a great reproach to others , who have not studied to copy after these patterns they have set them . the world will be for ever bound to honour the names of godeau , paschall , arnauld , and the author of the essays of morality ; and those thoughts which they have set on foot are so just and true , that though their excellent bishops are now almost all gone off the stage , and are not succeeded by men of their own tempers , yet it is to be hoped , that these seeds so sown do still grow where they find a soil disposed for them . for though such notions are not very grateful to some whose interests biass them another way , or to others whose ill lives make them look on all books of a severe piety , and that design a strict discipline , as so many satyrs writ against themselves ; yet to such as are not prepossessed nor corrupted , nothing does so easily enter , and continue so fixed as those maximes which they infuse ; particularly those of the necessity of a vocation of the holy ghost before one enters into holy orders , and a strict application to the care of souls , after one has engaged in them . truth and goodness are in their natures so congenial , that there is no way so certain to lead men to the knowledge of the truth , as to form their minds inwardly to such a sense of piety and goodness , as may make them fit receptacles of truth . thus did the heathen philosophers begin at the purging their auditors minds , by their cleansing doctrines before they communicated to them their sublimer precepts . among the jews , the sons of the prophets were long prepared in a course of mortification and devotion , that so they might become capable of divine illapses ▪ and our saviour began his instructions with the correcting the ill morals of his followers and hearers ; and did not communicate the higher mysteries of his doctrine to them till they were well prepared for it ; since , as he said himself , the way to know his doctrine , whether it was of god or not , was to do his will , which makes the sense of the soul become as exact in judging of its object , as a sound state of health makes the organs of our bodily senses fit to represent their objects distinctly to us . and therefore that church that has advanced so far in the reforming the morals of the people , and the conduct of the clergy , may be very justly esteemed the best , as well as the most learned part of the roman communion : though it is not to be denied , but the iealousie that those men of better notions have fallen under , what by the interest the jesuites have gained both at court and in the sorbonne , what by the willingness that is in the greatest part of men , particularly of corrupt ecclesiasticks , to love looser principles , and what by the odious names of innovators , of men enclined to heresie , schism or faction , is such , that as on the one hand they are lookt at with an ill eye , as a sort of men that are neither good subjects to the king nor to the pope ; so they on the other hand , to free themselves from these imputations , have perhaps departed too much from these sincere principles which they had at first laid down , and have betaken themselves to some arts and policies that do not become men so enlightned as they are . but i will not enlarge more on this , because i honour them so much , and have learned so much from them , that i will rather bewail , than insult over their failings . but though they themselves are thus suspected , yet such is the force of truth , and the evidence of those maximes which they hold , and the world is so possessed with them , that even their greatest enemies are forced to yield to them , rather perhaps because they dare not scandalize the world , by keeping up abuses , of which all people are convinced , than out of any inward affection they bear to a severe or primitive discipline . by this means it is that there is now nothing more common in all the parts of france , than to talk of a reformation of abuses , even in those places where the prelates example is perhaps one of the most conspicuous of all the abuses . to what has been said this may be added , that their glorious and conquering monarch being now possessed with this maxime , that he will have but one religion in his dominions , every one there looks on the reducing many of those they call hereticks , as a sure way to obtain his favour , and so to attain to great dignities in the church . it is certain , the most refined wits there are now set on work to bring out the strength of their cause with the greatest advantage that is possible . therefore the assembly general of their clergy being called together , ( and being so much the more engaged to shew their zeal against heresie , that they might cover themselves from the reproaches of some that are more bigotted , for their compliance with the king in the matter of the regale , ) hath now made an address to all the calvinists of france , inviting them to return to their communion ; to which they have added directions to those that shall labour in these conversions ; which they call methods , by which their minds are in general to be wrought upon , without entring into the detail of these arguments , by which the controversies have been hitherto managed . i confess , when i read these first , i was astonished at most things in them , and could have almost thought that a veron or a maimbourg had published their visions in the name of that august body ; but i know the press there is so regulated , and the constitution of that kingdom is such , that so gross an abuse could not be put upon the world. besides , when i had over and over again laid all these methods together , i found that indeed all the strength of their cause lay divided among them : so that if there is no extraordinary force in them , it is because the cause can bear nothing that is more solid or more convincing . i doubt not but the letter , and these methods will be examined in france , with that clearness and exactness that may be expected from the many extraordinary pens that are there . but i being earnestly desired to write somewhat concerning it , have adventured on it , i have first begun at home , and since here we have the concurring voice of so great and so learned a church concerning the methods of converting protestants , i hope it will be no unacceptable thing to this nation to put these in english , together with such reflections on them as may be more easily apprehended by every reader that has but a due measure of application and iudgement , though ●e has not amused himself much with deep studies of divinity . i shall hold in the general and to the rational part as they do , without going further in any particular enquiry , than shall seem in some sort necessary . i ought to make great apologies for so hardy an enterprize , but i cannot do that without giving the reasons that determined me to it , which is not at present convenient . therefore i must only in general beg the readers charity , and that he will not impute this attempt to any forwardness of mine , or to any extravagant opinion i may have of my self , as if i were fit to enter the lists with such great persons , to whom i pay all that reverend esteem which becomes both to their characters and qualities , and to whom i know better what is due , than to presume to say any thing in contradiction to them , if i were not led to it by that which i owe to truth , and to the god of truth : after i have examined both their letter , and the methods added to it , i will venture further , and offer on the other hand such considerations as are just and lawful prejudices against that communion , and are such as ought , at least , to put all men in doubt that things are not right among them , and to dispose them to believe that matters in controversie between them and us ought to be examined more exactly and impartially , and that upon a general view , the prejudices lie much stronger in our favours , than against us . the letter writ by the assembly of the clergy , to the calvinists in france . the arch-bishops , bishops , and the whole gallican clergy , assembled at paris by the kings authority , wish to their brethren of the calvinist sect , amendment , and a return to the church , and an agreement with it . brethren , the whole church of christ does now of a great while groan , and your mother being filled with holy and sincere tenderness for you , does with regret see you rent from her belly , her breasts , and her bosome , by a voluntary separation , and continue still to stray in the desart . for how can a mother forget the children of her womb , or the church be unmindful of her love to you that are still her children , though you have forgot your duty to her ? the infection of errour , and the violence of the calvinistical separation having drawn you away from the catholick truth , and the purity of the ancient faith , and separated you from the head of the christian unity . from hence is it , brethren , that she groans and complains most grievously , but yet most lovingly , that her bowels are torn : she seeks for her sons that are lost , she calls as a partridge , as a hen she would gather them together , as an eagle she provokes them to fly ; and being again in the pangs of travel , she desires to bear you a second time , ye little children , that so christ may be again formed in you , according to truth , in the way of the catholick church . therefore we the whole gallican clergy , whom the holy ghost has set to govern that church in which you were born , and who by an uninterrupted inheritance hold the same faith , as well as the same chairs , which those holy bishops held , who first brought the christian religion into france , do now call on you , and as the embassadors of christ , we ask you , as if god did beseech you by us , why have you made separation from us ? for indeed , whether you will or not , such are your circumstances , that you are our brethren , whom all our common father did long ago receive into the adoption of children , and whom our common mother , the church , did likewise receive into the hope of our eternal inheritance . and even he himself who first bewitched you , that you should not obey the truth of the gospel , the standard-bearer of your profession , did at first live amongst us as a brother , in all things of the same mind with us . were we not all of the same houshold ? did we not all eat of the same spiritual meat ? and did not he perform among us the mutual offices of brotherly charity ? see if you can find any excuse either to your father , your mother , or your brethren , to take off the infamy of so wicked , so sudden , and so rash a flight ; of this dividing of christ , the renting the sacraments of christ , an impious war against the members of christ , the accusing the spouse of christ , and the denial of the promises of christ ? excuse and wash off these things if you can : but since you cannot do it , then confess that you are fallen under that charge of the prophet , an evil son calls himself righteous , but he cannot wash off his departure . wherefore then , brethren , have you not continued in the root with the whole world ? why did you break the vows and the wishes of the faithful , with the altars on which they were offered ? why did you intercept the course of prayer from the altars , from whence was the ascent to god ? why did you then with sacrilegious hands endeavour to remove the ladder that came down to those stones , that so prayers might not be made to god after the customary manner . other sectaries hitherto have indeed attempted that , not that they might overthrow the altar of christ , but that they might raise up their own altar , such as it was , against the altar of christ. but you , as if you had designed to destroy the christian sacrifice , have dared to commit a crime unheard of before these times . you have destroyed the altars of the lord of hosts , in which the sparrow ( christ ) had chosen to himself an house , and the turtle ( the church ) a nest , where she might lay her young . it was this schismatical fury that brought forth these things , and allhat has followed since , either of wars against the church , or of errours against the ancient doctrine : nor would we have those things ascribed so much to your inclinations as to the nature of schism . but this is that upon which we expostulate with you in particular , and which we ask of you without ceasing , why have you made the schism ? and unless you answer this , how well soever you may speak or write of other things , it is all to no purpose . we do not doubt , but in answer to this , you will make use of that old and common defence of all schismaticks , and that you who upon trial , know that it is not possible to shake the doctrines believed by us , will begin to inveigh against the morals of our men , as if holier persons , who love severer laws , could not hold it creditable for their reputation , or safe to their consciences , to live with such men . these are the things forsooth , brethren , for which the unity of christ is rent by you , the inheritance of your brethren is blasphemed , and the vertue and truth of the sacraments of the church are despised : consider how far you have departed from the gospel in this . these things that you object were less considerable both for number and weight , or perhaps unknown , and may be not at all true . but if they had been true , and acknowledged , and worse than they were , yet those tares ought to have been spared by christians , for the sake of the wheat : for the vices of the bad are to be endured , because of the mixture of the good . moses endured thousands that murmured against god. samuel endured both eli's sons and his own , that acted perversly christ himself , our lord , endured iud●s that was his accuser , and a thief , and also his betrayer . the apostles endured false brethren , and false apostle● that opposed them and their doctrine ▪ and s. paul , who did not seek his ow● things , but the things of jesus christ conversed with great patience among those that sought their own things , an● not the things of iesus christ. but you ▪ dear brethren , not only have not endured the church , your mother , and th● spouse of christ , but have rent , torn and violated her unity : and that yo● might thus rend , tear and violate he● ▪ you have charged the blemishes of private persons on her , whom christ has cleansed with the washing of water through the word of life , that he might present her glorious to himself , without either spot or wrinkle , or any such thing . what remains then , brethren , but that for your sakes we follow that advice of the holy ghosts , blessed are the peace-makers , for they shall be called the sons of god. and that by the bowels of mercy , which you have hitherto torn ; by the womb of the church , your mother , which you have burst ; by the charity of brethren , which you have so oft violated ; by the sacraments of god , which you have despised ; by the altars of god , which you have broken ; and by every thing , sacred or divine , that is worshipped either in heaven or earth ; we exhort you with the hearts of brethren to amend , to return , and to be reconciled . and what indeed remains , but that you , forgetting the schism , and remembring your mothers breasts , should again come home , where there are so many hired servants that have bread enough , while you cannot gather up crumbs for satisfying in any sort your spiritual hunger , being in a dry and untrodden desart . why then do you delay or withstand this ? are you ashamed to be reckoned children with those , among whom the eldest son lewis is daily erecting new trophies to the church his best mother : who , by reason of your wilfulness , is in this only not entirely happy , that although he is daily decreeing many things both religiously and piously for maintaining christianity , yet he sees some of his own subjects , who have of their own accord , forsaken the religion of their country , and have betaken themselves to foreign rites , being apostates from religion , and deserters of the ancient warfare , to continue still in their errour . and this most christian king did lately in our hearing say , that he did so earnestly desire to see all those broken and scattered parcels brought back to the unity of the church , that he would esteem it his glory to compass it with the shedding of his own royal blood , and even with the loss of that invincible arm , by which he has so happily made an end of so many wars . will you then , brethr●n , envy that palm of victory to this most august prince , and your king that has subdued so many and such mighty enemies , that has taken so many strong towns , and has conquer'd such great provinces , and is eminent in his triumphs of all sorts , and yet would prefer this victory to all the rest ? but , brethren , while we thus call upon you , and exhort you to the counsels of peace , do not you say , seek us not , for this is the language of iniquity , by which we are divided , and not of charity , by which we are christians . remember that the spirit of truth and peace has commanded us by the prophet not to cease to say to those who deny that they are our brethren , you are our brethren . what time can offer it self more fitly for calling you back to the roman communion than this , in which pope innocent governs the roman church ; whose life and manners being formed according to the ancient and severe discipline , present a perfect pattern of holiness to the christian world : so that it will be both for your honour as well as for your happiness , and a mark of great vertue in you , to joyn your selves to him who is such an eminent cherisher of all vertue . therefore as for you that need a physician , that are the members of christ , and noble ones too , bought with the same price , but are torn from the head and body of the church , through the wicked fraud of all our common enemy , we pray you by the eternal god suffer your selves to be healed , receive this admonition , and this humble prayer of ours : for such is our gentleness and compassion towards you , that we can confidently use the lowest expressions possible . and do you in a brotherly manner take hold of this occasion , that we offer you with such brotherly love , that so at last , through the grace of our god , the night of stupifying errour being dissipated , the light of divine truth may shine daily more and more ; suffer nor the weak and ignorant part of the christian flock to perish , because of some jealousies that you have rashly taken up against our faith ▪ do you think it unseemly to discover your disease to the physician ? give place both to repentance and physick ▪ and address your selves humbly to god , and esteem this to be that which is chiefly , and only honourable in christians . but if you will with obstinate minds refuse to do this while we thus exhort you , if you will not be overcome by prayers , nor bended by charity , nor wrought on by admonitions to a reconciliation , the angels of peace will weep bitterly ; but yet for all that we will not leave you to your selves , though that were but just to be done to persons so excessively obstinate ; we will not give over our seeking for the sheep of christ among the hedges and thorns ; and when we have done all by which your minds ought to have been reconciled to us , at last our peace , which is so earnestly and sincerely offered to you , when it is rejected by you , shall return to us : nor will god any longer require your souls at our hands . and as this your last errour will be worse than your former , so your last end will be worse than any thing you have formerly felt . but brethren , we hope better things , and things which accompany salvation . francis arch-bishop of paris , president . charles maurice arch-bishop and duke of rheims . charles arch-bishop of ambrun . iames arch-bishop and duke of cambray . hyacinth arch-bishop of alby . mi. phelipeaux arch-bishop of bourges . iames nicholas colbert arch-bishop of carthage , coadjutor of rouen . lewis of bourlemont arch-bishop of bourdeaux . gilbert bishop of tournay . nicholas bishop of riez . daniel bishop and earl of valence and die. gabriel bishop of autun . william bishop of bazas . gabriel bishop of auranches . iames bishop of meaux . sebastian bishop of st. malo. l. m. ar. de simiane bishop and duke of langres . fr. leo bishop of glandeves . lucas bishop of frioul . i. b. m. colbert bishop and duke of mountauban . charles bishop of montpellier . francis bishop of mande . charles bishop of la vaur . andrew bishop of auxerre . francis bishop of troyes . lewis bishop and earl of chalons . francis bishop of triguier . peter bishop of bellay . gabriel bishop of conserans . lewis bishop of alet . humbert bishop of tulle ▪ i. b. d' estampes bishop of marseilles . fr. de camps designed coadjutor of glandeves . de st. george designed bishop of m●scon . paul phil. de lusignan . lud. d' espinay de st. luc , c. leny de coadelets . la faye . cocquelin . lambert . p. de bermund . a. h. de fleury . de viens . f. feu . a. de maupiou . le franc de la grange . de senaux . parra dean of bellay . de boshe . m. de ratabon . clement de pouudeux . bigot . de gourgues . de villeneuve de vence . i. f. de l' escure . peter le roy. a. de soupets . a. argoud dean of vienna . gerbais . de bausset . g. bochart de champigny . courcier . cheron . a. faure . f. maucroix . de la borcy . de francqueville . armand bazin de besons , agent-general of the clergy of france . i. desmaretz agent-general of the clergy of france . remarks on the former letter . the tender expressions with which this letter begins , give the world some hopes that the gallican clergy have bowels of compassion , for those they call their brethren and little children , though the figures of a partridge or an eagle are too forced to flow from affections much moved . but the severities now exercised in mos● parts of france look like esau's hands , while the clergy speak with iacob's voice . the many terrible edicts that come out daily against those of that perswasion , and the much greater severity with which they are executed , do not very well agree with this melting language . perhaps some may think those edicts are civil things , and that the intendants or other officers who execute them , being of the laity , therefore the clergy are no way concerned in it . but if the blame of this is taken off from them , it must be laid somewhere else . it is notoriously known that the king himself is not at all of a bloody disposition , but is merciful and gentle : so that for all the hard measure that many of those who are forced to fly hither for refuge , feel , yet they do acknowledge that they owe it to the kings tenderness to his people , and aversion from cruelty , that it is not worse with them ; and that they are not massacred and destroyed to be the effect of his clemency and protection . and of this he has lately given the world a double assurance , both in the letters he sent to the bishops of france , and in those he sent with them to the deputies in the several provinces , printed together with this letter of the clergy . in the first are these words , recommending to you above all things the managing the spirits of those of that religion with gentleness ; and to use no other force but that of reason , for the bringing them again to the knowledge of the truth , without doing any thing against the edicts and declarations , by the vertue of which the exercise of that religion is tolerated within my kingdom . this is a little varied in the second letter thus , i recommend to you above all to manage the spirits of those of that religion with gentleness , and to hinder the doing of any thing that may be an invasion on that which is granted them by the edicts and declarations made in their favours . we will not have so criminal a thought of so glorious a prince , as to suspect his sincerity in this : and therefore when it ●is as visible as the day , that those edicts are broken almost in every branch of them , we must conclude that either the king is not well informed of the nature of those edicts , or is not acquainted with the violation of them : and since no king , how great soever , can see but with other mens eyes , and that it is not to be imagined that a prince so employed , as he is , can have read and examined the edicts granted by his ancestors in favour of that religion , it must be concluded , that those who have procured the passing those late edicts that contradict the former , have either flatly imposed on him , by making him believe they were not contrary to them , or have found out some slight equivocation in the words of the former edicts , upon which that great king has been induced to pass those edicts , which have come out of late so frequently against them . in this whole matter no political consideration is so much as pretended , the interests of state lie clearly against it . the design is well enough understood . a zeal for extirpating heresie , and the advancement of the kings glory is all that we hear given out for warranting those severities , which lie so heavy on such great numbers of the best subjects that france has . the interest that some of that assembly , the president in particular , has in the management of the affairs that concern the spirituality , and the high panegyricks which that body both offer to the king , and give of him for his proceedings in that affair , shew that as some of them set them on , so the rest approve of them : so that upon the whole matter , all the hard usage the poor protestants meet with , lies at their door . it is hard to perswade the world that they can have such bowels , while they thus tear those they call their little children with their paws : suppose their children were mistaken , and in errours , yet they should be fathers still , and not starve them to death , because they cannot either change their thoughts , or become so impious as to joyn in a worship which they think is not only superstitious but idolatrous . mens opinions are not in their own power , their understandings are necessary agents , and are determined by the evidence of things set before them : our wills can indeed engage our understandings to make enquiries with more application : they can also biass us with some partiality , for that in which we find our interests ; they can likewise command our actions , so that we may disguise and dissemble our opinions : but their dominion goes no further . it is not to be doubted but a small part of that hard usage which those oppressed french-men have met with , has more than determined them to enquire narrowly into those opinions , which were infused in them by their education : and has wrought so effectually on them , as to make them wish they could be of another mind ; but after all , if they see nothing but force to work on them , and manifestly discern the weakness of those reasons that are offered for their conviction , what remains but that either they must do violence to themselves , and so joyn in that monstrous idolatry of a worshipping as a god , that which they believe to be only a piece of bread ; or that they must still groan under those miseries to which they see themselves condemned ; which must needs possess them with such an opinion of the cruelty of those that call themselves their fathers , that all the tender expressions they read in this letter cannot root it out : for deeds are much surer evidences of mens affections than words . the title of a father agrees ill with the rage of an enemy . the members of this assembly pretend they go in the traces of those who first brought the christian religion into france ; and that they hold the same faith , as well as they possess the same chairs . it were to be wished , that they were also acted with the same spirit of meekness and gentleness towards those who differ from them , and that they had the same aversion to cruelty that we find among the ancients . i shall not here alledge what tertullian and cyprian have said in general against cruelty on the account of religion , nor what lactantius has more copiously enlarged on . but since they mention those that first established the christian religion in france , i shall offer to them what the first of the gallican bishops ( who had an occasion given him to write of such matters , hilary of poictiers ) said against the arians , who were persecuting the orthodox under constantius ; though their greatest severities were not equal to those that the protestants are now made to suffer . it will be unreasonable to alledge that what hilary said against that persecution cannot quadrate with the present case , the one being done by an heretical emperour , and the other by a most christian king. i shall avoid the making any odious comparison in this matter ; but this must be acknowledged , that it is to beg the question to say , the one persecuted to advance an errour , whereas the other does it to suppress errour ; and it will appear that he wrote not sincerely , if he did not condemn that way of proceeding in what cause soever it were employed : for he plainly says , the bishops would have opposed such methods even to advance truth . * hilary addressed himself to constantius , that he would slacken his severities , and suffer the people to hear those preach , and celebrate the holy mysteries , and pray for his safety and success , whom they liked best , and esteemed most , and had made choice of ; then he promises that all things would be quiet , and that not only there would be no sedition , but not so much as any murmuring . and as a reason for enforcing this , he says a little after ; god has taught , but not imposed on us the knowledge of himself , and conciliated authority to his commands by the miracles that were wrought ; but he despises that confession that flows from a compelled mind . if such force were used to draw men to the true faith , the episcopal doctrine would interpose and say the earth is the lords , and he needs not an enforced obedience , nor does he require a constrained confession . he is not to be deceived , but his favour is to be desired , and he is to be worshipped for our caus● , not for his own . i could not receive any but such as were willing , nor hear such as did not entreat me , nor confirm such as did not profess ( the faith. ) to this he adds , " but what is this that priests are forced by chains to fear god , and commanded by the terrour of punishments ? that priests are kept in prisons , and the people are delivered over to the jaylors ? and upon this he runs out more largely than is necessary to transcribe . but let us also hear how he addresses himself to those bishops that were the chief procurers and instruments of all the sufferings of the orthodox : and indeed , what he says to them does serve as so apposite an answer to a great part of this letter , that i hope it will not be irksome to translate a large quotation out of it . the name of peace ( saith he ) is specious , and the opinion of unity is beautiful : but it is past all doubt , that that peace only which is the peace of christ is the peace of the church and the gospels : we have desired to recover that same peace that is now lost , of which he spake to his apostles after his glorious sufferings , and which he being to leave them , recommended to them as a pledge of his eternal laws . and we have desired to compose the disorders now made in it , and having again recovered it , we have also desired to maintain it . but so prevalen● have the sins of this age been , and the sore-runners and ministers of antichrist that is approaching , have been so active , that we could neither procure this peace , nor partake of it : while those who boast of the unity of their peace , that is , of their impiety , behave themselves not like the bishops of christ , but like the priests of antichrist . but that we may not be blamed for using reproachful words , we will not conceal the cause of this common ruine , that so none may be ignorant of it . we know from what s. iohn the apostle has delivered , that there are many antichrists , and whosoever denies christ , as he was preached by the apostles , is an antichrist . it is the property of antichrist , marked by the very name , to be contrary to christ. now by the opinion of a mistaken piety , and under the pretence of preaching the gospel , this is effected or endeavoured , that the lord jesus christ while he seems to be preached , is denied . in the first place , we must pity the labour of this age , and lament the foolish opinions of those times , in which god is thought to be protected by men , and by secular ambition the church of christ is laboured to be defended . i pray you , o you bishops , who believe your selves to be such , what were the assistances which the apostles made use of in preaching the gospel ? by what earthly powers were they supported when they preached christ , and converted almost all nations from idols to god ? did they derive any authority from the palace , when they were singing hymns to god , in prison , in chains , and after they were whipped ? did paul gather a church to christ by vertue of royal edicts , when he himself was exposed as a spectacle on a theatre ? did he secure himself by the protection of a nero , a vespasian or a decius , by whose hatred of us the confession of that divine preaching did flourish ? they maint●ining themselves by their own handy-work , and assembling in upper rooms and secret places , went over all countries , both villages and strong places , through sea and land , notwithstanding the decrees of senates and royal edicts against them . and i suppose it will not be denied , that they had the keys of the kingdom of heaven . did not the divine power exert it self manifestly against the hatred of men , when christ was preached so much the more as the preaching of him was prohibited ? but now , alas , humane aids are employed to recommend our divine faith , and christ is accused as having lost his former power , while his name is promoted by ambition . the church now terrifies others by banishments and imprisonments : she depends on the favour of her communicants , who was consecrated by the terrour of her persecutors . she banishes priests who was propagated by the banishment of her own priests : and now boasts that she is beloved of the world , who yet could never have been christs , if the world had not hated her . the present state of affairs , which is in all mens eyes and discourses , gives us this parallel of the condition of the church , as it was anciently conveyed down to us , and as it is now ruined in our days . there needs no application of these words to the present purpose , they express the plea of those persecuted men so fully , that it may be well concluded that the spirit that acted in hilary , is not the same with that which now inspires the reverend prelates of that church . to this i might add the known history of the priscillianists that fell out not long after . i shall not presume to make a parallel between any of the gallican church , and ithacius , who persecuted them ; of whom the historian gives this character , that he was a vain , sumptuous , sensual ▪ and impudent man , and that he grew to that pitch in vice , that he suspected all men that led strict lives , as if they had been inclined to heresie . and it is also to be hoped , that none will be so uncharitable as to compare the priscillianists with those they now call hereticks in france ; whether we consider their opinions , that were a revival of the blasphemies of the gnosticks , or their morals , that were brutal and obscene , even by priscillian's own confession . now ithacius prosecuted those in the emperours courts , and went on in the pursuit , though the great apostle of that age , martin , warned him often to give it over . in conclusion , when ithacius had set it on so far that a sentence was sure to pass against them , he then withdrew from it : sentence was given , and some of them were put to death , upon which some bishops excommunicated ithacius , yet s. martin was wrought on to communicate with him very much against his mind ; being threatned by the emperour maximus that if he would not do it , troops should be ordered to march into spain , to destroy the rest of them . this prevailed on that good man to joyn in communion with those that had acted so contrary to the mercifulness of their religion , and to the sacredness of their character . but no arts could work on s. martin to approve of what they had done . the effects of this were remarkable , for when s. martin went home , if we will believe sulpitius , an angel appeared to him , and reproved him severely for what he had done ; upon which he with many tears , lamented much the sin he had committed by his communicating with those men , and would never after that communicate with any of that party : and during the sixteen years that he survived that , sulpitius who lived with him , tells us that he never went to any synod , and that there was a great withdrawing of those influences and graces , for which he had been so eminent formerly . and thus if s. martin's example and practice is of any authority , the cruelty of that church that has engaged all the princes of europe , as much as was in their power , to do what maximus then did , and the present practices of the bishops about the court , might justifie a separation from them . but we do not proceed upon such disputable grounds . to this i shall only ●dd the a●thority of another father , who t●o●gh he was none of the gallican bishops , 〈◊〉 since he is more read and esteemed in that church than any other of all the ●athers , it is to be hoped that his authority may be somewhat considered . it is s. austin . he was once against all sorts of severity in matters of religion , and delivered his mind so pathetically and elega●tly on that subject , that i presume the reader will not be ill pleased to hear his own words , writing against the manicheans , whose impieties are too well known to be enlarged on ; so as to shew that even in the account which the church of rome makes of things , they cannot pretend that the protestants are as bad as they were . he begins his book against them with an earnest prayer to god that he would give him a calm and serene mind , so that he might study their conversion ▪ and not seek their ruine ; to which purpose he applies those words of s. paul to timothy , the servant of the lord must not strive , but be meek towards all men , apt to teach , patient , in meekness instructing them that oppose themselves : to which he adds these words , let them exercise cruelty upon you , who do not know with what difficulty truth is found out , and how hardly errours are avoided : let them exercise cruelty upon you , who do not know how rare and hard a thing it is to overmaster carnal imaginations with the serenity of a pious mind . let them exercise cruelty upon you , who do not know with what difficulty the eye of the inward man is healed , that so it may behold its sun. let them exercise cruelty upon you , who do not know with what groans and sighs we attain the smallest measure of the knowledge of god. and in the last place , let them exercise cruelty upon you , who were never themselves deceived with any errour like that with which you are now deceived ▪ it is true , it may be pretended , that he became afterwards of another mind , but that will not serve to excuse the severities now on foot , the case being so very different . the donatists in his time very generally fierce and cruel , one sort of them , the circumcellionists , acted like mad men : they did lie in wait for s. austin's life ; they fell upon several bishops with great barbarity , putting out the eyes of some , and cudgelling others till they left them as dead . upon this , the bishops of africk were forced to desire the emperours protection , and that the laws made against hereticks might be executed upon the donatists , and yet even in this s. austin was at first averse . it is true , he afterwards in his writings against the donatists justified those severities of fining and banishing , but he expresses both in his own name , and in the name of all those churches , great dislike not only of all capital proceedings , but of all rigour ; and when the governours and magistrates were carrying things too far , he interposed often and ●ith great earnestness to moderate their severity : and wrote to them , that if they went on with such rigour , the bishops would rather bear with all the violences of the donatists , than seek to them for redress ; and whole synods of bishops concurred with him in making the like addresses in their favours ; and though there were excesses committed in some few instances , yet we may easily conclude how gentle they were , upon the whole matter , from this that he says that the fines imposed by law had never been exacted , and that they were so far from turning the donatists out of their own churches , that they still kept possession of several churches which they had violently invaded , and wrested out of the hands of the bishops . it is plain then , since he justified those severities only as a necessary restraint on the rage to the donatists , and a just protection of the bishops , that this has no relation to the hardships the protestants now suffer , it not being pretended that they have drawn it upon themselves by any tumultuary or irregular proceedings of theirs . so much seemed necessary to shew how different the spirit of the present clergy o● france is from that which animated the church in the former and best ages . the reverend prelates say in their letter , that they hold the same faith with their predecessors . if this were true in all points , it were indeed very hard to write an apology for those that have separated from them : i shall not engage in a long discussion of the sentiments of the ancient bishops of the gallican church ; yet that the reader may not be too much wrought on by the confidence and plausibleness of this expression● , i shall only give a taste of the faith of the first of all the gallican clergy , whose works are yet preserved , and that is irenaeus : i shall instance it in two particulars , the one is the hinge upon which all our other controversies turn ; that is , whether the scriptures or oral tradition is to be appealed to , for determining matters of controversie : the other is the most material point in difference among us , concerning the presence of christ in the sacrament , whether in it we really receive the substance of bread and wine , or only the accidents . as to the first , he directly appeals to the scriptures , which he says were the pillar ●nd ground of truth ; and adds , that the valentinians did appeal to oral tradition , from which he ●urns to that tradition that was come from the apostles ; on which he insists very copiously , and puts all the authority of tradition in this , that it was derived from the apostles : and therefore says that if the apostles had delivered nothing in writing , we must then have followed the order of tradition : and after he has shewed that the tradition to which the valentinians pretended was really against them , and that the orthodox had it derived down from the apostles on their side , he returns to that upon which he had set up the strength of his cause , to prove the truth from the scriptures . now the scriptures being the foundation on which the protestants build , and oral tradition , together with the authority of the church , being that on which the church of rome builds , it will be easie to every one that considers those chapters referred to in irenaeus , to gather upon which of those he grounded his belief . as for the other particular , he plainly calls the sacrament that bread over which thanks have been given ; and says , our flesh is nourished by the body and blood of christ ; and concludes that our flesh by the sacrament has an assurance of its resurrection and incorruptibility . more particularly he says , our blood is encreased by the blood of christ , and that he encreases our body by that bread which he has confirmed to be his body , and that by these the substance of our body is encreased ; and from thence he argues , that our bodies receive an encrease not by any internal or invisible way , but in the natural way of nourishment ; and so concludes , that our bodies being nourished by the eucharist , shall therefore rise again . every one that considers the force of these words , must conclude that he believed our bodies received in the sacrament a real substance which nourished them , and not bare accidents . if then upon this essay it appears , that the first writer of all gallican bishops does agree with the protestants , both in that which is the foundation upon which they build their whole cause , and also in that particular opinion which is believed to be of the greatest importance , then the reader has no reason to believe that the present bishops of france hold the same faith which their predecessors taught who first preached the christian religion in that kingdom . but now i come to answer the main question , which is indeed the whole substance of the letter , why have they made the schism ? if such a letter with such a demand in it , had come from the abassin or armenian churches , or perhaps from the greek churches , whose distance from us is such , and the oppressions they groan under are so extreme , that they have little heart and few opportunities to enquire into the affairs or opinions of others , it could not have been thought strange ; but to hear it from these : among whom those live , who have so often both in writings and discourses answered this question so copiously , is really somewhat unaccountable : yet this is not all , but it is added , that the protestants , upon trial finding they could not shake their doctrine , have charged them only for their ill lives , as if that were the ground of the separation . this it must be confessed , had better become the affected eloquence of a maimbourg , than the sincerity of so many eminent men ; of whom the mildest censure that can be past in this particular is , that some aspiring priest being appointed to pen this letter , that was better accustomed to the figures of a clamorous rhetorick , than the strict measures of truth , gave it this turn , hoping to recommend himself by it , and that the bishops signed it in haste , without considering it well . who of all the protestants have made that experiment , and found that the faith of the church of rome was not to be attackt , and that she can only be accused for the ill lives of some in her communion ? if this were all we had to object , we do not deny but that all that the fathers retorted on the schismaticks , particularly the donatists , did very justly fall on us ; and that we could neither answer it to god , to the world , nor our own consciences , if we had separated from their church on no other account : and this is indeed so weak a plea , that the penner of the letter shewed his skill at least , if he was wanting in his sincerity , to set up a pretence which he knew he could easily overthrow , though the reasons he brings to overthrow it , are not all pertinent nor convincing : but this in conclusion , is so managed as to draw an occasion from it to complement the present pope , some way to make an amends for their taking part with their king against him . all that is to be said on this head is , that protestants are not so unjust as to deny the pope that now reigns , his due praises ; of whose vertue and strictness of life they hear such accounts , that they heartily wish all the assembly of the clergy , from the president , down to the secretaries would imitate that excellent pattern that he sets them . a zeal for converting hereticks does not very well become those whose course of life has not been so exemplary , that this can be imputed to an inward sense of religion , and to the motives of divine charity . but in this point of the corruption of mens lives , we may add two things more material : the one is if a church teaches ill morals , or at least connives at such casuistical doctrines as must certainly root out all the principles of moral vertue and common goodness out of the minds of men , then their ill morals may be improved to be a good argument for a separation from them . how much the casuistical doctrine of those who are the chief confessors in that communion has been corrupted of late , we may learn from what has been published by many among themselves , particularly by their late address to the present pope , and by the articles condemned both by pope alexander the seventh , and by the pope that now reigns . but yet how faint those censures are , every one that has read them , must needs observe . this is not all : the dissolving of oaths and vows , the dispensing with many of the laws of god , the authorizing subjects to shake off their princes yoke , if he does not extirpate heresie and hereticks , the butcheries of those they call hereticks , and that after faith given to the contrary ; having been for some ages the publick practices of the court of rome ; in which several general councils have also concurred with them , are things both of such a nature , and have been so openly avowed as well as practised in that church , that this argument from the corruption of their morals , may be well fastened on their whole church . if likewise many opinions are received among them , which do naturally tend to slacken the strictness of holiness , and give the world more mild ideas of sin , and make the way to the favour of god accessible even without a real reformation , then there will be more weight in this argument than may at first view appear . the belief of the sacraments conferring grace , ex opere operato , the vertue of indulgences , the priestly absolution , the communication of merits , the vertue supposed to be in some pilgrimages , in images and priviledged altars , in fraternities , and many consecrated things , together with the after-game of purgatory , and of redemption out of it by masses ; these with many more devices , are such contrivances for enervating the true force of religion , and have such effects on the lives of men , who generally are too easie to hearken to any thing that may make them hope well , while they live ill ▪ that when we complain of a great dissolution of mens morals that live under the influences of that religion , this charge is not personal , but falls on their church in common . in the next place , that vast corruption of ecclesiastical discipline , and of all the primitive rules , occasioned chiefly by the exorbitant power the popes have assumed , of dispensing with all laws , the gross sale of such graces at rome , the intrigues in the creation of the popes themselves , the universal neglect of the pastoral care among the superiour orders of the clergy , do give men just and deep prejudices against a church so corrupt in her ruling members , and do raise great dislike of that extent of authority which the bishops of rome have assumed , that have cut all the banks , and let in such an inundation of ill practices on the world. and if once in an age or two a pope of another temper , of better morals , and greater strictness arises , we are notwithstanding that , to judge of things not upon rare and single instances , but upon their more ordinary and natural effects . thus laying all these things together , it will appear that our exceptions to that church upon the account of their morals , is not so slight as the penner of that letter has represented it ; and that his instances for living among ill men have no relation to this matter . but this is the weakest plea we have for our separation , and as strong soever as it may be in it self , we build upon solider foundations . in order to the opening this , i shall premise a little of the true end and design of religion , which is to beget in us so deep a sense of the divine nature and perfections a● may most effectually engage us to become truly holy. there are two inclinations in the nature of men , that dispose him to corrupt the ideas of god ; the one is an inclination to cloath him in some outward figure , and present him to our senses in such a manner , that we may hope by flatteries or submissions , by pompous or cruel services to appease him : and the other is a desire to reconcile our notions of religion to our vicious habits and appetites , that so we may some way pacifie our consciences in the midst of our lusts and passions : and thus the true notion of idolatry is the representing of god to us so as that we may hope to gain his favour by other methods than our being inwardly pure and holy : and the immorality of this consists not only in the indecency of such representations , and their unsuitableness to the divine nature , but likewise in this , that our notions of god which ought to be the seeds of vertue and true godliness , by which our natures are to be reformed , are no more effectual that way , but turn only to a pageantry , and spend themselves in dressing up our worship , so as we think will better agree with one that is like our selves : now we find the chief design of the gospel was to root this out of the world , and to give us the highest and perfectest ideas of the purity and goodness of the divine nature , that might raise in us that inward probity of soul , comp●ehended in the general name of charity or love , which is the proper character of the christian spirit : we have also the divine holiness so presented to us , that we can never hope to attain the favour of god here , or eternal happiness hereafter , but by becoming inwardly and universally holy . now our main charge against the church of rome is , that this which is the great design of the christian religion is reversed among them , and that chiefly in four things . . in proposing visible objects to the adorations of the people , against not only the current of the whole scriptures , but the true idea and right notion of god ; and this not only by precept in the images of our saviour and the saints , but by a general tolerance in the images of the blessed trinity it self . thus the senses having somewhat set before them on which they may work , do naturally corrupt the mind , and convert religion , which is an inward and spiritual work , into an outward gross homage to these objects . . in setting up the intercession of saints , as if either god had not a capacity of attending to the whole government of the world , or were not so merciful or good , but that as princes are wrought on by the interposition of their courtiers , so he needed to have such importunities to induce him to be favourable to us : the very plea commonly used for this from the resemblance of earthly courts , is the greatest debasing of the divine nature that is possible : and when the addresses made to these saints in the publick offices of the church , are the very same that we make to god or our saviour , that they would pardon our sins , give u●●race , assist us at all times , and open the kingdome of heaven to us ; and when after those things have been complained of for above an age , and that upon a general review of their offices , they are still continued among them , we must conclude that the honour due to the creator is offered to the creature . i need not bring instances of these , they are so well known . . in ●the many consecrations that are used among ●hem of images , crosses , habits , water , salt , oyl , candles , bells , vessels ▪ agnus dei's , and grains ; with a vast deal more , by which those things are so consecrated , as to have a vertue in them for driving away devils , for being ▪ a security both to soul and body , and a remedy against all temporal and spiritual evils . this way of incantations was one of the grossest pieces of heathenism , and is now by them brought into the christian religion : and the opinion , that upon these consecrations a vertue is conveyed to those things , is infused into the people by their authorized offices : in which if in any thing it is not to be believed that the church lies and deceives her children : this is plainly to consider god as the heathens did their idols , and to fetch down divine vertues by charms , as they did . and . their worshipping with divine honour , that which by all the indications that we can have of things , we know is no other than what it appears to be , even bread and wine in its substance and nature : thus divine adoration is offered to those elements , contrary to the universal practice of the christian church for years ; and this passes among them as the most important piece of their worship , which has almost swallowed up all the rest . thus the true ideas of god , and the chief design of the christian religion is overthrown in that communion ; and what can we think of a church that in the most important of her offices , adds this prayer to the absolution of sinners , the passion of our lord iesus christ , the merits of the blessed virgin , and all the saints , and whatever good thou hast done , and whatever evil thou hast suffered be to thee for the pardon of sin , the increase of grace , and the reward of eternal life ; where we see clearly what things they joyn in the same breath , and in order to the same ends with the passion of christ. when they have cleansed their churches of these objects of idolatry and superstition , and their offices of those impious addresses to saints , and that infinite number of enchantments , then they may upon some more advantage ask , why have we made the schism ? it is because they have corrupted the doctrine of christ and the gospel ; and if those things upon which the separation subsists were removed , it could no more subsist than accidents can do without a subject . the next thing upon which we ground our separation is , that not only the church of rome would hearken to no addresses nor remonstrances that were made to her for reforming those abuses , but that by anathema's and the highest censures possible , all are obliged to believe as she believes in those very particulars , and are bound to joyn in a worship in which those things which we condemn , are made indispensable parts of our publick devotions : so that we must either mock god , by concurring in a worship which we believe impious and superstitious , or we must separate from them . none can be admitted to benefices of cure or preferment , without swear●ng most of these opinions which we think are false : nor can any eminent heretick be received among them , without swearing that he in all things receives the doctrines of the church of rome , and that he thinks all that do not receive them worthy of an anathema . if the errours of the church of rome had been only speculative opinions , or things of less moment , we could have better born with them , or if they had only held to their own customes without imposing them on us , we could have held in several things a sisterly communion with them , as we do with the greek churches ; but when they have not only brought in and obstinately maintained those corruptions , but have so tyrannically imposed them on the world , it is somewhat strange to see men make such grimaces , and an appearance of seriousness , while they ask this question , of which they know so well how to have resolved themselves . one thing is likewise to be considered , that in the examination of the corruptio●s of that communion , it is not sufficient to say somewhat to sweeten every one of them in particular , but it is the complication of all together that we chiefly insist on , since by all these set together we have another view of them , than by every one of them taken asunder . this then is our answer to the question so often repeated : we have not made the schism from the church of christ , as it was setled by the apostles , and continued for many ages after them , but they have departed from that , and have refused to return to it . on the contrary , they have condemned and cursed us for doing it : upon this , all that they obj●ct against the first reformers , as having been once of their communion , falls to the ground : for if these things which we object to them are true , then since no man is bound to continue in errours , because he ▪ was bred up in them , this is no just prejudice against those men . all the flourishes raised upon this ground are but slight things , and favour more of a monastick and affectate eloquence , than of the weight and solidity of so renowned a body . what is said of pulling down the altars , and of that elegant figure of christs being the sparrow , and the churches being the turtle , that loved to make their nests in them , is really very hard to be answered ; not for the strength that is in it , but for another reason , that in reverence to that assembly i shall not name . the sacrifice of the death of christ we acknowledge , as that only by which we come to god , and in a general sense of that term , the commemoration of it may be also called a sacrifice , and the communion table an altar , and such we still retain : and for any thing further , either of altar or sacrifice , till they give a better authority for it , than a fanciful allusion ●o an ill-understood verse of a ●salm , we shall not be much concerned in it . if wars and confusions have followed in some places upon the reforming those abuses , they were the effects of the rage and cruelty of those church-men , that seemed never like to be satiated with the blood of those that had departed from them . and if the specious pretence of edicts , princes of the blood , the preserving the house of bourbon , the defending france from foreigners , joyning with that natural appetite that is in all men to preserve themselves , engaged some in wars under the minority of their kings , it is nothing but what is natural to man : and these who condemn it most , yet ought to pity those whom their predecessors , in whose steps they now go , constrained to do all that they did . and the rebellions in england and ireland , in king henry the eighth , edward the sixth , and queen elizabeth's time , when no persecutions provoked them to them , and no laws gave them any colour for them , are a much stronger prejudice against their church , chiefly since these were set on by the authority and agents of rome , so that they may well give over the pursuing this matter any further . as for the argument set before them from the greatness and glory of their king , and his zeal to have all again re-united into one body , how powerful soever it may be to work upon their fears , and to touch them in their secular concerns , it cannot be considered as an argument to work on their reasons . they expressed their zeal for their king in his greatest extremity , while he was under age ; and after all the heavy returns that they have met with since that time , they have continued in an invincible loyalty and submission in all things , except in the matters of their god : if the heroick greatness , glorious success , and the more inherent qualities of a princely mind , are good arguments to work on subjects , they were as strong in the times of a trajan , a decius , or a dioclesian , to perswade the christians to turn heathens : but it is very probable this is the strongest of all those motives that have produced so many conversions of late , while men , either to make their court , or to live easie , are induced to make shipwrack of the faith , and of a good conscience . and i shall not add , that it seems those who are so often making use of this argument , feel the mighty force it has on themselves , and so imagine it should prevail as much on others , as they find it does on their own consciences , or rather on their ambition and covetousness . i will prosecute the matter of this letter no further , and therefore shall not shew in how many places the secretary that penned it has discovered how much he is a novice in such matters , and what great advantages he gives to those who would sift all the expressions , the figures , and the periods in it . but the respect i pay to those that subscribe it , as well as the importance and gravity of the subject stop me : so from the reviewing this letter , i go next to consider the methods laid down by the assembly for carrying on those conversions . a memorial , containing diverse methods , of which very great use may be made for the conversion of those who profess the pretended reformed religion . the first method is that which cardinal richelieu used for reducing , either in the way of disput● or conference , those of the p. r. r. and to perswade them in an amicable manner to re-unite themselves to the church . this method is to attack them by ● decree of a synod of theirs tha● met at charenton , . by which the● received to their communion those of th● ausbourg confession , who hold the rea● presence of the body of iesus christ in the eucharist , together with diverse other articles that are very different from the confession of faith of those that are the p. reformed . vpon which the minister dailee in his apology says , that if the church of rome had no other errour besides that , they had not had a sufficient reason for their separating from her . it is certain , that none of all the other points of our belief that are controverted , are either of greater importance , or harder to be believed than this which has been ever esteemed even by themselves one of the chief grounds of their separation , and is that by which the people are most amused . as for that which the minister dailee says for eluding the force of this objection , that the lutherans do not adore iesus christ in the sacrament : it is altogether unreasonable , since calvin himself reproves the lutherans for that , and is forced to acknowledge that adoration is a necessary consequence of the real presence . what is more strange ( says he ) than to put jesus christ in the bread , and not to adore him ? and if he is in the bread , then he ought to be adored under the bread. thus since , according to the calvinists in the same synod , one does not overthrow the grounds of salvation by the belief of the real presence , and the other points of their confession concerning which they dispute , that cardinal thought he could convince them of their errour , in separating faom the communion of the church of rome , in which , according to their own maximes , one could be saved . it was by the like reasoning that the african fathers convinced the donatists , called the primianists , that they had unjustly separated themselves from the catholick church , because it received cecilian i●to its communion , since they had made a decree of vnion with the maximianists , whom they had formerly condemned . it was in the council of carthage , held under anastasius , that the fathers used this against those hereticks , and in the fourth canon they set this before them , * that they might see if they would but open their eyes a little to the divine light , that they had as unjustly ●ut themselves off from the unity of the church ; as the maximianists according to what they said , had separated themselves from their communion , remarks . if cardinal richelieu had not ●een an abler states-man , than as it appears by this argument , he was a divine , the princes of europe would not have such cause as they have at present , to dread the growth of the french monarchy , of which he laid the best and strongest foundations . it is a common maxime , that no man can excel but in one thing ; so since his strength lay in the politicks , no wonder he had no great talent for divinity : but if this at first view seemed to him to have somewhat in it to amuse weak minds , especially when it surprized them with its novelty ; yet it is a little unexpected to find it taken up by so great a body , and set in the front of their methods for making proselytes , after the weakness of it has been so evidently discovered . . great difference is to be made between a speculation that lies in the mind , and is a mans particular opinion , and that which discovers it self in the most solemn acts of worship ; for the former , unless it is such as subverts the foundations of religion , we can well bear with it : these are errours in which the person that holds them is only concerned , whereas the other errors become more fruitful , they corrupt the worship , they give scandal , and infect others . therefore we will without scruple own , that whether a man believe consubstantiation or transubstantiation , so long as that lies in his brain as a notion , we may conclude him a very ill philosopher , and a worse divine , for holding it ; but still we will receive him to our communion , that being a solemn stipulation of the new covenant made with god through christ : and therefore since such a person acts nothing contrary to that covenant , we ought to admit him to it : but idolatry being contrary to the laws upon which that covenant is grounded , we cannot receive an idolater , though we do admit such as are in errours , that produce no other effect but mistaken apprehensions and judgements . it is unreasonable to say that if the presence is acknowledged , adoration ought to follow ; for we will excommunicate none for a consequence , were it never so well deduced , so long as they hold not that consequence : and if calvin argued as he did from that absurdity , it was not that he thought they ought to adore , because they believed consubstantiation ; but rather to let them see how unreasonable it was to believe it , since they did not adore it ; and yet it must be confessed the argument is not unanswerable : for it may be said , that as princes when ●●ey are in any place incognito , even though they are known , yet their being incognito shews that they will not have that respect paid them which is otherwise due to them : so that christ being present in an invisible manner is not to be adored . i shall not determine whether the argument or the answer is stronger , yet this must be confessed , that upon so dubious a consequence , it were a very unreasonable cruelty to deny the holding communion with those that believed such a presence , though we refuse to communicate with those that joyn adoration to it . . there is a great difference to be made between the receiving men that hold erroneous tenets , to our ●ommunion that we believe is pure and undefiled , and the joyning our selves to a communion in which we must profess those very errours which we condemn ; and by solemn acts of worship must testifie before god and the world that we believe that which inwardly and in our consciences we think false . the former is only a tolerating or conniving at the errours of others , without any sort of approbation of them ; whereas the other is the fullest and most publick contradiction to our consciences that is possible . . as long as any errours do not strike against the foundations of the christian religion , we own that we will bear with them , at least not oblige others , especially the laity , in whom there is not that danger of spreading them to renounce them , before we admit them to the sacraments : but the case of the church of rome is very different , among whom this opinion is but one of very many opinions , that we think reverse the whole nature and design of christianity , of which some short hints were given in the remarks upon the letter of the assembly general . . it is a very ill inference to conclude , because that we think a man can be saved that believes the corporal presence , therefore we have done amiss to separate from their communion . we may think men may be saved though they are in some errours , that in us were damnable , after the illumination we have had ; especially if we should profess that we believe them when we do not believe them , and therefore if we cannot continue in their communion without professing that we believe those errours , they were to blame for imposing them on us , and not we for separating from them , when they had imposed them . . that which the african fathers objected to the donatists was very pertinently urged against them , who grounded their separation only upon this , that there were some corrupt members in the communion of the church : and this was very justly cast back on them , upon their receiving the maximianists , whom they had formerly condemned as schismaticks , to their communion . but it has no relation to us who have not separated from their church upon any such personal account : therefore since the chief grounds of our separation are the corruptions in their worship , and our being obliged to bear a share in those corruptions , it is clear that our receiving to our communion those who have not corrupted their worship , and come to joyn with us , has no relation to that dispute b●tween the african fathers and the donatists . . there is one thing in the method which we freely confess to be true , that there is none of the controverted points that are harder to be believed than this of the real presence . it is no wonder it should be so , since it has the strongest evidences both of sense and reason against it : but if it is so hard to be believed , it is very severe to prosecute those who cannot bring themselves to believe it , in so extreme a manner as that church has done and still does . upon the whole matter , this method is so weak in all the parts of it , that its being set first , gives no great hopes of any thing extraordinary to follow . the second method is to lay this before them , that according to the light of nature , and their own confession , in the matters of our salvation , which is the one thing that is needful , we ought always to chuse the surer side : now it is certain , that according to that decree of the synod of charenton , it is indifferent to them whether one believes the real presence , or whether they believe it not ; and we hold it necessary to believe it , therefore it is the surer side to believe it : and if they could but disengage themselves a little from their prejudices , they would follow this way . the same may be said of all the other points in dispute . mestresat the minister , in his treatise of the church , says that things necessary to salvation are only those that are so expressly set down in the scriptures , that no doubt can be made of them . such as are the articles of the apostles creed . if there is any thing that is obscure ( says he ) then i assert it is not necessary , and therefore one may be a very good christian without it , and may have both faith , hope and charity . it is evident that the points in dispute which they maintain against us are not so clearly expressed in the scripture , that one cannot doubt concerning them : since we maintain on good grounds , that they are not there : so that according to their own doctrine , one can disbelieve them , without endangering his salvation . but we say that it is necessary , under the pain of damnation , to believe the contrary opinion , and therefore if they will take the surest side , they ought to submit to us . remarks . . it is something odd to see so great a body use this logick , that because we think an errour is not damnable , and such as obliges us to excommunicate all that hold it , therefore we think it indifferent to believe it or not . we judge it an errour , and while we think it so , it were a lie for us to say that we did believe it , and this , especially in such publick acts of worship of god , which are grossly idolatrous , by their own confession , while we hold this persuasion , is so far from being a thing indifferent , that we know nothing more damnable ▪ for this were to lie every day to god and the world , and to commit idolatry in a manner more absurd , than the most barbarous nations have been guilty of , which is to worship that as a god which we do believe is only a piece of bread. . in this very article it is plain that our opinion is the surer side : for as to the spiritual efficacy of the sacrament and due preparation for it , which is all that we hold concerning it , by their own confession there can be no sin in that : whereas if their opinion is false , they are guilty of a most horrid idolatry . so there is no danger in any thing we do , whereas there may be great danger on their side ; all the danger that is possible to be on our side , is , that we do not adore christ if he is present , which may be thought to be want of reverence : but that cannot be reasonably urged , since we at the same time adore him , believing him to be in heaven ; and if this objection against us had any force , then the primitive church for twelve hundred years must have been in a state of damnation , for none of them adored the consecrated elements , nor has the greek church ever done it . . it is clear this general maxime of taking the surer sid● is against them . there is no sin in not worshipping images , whereas there may be a sin in doing it . they confess it is not necessary to invocate the saints , and we believe it is sinful . they do not hold that it is necessary to say masses for redeeming souls out of purgatory , and we believe that it is an impious profanation of the sacrament . they do not hold it is necessary to take away the cup in the sacrament , we think it sacrilegious . they do not think those consecrations , by which divine vertues are derived into such a variety of things to be necessary , we look on them as gross superstitions . they do not think the worship in an unknown tongue necessary , whereas we think it a disgrace to religion . so in all these , and many more particulars , it is clear that we are of the surer side . . we own that maxime , that nothing is necessary to salvation but what is plainly set down in the scriptures ; but this is not to be carried so far , as that it should be impossible by sophistry , or the equivocal use of words , to fasten some other sense to such passages in scripture ; for then nothing can be said to be plain in any book whatsoever : but we understand this of the genuine meaning of the scriptures , such as a plain well-disposed man will find out , if his mind is not strongly prepossessed or biassed with false and wrong measures . . the confidence with which any party proposes their opinions , cannot be a true standart to judge of them ; otherwise the receipts of mountebanks will be always preferred to those prescribed by good physicians ; and indeed the modesty of one side and the confidence of the other , ought rather to give us a biass for the one against the other , especially if it is visible that interest is very prevalent in the confident party . the third method is to confer amicably with them , and to shew them our articles in the scriptures and tradition , as the fathers of tbe first ages understood both the one and the other , without engaging in reasonings , or the drawing out of consequences by syllogisms , as cardinal bellarmin , and perron , and gretser , and the other writers of controversie have done ; which ordinarily beget endless disputes . it was in this manner that the general councils did proceed , and thus did s. austin prove original sin against julian : to this end ( says he ) * o julian , that i may overthrow thy engines and artifices by the opinions of those bishops who have interpreted the scripture with so much glory . after which he cites the passages of the scripture , as they were understood by s. ambrose , s. cyprian , s. gregory nazianzene , and others . remarks . . we do not deny but amicable conferences , in which matters are proposed without the wranglings of dispute , are the likeliest ways to convince people : and whenever they shew us their doctrines directly in the scripture and tradition , we will be very unreasonable if we do not yield upon that evidence . when they give us good authorities from scripture and tradition for the worship of images and saints , for adoring the host , for dividing the sacrament , for redeeming souls out of purgatory , for denying the people the free use of the scriptures , for obliging them to worship god in a tongue not understood by them , we will confess our selves very obstinate men if we resist such conviction . . the shewing barely some passages , without considering the whole scope of them , with the sense in which such words were used , in such ages , and by such fathers will certainly misguide us , therefore all these must be also taken in for making this enquiry exactly . allowances also must be made for the heats of eloquence in sermons or warm discourses , since one passage strictly and philosophically expressed is stronger than a hundred , in which the heat of zeal and the figures of rhetorick transport the writer . and thus if the fathers disputing against those who said that the humane nature of christ was swallowed up by his divine nature , urge this to prove that the humane nature did still subsist , that in the sacrament after the consecration , in which there is an union between the elements and the body and blood of christ , they do still retain their proper nature and substance ; such expressions used on such a design le●d us more infallibly to know what they thought in this matter , than any thing that they said with design only to beget reverence and devotion can do . . the ancient councils were not so sollicitous as this paper would insinuate , to prove a tradition from the fathers of the first ages . they took great care to prove the truth , which they decreed , by many arguments from scripture ; but for the tradition , they thought it enough to shew that they did innovate in nothing , and that some fathers before them had taught what they decreed . we have not the acts of the two first general councils , but we may very probably gather upon what grounds those at nice proceeded , by what s. athanasius wrote as an apology for their symbol , in particular for the word consubstantial , which he proves by many consequences drawn from scripture , but for the tradition of it he only cites four fathers , and none of those were very ancient : they are theognistus , denis of alexandria , denis of rome , and origen ; and yet both that a father , b hilary , and c s. basil acknowledge that denis of alexandria wavered much in that matter ; and it is well known what advantages were taken from many of origen's expressions . so here we have only two undisputed fathers that conveyed this tradition . we have the acts of the third general council yet preserved , and in them we find a tradition indeed alledged , but except s. cyprian and s. peter of alexandria , they cite none but those that had lived after the council of nice ; and pope leo's letter to flavian , to which the council of chalcedon assented , is an entire contexture of authorities drawn from scripture , without so much as any one citation of any father . it is true , there is added to the end of that letter a collection of some sayings of six fathers , hilary , ambrose , nazianzene , chrysostome , austin and cyril , who had all except one , lived within sixty years or a little more , of that time . so it is certain they founded their faith only on the scripture , and not on tradition , otherwise they had taken more pains to have made it out , and had not been so easily satisfied with what a few late writers had said : and thus it may be presumed , that all the end for which they cited them , was only to shew that they did not broach new and unheard of opinions . and s. austin could no● think that s. cyprian's opinion al●ne was a sufficient proof of the doctrine of the first three centuries for original sin , and yet he cite● no other that lived in those ages . no● could s. ambrose , and nazianzene that had lived in his own time , be cited t● prove the tradition of former ages and whereas it is insinuated that he cited others , one would expect to fin● a catalogue of many other father● wrapt up in this plural , whereas al● resolves into hilary alone . and we have a more evident indication of s. austin's sense , as to the la●t resort in matters of controversie , than this they offer in that celebrated saying of his , when he was writing against maximinus the arian bishop . * but neither may i make use of the nicene council , nor you that of arimini , as that which ought to pre-judge us in this matter ; for neither am i held by the authority of the one , nor you by the authority of the other . let the one side and cause , and their reasons , be brought against the other from the authorities of the scriptures , that do not belong to either side , but are witnesses common to both . the fourth method is to tell them that their ministers can never do this , nor shew in the scriptures any of their articles that are controverted , and this is very true . for example , they can never bring any formal text to prove that original sin remains , as to the guilt of it after baptism , that we receive the body of iesus christ only by faith ; that after the consecration , the sacrament is still bread ; that there is no purgatory , and that we do not merit any thing by our good works . and to this it may be added , that among all those passages that are on the margent of their confession , there is not one that says that which they cite it for , either in express or equivalent terms , or in the same sense . this is the method of mr. veron , which he took from s. austin , who says to the manichaeans , shew me that that is in the scripture ; and in another place , let him shew me that that is to be found in the holy scripture . we must then boldly tell them , that they cannot prove any of their articles that are in dispute , nor dispute against any of ours by any passages of scripture , neither in express terms , nor by sufficient consequences , so as to make their doctrine be received , as the faith , and ours pass for errour . remarks . the first part of this article proceeds upon veron's method of putting us to prove our doctrines by express words of scripture , but some more cautious person has added in the conclusion a salvo for good consequences drawn from them ; upon which we yield that this is a very good method , and are ready to joyn issue upon it . if they intend still to build upon that notion of express words , we desire it may be considered , that the true meaning of all passages is not to be taken only from the bare words , but from the contexture of the discourse , and the design upon which they are made use of ; and that rule of logick being infallibly true , that what things soever agree in any third thing , they do also agree among themselves , it is certain that a true consequence is as good a proof as a formal passage . thus did our saviour prove the resurrection from the scriptures by a very remote consequence , since god was said to be the god of abraham , isaac and jacob , and was the god of the living and not of the dead . so did the apostles prove christ's being the promised messias , and the obligation to observe the mosaical ceremonies to have ceased upon his coming , by many consequences , but not by the express words of scripture . all the arguings of the fathers against the hereti●ks run on consequences drawn from scripture , as may appear in all their synodical letters , more particularly in that formerly cited of pope leo to flavian , to which the fourth general council assented . this plea does very ill become men that pretend such reverence to antiquity , since it was that upon which all the ancient hereticks set up their strength , as the most plausible pretence by which they thought they could cover themselves . so the a arians at arimini give this reason for rejecting the word consubstantial , because it was not in the scriptures . the b macedonians laid hold of the same pretence . c nestor●us gives this as his chief reason for denying the virgin to be the mother of god : and d eutyches covered himself also with this question , in what scripture were the two natures of christ to be found ? and his followers did afterwards insist so much on this plea , that theodoret wrote two large discourses on purpose to shew the weakness of this pretence . so that after all the noise they make about the primitive church , they follow the same tract in which the hereticks that were condemned by the first four general councils , went ; and they put us to do the same thing that the hereticks then put on the orthodox : but we make the same answer to it which the fathers did , that the sense of the scriptures is to be considered more than the words : so that what is according to the true sense , is as much proved by scripture , as if it were contained in it in so many express words . and yet this plea had a much greater strength in it , as it was managed by those hereticks ; for those contests being concerning mysteries which exceed our apprehensions , it was not an unreasonable thing at first view to say , that in such things which we cannot perfectly comprehend , it is not safe to proceed by deductions or consequences , and therefore it seemed safer to hold strictly to scripture phrases , but in other points into which our understandings can carry us further , it is much more absurd to exact of us express words of scripture . . most of the points about which we dispute with the church of rom● , are additions made by them to the simplicity of the christian religion . so much as we own of the christian religion they own likewise . in the other particulars , our doctrine with relation to them is made up of negatives , and theirs is the affirmative ; and since all negatives , especially in matters of religion prove themselves , it falls to their share to prove those additions which they have made to our faith , and to the doctrine contained in the scriptures . . though this is a sure maxime , yet our plea is stronger , for there are many things taught by them against the express words of scripture ; as their worshipping images , their no● drinking all of the cup , their worshipping of angels , their not worshipping god in a tongue which the unlearned understand , and to which they can say , amen ; their setting up more mediato●● between god and us than one : whereas s. paul exhorting us to make prayer● to god , tells us there is one m●di●tor , which shews that he spake there his single intercession with god on our behalf . . we do not only build our doctrine upon some few passages of the scripture , in which perhaps a critical writer might easily raise much dust , but upon that in which we cannot be so easily mistaken , which is the main scope of the whole new testament , and the design of christianity , which we believe is reversed in their church by the idolatry and superstition that is in it . . as for the particulars which they call on us to prove , as they are very few , so scarce any of them is of the greatest consequence . the first is a speculative point , about which we would never have broke communion with them . for the second , that we receive christ only by faith , if the third is true , that the sacrament is still bread , then that must be also true : now s. paul calls it so four several times , as also our saviour calls the cup the fruit of the vine . as for our denying purgatory , it is a negative , and they must prove it . nor should we have broken communion , for their opinion concerning it , if they had not added to that , the redeeming souls out of it with masses , by which the worship is corrupted , contrary to the institution of the sacrament . and for the last , in the sense in which many of them assert it , we do not raise any controversie about it , for we know that god rewards our good works , or rather crowns his own grace in us . the fifth method is the peaceable method , and without dispute founded on the synod of dort , which all the pretended reformed churches of france have received , and which has defined according to the holy scripture , that when there is a dispute concerning any controverted article between two parties that are both within the true church , it is necessary to refer it to the judgement of the synod , and that he who refuses to submit himself , becomes guilty of heresi● and schism . now if we will run back to the time in which the dispute began concerning any article , for instance that of the real presence , both the parties in th● debate , as well the ancestors of those of the p. r. religion as ours , were in th● same church , which was the true church ; for there was no other before the s●paration , which was not then made : then their ancestors , who would not submit to the iudgement of the church , and have separated from her on no other account but because she had condemned their sentiments were schismaticks and hereticks : and those who at this day succeed them are in the same manner guilty , since they follow their opinions : and to this they can make no other answer , but that which the hereticks that have been condemned in all ages might have made . this method is proved in all its parts in the little treatise that has been made about it . remarks . it is not unwisely done to call this a method that is to pass without dispute , for it will not bear one : and . there is this difference between the principles of protestants and those of the church of rome , that whereas the latter are bound to justifie whatever has been decreed in a general council as a rule either of faith or manners ; the sormer are not so tied , and much less are they bound by the decision of a national council , though never so solemn . it is natural for all judicatories to raise their own authority as high as they can , and so if any synod has made any such declaration , it lies on them to justifie it , but the rest of those who have separated from the corruptions of the church of rome are not concerned in it . . the principle of protestants , with relation to the majority even in a general council , is , that when any doctrines are established or condemned upon the authorities of the scriptures , those who differ from them , and do think ●hat the council misunderstood the scriptures are bound to suspect themselves a little , and to review the matter with greater application , and not to adhere to their former opinions out of pride or obstinacy : they are also bound to consider well of their opinions , though they appear still to be true , yet if ●hey are of that importance that the publishing them is necessary to salvation ; for unless it is so , the peace of the church is not to be rent by them : yet if they are required to profess that they believe opinions which they think false , if t●ey were never so inconsiderable , no man ought to go against his conscience : but if a man after his strictest enquiries , is still persuaded that a council has decreed against the true meaning of the scriptures , in a point necessary to salvation , then he must prefer god to man , and follow the sounder , though it should prove to be the much lesser party : and if any company or synod of protestants have decreed any thing contrary to this , in so far they have departed from the protestant principles . . difference is to be made also between heresie and schism in a legal and a vulgar sense , and what is truly such in the sight of god. the sentence of a supream court from which there lies no appeal , makes one legally a criminal : but if he is innocent , he is not the less innocent because a hard sentence is past against him . so heresie and ●chism may take their denominations from the sentence of a national or general council : but in that which is the sense of those words that makes them criminal , heresie is nothing but an obstinate persisting in errours , contrary to divine revelation , after one has had a sufficient means of in●truction : and schism is an ill grounded separation from the body of the church : so it must be the divine revelation , and not the authority of a synod that can prove one who holds contrary opinions to be an heretick , and the grounds of the separation must be likewise examined before one can be concluded a schismatick . . though the conclusions and definitions made by the synod of dort are perhaps generally received in france , yet that does not bind them up to subscribe every thing that was asserted in that synod : nor do they found their assent to those opinions on the authority of that synod , but upon the evidence of those places of scripture from which they deduced them . . since those of that communion object a national synod to the protestants , this may be turned back on them with greater advantage , in some points established by councils , which they esteem not only general but infallible . in the third council of the lateran it was decreed , that all princes who favoured hereticks did forfeit their rights , and a plenary indulgence was granted to all that fought against them . in the fourth council at the same place it was decreed , that the pope might not only declare this forfeiture , but absolve the subjects from their oaths of obedience , and transfer their dominions upon others . in the first council at lions they joyned with the pope in thundring the sentence of deposition against the emperour frederick the first , which in the preamble is grounded on some places of scripture , of which if they were the infallible expositors , then this power is an article of faith. and in the last p●ace the council of constance decreed , that the faith of a safe-conduct was not to be kept to an heretick , that had come to the place of judgement relying on it , even though he would not have come without it . when cruelt● , rebellion and treachery were thus decreed in courts , which among them are of so sacred an authority ; it is visible how much gre●ter advantages we have of them in this point than any they can pretend against us . . for the synod of dort i will not undertake the apology neither for their decrees nor for their assertions ▪ and will not stick to say that how true soever many of their conclusions may be , yet the defining such mysterious matters as the order of the divine decrees , and the influences of gods grace on the wills of men , in so positive a manner , and the imposing their assertions on all the ministers of their communion , was that which many as sincere protestants as any are , have ever disliked and condemned , as a weakening the union of the protestant church , and an assuming too much of that authority which we condemn in the church of rome . for though they supposed that they made their definitions upon the grounds of scripture ▪ so that in this sense the authority of the synod was meerly declarative ; yet the question will still recur , whether they understood the passages which they built on , right or not ? and if they understood them wrong , then according to protestant principles , their decrees had no such binding authority , that the receding from them could make one guilty either of heresie or schism . the sixth method is to shew them that the roman church , or that church which acknowledges the pope or the bishop of rome , the successor of s. peter , to be her head all the world over , is the true church : because there is no other besides her that has that undoubted mark , which is a perpet●al visibility without interruption , since christ's time to this day . this is a method common to all the catholicks , and is very well and briefly set forth in the little treatise of the true church , joyned to that of the peaceable method . this is that of which s. austin makes most frequent use against the donatists , and chiefly in his book of the vnity of the church ; and in his epistles , of which the most remarkable passages relating to this matter , are gathered together by the late arch-bishop of rouen , in the first book of his apology for the gospel , in which he handles this matter excellently well . one may add to this method the maxims , of which tertullian makes use in his treatise of prescriptions against the hereticks , and also vincentius lyrinensis in his advices . it is enough to say on this occasion that those two treatises may satisfie any that will read them without prepossession , in order to their forming a just iudgement of the true church of iesus christ , and of all those societies that would usurp that name ▪ remarks . this method is so common that there was no reason in any sort to give mr. maimbourg the honour of it , unless it was that the assembly intended to do him this publick honour to ballance his disgrace at rome : but let us examine it . . this asserts that no other church has a perpetual succession without interruption , but that which derives it from rome , which is so contrary to what every one knows , that mr. maimbourg was certainly inspired with the spirit of his order when he writ it . do not all the greek churches , and all the churches that have their ordination from them , all from the northern empire of muscovy to the southern of the abassines , together with all those in the east , derive from the apostles by an uninterrupted series ? for till the authority of the church of rome is proved , which is the thing in question , their being declared schismaticks or hereticks by it , does not interrupt this succession . . the church of england has the same succession that the church of rome had in gregory the great 's time ( to wave the more ancient pretensions of the brittish churches ) and the bishops of this church being bound by one of their sponsions made at their consecration , according to the roman pontifical , to instruct their flock in the true faith according to the scriptures , they were obliged to make good this promise . nor can it be pretended that they have thereupon forfeited their orders , and by consequence their succession . . the succession of the church of rome cannot be said to be uninterrupted , if either heresie or schism can cut it off . it is well known that felix , liberius , and honorius , to name no more , were hereticks ; and if ordinations by schismaticks or unlawful usurpers be to be annulled , which was judged in the case of photius , and was often practised at rome , then the many schisms and unjust usurpations that have been in that see ▪ will make the succession of their orders the most disputable thing that can be , especially during that schism that lasted almost forty years ; all the churches of that communion having derived their orders from one or other of the popes : and if the popes at avignon were the usurpers , then let the gallican churches see how they can justifie the series of their ordinations : to all which may be added the impossibility of proving a true succession in orders , if the vertue of the sacraments depends on the intention of him who officiates , since secret intentions are only known to god. . the ground on which the donatists separated from the orthodox churches being at first founded on a matter of fact , which was of the pretended irregularity of those who ordained cecilian , which they afterwards defended upon this , that the church could be only composed of good men , and that the sacraments were of no vertue when dispensed by ill hands ; all that s. austin says is to be governed by this hypothesis , against which he argues : and it being once granted that the church was not corrupted neither in doctrine nor worship , we are very ready to subscribe to every expression of his ; and do freely acknowledge that the making a rent in a church , that is pure both in doctrine and worship , upon any particular or personal account , is a sin that cannot be sufficiently detested and condemned . i shall not enter into a particular discussion of every passage of s. austin's , but if in some he seems to go too far for the authority of the church , i shall only offer two general considerations concerning these . the first is , that it is a maxime with lawyers , that general words in laws are to be restricted to the preambles and chief design of these laws : and if this is true of laws that are commonly penned with more coldness and upon greater deliberation , it is much more applicable to warm discourses , where the heat of contradiction , and the zeal of a writer , makes that things are of●en aggravated , and carried too far ; but still all those expressions are to ●e molli●ied and restricted to that which was the subject matter of the debate ; therefore those expressions of s. austin's , supposing that the church was still sound in her doctrine and worship , are to be governed by that hypothesis . the second is , that many of those who urge these passages on us , do not deny but s. a●stin in the disputes about grace and original sin was carried too far , though those were the subjects on which he employed his latest years with the greatest application : if then it is confessed that he wrote too warmly against the pelagians , and in that heat advanced some propositions that need a fair construction , is it unreasonable for us to say that he might have done the same , writing against the donatists ? . as for tertullian , he that might have conversed with many that could have known s. pol●carp , who was both instructed and ordained by the apostles , so that he might have been the third person in the conveyance of the sense of what the apostles had left in writing , could reasonably argue as he did against the hereticks ; but certainly no man that considers the distance we live at from those ages , and the many accidents that have so often changed the face of the church , can think it reasonable to argue upon that ground now . and yet it were easie to bring many citatious out of that very book of tertullians , to shew that he grounded his faith only on the doctrine of christ , delivered in the scriptures , how much soever he might argue from other topicks against the hereticks of his time , who indeed were bringing in a new gospel into the world. we willingly receive the characters that vincentius lyrinensis gives of tradition , that what the church has at all times and in all places received , is to be believed , and are ready to joyn issue upon this , and when they can prove that the church at all times and in all places has taught the worshipping of images , the invocation of saints and angels , the adoring the sacrament , and the dividing of it , with many more particulars ; we will yield the whole cause , and confess that we have made a schism in the church . the seventh method is to let them see that those who at first pretended to reform the church in which they were amongst us , neither had nor could have any mission , either ordinary or extraordinary , to bring us any other doctrine but that which was then taught ; and that by consequence none ought to believe them , since they had no authority to preach as they did . how can they preach if they are not sent . this is the ordinary method that puts the ministers to the necessity of proving their mission , which is a thing that they can never do . this cuts off all disputes , and is one of the methods of cardinal richelieu . remarks . . if the first reformers had delivered a new doctrine which was never formerly taught , it had been necessary for them to have had a very extraordinary mission , and to have confirmed it by very extraordinary signs , but when they grounded all ●hey said upon that very book , which was and is still received as the unalterable law of all christians ; then if every man is bound to take care of his own salvation , and is in charity obliged to let others see that same light that guides himself , then i say an extraordinary mission was not necessary when the thing in dispute was not a new doctrine , but the true meaning of those writings which were on all hands acknowledged to be divine . . if notwithstanding the necessity of not raising war in civil government , without an express commission from the prince or supream authority , yet in a general rebellion , when the ways of intercourse with the prince are cut off , if it be not only a lawful but a commendable action for any subject , even without a commission , to raise what force he can for the service of the prince : then if it be true , that the western churches had generally revolted from the rules of the gospel , that was a sufficient warrant for any person to endeavour a reformation . . the nature of the christian religion is to be well considered , in which all christians are a royal priesthood : and though it be highly necessary for all the ends of religion to maintain peace and order , and to convey down an authority for sacred administrations in such a way as tends most to advance those ends ; yet this cannot be lookt on as indispensable and absolutely necessary . among the iews , as there were many services in which none but priests and levites could officiate , so the succession went in the natural course of descent . but in the christian church there are no positive laws so appropriated , and therefore in cases of extream and unavoidable necessity every christian may make use of that dormant priviledge of being a royal priest , and so this difficulty must be resolved , by examining the merits of the whole cause , for if the necessity was not extream and unavoidable , we acknowledge it had been a sacrilegious presumption for any that was not called in the ordinary manner to meddle in holy things . it is but a small part of the reformed churches that is concerned in this . here in england our reformers had the ordinary mission ; and in most places beyond sea the first preachers had been ordained priests : and it will not be easie to prove that lay-men , yea , and women may baptize in cases of necessity , when that is often but an imaginary necessity , and that yet priests in a case of real necessity may not ordain other priests . for all the rules of order are superseded by extraordinary cases , and in moral as well as in natural things , every individual has a right to propagate its kind , and though it may be reasonable to regulate that , yet it can never be wholly cut off . the eighth method is to tell them , you do not know that such or such a book of the scripture is the word of god but by the church in which you were before your schism : so that you cannot know what is the true sense of those passages that are in dispute , but by that same church which conveys it to you . this is s. austin's method in many places , but above all in his book de utilitate credendi , and in his book contra epistolam fundamenti : in which he says , i would not believe the gospel , if the authority of the church did not oblige me to it . this method is handsomely managed in the treatise of the true word of god , joyned to the peaceable method . remarks . . great difference is to be made between the conveyance of books and an oral tradition of doctrine . it is very easie to carry down the one in a way that is morally infallible : an exact copying being all that is necessary for that : whereas it is morally impossible to prevent frauds and impostures in the other , in a course of some ages , especially in times of ignorance and corruption , in which the credulity of unthinking people , has made an easie game to the craft and industry of covetous and aspiring priests . few were then at the pains to examine any thing , but took all upon trust , and became so ready of belief , that the more incredible a thing seemed to be , they swallowed it down the more willingly . . if this way of reasoning will hold good , it was as strong in the mouths of the iews in our saviours time ; for the high priest and sanhedrim might have as reasonably pretended that since they had conveyed down the books in which the prophecies of the messiah were contained , they h●d likewise the right to expound those prophecies . . a witness that hands a thing down without additions , is very different from a judge that delivers things on his own authority . we freely own the church to be such a witness that there is no colour of reason to disbelieve the tradition of the books , but we see great cause to question the credit of her decisions . . in this tradition of books we have not barely the tradition of the church for it . we find in all ages since the books of the new testament were written , several authors have cited many and large passages out of them : we find they were very quickly translated into many other languages , and diverse of those are conveyed down to us . there were also so many copies of these books every where , that though one had resolved on so sacrilegious an attempt as the corrupting them had been , he could not have succeeded in it to any great degree . some additions might have been made in some copies , and so from those they might have been derived to others , but these could not have b●en considerable , otherwise they had been discovered and complained of , and when we find the church engaged in contests with hereticks and schismaticks , we see both sides appealed to the scriptures , and neither of them reproached the other for violating that sacred trust. and the noise we find of the small change of a letter in the a●ian controversie , shews us how exact they were in preserving these records : as for the errours of transcribers that is incident to the nature of man , and though some errours have crept into some copies , yet all these put together do not alter any one point of our religion ; so that they are not of great consequence . thus it appears how much reason we have to receive the scriptures upon the credit of such a tradition . but for oral tradition , it is visible how it might have been so managed as quickly to change the whole nature of religion . natural religion was soon corrupted when it passed down in this conveyance , even during the long lives of the ancient patriarchs , who had thereby an advantage to keep this pure , that after ages , in which the life of man is so shortned , cannot pretend to . we also see to what a degree the iewish tradition became corrupted in our saviours time , particularly in one point , which may be called the most essential part of their religion , to wit , concerning their messias , what the nature of his person and kingdome were to be . so that they all expected a great conquerour , a second moses , or a david ; so ineffectual a mean is oral tradition , for conveying down any doctrine pure or uncorrupted . the ninth method is to tell them the church in which they were before they made the separation , was the true church , because it was the only church ; so that they could not reform the doctrine without making another church : for then she must have fallen into errour , and by consequence the gates of hell must have prevailed against her , which is directly contrary to the promise of iesus christ that cannot fail , * the gates of hell shall not prevail against her remarks . . a church may be a true church , and yet be corrupted by many errours , for a ●rue church is a society of men , among whom are the certain means of salvation , and such was the iewish church in our saviours time : for their sacrifices had still an expiatory vertue , and the covenant made with that people stood still , and yet they were over-run with many errours , chiefly in their notions of the messias . and thus as long as the church of rome acknowledges the expiation , made by the death of christ , and applied to all that truly believe and amend their lives , so long she is a true church . so that those of that communion who adhere truly to that which is the great fundamental of the christian religion may be saved : but when so many things were added to this , that it was very hard to preserve this fundamental truth pure and entire , then it was necessary for those who were better enlightned , to call on others to correct the abuses that had crept in . . it is hard to build a great super-structure on a figurative expression , of which it is not easie to find out the true and full sense : and in this that is cited there are but three terms , and about every one of them great and just grounds of doubting do appear . . it is not certain what is meant by the gates of hell , which is an odd figure for an assailant : if by gates we mean councils , because the magistrates and courts among the iews sate in the gates , then the meaning will be , that the craft of hell shall not prevail against the church , that is , shall not root out christianity : or if by gates of hell , or the grave , according to a common greek phrase , death be to be understood , it being the gate through which we pass to the grave , then the meaning is this , that the church shall never die or be extinguished . nor is there less difficulty to be made about the signification of the word church : whether it is to be meant in general of the body of christians , or of the pastors of the church , and of the majority of them . the context seems to carry it for the body of christians , and then the meaning will be only this , that there shall still be a body of christians in the world. and it cannot be proved that any thing else is to be understood by the word church in that place . a third difficulty may be also raised upon the extent of the word prevail , whether a total overthrow , or any single advantage is to be understood by it ; or whether this prevailing is to be restrained only to the fundamentals of christianity , or is to be extended to all sorts of truth ; or whether it is to be understood of corrupting the doctrine , or of vitiating the morals of christians ? thus it is apparent how many difficulties may be started concerning the meaning of those words . so that at best the sense of them is doubtful , and therefore it will be a strange and rash adventure to determine any thing in matters of great moment upon the authority of such a figurative expression . . though the roman church had been corrupted , that will not infer that the gates of hell had prevailed against the church , for that being but the center of the union of some of the western nations , a corruption in it does not prove that the whole church was corrupted , for there were many other churches in other parts of the world besides those of that communion . the tenth method is that of the bishop of meaux , lately of condom , in his book entituled , the exposition of the doctrine of the catholick church . in which he does in every article distinguish between that which is precisely of faith , and that which is not so ; and shews that there is nothing in our belief that may give distast to a reasonable spirit , unless they will look on the abuses of some particular persons which we condemn , as our belief , or impute errours to us falsely , or charge us with the explications of some doctors that are neither received nor authorized by the church . this method is taken from s. hilary in his book of synods . * let us ( says he ) altogether condemn false interpretations , but let us not destroy the certainty of the faith. — the word consubstantial may be ill understood , but let it be established in a sense in which it may be well understood . — the right state of the faith may be established among us , so as we may neither reverse that which has been well establishedpunc ; nor cut off those things that have been ill understood . remarks . somewhat was said in the preface , with relation to this , which shall not be here repeated . it is not to be denied but in the management of controversies the heat of dispute has carried many too far , and some have studied to raise many imaginary controversies , which subsist only upon some misunderstood terms and expressions of the contrary party : and things have been on all hands aggravated in many particulars out of measure : so that they have deserved well of the church that have brought matters as near a reconciliation as may be . but after all this , it were a strange imposition on this and the preceding age to persuade the world that notwithstanding all the differences of religion , and the unhappy effects that have followed upon them , that they really were all the while of the same mind , but were not so happy as to find it out till that excellent prelate helpt them to it , by letting them see how near the concessions of both sides are to one another ; so that a little conversation and dexterity i● putting the softest construction that may be on the contrary persuasion might bring them to be of the same mind . but if in order to this , the sense of both sides is so far stretched , that neither party can own it for a true account of their sentiments , then this must be concluded to be only the ingenious essay of a very witty man , who would take advantage of some expressions , to perswade people that they have opinions which really they have not . i shall not enter into a particular disquisition of those things which have been already so fully examined , but refer the reader to the answers that have been given to that famous book . . the received and authorized offices of the church of rome , and the language in which they do daily make their addresses to heaven is that on whi●h the most unanswerable and the strongest part of our plea for our separation is founded , and it is not an ingenuous way of writing to affix some forced senses to those plain expressions , because they being so gross as they are , all wise or learned men are ashamed to defend them , and yet know not how to get them to be reformed , or thrown out : therefore it is that they set their wits on work to put some better construction on them . but this is a clear violence to the plain sense of those offices , extorted by the evidence and force of truth , and gives us this advantage , that it is plain those that so qualifie them , are convinced that their church is in the wrong , and yet for other ends , or perhaps from a mistaken notion of unity and peace , they think fit to continue in it . . it is to be hoped , that those who have cited this passage out of s. hilary , will consider those other passages cited out of him against persecution , though a great errour made in the translation of this citation , makes me fear that they who rendred it had read him very cursorily . the eleventh method is drawn from those general arguments which divines call the motives of credibility : it is that made use of by tertullian , in his book of prescriptions ; and by s. austin , * who reckons up the motives that held him in the catholick church . remarks . . as for the case of tertullian and s. austin , a great deal was said formerly to shew the difference between the age they lived in , and the grounds they went on ; and the present state of the western church . . when it is considered that a course of many ages , which by the confession of all were times of ignorance and superstition , has made a great change in the world , that the gross scandals and wonderful ignorance of those that have governed the see of rome , that the dissolution of all the rules of ecclesiastical order and discipline both among clergy and laity , that the interest the priests , particularly the popes and the begging orders that depended on them , had to promote those , was so great and undisput●d , that it is notorious , all the worst methods of forgeries , both of writings to authorize them , and of miracles and legends to support them , were made use of . when , i say , all these things are so plain to every one that has lookt a little into the history of former ages , it is no wonder if the church of rome is so much changed from what it was formerly , that the motives made use of by tertullian and s. austin do not at all belong to the present state of the churches of that communion : but on the contrary , instead of motives to perswade one to continue in it , there appear upon a general view , a great many just and well-grounded prejudices to dispose a man to forsake that communion . the twelfth method is both very short and very easie : it is to catch them in this dilemma . before wickliff , luther and calvin ( and one may say as much of the waldenses that lived in the twel●●h century ) the church of those of the p r. religion was either made up of a little number of the faithful , or was not at all in being . if it was not at all in being , then theirs is a false church , since it is not perpetual , as the true church ought to be , according to the promise of iesus christ , * the gates of hell shall not prevail against her , and † i am with you even to the end of the world. if their church was in being , it must have been according to their own principles corrupted and impious : because they cannot shew that little number of the pretended faithful , who before the reformation did condemn , as they now do , * all the assemblies of the popish churches , as over-run with idolatry and superstition . they behaved themselves , at least as to outward appearance , as others did . and thus their church which was composed of that small unknown flock , was not holy , and by consequence was not the true church . remarks . . to the greatest part of this , answer has been already given : we acknowledge the church of rome was a true church , and had in it the means of salvation though it was over-run with errours , and christ is truly with his church as long as those means of salvation do remain in it . so was the iewish church a true church after she was in many points corrupted in her doctrine . . in those dark ages many might have kept themselves free from the defilements of their worship , though no account is given of them in story . so seven thousand had not bowed their knees to baal in elijah's time , who were not so much as known to that prophet , though it might have been expected that they would all have willingly discovered themselves to him : and since he knew nothing of them , it is very probable they concealed themselves with great care from all others . . all good men have not all the degrees of illumination , for there might have been great numbers that saw the corruptions of their church , but were so restrained by other opinions concerning the unity of the church , that they thought it enough to infuse their notions into some few disciples , in whom they confided : and on some perhaps that which elisha said to naaman the syrian , being wrong understood by them , had great influence . others observing that the apostles continued to worship at the temple , and offer sacrifices , which s. paul and those with him that purified themselves must have done , might have from that inferred that one might comply in a worship , though they disliked many things in it ; which , if i am not much misinformed , is a maxime that governs many in the roman communion to this day . i do not excuse this compliance , but it is not so criminal as at first view it may appear to be : if it is truly founded on a mistake of the mind , and not on a baseness in the will , or a rejecting of the cross of christ , especially in men that had so faint a twilight as that was which they were guided by in those blind times . . but to make the worst of this that can be , and should we grant that through fear they had complied against their consciences , this only must make the conclusion terrible to them , if they did not repent of it . but god might have ordered the conveyance of truth to be handed down by such defiled hands , and their not being personally holy , must not be urged too far , to prove that they could not be the true church . this will come too near the doctrines of the donatists , and many of s. austin's sayings which they unreasonably object to us , may be turned upon them . and it will very ill become a church that acknowledges the succession of the bishop of rome to have been the chief conveyance of tradition , which is a much greater matter in their principles than it is in ours , to urge the holiness of the members to be essential to the being of a church , when it is acknowledged what a sort of men the heads of their church have been for diverse ages . the thirteenth method is taken from the nature of schism , which one ought never to make , what reasons soever may be pretended for it , for according to the minister ▪ ●hemselves , no other reason can be given for their separation , but the errours which they pretend had crept into the church . but those who were in it as well as th●y were , did strongly assert , as we do to this day , that these were no errours at all but truths . and it is certain that of opinions which are so different , the one must be the true doctrine , and the other must be errour and falshood ; and by consequence the one must be the good grain , and the other must be the tares . now it does not belong to particular persons by their private authority to pluck up that which they pretend to be tares . there is none but god , who is the true father of the family , that has this authority , and can communicate it to others . it is he who appoints the reapers , that is the pope and the bishops , who are represented by the angels , to separate the cockle from the wheat , and to pluck out the one without touching the other till the time of harvest , that is in a council , or by the common consent of the whole church , and in that case a council is not necessary . * wilt thou then that we go and gather them up ? but he said , nay ; lest while ye gather up the tares , ye root up also the wheat with them , let both grow together until the harvest . therefore one ought never to s●parate upon what pretence soever it be , but he must bear with that which he thinks is an abuse and errour , and stay till the church plucks up the cockle . * this is one of the methods of s. austin in his treatises against the donatists , in which he shews from the examples of moses , aaron , samuel , david , isaiah , jeremy , s. paul , who tolerated even the false apostles , that we ought never to separate from our brethren , before the solemn condemnation of the church . he says purs●ant to this , that the donatists were intolerably wicked for having made a schism , for having erected an alta● against an altar , and for having separated themselves from the inheritance of jesus christ , which is stretched ou● over all the earth , according to the promise that was made to it . he add● ▪ that if they thought that was but a sm●● matter , they had nothing to do but to s● what the scripture teaches us by the examples we find in it of the punishment of s● great a crime ; for says he , those that made an idol of the golden calf were only punished by the sword , whereas those who made the schism were swallowed up by the earth : so that by this diversity of the punishments , one may know that schism is a greater crime than idolatry . we may likewise see how upon the same subject he exhorts the donatists to renounce their wicked schism in his ● epistle , in which among other things he has those excellent words . * why will you tear the lords garments ? and why will you not with the rest of the world leave that coat of charity entire , that is all woven of one thread , which even his persecutors themselves would not rend ? and a little after this , you pretend that you would avoid that cockle , that as you alledge , is mixt among us , and that before the time of harvest ; whereas indeed it is you your selves that are this cockle , for if you were the good grain , you would bear with it , and would not separate your selves from the corn of jesus christ. we need only change the name donatists into calvinists : this is it that shews to what degree the church ever was and ever must be acknowledged to be infallible , since we must submit to its decisions ; and the fathers have established this so strongly that one ought never to separate from her , and that one is by so much the more obliged to continue united to her , because she never refuses to hear the remonstrances made to her by her children . remarks . . it was observed before how unreasonable it was to build much on ●n allegory , but on this occasion the allegory is so clearly forced , that it gives just cause of suspicion that the cause is weak that must be supported by such arguments . for our saviour makes it so plain that the harvest is the end of the world , that the reapers are angels , and that upon his last coming they shall gather together the wicked , and cast them into hell , and that the righteous shall shine in heaven : that the applying this to a general council , in which heresie shall be condemned , is such a fetch , that it must be confessed they have as easie consciences as they have warm fancies , that are wrought on by it . . as for that which s. austin drew from this against the donatists who justified their separation on the account of the sins of those who were in the communion of the church , it was as pertinent as this is strained ; for the ground of the schism being only the mixture of the cockle with the wheat , nothing could be more strongly urged against them . but it is quite out of the present controversie between them and us , who do not separate for this mixture , but finding the wheat it self so much corrupted , took care to cleanse it . . we freely acknowledge the great sin of schism , and the severe punishment due to it , but for all the severity of the punishment inflicted on corah and his partners , we do not doubt but when the temple was so defiled by idolatry , under the kings that polluted the altar and the courts of the lords house with idols , it was not only no sin , but a commendable piece of religion in such cases to have withdrawn from so impious a worship . this is our present case , and if what we object to their worship is true , then our separation from it is as necessary a duty as is the preserving of our lives from poysons or infectious diseases . . the true scope of that parable seems to be a reproof to the violence of such church-men as are too apt to condemn and pluck up every thing that they think to be cockle ; and when the declaring what is cockle is lodged with them , they will be sure to count every thing such that does not please them . and then that same heat that makes them judge those opinions to be cockle sets them on to root them out with such violence , that much good wheat is in danger to be pluckt up . therefore to repress this , our saviour commands them under that figure , to let both grow till the end of the world , that is , not to proceed to extremities and to rigorous methods , but to leave that to god who will judge all at the last day . if this were well considered , it would put an effectual stop to that spirit of persecution which ferments so violently in that church : the language of which is always this , let u● go and pluck up the tares , or that of the two disciples who would have called for fire from heaven ; and because heaven will not answer such bloody demands , they try to raise such fires on earth as may burn up those whom they call the tares : not knowing what the true spirit of christianity is , and that the son of man came not to destroy mens lives , but to save them : and forget that our saviour commanded them to let the tares grow till the harvest . but this is one of the mischiefs that follows the humour of expounding the scriptures fancifully . that the plain meaning of clear texts is neglected , while forced and allegorical expositions are pursued . . when it is clearly proved that the majority of the pastors of the church is infallible , then we shall acknowledge that all separation from them is simply unlawful : but till that is done we can no more think it a sin , when in obedience to the rules of the gospel we withdraw from such false teachers as corrupt it ; then it were for common subjects to refuse to obey the subordinate magistrates when they clearly perceive that they have revolted from their duty to their supream authority . and since we are warned to beware of false teachers , we know no other way to judge of them , but the comparing their doctrine with that which is delivered to us in scripture . the fourteenth method is for the confirmation of the former : in order to which we must ask the calvinists upon all their articles , that which * s. austin asked of the donatists , when the church reconciled to her self hereticks that were penitent without re-baptizing them : for example , whether was the church still a true church or not , when before the schism was made , iesus christ was adored in the holy eucharist ? if she was the true church , then none ought to have separated from her for any practice that was authorized by her . † if she was not the true church , from whence came calvin , out of what soil did he grow , or out of what sea was he cast , or from which of the heavens did he fall ? from whence are these reformers come ? from whom have they received their doctrine , and the authority to preach it ? * let those who follow them consider well where they are , since they can mount no higher than to those for their original . for us we are secure in the communion of that church , in which that is to this day universally practised that was also practised before agripinus 's time , and also in the interval between cyprian and agripinus : and afterwards he subjoyns these excellent words that are decisive , * but neither did agripinus , nor cyprian , nor those that have followed them , though they had opinions different from others , separate themselves from them , but remained in the communion and unity of the same church with those from whom they differed . that is to say , they waited till the church should have decided the difference ; and after he had resumed a little of what he had formerly said , he concludes thus , † if then the church was lost for holding that the baptism of hereticks was good , they cannot shew the original of their communion . but if the true church did still subsist , they cannot justifie their separation , nor the schism that they have made . one may say all this against the waldenses , the lutherans , the calvinists , and the other hereticks who cannot mount higher than to waldo , to luther , to calvin , or their other heads . this method of s. austin's is most excellent . but if our brethren , the pretended reformed , will defend themselves by saying , as in effect they do say in some of their books , that it was not they who made the separation , but rather that it came from us , and that we have cut them off from our communion . to this it must be answered , that there are two sorts of s●paration , the one is criminal , the other is iudicial . in the first , one separates himself from his pastor by a manifest disobedience ; in the second , the pastor separates him from the flock who is making a party , and refuses to submit to the orders of the church . the one is a sin , and the other is the punishment . the one is a voluntary departure , the other is the being cut off by a s●ntence , even as the iudge pronounces a sentence of condemnation against one that has killed himself . the proof of those two different separations is to be found in the thirty eighth letter of s. cyprians , where he speaks of one augendus , who had gone over to the party of felicissimus the deacon , and it appears that that great saint had suspended and excommunicated him for having withdrawn himself from his obedience , and for having engaged others in the same separation . * let every one , says he , that has folfollowed his opinions and faction , know that he shall communicate no more with us in the church , since of his own accord he has chosen to be separated from the church . in his seventy sixth epistle he says the same thing of novatian , and those who had joyned with him in his revolt ; because they leaving the church by their rebellion , and breaking the peace and unity of jesus christ , have endeavoured to establish their authority , and to assume a supreme jurisdiction to themselves , and to usurp power to baptize , and to offer sacrifice . this distinction is also clearly stated in the fourth action of the council of chalcedon , where those two ancient canons of the council of antioch that were drawn out of canons of the apostles , were cited . the first is concerning those that were separated , the other is concerning those who of their own accord did separate themselves . the greek is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * it was thought proper for this purpose to transcribe here those two canons , which are the fundamental laws of the practice of the church , with regard to hereticks and schismaticks whom she throws out of her bosome , and who have separated themselves from her . these canons are the fourth and fifth of the council of antioch , and the twenty seventh and thirtieth of the apostolick canons , and the pretended reformed cannot reject their authority , since they observe among themselves the same discipline , when any particular persons , whether ministers , or others of their communion , will not submit to the decisions of their synods . remarks . . for the first branch of this method the reformed are not at all concerned in it , for they do not deny the church of rome to be still a true church ; and that her baptism and ordinations are valid , and that they are not to be repeated , and therefore though it was very pertinent to urge the donatists as s. austin did , who held that the sacraments in an ill mans hands had no vertue at all , and that the church had every where failed , so that there was no church but that which was among them . yet all this is foreign to the state of the controversie between us and the church of rome , and we do freely acknowledge that in such a matter as the re-baptizing hereticks , it had been a very great sin to have broken communion with the rest of the church . . yet upon this very head p. s●ephen did excommunicate s. cyprian , who yet for all that did not depart from his former opinion or practice : so here was such a schism as they object to us , s. cyprian thought the rebaptizing hereticks was well grounded ; stephen thought otherwise , and did excommunicate him . if upon that a lasting schism had followed in the church , s. cyprian might have been held the fountain of it by those who condemned his opinion , but if his opinion was true he could be no schismatick : so we desire the grounds of our separation may be examined : if they will not bear such a superstructure , we confess we deserve the severest censures possible ; but if they are solid , then the guilt of the rent that is in the church , must lie somewhere else than on us . . we do not deny but there are two sorts of separation which are here very well distinguished ; and without seeking for any proof in so clear a matter , we confess that when any separates himself from the church , upon any unjustifiable account , those canons , and the highest severities of church-censures ought to be applied ●o them : but all this is upon supposition that the departure is ill grounded , and therefore all those rules that have been ●aid down in general against heresie and schism must still suppose the church to ●e pure and uncorrupted . . it is plain by these very canons , how much that power of the church may be and was abused . the council of antioch , being composed of the favourers of arius , deposed athanasius , and resolved to silence him , and such other church-men as receiv'd the nicene doctrine , in such a manner that they should be no more able to withstand their designs : and therefore they made those canons according to former customes , which in the stile of that age was called the canon or rule ( for none that has considered things , will believe that the canons that are called apostolical , were made by the apostles ) and their chief design was levelled against athanasius and the orthodox party . but at that same time as the orthodox in the east did not submit to this ▪ so nei●her did the bishops 〈◊〉 the west take any notice of it ; an● chrysostome , who was bred up at a●tioch , and so could not but know in what esteem those canons were held , did not look on himself as bound by them , an● made no account of them when they were objected to him . thus , though i● general these are goo● rules ▪ and such a● ought to be obeyed where the synod or the bishop do not abuse their power , yet when the power of the church is used not to edification but to destruction , then the obligation to obedience is not to be too far extended . and as in laws that oblige subjects to obey inferiour magistrates , a tacite exception is to be supposed , in case they should become guilty of treason , so there must be supposed likewise in this case the like exception , in case a synod deposes a bishop , or a bishop censures his clergy , for asserting the true faith. and as a separation from an uncorrupted church is a very great wickedness , so the separating from a corrupted church , in whose communion we cannot continue without being polluted in it , is but a part of that care which we ought to have of our own salvation . the fifteenth method . to all the former methods a fifteenth may be added , by letting our p. reformed see that many articles are to be found in their confession of faith , in their catechisms , in the articles of their discipline , in the decisions of their synods , and in the books of their chief ministers who have writ upon the controversies ; from which , arguments may be drawn against them to prove the truth of our belief , even by their own confession : for example , their discipline allows the communion in one kind only , to such as cannot drink wine : from which one may infer that the communion under both kinds is not an article of necessity , and that they are in the wrong , to alledge that as they do , to be a lawful ground for their separation . the minister dailée , and many others confess , that in the time of s. gregory nazianzene , s. chrysostome and s. jerome , the invocation of saints was received in the church : john forbes adds to this , that the tradition of the church was uniform concerning prayer for the dead : and since he denies that the books of the maccabees are canonical , he says the scripture speaks nothing of it . but without engaging into the difficulty concerning the books of the maccabees , in which they have no more reason on their side , than in the rest ; it is easie to conclude from their own principles , that it was no ways to be allowed to separate themselves for matters , that according to themselves , were established by so great an authority , and so constant an union of all ages . remarks . . it is not an equal way of proceeding , to object to the protestants what some particular writers have said , or to strain inferences too far , at a time when the celebrated book of the bishop of meaux is in such high esteem . the chief design o● which is to set aside all the indiscretions of particular writers , and to put the best colours on things that is possible . now tradition being of such authority among them , whatsoever passes down through many of their approved writers , has a much greater strength against them , than it can be pretended to have against us : and therefore though particular writers or whole synods should have written or decreed any thing against the common doctrines of the reformed , they ought not to object that to us : if they will allow us the same liberties that they assume to themselves . . it is not a consequence becoming so great an assembly to infer , that because in some few extraordinary cases the general rule of gods desiring mercy and not sacrifice is carried so far , as to give weak persons so much of the sacrament as they can receive , and not to deny that to them because a natural aversion m●kes them incapable of receiving the wine : that therefore a church may , in opposition to christs express command , drink you all of it , and the constant practice of thirteen centuries take this away . it is not of necessity for salvation that every one drinks the cup , but it is of necessity to the purity of a church that she should observe our saviour's precepts . . it is confessed that some fathers used the invocation of saints ; yet that being but a matter of fact , it is of no consequence for the decision of any point of doctrine : for we found our doctrine only on the word of god , and ●ot on the practices of men , how eminent soever they might otherwise be . but in relation to these fathers , these things are to be observed , . they lived in the end of the fourth century : so this is no competent proof for an oral tradition , or conveyance of this doctrine down from the apostles days . . figures and bold discourses in panegyricks are rather to be considered as raptures and flights of warm affections , than as composed and serious devotions . therefore such addresses as occur in their funeral orations , are rather high strains of a daring rhetorick , than instructions for others , since in their expositions on scripture , or other treatises of devotion , they do not handle these things by way of direction or advice . iohn forbes is mis-cited for william forbes , bishop of edenburgh : iohn was not of such yielding principles . it is true , william though he was a man eminently learned , and of a most exemplary life , yet he was possessed with that same weakness , under which grotius , and some other great men have laboured , of thinking that a reconciliation with the church of rome might be obtained by an accommodation on both sides ; and this flowing in him from an excellent temper of soul , he is to be excused if that carried him in many things too far : but he is a writer that has been taxed by all men , as one that had particular notions . and we may object erasmus to those of the church of rome , as well as they may argue against us from bishop forbes . . if the church of rome used only a general commemoration of the dead , with wishes for the compleating their happiness by a speedy resurrection , and went no further , we might perhaps differ in opinion with them about the fitness of this , but we would not break communion with them for it . but when they have set up such a merchandize in the house of god , for redeeming souls out of purgatory , and saying masses for them ; this is that we except to , as a disgracing of the christian religion , and as a high profanation of the holy sacrament . and it is plain that the fathers considered the commemoration of the dead rather as a respect done to their memory , and an honourable remembrance of them , than as a thing that was any way useful to them in the other state ; which may appear by this single instance : s. cyprian was so much offended at a presbyter , when it appeared after his death that he had left another presbyter guardian of his children ; that he gave order that no mention should be made of him in the commemoration of the dead that was used in the holy eucharist ; because , by the roman law , such as were left guardians were under some obligations to undertake the trust : and that saint thought such a trust might prove so great a distraction to a man that was dedicated to the holy ministry , that no honour ought to be done to the memory of him that had so left it by his will. certainly if that commemoration was believed to be of any advantage to the dead , this had been an unreasonable piece of cruelty in him to deny a presbyter that comfort for so small a fault : and therefore we may well infer from hence , that by this remembrance , and the thanksgivings they offered to god for such as had died in the faith , they intended only so far to celebrate their memories as to encourage others to imitate those patterns they had set them . . i shall not engage in any dispute concerning the canonicalness of the books of the maccabees , only as this general prejudice lies against all the books called apocryphal , that the council at laodicea , which was the first that reckoned up the c●non of the scripture , does not name them : so as to the book of the maccabees , it is hard to imagine that one who professes that he was but an abridger of iason's five books , and gives us a large account of the difference between a copious history and an abridgement , could be an inspired writer . the sixteenth method . to conclude , one may solidly confute our innovators by the contradiction that is in their articles of faith , shewing ●hem the changes that they have made in the ausburg confession , as also in all the different expositions of their faith which they have received and authorized since that time ; which shews that their faith being uncertain * and wavering , cannot have the character of divine revelation , which is certain and constant . there is nothing but the faith that admits of no reformation . tertullian made use of this argument in many of his books , and hilary handles it excellently well against the emperour constantius , upon the occasion of the new symbols , which the arians published every day , changing their faith continually , while the catholick church continued firm to that of nice . one may likewise use another method , which is to make it appear that there is a conformity between the roman and greek churches , in the chief articles of faith , that are in dispute between us and the p. reformed , and that in these the roman church does likewise agree with those soci●ties which separated themselves from the church , for errours which the p. reformed condemn with her , such as the nestorians and eutychians . to these methods it will be necessary to add particular conferences , solid writings , sermons and missions , and to use all these means with a spirit of charity , without bitterness , and above all , without injuries . remembring that excellent saying of s. austin's , * i do not endeavour to reproach those against whom i dispute , that i may seem to have the better of them , but that i may become sounder by convincing them of their errour . and following the canon of the council of africk , that appointed that though the donatists were cut off from the church of god by their schism , yet they should be gently dealt with , that so correcting them with meekness , as the apostle says , god may give them the grace of repentance to know the truth , and to retire themselves out of the snare of the devil in which they are taken captives . remarks . . if we did pretend that the first reformers , or those who drew the ausburg confession were inspired of god , in compiling what they writ there were some force in this discourse : but since we build upon this principle , that the scripture is the only ground on which we found our faith , then if any person , how much soever we may honour his memory on all other accounts , has misunderstood that , we do not depart from our principle when we forsake him , and follow that which appears to be plainly delivered in the scriptures . . we freely acknowledge that the faith admits of no reformation , and that we can make neither more nor less of it than we find in the scriptures ; but if any church has brought in many errours , we do not think it a reforming the faith , to throw these out . the faith is still the same that it was when the apostles first delivered it to the church ; nor was it the faith , but the church that was pretended to be reformed : and if after a long night of darkness and corruption , those that began to see better , did not at first discover every thing , or if some of the prejudices of their education , and their former opinions did still hang about them ; so that others who came after them saw further and more clearly : this only proves that they were subject to the infirmities of the humane nature , and that they were not immediately inspired of god , which was never pretended . . great difference is to be made between articles of faith and theological truths . the former consists of those things that are the ingredients of our b●ptismal vows , and are indeed parts of the new covenant , which may be reduced to the creed and the ten commandments . the other are opinions relating to these , which though they are founded on scripture , yet have not that influence either on our hearts or lives , that they make us either much better or much worse . among these we reckon the explanation of the presence of christ in the sacrament , and the influence of the divine grace upon our wills. if some of the confessions of faith among the protestants differ much in these matters ▪ that is not concerning articles of faith , but theological truths : in which great allowances are to be made for difference of opinion . and as particular churches ought not to proceed too hastily to decisions in matters that are justly disputable , so the rigorous imposing of those severe definitions on the consciences of others by oaths and subscriptions , and more particularly all rigour in the prosecution of those that differ in opinion , is both disagreeing to the mildness of the christian religion , and to the character of church-men ; and in particular , to the principles upon which the reformation was founded . . as for the greek churches , together with the other societies in the east , we do not deny that many of those corruptions for which we condemn the church of rome , are among them , which only proves that the beginning of these is elder than the ninth or tenth century : in which those churches began to divide , such is the worshipping of images , the praying to saints , and some other abuses . . to this it must be added , that for diverse ages the oppression under which those churches have fallen , and the great ignorance that has overspread them , have be●n such , that no wonder if those greeks that have been bred up in the states of the roman communion , and so were leavened with their opinions , have found it no hard task to impose upon their weak and corrupt countrey-men , whatsoever opinions they had in charge to infuse into them : so that we may rather wonder to find that all those abuses for which we complain of the church of rome are not among them , than that some have got footing there . . but after all this , the main things upon which we have separated from the church of rome , are not to be found among those churches : such as the adoring the consecrated elements , the denying the wine to the people , the saying masses for redeeming souls out of purgatory , the having images for the trinity , the immediate invocation of saints for the pardon of sin , and those blessings which we receive only from god : besides an infinite variety of other things . not to mention their denying the popes authority . and to turn this argument on them , those parts of their worship , in which they differ so much from the eastern churches , do afford us very good arguments to evince that they are innovations , brought in since these ages , in which those churches held communion with the roman church : and do prove that at the time of their separation they were not introduced in the western church : for when we find such a keenness of dispute concerning one of the most indifferent things in the world , as whether the sacrament should be of leavened or unleavened bread ; can we think that if the latines had then worshipped the sacrament , they had not much rather have objected to the greeks their irreverence upon so high an occasion , than have insisted on the matter of unleavened bread ? as for the conclusion , we do acknowledge it is such as becomes an assembly of bishops . but whether it becomes men of their characters , of their birth and of their qualities , to pretend to such gentleness and meekness , when all the world sees such notorious proofs given to the contrary , i shall not determine ; but will leave it to their own second thoughts to consider better of it . we find both the king and the clergy of france , expressing great tenderness towards the persons of those they call hereticks , togetherwith their resolutions of gaining them only by the methods of persuasion and charity , and yet the contrary is practis●d in so many parts of france , that considering the exact obedience that the inferiour officers pay to the orders that are sent them from the court , we must conclude these orders are procured from the king , without his being rightly informed concerning them : and since we must either doubt of the sincerity of the kings declarations or of the assemblies , we hope they will not take it ill , if we pay that reverence to a crowned head , and to so illustrious a monarch , as to prefer him in the competition between his credit and theirs ; and they must forgive us if we stand in some doubt of the sincerity of this declaration , till we are convinced of it by more infallible proofs than words or general protestations . the conclusion . thus i have made such remarks on these methods as seem both just and solid : i have advanced no assertion either of fact or right concerning which i am not well assured , and which i cannot justifie by a much larger series of proofs than i thought fit to bring into a discourse , which i intended should be as short as was possible . but if that be necessary , and i am called on to do it , i shall not decline it . i have with great care avoided the saying any thing meerly for contentions sake , or to make up a muster of many particulars ; for i look on that way in which many write for a cause , as some advocates plead for their clients , by alledging every thing that may make a shew , or biass an unwary hearer , as very unbecoming the profession of a divine , and the cause of truth which we ought to assert : and there is scarce any thing that shews a man is persuaded of the truth he maintains , more evidently than a sincere way of defending it : for great subtilties and deep fetches do naturally incline a reader to suspect that the writer was conscious to himself of the weakness of his cause , and was therefore resolved to supply those defects by the quickness and nimbleness of his parts . but having now said what i think sufficient in the way of rem●rks upon the letter , and the methods published by the late assembly general of the clergy of france : i now go on to some methods which seem strong and well grounded for convincing those in communion with the church of rome , that they ought to suspect the ground they stand on . in which i shall observe this method : first , i shall offer such grounds of just suspicion and jealousie , as may dispose every considering man to fear and apprehend that their church is on a wrong bottom ; from which i shall draw no other inferences , but that they are reasonable grounds to take a man a little off from the engagement of his former education and principles , and may dispose him to examine matters in dispute among us with more application and less partiality : and then i shall shew upon more demonstrative grounds how false the foundations are , on which the church of rome is established , both which i shall examine only in a general view , and in bulk , without descending by retail unto the p●rticulars in controversie between us . . and first , it is a just ground to suspect any church or party of men , that pretend to have every thing pass upon their word or authority ; and that endeavour to keep those who adhere to them in all the ignorance possible ; that divert them from making enquiries into religion , and do with great earnestness infuse in them an implicite belief of whatsoever they sh●ll propose or dictate to them . the world has found by experience that there is nothing in which fraud and artifices have been more employed than in matters of religion : and that priests have been often guilty of the basest impostures . and therefore it is a shrewd indication that any sort of them that make this the first and grand principle which they infuse into their followers , that they ought to believe every thing that the majority of themselves decree , and do therefore recommend ignorance and implicite obedience to their people , and keep the scriptures out of their hands all they can , and wrap up their worship in a language not understood by the vulgar , are not to be too easily believed : but that they may be justly suspected of having no sincere designs , since truth is of the nature of light : and religion was sent into the world to enlighten our minds , and to raise our understandings . . it is a just ground of jealousie of any church , if she holds many opinions which have a mighty tenden●y to raise the empire and dominion of the clergy to a vast height . a reverence to them for their works sake is due by the light of nature : but if priests advance this further to such a pitch that every one of them is believed qualified by his character to work the greatest miracle that ever was : the change of the elements of bread and wine into the body and blood of christ , besides all the other consecrations , by which divine vertues are brought down on such things as they bless : if it is also believed necessary to enumerate all secret sins to them ; and if their absolution is thought to have any other vertue in it , than a giving the peace of the church , with a declaration of the terms upon which god pardons sinners : if the vertue of the sacraments , upon which so much depends , according to their principles , is so entirely in the priests power , that he can defeat it when he pleases with a cross intention ; so that all mens hopes of another state shall depend on the priests good disposition to them , by which every man must know how necessary it is to purchase their favour at any rate : if likewise they pretend to an immunity from the secular judge ; and do all enter into oaths which center in him whom they acknowledge their common head , whose authority they have advanced above all the powers on earth , so that he can depose princes and give away his dominions to others : it must be confessed that all these have such characters of interest and ambition on them , and are so little like the true spirit of christianity , or indeed the common principles of nat●ral reason and religion , that a man is very partial who does not think it reasonable to suspect such proceedings , and a church that holds such doctrines . . it is likewise reasonable to suspect any church that holds many opinions that tend much to a vast encrease of their wealth , and to bring the greatest treasures of the world into their hands . the power of redeeming souls out of purgatory has brought more wealth into the church of rome , than the discovery of the indies has done to the crown of spain . such also was the power of pardoning , and of exchanging penances for money , by which the world knew the price of sins , and the rates at which they were to be compounded for . the popes power of granting indulgences , the vertue of pilgrimages , the communication of the merits of orders to such as put on their habits ; and in a word , the whole authority that the c●●r● of rome has assumed in these latter ages , that tend so much to the encrease of their revenue , are all such evident indications of particular ends and private designs , that he must be very much wedded to his first impressions , that does not upon this suspect that matters have not been so fairly carried among them , that nothing ought to be doubted which is defined by them . . it is a very just cause of suspecting every thing that is managed by a company of priests , if they have for several ages carried on their designs by the foulest methods of forgery and imposture ; of which they themselves are now both convinced and ashamed . when the popes authority was built on a pretended collection of the letters , which the popes of the first ages after christ were said to have writ ; and their assumed jurisdiction was justified by those precedents which are now by themselves acknowledged to be forgeries . when the popes temporal dominion was grounded on the donations of constantine , of charles the great , and his son lewis the good , which appear now to be notorious forgeries : when an infinite number of saints , of miracles , visions , and other wonderful things were not only read and preached to the people , but likewise were put into the collects and hymns used on their festivals , which wrought much on the simplicity and superstition of the vulgar ; many of which are now proved to be such gross impostures , that they are forced to dash them out of their offices , and others against which there lyes not such positive proof , yet depend on the credit only of some legend , writ by some monks . when many books past over the world as the writings of the most ancient fathers which were but lately writ , and many of their genuine writings were grossly vitiated . when all those things are become so evident , that the most learned writers amongst themselves , particularly in the gallican church , have not only yielded to the proofs brought by protestant writers in many of these particulars , but have with a very commendable zeal and sincerity , made discoveries themselves in several particulars , into which the others had not such advantages to penetrate . there is upon all these grounds , good cause given to mistrust them in other things , and it is very reasonable to examine the assertions of that church with the severest rigour , since an imposture once discovered , ought to bring a suspicion on all concerned in it , even as to all other things . . there is likewise great reason to suspect all that are extream fierce and violent ; that cannot endure the least contradiction , but endeavour the ruine of all that oppose them . truth makes men both confident of its force , and merciful towards such as do not yet receive it : whereas errour is jealous and cruel . if then a church has decreed that all hereticks , that is , such as do not submit to all her decisions are to be extirpated ; if she has bound all her bishops by oath at their ordinations to persecute them to the utmost of their power . if princes that do not extirpate them , are first to be excommunicated by their bishops , and after a years contumacy , are to be deposed by the popes , and their kingdomes to be given away . if all hereticks upon obstinacy or relapse are to be burnt ; and if they endeavour in all places as much as they can , to erect courts of inquisition with an absolute authority , in which church-men , forgetting their character , have vied in inventions of torture and cruelty with the bloodiest tyrants that have ever been : then it must be confessed , that all these set together present the church that authorizes and practises them with so dreadful an aspect , so contrary to those bowels and tendernesses that are in the nature of man : not to mention the merciful idea's of god , and the wonderful meekness of the author of our holy religion ; that we must conclude that under what form soever of religion such things are set on foot in the world , such a doctrine is so far from improving and exalting the nature of man , that really it makes him worse than he would otherwise be , if he were left to the softness of his own nature : and certainly it were better there were no revealed religion in the world , than that mankind should become worse , more cruel , and more barbarous by its means , than it would be if it were governed by nature or a little philosophy . upon all these grounds laid together , it is no unreasonable thing to conclude , that a church liable to such imputations ought justly to be suspected , and that every one in it ought to examine well on what grounds he continues in the communion of a society of men , against which such strong prejudices lie so fairly , without the least straining or aggravating matters too much . i proceed now to the second part of my undertaking , which is to shew , that the grounds upon which that church builds , are certainly weak if not false . and . they boast much of a constant succession , as the only infallible mark to judge of a church , and as that without which we can never be certain of the faith. but if this is true , then into what desperate scruples must all men fall ? for the resolution of their faith turns to that which can never be so much as made probable , much less certain . the efficacy of the sacraments depending on the intention of the priest , none can know who are truly baptized or ordained , and who are not : and it is not to be much doubted but that many profane priests may have , in a sort of wanton malice , put their intention on purpose cross to the sacrament : for the impiety of an atheistical church-man is the most extravagant thing in the world. beside this , what evidence can they give of the canonical ordination of all the bishops of rome ? the first links of that chain are so entangled , that it is no small difficulty to find out who first succeeded the apostles : and it is not certainly known who suceeeded them afterwards ; for some few catalogues gathered up perhaps from report by historians , is not so much as of the nature of a violent presumption . if we consider succession only as a matter of order , in which we go on without scrupulosity , i confess there is enough to satisfie a reasonable man : but if we think it indispensable both for the conveyance of the faith , and the vertue of the sacraments , then it is impossible to have any certainty of faith ; all must be sounded on conjecture or probability at most . it is but of late that formal instruments were made of ordinations , or that those were carefully preserved and transmitted . in a word , difficulties can be rationally enough proposed concerning succession , that must needs drive one that sets up his faith on it to endless scruples , of which it is impossible he should be ever satisfied . there is one thing of great consequence in this matter , that deserves to be well considered : under the mosaical law god limited the succession to the high priesthood , so that the first-born was to succeed ; and the great annual expiation for the whole people was to be performed by him . yet when in our saviours time this was so interrupted , that the high priesthood was become annual , and wassold for money , god would not suffer the people to perish for want of such expiation ; but the sacrifice was still accepted , though offered up by a mercenary intruder : and caiaphas in the year of his high priesthood prophesied : so that how great soever the sin of the high priest was , the people were still safe in him that was actually in that office . and if this was observed in a dispensation that was chiefly made up of positive precepts and carnal ordinances , it is much more reasonable to expect it in a religion that is more free from such observances , and is more spiritual and internal . . another ground on which those of the roman church build is this , that a true church must hold the truth in all things : which is so sophistical a thing , that it might have been expected wise and ingenious men should have been long ago ashamed of it . it is certain the iewish church was the true church of god in our saviours time , for their sacrifices had then an expiatory vertue in them : so that they had the certain means of salvation among them ; which is the formal notion of a true church : and yet in so great a point as what their messias and his kingdome were to be , we find they were in a very fatal errour . the opinion of his being to be a temporal prince had been handed down among them so by oral tradition , that it had run through them all , from the priests down to the fisher-men : for we find the apostles so possessed with it , that at the very time of christs ascension , they were still dreaming of it : and yet this was a gross errour , and proved of most mischievous consequence to them : of this they were so persuaded , that the supream judicature or representative of their church , the sanhedrim , that had much more to shew for its authority , than a general council can shew in the new testament , erred in this fundamental point , and condemned christ as a blasphemer , and declared him guilty of death . so that while they continued to be the true church of god , yet they erred in the point which was of all others the most important ; upon which it is evident , that it is no good inference to conclude , that because a church is a true church , therefore it cannot be in an errour . . another pretence in that church , on which they build much , and which makes great impression on many weak minds , is the churches infallibility in deciding controversies , by which all disputes can be soon ended , and they conclude that christ had dealt ill with his church , if he had not provided such a method for the end of all disputes . but it is certain they have lost this infallibility if they ever had it , unless it be acknowledged that it is lodged in the pope ▪ against which the gallican clergy has so lately declared : and yet it can be no where else , if it is not in him ; for as they have had no general council for about one hundred and twenty years , so they cannot have one but by the popes summons ; and if the pope is averse , they cannot find this infallibility : so at best it is but a dormant priviledge , which popes can suspend at pleasure . in the intervals of councils where is it ? must one go over europe , and poll all the bishops and divines to find their opinions ? so in a word , after all the noise about infallibility , they can only pretend to have it at the popes mercy : and indeed he that can believe a pope , chosen as he generally is , by intrigues and court factions , to be the infallible judge of controversies ; or that a council managed by all the artifices of crafty men , ( as that at trent appears to have been , even by cardinal pallavicini's history ) was infallibly directed by the holy ghost , is well prepared to believe the only thing in the world that is more incredible , which is transubstantiation . there was as good reason for lodging an infallible authority among the iews as among christians ; for their religion consisting of so many external precepts concerning which disputes might rise , it seemed more necessary that such an authority should have been established among them , than under a dispensation infinitely more plain and simple . and the supream authority was lodged with the sanhedrim in much higher expressions under the old testament than can be pretended under the new , as will appear to any that will read the fore cited place in deuteronomy . there was also a divine inspiration lodged in the pectoral , by which the high priest had immediate answers from the cloud of glory ; and when that ceased under the second temple , yet , as their writers tell us , that was supplyed by a degree of prophecy ; which is also confirmed by what s. iohn says concerning caiaphas's prophecying ; and yet after all this , th●t in●allibility was not so obstinately lodged with them , that a company of lewd and wicke● prie●ts could not mis-lea● the people , a● they did in the doctrine concerning the messias . from all which it may be well inferred , that how large soever the meaning of those disputed passages that relate to the authority of the church may be supposed to be , yet a tacite condition must be still implyed in them , that while church-men continue pure and sincere , and seek the truth in the methods prescribed by the gospel , they shall not err in any point of salvation . and it is not reasonable to expect that our saviour should have left a more effectual provision against errour than he has done against sin ; since the latter is certainly more pernicious and destructive of those ends for which he came into the world ▪ so that as he has only left sufficient means for those who use them well to keep themselves from sin , in such a manner that they shall not perish in it ; so has he likewise provided a sufficient security against errour , when such means of instruction are offered that every one who applies himse●f to the due use of them , shall not err damnably . . another foundation on which they build is oral tradition , which ●hey reckon was handed down in every age since the apostles days . this some explain so as to make it only the conveyance of the exposition of the scriptures , though others stretch it further , as if it might carry down truths not mentioned in scripture : and for finding this out two methods are given : the one is presumptive , when from the doctrine of the church in any one age , it is presumed from thence , that those of that age had it from the former , and the former from those who went before them , till we run it up to the apostles days . the other method is of particular proof , when the ●onveyance in every age appears from the chief writers in it . i shall not here run out to shew upon either of these hypotheses , the unfitness of this way of conveying doctrines , nor the easie door it opens to fraud and imposture ; but shall only shew that they cannot prove they have a competent evidence of oral tradition among them . and first , it is certain that we have not handed down to us a general exposition of the scriptures , and that almost all the ancient expositors run after allegories , according to the way of the greek philosophers ▪ for some whole ages we have not above two or three writers , and those lived very remote ; and what they say , chiefly in the passages that are made use of in the later disputes , fall in oft on the by , and seem rather to have dropt from them , than to have been intended by them ; so that this cannot be thought decisive . and when it is likewise confessed , that in their disputes with the hereticks of their days , they have not argued so critically from those places of scripture , which they considered more narrowly ▪ it will not be reasonable to conclude too positively upon those things that rather fell in their way occasionally , than were the designed subjects of their enquiries . so that it is not possible to prove an oral tradition by the instances of particular writers , in all the ages and corne●s of the church : for almost an age and a half we have not one copious latine writer but tertullian and cyprian , that both lived in carthage : and it is not very clear of what persuasion the former was when he wrote the greatest part of his treatises : that he was a heretick when he wrote some of them is past dispute : now can one think ●hat if god had intended that the faith should have passed down by such a conveyance , there would have been such uncertain prints left us by which we might trace it out ? as for the other method of presumption or prescription , it is certainly a false one ; for if in any one particular it can be made appear that the doctrine of the latin church has been in these latter ages contradictory to that of the primitive times , then this of prescription is never to be any more alledged ; and of this i shall give two instances that seem demonstrative . the first is about the worshipping departed saints or martyrs , which has been the practice of the l●tin church for several ages : and yet in the second century we have the greatest evidence possible that it was not the doctrine of that age ; and that not in any occasional word let fall by some single writer , but in a letter writ by the church of smyrna , concerning the martyrdom of their late biship s. polycarp : in which there appears that warm affection for his person , and honour for his memory , that we cannot think they would have been wanting in any sort of respect that wa● due to the ashes of so great a saint . and what they say to this purpose is deliberately brought out ; for it being suggested by the iew that had set on the heathens against that martyr , that it was necessary to destroy his body , lest the christians should worship him ▪ they reject that imputation in these words : they being ignorant , say they , that we can never forsake christ who died for the salvation of the world , nor worship any other , for we adore him as the son of god. but for the martyrs , we do worthily love them , as the disciples and followers of our lord , for their unconq●ered love to their king and master , and therefore d●s●re to be their partne●s and disciples . to this i shall add another instance that is no les● evident ▪ which is concerning the presence of christ in the sacrament . the tradition of the church can be best gathered from the liturgies , which are the publickest , the most united and most solemn way in which she expresses her self . in s. ambros●'s time , or whosoever else was the author of the book of the sacraments that goes under his name , we find that the prayer of consecrations , as it is cited by him , differs in a very essential point from that which is now in the canon of the mass : in the former they called the sacrifice that they offered up in it , the figure of the body and blood of christ ; but since that time they have changed that phrase , and instead of it they pray , that it may be to us the body and blood of christ. we cannot tell in what age this change was made , but we may certainly conclude that the latin church in s. ambrose's time , had a very different opinion concerning the presence of christ , from that which is now received among them ; and that then she only believed a figurative presence . and thus it is certain that the presumptive method for finding out oral tradition is a false one , and that the particular proof of tradition by enquiring into the doctrine of every age is impossible to be made . . i shall enlarge a little further upon one particular instance , which is concerning one of those propositions lately condemned by the assembly g●neral : in which i intend to shew that they have departed from the tradition of the church , much more evidently than they can pretend that we have done : and this is concerning the popes power o● deposing kings , which they who live under so mighty a monarch have very prudently renounced : but whether they have not more plainly contradicted the tradition of the church than the reformers did , shall appear by the sequel of this discourse . in order to which i shall lay down two grounds that seem undeniable in their own principles ; the one is , that the tradition of any age or ages of the church , when it is universal and undisputed , is of the same authority with the tradition of any other age whatsoever : for the promises made to the church last continually , and have the same force at all times : and therefore a tradition for these last six hundred years is of as strong an authority as was that of the first six ages . the second is , that a tradition concerning the measures of mens obedience and actions , is of the same authority with a tradition concerning the measures of their belief . the one sort are practical , and the other are speculative points ; and as more are concerned in a practical truth than in a speculative point , so it has greater effects and more influence on the world ; therefore it is as necessary that these be certainly handed down as the other : and by consequence a tradition concerning any rule of life is as much to be received as that concerning any point of belief ; for the creed and the ten commandments being the two ingredients of the positive part of our baptismal vow ; it is as necessary that we be certainly directed in the one as in the other ; and if there were any preference to be admitted here , certainly it must be for that which is more practical , and of greater extent . upon these two grounds i subsume , that all the characters of oral tradition , by which they can pretend to find it out in any one particular , agree to this doctrine of the popes power of deposing princes that are either hereticks , or favourers of them . the way sof searching for tradition are these four : first what the writers and doctors of the church have delivered down from one age to another . the second is what the popes have taught and pronounced ex cathedrâ , which to a great part of that communion is decisive , their authority being held infallible ; and to the rest it is at least a great indication of the tradition of such an age. the third is , what such councils as are esteemed and received as oecumenical councils have decreed as general rules . the fourth is , the late famous method of prescription , when from the received doctrine of any one age we run a back-scent up to the apostles , upon this supposition that the doctrine of the church , chiefly in a visible and sensible thing , could not be changed . these are all the ways imaginable to find out the tradition of past ages ; and they do all agree to this doctrine . all the writers for five or six ages , both commentators on scripture , the school-men , the casuists and canonists agreed in it ; so that cardinal perron had reason to challenge those of the contrary persuasion to shew any one writer before calvin's time , that had been of another mind . we do not cite this as a proof , because cardinal perron said so , but because the thing in it self cannot be disproved ; and in the contests that fell in between the popes and those princes against whom they thundred , no civilian nor canonist ever denied the popes power of deposing in the case of heresie . it is true , when the popes pretended to a temporal dominion , and that all princes were their vassals , some were found to write against that ; other princes contended about the particulars laid to their charge , and denied that they were either hereticks or favourers of hereticks . but none ever disputed this position in general , that in a manifest case of heresie the pope might not depose princes ; and it is too well known what both the sorbonne determined in the case of henry the third , and likewise how the body of the clergy adhered to cardinal perron in the opposition he made to the condemnation of that opinion . the next mark of tradition is the popes pronouncing an opinion ex cathedrâ , that is , in a solemn judiciary way , founding it on scripture and tradition . if popes had only brutally made war upon some princes , and violently thrust them out of their dominions , this indeed were no mark by which we could judge of a tradition : but when we find gregory the seventh , and many popes since his time , found this authority on passages of scripture , as that of the keys being given to s. peter , jeremiah the prophet's being set over kingdomes to root out , to pluck up and destroy , and that all power in heaven and earth was given to chr●st ; and his bidding his disciples to buy a sword , we must look on this as the declaring the tradition of the church . so that it must eit●er be confessed that they are not faithful conveyers of it , or that this is truly the tradition of the church . and this has been done so often these last six hundred years , that it were a needless imposing on the readers patience to go about the proving it . the third indication of tradition is the declaration made by synods , but chiefly by general councils . i need not here mention the many roman synods that have concurred with the popes in the depositions which they thundered out against kings or emperours , since we have greater authorities confirming it . the third council of lateran declared that all princes that favoured heresie fell from their dominions , and they granted a plenary indulgence to all that fought against them . the fourth council of the lateran vested the pope with the power of giving away their dominions , if they continued for a year obstinate in that their merciful disposition of not extirpating hereticks . the first council of lions concurred with the pope in the deposition of the emperour frederick the second , which is grounded in the preamble on the power of binding and loosing given to s. peter . after these came the council of constance , and they reckoning themselves superiour to the pope , lookt on this as a power inherent in the church , and so assumed it to themselves ; and therefore put this sanction in many of their decrees , particularly in that for maintaining the rights of the church , and in the passports they granted , which had been often added in the bulls that confirmed the foundations of monasteries , that if any , whether he were emperour , king , or of what dignity soever he might be , opposed their order , he should thereby forfeit his dignity . the council of sienna confirmed all decrees against hereticks , and the favourers of them , that had been made in any former councils , and by consequence those of the third and fourth councils in the lateran . the council of basil put that threatening clause of forfeiture , used by those of constance , in their decree for a general council : and at trent it was declared , that if any prince did suffer a duel to be fought in his dominions , he was thereupon to forfeit that place in which it was fought . now by the same authority that they could declare a forfeiture of any one place , they could dec●are a for●eiture of a princes whole dominion ; for both those sentences flow from the same superiour jurisdiction : and thus we see seven of those councils which they esteem general , have either decreed , confirmed , or assumed this right of deposing kings , for heresie , or indeed for breaking their orders and writs . . the fourth mark o● tradition is ●hat which has been of late so famous by mr. arnauld's endeavours to prove from thence that the belief of the corporal presence in the sacrament is a doctrine derived down from the apos●les days , which is this : if any one age has universally received an opinion as an article of faith , it must be concluded that that age had it from the former , and that from the preceding till we arrive at the apostles days : and this he thinks must hold the stronger , if the point so received w●s a thing obvious to all men , in which every one was concerned , and to which the nature of man was inclined to make a powerful opposition . i shall not examine how true this is in general , nor how applicable in fact it is to the doctrine of the corporal presence ; but shall only say that allowing all these marks to be the sure indications of apostolical tradition , the doctrine of deposing princes for favouring heresie , has them all much more indisputably than the other has . take any one age from the eleventh century to the sixteenth , and it will appear that not only the popes , the bishops , and all the ecclesiastical order received it , but that all the laity likewise embraced it : though this was a matter obvious to sense , in which many were much concerned . it might have been hoped that princes upon their own account for fear of an ill precedent , would have protected the ●eposed prince : but on the contrary , they either entred into the croisades themselves , or at least gave way to them : vast armies were gathered together to execute those sentences , and the injured princes had no way to keep their people firm to them , but by assuring them they were not guilty of the matters objected to them , which shewed that had their people believed them guilty , they had forsaken them : and yet as it was , the terrour of a croisade was such , and the popes authority to depose princes was so firmly believed , that they were for the most part forced to save themselves by an absolute submission to the popes pleasure , and to what conditions or penances a haughty pope would impose on them . so certain it is that this doctrine was universally received in those ages . and thus it appears that all the characters by which it can be pretended that an apostolic●l tradition can be known , agree to this doctrine in so full and uncontestable a manner , that they cannot bring such evidence for the points in dispute between them and us . so that the assembly general by condemning this doctrine , have departed from the tradition of their own church more apparently than it can be pretended that either luther and calvin did in any of those doctrines which they rejected ; and therefore they ought not any more to complain of us for throwing off such things as they found on tradition , when they have set us such an example . from which i shall only infer this , that they themselves must know how weak a foundation oral tradition is for divine faith to build upon , and that it must be established upon surer grounds . finis . erratvm . page . line . for first read second . books printed for , and sold by richard chiswell . folio . speed's maps and geography of great britain and ireland , and of foreign parts . dr. cave's lives of the primitive fathers , in . vol. dr. cary's chronological account of ancient time. wanley's wonders of the little world , or hist. of man. sir tho. herbert's travels into persia , &c. holyoak's large dictionary , latine and english. sir rich. baker's chronicle of england . wilson's compleat christian dictionary . b. wilkin's real character , or philosophical language . pharmacopoeia regalis collegii medicorum londinensis . judge iones's reports in common law. cave tabulae ecclesiasticorum scriptorum . hobbs's leviathan . lord bacon's advancement of learning . sir will. dugdale's baronage of england in two vol. hooker's ecclesiastical polity . winch's book of entries . isaac ambrose's works . guillim's display of heraldry with large additions . dr. burnet's history of the reformation of the church of england , in . vol. — account of the confessions and prayers of the murtherers of esquire thynn . burlace's history of the irish rebellion . herodoti historia gr. lat. cum variis lect. rushworth's historical collections the d. part in . vol. — large account of the tryal of the earl of strafford , with all the circumstances relating thereunto . bishop sanderson's sermons , with his life . fowlis's history of romish conspir . treas . & usurpat . dalton's office of sheriffs with additions . — office of a justice of peace with additions . keeble's collection of statutes . lord cook 's reports in english. sir walter raleigh's history of the world. edmunds on caesars commentaries . sir iohn davis's reports . judge yelverton's reports . the laws of this realm concerning jesuites , seminary priests , recusants , the oaths of supremacy and allegiance explained by divers judgments , and resolutions of the iudges ; with other observations thereupon , by will. cawley esq . william's impartial consideration of the speeches of the five jesuits executed for treason . . iosephus's antiquities and wars of the jews with fig. qvarto . dr . littleton's dictionary , latine and english. bishop nicholson on the church catechism . the compleat clerk : precedents of all sorts . history of the late wars of new-england . dr. outram de sacrificiis . bishop taylor 's disswasive from popery . spanhemii dubia evangelica , vol. dr. gibbs's sermons . parkeri disputationes de deo. history of the future state of europe . dr. fowler 's defence of the design of christianity against iohn bunnyan . dr. sherlock's visitation-sermon at warrington . dr. west's assize sermon at dorchester . lord hollis's relation of the unjust accusation of certain french gentlemen charged with arobbery . the magistrates authority asserted , in a sermon , by iames paston . cole's latine and english dictionary . mr. iames brome's two fast-sermons . dr. iane's fast-sermon before the commons . . mr. iohn iames's visitation sermon april . . . mr. iohn cave's fast-sermon on . of ian. . — assize sermon at leicester iuly . . dr. parker's demonstration of the divine authority of the law of nature and the christian religion . mr. william's sermon before the lord mayor . — history of the powder treason with a vindication of the proceedings relating thereunto , from the exceptions made against it by the catholick apologist and others ; and a parallel betwixt that and the present popish plot. speculum baxterianum , or baxter against baxter . mr. hook's new philosophical collections . dr. burnet's relation of the massacre of the protestants in france . — conversion and persecutions of eve cohan a jewess of quality lately baptized christian. — letter written upon discov . of the late popishplot . — impiety of popery being a second letter written on the same occasion . — sermon before the lord mayor upon the fast for the fire , . — fast serm. before the house of com. dec. . . — sermon on the . of ianuary . — sermon at the election of the l. mayor . . — sermon at the funeral of mr. houblon . . — answer to the animadversions on his history of the rights of princes , . — decree made at rome . condemning some opinions of the jesuites and other casuists . published by dr. burnet , with a preface . — a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french k. and the court of rome . bibliotheca norfolciana , sive catalogus libr. manuscript . & ●mpress . in omni arte & lingua , quos hen. dux norfolciae regiae societati londinensi pro scientia naturali promovenda donavit . octavo . elborow's rationale upon the english service . bishop wilkin's natural religion . hardcastle's christian geography and arithmetick . dr. ashton's apology for the honours and revenues of the clergy . lord hollis's vindication of the judicature of the house of peers in the case of skinner . — jurisdiction of the h. of peers in case of appeals . — jurisdiction of the h. of peers in case of impositions . — letters about the bishops votes in capital cases . duporti versio psalmorum graeca . dr. grew's idea of philological history continued on roots . spaniards conspiracy against the state of venice . dr. brown's religio medici : with digbies observations . dr. salmon upon the london dispensatory . brinsley's posing of the accidence . several tracts of mr. hales of eaton . bishop sanderson's life . dr. tilletson's rule of faith. dr. simpson's chymical anatomy of the york-shire spaws ; with a discourse of the original of hot springs and other fountains . — his hydrological essays , with an account of the allum-works at whitby , and some observations about the jaundice . s. . d. dr. cox's discourse of the interest of the patient , in reference to physick and physicians . organon salutis : or an instrument to cleanse the stomach . with divers new experiments of the vertue of tabaco and coffee : with a preface of sir hen. blunt. dr. cave's primitive christianity , in three parts . a discourse of the nature , ends , and difference of the two covenants , . s. ignatius fuller's sermons of peace and holiness . s. d. a free conference touching the present state of england , at home and abroad , in order to the designs of france . s. mystery of jesuitism , third and fourth parts . doctor sanway's unreasonableness of the romanists . record of urines . doctor ashton's cases of scandal and persecution . cole's latin and english dictionary . the tryals of the regicides in . certain genuine remains of the lord bacon in arguments civil , moral , natural , &c. with a large account of all his works , by dr. tho. tennison . dr. puller's discourse of the moderation of the church of england . dr. saywel's original of all the plots in christendom . sir iohn munsons discourse of supream power and common right dr. henry bagshaw's discourses on select texts . mr. seller's remarks relating to the state of the church in the three first centuries . the country-mans physician ; for the use of such as live far from cities or market-towns . dr. burnet's account of the life and death of the earl of rochester . — vindic. of the ordinations of the church of engl. — history of the rights of princes in the disposing of ecclesiastical benefices and church-lands . — life of god in the soul of man. markam's perfect horseman . dr. sherlock's practical disc. of religious assemblies . — defence of dr. stillingfleet's unreasonableness of separation . — a vindication of the defence of dr. stillingfleet in answer to mr. baxter and mr. lob about catholick communion . the history of the house of estée , the family of the dutchess of york , octavo . sir rob. filmer's patriarcha , or natural power of kings . mr. iohn cave's gospel to the romans . dr. outram's . serm. preached on several occasions . dr. salmon's new london dispensatory . lawrence's interest of ireland in its trade & wealth stated . dvodecimo . hodder's arithmetick . grotius de veritate religionis christianae . bishop hacket's christian consolations . the mothers blessing . a help to discourse . new-englands psalms . an apology for a treatise of human reason , written by m. clifford esq . the queen-like closet , both parts . vicesimo qvarto . valentine's devotions . guide to heaven . pharmacopoeia collegii londinensis reformata . books lately printed for richard chiswell . an historical relation of the island of ceylon in the east-indies : together with an account of the detaining in captivity the author , and divers other english-men now living there , and of the author 's miraculous escape : illustrated with fifteen copper figures , and an exact map of the island . by capt. robert knox , a captive there near years , fol. mr. camfield's two discourses of episcopal confirmation , octavo . bishop wilkin's fifteen sermons never before extant . mr. iohn cave's two sermons of the duty and benefit of submission to the will of god in afflictions , quar. dr. crawford's serious expostulation with the whiggs in scotland , quarto . a letter giving a relation of the present state of the difference between the french king and the court of rome ; to which is added , the popes brief to the assembly of the clergy , and their protestation . published by dr. burnet . alphonsus borellus de motu animalium , in vol. quarto . dr. salmon's doron modicum , or supplement to his new london dispensatory , octavo . sir iames turner's pallas armata , or military essayes of the ancient , grecian , roman and modern art of war , fol. mr. tanner's primordia : or the rise and growth of the first church of god described , octavo . a letter writ by the last assembly general of the clergy of france to the protestants , inviting them to return to their communion ; together with the methods proposed by them for their conviction . translated into english and examined by dr. gilb. burnet , octavo . dr. cave's dissertation concerning the government of the ancient church by bishops , metropolitans , and patriarchs : more particularly concerning the ancient power and jurisdiction of the bishops of rome , and the encroachments of that upon other sees , especially constantinople , octavo . — his history of the lives , acts , death , and writings of the most eminent fathers of the church that flourished in the fourth century : ( being a second volumn ) wherein amongst other things is an account of arianism , and all other sects of that age. with an introduction containing an historical account of the state of paganism under the first christian emperours , folio . books in the press . doctor iohn lightfoot's works in english , fol. mr. selden's ianus anglorum englished , with notes : to which is added his epinomis , concerning the ancient government and laws of this kingdom never before extant . also two other treatises written by the same author : one of the original of ecclesiastical jurisdiction of testaments ; the other of the disposition or administration of intestates goods ; now the first time published , fol. mezeray's history of france , rendred into engl. fol. gul. ten-rhyne med. doct. dissertat . de arthritide , mantyssa schematica , & de acupunctura . item orationes tres de chemiae ac botaniae antiquitate & dignitate . de physiognomia & de monstris . cum figuris & authoris notis illustratae , octavo . d. spenceri dissertationes de ratione rituum iudaicorum , &c. fol. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * ad const. permittat lenitas tua populis ut quos voluerint , quos pu●averint , quos elegerint , audiant docentes , & divina mysteriorum solennia concelebrent & pro inco●umita●e & beatitudine tua offeran● preces . non quisquam perversus aut invidus maligna loquatur . nulla quide● suspicio eri● non modo sedi●ionis , sed nec asperae murmurationis . — deus cognitionem sui docuit potius quam exegit , & operationum coelestium admiratione praecep●is suis concilians au●hori●a●em , coactam confitendi se aspernatus est , voluntatem . si ad fidem veram istiusmodi vis adhiberetur , episcopalis doctrina obviam pergere● , dicer●●que , deus universitatis est , obsequio non eg●t necessario , non requirit coactam confessionem . non fallendus est sed promerendus ; nostr● potius non sua causa venerandus est . non possum nisi volentem recipere , nisi orantem audire , nisi profitentem signare . — at vero quid istud quod sacerdotes timere deum vinculis coguntur , poenis jubentur ; sacerdotes carceribus continentur , plebs in custodiam catenati ordinis disponitur ? idem contra a●ian●s in prin●i●i● . sp●ciosum quid●m nomen est pacis , & pulchra est opinio unitatis ; sed quis ambigat eam solam ecclesiae atque eva●geliorum unicam pacem esse , quae christi est ? quam ad apostolos post passionis ●uae gloriam est locutus , quam ad mandati sui aeterni pignus abiturus commendavit . hanc nos , fratres dilectissimi , ut amissam quaerere & turbatam componere & repertam t●nere curavimus . sed hujus ipsius fieri nos v●l participes ●el authores n●c temporis nostri pecca●a meruerunt , nec imminentis antichris●i pr●● vii ▪ ministrique sunt passi : qui pace su● , id est impietatis suae uni●ate se j●ctant ▪ agen●es se non ut christi episcopos sed 〈◊〉 ●ntichristi sacerdotes . ac ne maledicis verborum in eos uti convitiis arguamur , cau●am perditionis publicae ne cuiquam ●gnorata sit , non tacemus ▪ antichristos plures etiam apostolo joanne praedicante cognovimus . quisquis enim christum qualis ab apostolis est praedicatus , negavit , antichristus es● . nominis antichristi proprietas est . christo esse contrarium . hoc nunc sub opinione falsae pietatis efficitur , ho● sub specie praedicationis evangelicae laboratur , ut dominus jesus christus dum praedicari creditur denegetur . ac●primum mis●reri licet rostrae aetatis laborem , & praesentium temporum stul●as opin●ones congemiscere , quibus patrocinari deo humana creduntur , & ad tuendam christi ecclesiam ambitione seculari laboratur . oro vos episcopi qui hoc vos esse creditis , quibusnam suffragiis ad praedicandum evangelium apostoli usi sunt ? quibus adjuti potestatibus christum praedicaverunt , gentesque fere omnes ex idolis ad deum transtulerunt ? anne aliquam sibi assumebant è palatio dignitatem , hymnum deo in carcere inter catenas & post flagella cantantes ? edictisque regiis paulus cum in theatro spectaculum ipse es●et christo ecclesiam congregabat ? nerone se credo aut vespasiano aut decio patrocinantibus t●ebatur , quorum in nos odiis confessio divinae predicationis eff●oruit ? illi manu atque opere se alentes , intra coenacula secretaque coeuntes , vicos & castella gentesque fere omnes terra ac mari contra senatus consulta & regum edicta peragrantes . claves credo regni coelorum non habebant ? aut non manifesta tum dei virtus contra odia humana porrexit , cum tanto magis chris●us praedicaretur , quanto magis praedicari inhiberetur ? at nunc , proh dolor ! divinam fidem suffragia terrena commendant , inopsque virtutis suae christus , dum ambitio nomini suo conciliatur , arguitur . terret exiliis & carceribus ecclesia , credique sibi cogit , quae exiliis & carceribus est credita : pendet à dignatione communicantium , quae persequentium est consecrata terrori . fugat sacerdotes quae fugatis est sacerdotibus propagata : diligi se gloriatur à mundo , quae christi esse non potuit nisi eam mundus odisset . haec de comparatione traditae nobis ollm ecclesiae , nunc quam deperditae , res ipsa quae in oculis omnium est atque ore , clamavit . sulp. sev. l. . sacr. hist. & dial. . de vita martini . illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt quo cum labore verum inveniatur , & quam difficile caveantur errores . illi i● vos saeviant qui nesciunt quam rarum & arduum si● carnalia phan●asmata piae mentis fere●itate superare . illi in vos saeviant qui nesciunt cum quanta difficultate sa●ietur oculus interioris hominis ut possit intueri solem suum . illi in v●s saeviant-qui nesciunt quibus suspiriis & gemitibus fiat ut ex quantulacunque parte possit intelligi deus . postremo , illi in v●s saeviant qui nullo tali errore decepti sunt , quali vos deceptos vident . contra epist. fund . cap. , & . ep. . & ep . ● . lib. . cont . ●etil . c. . & . ep. , , , . lib. cont . don lib. . cont . parm. cap. contra haeres . lib. . cap. , , , , & . ●ib . . cap. . & lib. ● . cap. ● . notes for div a -e cal. lib. de vera participatione co●poris . christi in coena . * ubi eis divinitus demonstratur si attendere veli●t , tam inique illos ab ecclesiae unitate praecisos , quam inique clamant maximianistas à se schisma fecisse . concil . carth. sub anast . can. . * ut senrentiis episcoporum qui scripturas ●acras ingenti g●oria tractaverunt , tua , juliane , machinamenta subvertam . lib. . contr . iul. c. . lib. de decret . conc. nic. a ath. epist. de senten . dion . alex. b lib. de syn. c epist. . conc. eph. act . . * sed nunc nec ego nicenum , nec tu debes ariminense tanquam praejudicaturus proferre concilium ; nec ego hujus authoritate , nec tu ●llius detineris . scripturarum authoritatibus non quorumque propriis sed utriusque communibus testibus , res cum re , causa cum causâ , ratio cum ratione concerter . lib. . co●t . max. cap. . a athan. de syn. arim. & sel●uc . hilary de synod . aueust . lib. . cont . maxim. cap. . & ep. , & . b nazianz. orat . . c act. syn. eph. action . d act. . syn. const. in act. . syn. chalced. ego vero evangelio non crederem , nisi me ecclesiae catholicae moveret authoritas cont. epist. fund . cap. . * portae inseri non prae●aleb●nt adv●rsus eam . ma●th . . . * damnemus in commune vitiosam intelligentiam , non auferamus fidei securitatem . — sed homoousion potest male intelligi , constituatur qualiter possit bene intelligi . — potest inter nos optimus fidei status condi , ut nec ea quae bene sunt constituta vexentur , & quae male sunt intellecta resecentur . hil. lib. de syn. pag. , & . of the paris edition . ● . * contr. epist. fund . cap. , paris ▪ edit . * portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus ●am . † ego vobiscum sum usque ad consummationem seculi . * art. . of their confessio● of fait● . * vis imus & colligimus ea ? non ; ne forte eradicantes zizania , eradicetis & triticum ; sinite utraque crescere usque ad messem . * lib. de unitate ecclesi●e , & psal. con . par . don. & epist. & . non enim nobis displicent quia tolerant m●los , sed quia intolerabiliter mali sunt propter schisma , propter altare contra altare , propter separationem ab haereditate christi toto orbe diffus● , f●cut tanto an●e promissa est . a●g . ep. . diversirate poenarum , diversitas agnoscitur meritorum . ibid. * quare divisores vestimentorum domini esse vultis ? & tunicam illam charitatis desuper tex●am , quam nec persecutores ejus diviserunt , terere cum toto orbe non vultis ? — fingi●is vos ante tempus messis sugere permixta ziz●nia , quia vos es●is sola zizania : nam si frumenta essetis , permixta zizania tolerare●is , & à segete christi non vos divideretis . aug. e● . . * si autem tunc non erat ecclesia , quia sacrilegi heretici sine baptismo recipiebantur , & haec universali consu●tudine tenebatur , unde donatus apparuit ? † de qua terrâ germinavit ? de quo mari emersit ? de quo coelo cecidit ? lib. . de bapt. cap. . * ipsi considerent ubi sint qui neque unde propagati sint , possunt dicere . sed nos in ecclesiae communione securi sumu● , per cujus universitatem ●d nun● agitur , quod & ante agripinum , & inter agripinum & cyprianum , per ejus universitatem similiter agebatur . ibid. * et cujus universitatem neque agripinus deseruit , neque cyprianus , neque illi qui iis consenserunt , quamvis aliter quàm caeteri saperent , sed cum iis ipsis à quibus diversa senserunt , in eadem unitatis communione manserunt . ibid. † quapropter si temporib●s cypriani perdidit ecclesia malorum communionem , non habent isti suae communionis origin●m . si autem non perdidit , non hab●nt praecisionis suae aliquam desensionem . ibid. lib. . co●tra donatista● de bapti●mo . * interim cum felic●ssimus comminatus sit non communicaturos in morte secum qui nobis obtemperassent , id est , qui nobis communicârint , accipiat sententiam quam prior dixit , ut abstentum se ● nobis sciat quisquis se inspirationi & factioni ejus se adjunxerit . sciat se in ecclesia nobiscum non esse communicaturum , qui sponte maluit ab ecclesia separari . cypr. ep. . quod nunc hi ecclesiam scindentes , & contra pacem atque unitat●m christi rebelles , cathedram sibi constituere , & primatum assumere , & baptizandi atque off●rendi licentiam vindicare conantur . idem ●p . . * concil . chal. ●ct . . can. . si quis epis●opus à 〈◊〉 deposi●us , 〈◊〉 pr●s●●ter , 〈◊〉 diaconus , 〈◊〉 omnino qui est sub regu●● ▪ à proprio episcopo , ausus suerit amplius aliquid sacri ministerii ge●●re , sive episcopus juxta superiorum consuetudinem , sive presbyter , sive diaconus , postea non liceat ei , ne in altera quidem synodo , spem restitutionis nec satisfactionis locum habere : sed & omnes qui ●i communicent , ●jiciantur ex ecclesiâ , & maxime si postqaam cognoverint sententiam in praedictos latam , iis communicate ausi fuerint . can. . de iis qui seipsos separant , si quis presbyter aut diaconus contemp●o proprio episco ●o , se ab ecclesiâ segregaverit , aut seorsim congregationem habuerit , & altare constituerit , si commonenti episcopo non acqu●everit , nec consentire vel obedire voluerit , semel & iterum , ac t●r●ium vocanti , is omnino deponatur , nec ultra remedium consequi , ●ec proprium honorem recipere possit : quod si perseveraverit tumultuari & ecclesiam perturbare , per potestatem externam tanquam seditiosus . corrigatur . these two can●ns were read and reported in the fourth 〈◊〉 of the council of chalcedon , in the process of those two monks caroze and dorothee , that had made a schism , and having joyned themsel●es to eutyches , did separate from the church , as luther and calvin , and thos● who have followed them , have separated themselves in these latter ages . e● . . * regula quidem fidei una omnino est , sola immobilis & irreformabilis , caetera jam disciplinae & conversationis adm●ttunt novitatem ▪ tertull . de virg. ●el . c. . lib. . adv●rsus marc. c. . and almost in his whole book of prescriptions . * non ago ut efficiar homini convitiando superior , sed errorem convincendo salubr●or . notes for div a -e see the oath in pontif. rom. see deu● . . from , to . ambro● . ●o . . de sa●ram . c. . fac nobis h●nc oblationem as●riptam , rationabilem , accept●bilem ▪ quod est figura corporis & s●nguinis domini nostri ●esu chr●sti 〈◊〉 pridie ●●am 〈…〉 the same prayer 〈◊〉 thus varied in the canon of the mass. quam oblationem tu deus in omnibus quaesumus benedictam , ascriptam , ratam , ration●bilem accep●abilemque facere digneris , ut nobis corpus & s●nguis fiat dilectissimi ●lii tui domini nostri jesu christi . lib. . ep. ● extravag . d● major . & obed . cap. . later . . c. . later . . cap. . const. s●ss , , , . tid . 〈◊〉 ●● . c. . an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants in sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton-court, may . / by william wake ... publish'd by his majesties special command. wake, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants in sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton-court, may . / by william wake ... publish'd by his majesties special command. wake, william, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for ric. chiswell ... and w. rogers ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants. sermons, english -- th century. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants . in a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton-covrt , may . . by william wake , chaplain in ordinary to their majesties , and preacher to the honourable society of grays-inn . publish'd by his majesties special command . london : printed for ric. chiswell , at the rose and crown in st. paul's church-yard : and w. rogers , at the sun over-against st. dunstan's church in fleetstreet . . rom . xv. , , . now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like-minded one towards another , according to christ jesus : that ye may with one mind , and one mouth , glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. wherefore receive ye one another , as christ also received us , to the glory of god. the words are part of that affectionate application , which the apostle here makes of his excellent discourse concerning the exercise of christian charity , in that great instance of condescention to the infirmities of our weaker brethren , in the foregoing chapter . the occasion of it was this : there were in those first times , many among the jews , who tho they were converted to the christian faith , yet still continued zealous for the law ; and not only carefully observed themselves all the rites and ceremonies of it , but would also by any means impose upon all others also , the observance of them . and how earnest they were upon this account , and how much they hated the gentile converts , upon whom the apostles did not think fit to lay any such burden , many passages both in the acts , and in st. paul's epistles , do sufficiently declare . but as in all other differences it seldom happens that the whole heat of the controversie rests only on one side ; so here , tho the jewish converts were both the first beginners of this dispute , and the more zealous pursuers of it , yet neither were the gentile christians utterly without fault in it ; but so far stood fast in that liberty , wherewith christ had made them free , as not only to despise the weakness and ignorance of the others , but to be ready almost , even to cut them off from their communion . i need not say how dangerous such a controversie as this might have proved , nor what a stop it might have put to the progress of christianity , in those first beginnings of the gospel . great were the difficulties which the apostles underwent on this occasion , whilst they endeavoured so to menage themselves between these two parties , as not only not to offend either , but , if it were possible , to bring them both to such a temper with one another , that neither the gentile convert might despise the weakness of his judaizing brother ; nor the jewish votary judge too severely of the liberty of the gentile christian. and this was the design of st. paul in the chapter before my text. where addressing himself , as indeed he seems to have done this whole epistle , to the gentile christians ; and whom , as having the truer notion of their christian liberty as to this matter , he therefore calls the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the strong in the faith : v. . he exhorts them in a most admirable discourse on this subject throughout that whole chapter , to bear the infirmities of the weak ; i. e. not to grieve nor despise them for their mistaken zeal , but by complying a little , and condescending to their infirmities , to endeavour , if it should please god , to draw them out of their error . let every one of us please his neighbour for his good to edification . and then concludes all in the words of the text , wherein we have , first , a hearty prayer to god almighty , that he would inspire them so effectually with a spirit of unity and charity , that notwithstanding all their differences , they might join unanimously , both jews and gentiles , not only in the same common worship of god , but with the same hearty affection to one another : now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like-minded one towards another , according to christ jesus ; that ye may with one mind and one mouth glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. and secondly , an exhortation , as the final result of his whole discourse , that they should with all charitable condescention and kindness receive , and love , and assist one another , and not despise , and censure , and deprive one another , either of their charity , or their communion ; wherefore receive ye one another , as christ also received us , to the glory of god. in which words , as they thus lie before us in the occasion and design of them , there are two things that will offer themselves to our consideration . first , an exhortation to these dissenting christians , and in them to all of us , not to break either charity or communion with one another , upon the account of such things wherein we may securely differ ; but mutually to bear with one another in our differences . secondly , an enforcement of this exhortation , from two of the greatest considerations that can possibly engage any christian to an observance of it ; viz. first , from the example of christ towards us . secondly , from the greater glory that will hereby redound to god. wherefore receive ye one another , as christ also received us , to the glory of god. i shall make it my endeavour with all the plainess that i can , to pursue both the exhortation and the enforcement in the three following propositions . i. that there may be differences in matters of lesser moment , between very good and zealous christians , without any just reflection either upon the men , or upon their religion . ii. that these differences ought not to hinder such persons from agreeing together , not only in a common charity , but , if it be possible , in a common worship of god too . iii. that to this end it is the duty of all christians , but especially of those who are the strong in faith , not only to pray for such a union , but , as they have opportunity , heartily to labour themselves , and earnestly to stir up all others , to endeavour after it . and first ; that there may be differences in matters of lesser moment between very good and zealous christians , without any just reflection upon the men , or upon their religion . for proof of which , i think i need go no farther than the very history of my text. i have already said how great a division there was between the jewish and the gentile converts , about the ritual observances of the law of moses , and with what a zeal the dissenting parties managed the dispute , till they had almost lost their charity , and made a deplorable schism in the church of christ. and yet i am confident no man will say that this was at all derogatory either to the truth of their common christianity , or to the infallible authority with which the apostles had deliver'd it unto them . and for the parties themselves that thus differ'd with one another , that they had a true zeal on both sides for the glory of god , and thought it matter of conscience , the one to observe these ceremonial institutions as what god still required of them ; the other to refuse any such imposition , as not only a needless burden , but even repugnant to the grace of christ declared to them in his gospel ; st. paul , in the prosecution of this very argument , does clearly bear witness to them , ch. xiv . . where he makes use of this very thing as one reason why they should mutually tolerate one another in their dissentions ; viz. that however they differ'd in their notions as to these particulars , yet they were both perfectly agreed in the same common zeal for the glory of god , and the discharge of their duty . he that regardeth the day , regardeth it unto the lord ; and he that regardeth not the day , to the lord he doth not regard it . he that eateth , eateth to the lord , for he giveth god thanks ; and he that eateth not , to the lord he eateth not , and giveth god thanks . and indeed , either we must say , that all , even the least points , relating to our religion , are so clearly and plainly revealed , that no honest man can possibly be mistaken if he will but impartially enquire into them ; which from the diffe●●nces of whole parties concerning these things , 't is plain they are not : or else mens different capacities , and opportunities , and tempers , and education consider'd , 't is in vain to expect that all good men should agree in all their notions of religion , any more than we see they do in any other concerns whatsoever . and who am i that i should dare to pronounce a sentence of reprobation against any one , in whom there appear all the other characters of an humble , upright , sincere christian , only because he has not perhaps met with the same instruction , or read the same books , or do's not argue the same way ; in a word , because he is not so wise , or it may be , is wiser than i am , and sees farther than i do , and therefore is not exactly of my opinion in every thing ? now if this be so , as both the principles of reason conclude it very well may be , and the common experience of mankind , not only in the particular concern of religion , but in most other things assures us that it is : that mens understandings are different , and they will argue different ways , and entertain different opinions from one another , about the same things , and yet may nevertheless deserve on all sides , to be esteemed very good and wise men for all that : how vain then must that argument be , which a late author of the church of rome , has with so much pomp revived against us , from our differences in a few lesser points of our religion , to conclude us to be erroneous in the greater ; and that because we are not exactly of the same opinion in every thing , that therefore we ought to be credited in nothing ; that is to say , that because protestants when they differ , are mistaken on one side , therefore when they agree , they are mistaken on both ? st . it is certain that amidst all our other divisions , we are yet on all sides agreed in whatsoever is fundamental in the faith , or necessary to be believed and professed by us in order to our salvation . there is no good protestant , but what does firmly believe all the articles of the apostles creed ; and embraces the holy scriptures as the word of god , and rule of his faith , and readily acknowledges whatsoever is plainly revealed therein , and is at all times disposed to submit to any thing that can by any necessary and certain consequence be proved to him thereby . in short , our differences , whatsoever they are , i will be bold to say they do no more , nor even so much concern the foundations of christianity , as those of the judaizing christians here did . if their differing therefore with one another , was no prejudice to the truth of their common christianity then , i would fain know for what reason our differences , which are lesser , shall become so much a greater argument against our common christianity now . but , dly , if our differing from one another in some points , be an argument that we are not certain in any ; how shall we be sure that those of the church of rome are not altogether as uncertain as we are ; seeing we are sure that they do no less differ among themselves , and that in points too , much more considerable than we do ? for to take only one instance instead of many , and that so considerable , that card. bellarmin once thought the sum of christianity , he meant the sum of popery , to consist in it , viz. the prerogatives of the bishop of rome , both in and over the church of christ. some there are who hold the pope to be head of the church , by divine right : others the contrary . * some , that he is infallible : others , that he is not . * some , that the pope alone , without a council , may determine all controversies : others , that he cannot . now if in these , and many other points of no less importance , they themselves are as far from agreeing with one another , as they can possibly pretend us to be ; what shall hinder us , but that we return their own inference upon them , that seeing they differ among themselves in such things as these , they are so far from that absolute infallibility they set up for , that in truth they have not so much as any certainty among them , even in those points wherein they do agree . is it that in their church , tho there be indeed as many differences as in ours , yet this makes not against them , seeing they have a certain rule , whenever they please , for the composing of them , viz. the definition of the pope , and of the church ? this , indeed , i find is commonly said by them : but then certainly , if they have such a ready means , as they say , of agreement among them , 't is the more shame for them , that they do not agree ; he being much more inexcusably guilty in the omission of any duty , who having a ready means to fulfil it , neglects so to do , than he who has none , or ( which is the same thing ) does not know that he has any . but indeed they have no means of ending their differences , any more than we have ; the holy scriptures we both of us acknowledg to be the word of god , and an infallible rule of faith ; but for any other direction , they are not yet agreed where to seek it : and sure that can be no very good means of ending all their other differences , which is its self one of their chiefest controversies . or is it , that they agree in matters of faith , and differ only in those things that do not belong to it ? because if they differ about any point , they for that very reason , conclude it to be no matter of faith. but besides the impertinence of this answer , which amounts to no more than this , that they do agree in what they do agree , and differ only in those things in which they differ : this is what we say for our selves concerning our differences ; we agree in all those things that are necessary to a sound and saving faith ; and if we differ in matters of lesser moment , 't is no more than what all other christians have ever done , and what those of the church of rome its self at this day do . so that still it must remain , either that those differences which were among the christians of old , and which are among us now , are no prejudice at all to the common truth which we profess ; or if they be , the consequence will fall upon those of the church of rome no less , that i do not say , and more severely , than upon us , and be of the same force against their religion , that it can be against ours . but i must carry this reflection a great deal farther ; for , dly . if once this principle be allowed , that because men differ in some things , they ought not to be credited in any , what then will become , not only of the protestant religion , as it now stands in opposition to popery , but even of christianity its self ? for might not a turk or a jew , if he were minded to give himself so much trouble to so little purpose as this late author has done , draw out a large history of the variations of christians among themselves , from the controversie of the text , unto this day ; and then by the very same principle conclude against us all , that we have none of us any certain grounds for our religion , because the differences that are among us , plainly shew , that some of us must be deceived ? and to go yet one step farther ; might not a sceptick by the same rule , argue against all religion , and even against all reason too ; that the disagreement of mankind in these and many other points of the greatest importance , plainly shews there is no certainty in any thing ; and therefore that we ought not to rely either upon the one , or upon the other ? it remains therefore , that unless we will overthrow all the measures of christian charity towards our neighbour , and the common truth , i do not say both of their faith and of our own , but even of christianity its self , nay and of all religion and reason in general ; we must conclude , that good christians may differ from one another in matters of lesser moment , without any just reflection either upon themselves or their religion . but here therefore i must desire not to be misunderstood . for when i say , that christians may , without any danger to themselves , or disparagement to the truth of their religion , differ with one another ; i mean only ( as the terms of my proposition expresly shew ) in lesser matters ; such as do not concern the fundamentals of faith , nor destroy the worship of god ; nor are otherwise so clearly revealed , but that wise and good men , after all their enquiries , may still continue to differ in their opinions concerning them . for otherwise , if interest and prejudice blind mens eyes , and they err because they resolve they will not be convinced ; and so by their own fault continue in mistakes contrary to the foundation of faith , and destructive of piety : if , for instance , men will profess to believe but in one god , and yet worship thousands ; if they will read ov●r the second commandment , and nevertheless both make and bow down before graven images in despite of it ; if , whilst ▪ they acknowledge christ to have instituted the blessed eucharist in both kinds , they command it to be administred but in one ; and pray in an unknown tongue , tho st paul has spent almost a whole chapter to shew the folly and unreasonableness of it : these are errors in which i am not concerned ; and tho i should be unwilling , even here , at all adventures to pronounce any sentence against the men ; yet i must needs say , that religion cannot be very sound , which stands corrupted with so many , and such fundamental abuses . and this makes the difference between those errors for which we separate from the church of rome , and those controversies which sometimes arise among protestants themselves . the former are in matters of the greatest consequence , such as tend directly to destroy the integrity of faith , and the purity of our worship ; and therefore such as are in their own nature destructive of the very essentials of christianity . whereas our differences do not at all concern the foundations either of faith or worship ; and are therefore such in which good men , if they be otherwise diligent and sincere in their enquiry , may differ , without any prejudice to themselves , or any just reflection upon the truth of their common profession . which being thus clear'd , in answer to the little endeavours of one of the latest of our adversaries against us upon this account ; i go on , secondly , to shew , ii. that such differences as these , ought not to hinder such persons from agreeing together , not only in a common charity , but , if it be possible , in a common worship of god too . this is what st. paul here expresly exhorts these dissenting christians to , and earnestly prays to god that he might see accomplished in them . that when they came together to the publick offices of the church , to offer up their common prayers and thanksgivings to him , they might do it , not only in the same form of words , but with the same affection of mind too , both towards god , and towards one another : now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like-minded one towards another , according to christ jesus ; that ye may with one mind and one mouth glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. such was their duty to one another then ; and we ought certainly no less to esteem the same to be our duty towards one another now : and first , as to the business of charity ; god forbid that any differences in religion whatsoever , much less such little ones as those we are now speaking of , should ever make us deny that to our fellow christians . 't is true indeed , our saviour christ once foretold to his disciples , that there should rise up men from among their brethren , who should upon this account not only put them out of their synagogues , but even think that it was a matter of religion to kill them . but they were jews , not christians , who were to do this ; and he expresly adds , that 't was their ignorance of him and his religion that should carry them on to so furious and intemperate a zeal ; for these things , says he , shall they do unto you , because they have not known the father nor me. and we must confess it , to the scandal of our holy religion , that there are a sort of men who call themselves christians now , that still continue to fulfil this prophecy in the very letter of it ; who not only cast us out of their synagogues , that we should not much complain of ; and , as far as in them lies , cut us off from all the hopes of salvation too ; but , to compleat the parallel , openly arm the whole world against us , and teach men to believe , that 't is a work of piety to root us out of it ; and therefore , that whosoever killeth us , does do god service . but in this , as well as in the rest of their errors , they give us but the more effectually to understand how little they have in them of the true spirit of christianity ; for sure such things as these they could never do , but only that , as our saviour in that other case before said , they have not known the father nor him. and i hope i shall need no argument to perswade you not to be misled by that which we all of us so justly lament , as one of the most deplorable corruptions even of popery it self . christianity commands us to love our enemies ; and sure then we cannot but think it very highly reasonable not to hate our brethren ; but especially on such an account , as , if it be once admitted , will in this divided state of the church , utterly drive the very name of brotherly love and charity out of it : seeing by whatever arguments we shall go about to justifie our uncharitableness to any others , they will all equally warrant them to with hold in like manner their charity from us . there is no honest , sincere christian , how erroneous soever he may be , but what at least is perswaded that he is in the right ; and looks upon us to be as far from the truth by differing from him , as we esteem him for not agreeing with us . now if upon the sole account of such differences it be lawful for us to hate another ; we must for the very same reason allow it to be as lawful for him also to hate us. thus shall we at once invert the characteristick of our religion ; by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples , if ye have love one to another ; and turn it into the quite contrary note ; whilst we make our hatred to our brother the great mark of our zeal for our religion ; and conclude him to love christ the most , who the least loves his fellow christian. how much rather ought we to consider , with our apostle , the love of our dear master to us , even whilst we were yet his enemies , and love those whom we ought to hope , notwithstanding all their errors , are yet still his friends ; and not think those unworthy of our charity , whom we piously presume god will not think unworthy of his favour ? we suppose them to be mistaken in those things wherein they differ from us , and perhaps they are so ; but yet we must consider , that we our selves also are but men , and therefore may err ; and they as verily think us in the wrong , as we do them : and , for ought i know , we must leave it to the day of judgment to decide the controversie , which of us is in the right . in the mean time , if they are mistaken , i am sure our uncharitableness is not the way to convince them of their error : but may rather indispose them to consider the weight of our arguments as they ought , whilst they see so little regard in our affections towards them . in short , if we are indeed , what we esteem our selves to be , the strong in the faith , let us then remember , that tho charity be their duty too as well as ours , yet 't is to such as we are , especially , that st. paul addresses the exhortation of the text , to bear the infirmities of the weak ; and to receive one another , as christ also hath received us , to the glory of god. but , . such differences as these , ought not only not to lessen our charity , but , if it be possible , not to hinder us from joining together in the same common worship of god with one another . this was what these dissenting christians , notwithstanding all their heats and contentions , nevertheless still continued to do . they did with one mouth glorifie god , even when their differences would not suffer them to do it with one heart . they united together in a common worship of god , tho they could not unite either in opinion or affection with one another . indeed where mens errors are such as utterly do subvert the very essentials of our religious worship , it is then in vain to hope for any communion in the publick service of god with them . we must not destroy the principles of christianity , out of a zeal to enlarge the communion of christians . he would be a very condescending votary indeed , who for the sake of praying to god with the papist , would pray to the blessed virgin and saints too with him : who rather than be excluded their churches , would bow down before their images ; and not only worship their host , but even give up his right to the cup in the eucharist , only that he might receive that holy sacrament in their company . it is , no doubt , a very desirable thing to lessen the differences of christians , and enlarge their communion , as far as ever we can : and it has never gone well with the church of christ , since men have been so narrow spirited as to mix the controversies of faith , with their publick forms of worship ; and have made their liturgies , instead of being offices of devotion to god , become tests and censures of the opinions of their brethren . but yet when all is done , the truths of christianity must not be sacrificed to the peace of christians ; nor the honour of god be given up , to keep up a unity and communion with one another . but where mens differences are in points that do not at all affect their religious service ; or not so much , but that god may be very well worshipp'd , and yet communion with our fellow christians preserved too ; in such cases as this , our dissentions ought not only not to lessen our charity , but not to break our unity neither : we may continue to differ , as the christians in my text did ; and yet with one mind , and one mouth , glorifie god , as st. paul exhorted them to do . and this brings me to the third and last point . iii. that to this end , it is the duty of all of us , but especially of the stronger christians , not only to pray for such a union , but also , as they have opportunity , heartily to labour themselves , and earnestly to stir up all others to endeavour after it . i do not believe there is any good christian so little affected with those unhappy divisions under which the church at this day labours , as not both heartily to deplore them , and to think that nothing could be too much , that might innocently be done on all hands , for the redressing of them . but then i am sure the natural consequence of this must be , what both my text , and this discourse are designed to exhort you to ; viz. that we ought every one of us , not only heartily to pray for such a union , but also , as we have opportunity , earnestly to labour for the attainment of it . indeed for what concerns the whole body of the catholick church on earth , so many are the disputes that have arisen among the several parties and communions of it , and some of them in points so near to the foundations of christianity , that whilst men resolve to keep fast to their conclusions , and will not suffer the plainest arguments to convince them of their errors , 't is in vain to hope ever to see things brought to such a temper , as we could wish in that . but especially whilst that part which is the most corrupt , is so far from being willing to concur to any such union , that on the contrary , she has cut off all possibility of attaining it . and by arrogating an unwarrantable infallibility to her self , and authority over all others , will neither reform her own abuses , nor admit any into her communion , that will not profess the same errors , in which she her self stands involved . so that here , all we can even wish for , is , that men would at last be so wise , as tho they differ in opinion , yet to love as brethren , and agree together in a common charity , till we shall be so happy as to unite in a common faith and worship of god. but for us whom it has pleased god , by delivering us from the errors and superstitions of the church of rome , to unite together in the common name of protestant , reformed christians , would we but as heartily labour after peace , as we are all of us very highly exhorted to it ; i cannot see why we who are so happily join'd together in a common profession of the same faith , at least , i am sure in all the necessary points of it ; and i hope amidst all our lesser differences , in a common love and charity to one another , should not also be united in the same common worship of god too . i will not now enter into any dispute , to shew how little reason there is for any one to separate from the offices of the church of england , upon the account of those few exceptions that have sometimes been offer'd to justifie the doing of it . this is a work both too large for such a discourse ; and besides the design of my present undertaking . and that one concession of many of our brethren themselves , who tho they continue ordinarily to separate from us , yet nevertheless freely allow of what they call occasional communion with us , i think sufficiently shews how little real ground there is for those scruples , that have so long detain'd them in an unjust aversion to our worship . blessed be god , who has abundantly justified both the purity of our doctrine , and the innocency of our worship , not only by the general approbation of the reform'd churches abroad , who both freely communicate with us in our religious offices , and have often given testimony in favour of them ; but in the happy conviction of many at home , who were once enemies to our constitution , but who now go with us into the same house of god as friends . and indeed the things for which some forsake us now , are no other than what they were in the beginning of the reformation ; when yet there was no such thing as separation from our communion : but on the contrary , the old non-conformists themselves , tho they disliked some things in our worship , yet freely declared they thought it a crime to divide the church upon the account of them . and they who at this day separate from us , for the sake of those few constitutions that have been made for the order and decency of our publick worship , must for the same reason have separated from all the churches of the christian world , for above years ; in none of which they might not have found as great , that i do not say , and much greater , occasion of offence , than they can in ours . but yet , since mens scruples are unaccountable , and after all that can be said , they will still differ even about indifferent things , and be afraid many times , where no fear is ; and a too long experience has already shewn us , that if ever we mean to accomplish that union so much recommended to us by our apostle , so advantageous to the church at all times , but especially at this time so necessary to our peace and our establishment , that it seems to be the only way that yet remains to settle and to secure us ; and upon all these accounts so much to be desired by all good men , we must seek it by that rule which st. paul here proposed to the dissenting christians of my text , we then that are strong in the faith , ought to bear the infirmities of the weak , and not to please our selves . i cannot but think it a reflection becoming every good christian among us , but in a more especial manner , worthy the consideration of such an auditory as this , whether somewhat may not yet be done for the sake of peace , and to bring things to such a * temper , that both order and decency may still be preserved , and yet our unity no longer broken . and for exhortations to so good and christian a work , shall i set before you the example of our blessed saviour recommended to us in the text , with what a mighty condescention he has treated us ; how he came down from heaven , and took upon him the form of a servant , and being made in the likeness of a sinful man , humbled himself even to the death upon the cross for us ; how he still bears not only with our infirmities , but with our sins too ; and by all these wonderful instances of his love to us , teaches us , says st. john , how we ought also to love one another ? or rather , shall i shew you , how far such a blessed union as this , would conduce to the glory of god , to the security of our religion , and to the promotion of peace , and charity , and piety among us ? i need not say what a dishonour our divisions have already brought to the reformation , nor what a stop they have put to the progress of it . great , to be sure , is the advantage which our enemies either have , or at least hoped to have made , by those contests which they have taken so much pains both to bring in , and to keep up among us : and methinks there should need no other argument to stir up every true friend to the name of protestant , to endeavour all he can to compose our differences , than this one thing , that we are sufficiently convinced who they are that we please , and whose interests we serve , by the continuance of them . let us add to this , what great obligations our holy religion lays upon us , to follow after those things that make for peace , and whereby we may edifie one another : how our saviour has set it down as the very badge of our discipleship ; by this shall all men know that ye are my disciples , if ye have love one to another : what exhortations his apostles have given us ; if it be possible , as much as in us lies , to live peaceably with all men . but especially with reference to the differences about religion , to mark them which cause divisions and offences , contrary to the doctrine which we have learnt , and avoid them . with what a scrupulous care did st. paul manage himself between the dissenting parties in my text ? what admirable rules did he lay down for them to walk by ? and with what an affectionate earnestness did he enforce them ? if there be any consolation in christ , if any comfort of love , if any fellowship of the spirit , if any bowels and mercies , fulfil ye my joy , that ye be like-minded , having the same love , being of one accord , of one mind . and may i not beg leave , tho not with the authority , yet with the charity of st. paul , to apply all this to those unhappy divisions that at this day rend in pieces the church of christ among us ; and beseech you , by all these endearing considerations , to pursue those things which may make for our peace ; and for the closing of those breaches , which the malice of our enemies too successfully begun , and our own weaknesse has too fatally kept up among us . never , certainly , was there a time , since our divisions first began , in which we had greater reason to consider of such a union , or , i hope , a fairer opportunity to promise our selves an accomplishment of it . only let us all be as careful to improve it , as i am perswaded we have all of us not only seem'd to desire , but have indeed earnestly long'd for it . let us shew the sense we have of that wonderful deliverance god has given us out of the hand of our enemies , by uniting our selves in the strictest league of friendship with one another . hitherto we have defended our church by our arguments ; let us now by our charity settle and establish it , against the like dangers for the time to come . this will indeed render both our selves and our religion glorious to the world ; and may be a happy augury that the blessed time so long wrapped up in sacred prophecy , is indeed now ready to be revealed : when the church of christ being purged from those corruptions that have so long defaced its beauty , shall again appear in its primitive purity . when all heresie and schism being every where abolished , and the mystery of iniquity laid fully open , and the man of sin destroy'd ; true religion and sincere piety shall again reign throughout the world ; god himself shall pitch his tabernacle among us , and dwell with us , and we shall be his people , and he shall be our god. o blessed state of the church militant here on earth ! the glorious antipast of that peace and piety which god has prepared for his church triumphant in heaven ! who would not wish to see those days , when a general reformation , and a true zeal , and a perfect charity , passing through the world , we should all be united in the same faith , the same worship , the same communion and fellowship one with another ? when all pride and prejudice , all interests and designs being submitted to the honour of god , and the discharge of our duty , the holy scriptures shall again triumph over the vain traditions of men ; and religion no longer take its denomination from little sects and factions , but we shall all be content with the same common primitive names of christians and brethren , and live together as becomes our character , in brotherly love and christian charity with one another ? and who can tell but such a change as this , and which we have otherwise some reason to believe is nigh at hand , may even now break forth from the midst of us , would we but all seriously labour to perfect the great work which the providence of god has so gloriously begun amongst us , and establish that love and unity among our selves , which may afterwards diffuse it self from us into all the other parts of the christian world besides ? but however , whether we shall ever see , i do not say , such a blessed effect as this , but even any good effect at all of our endeavours here on earth , or no ; yet this we are sure , we shall not lose our reward in heaven . when to have contributed , tho in the least degree , to the healing of those divisions we so unhappily labour under , shall be esteemed a greater honour , than to have silenced all the cavils of our enemies ; and even to have pray'd , and wish'd for it , and , where we could not any otherwise have contributed our selves , but to have exhorted others to it , shall be rewarded with blessings , more than all the stars in the firmament ; for number . now the god of patience and consolation , grant you to be like-minded one towards another , according to christ jesus : that ye may with one mind , and one mouth , glorifie god , even the father of our lord jesus christ. to him be honour and praise for ever and ever . amen . finis . books published by the reverend mr. wa●● . printed for richard chiswell . an exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , in the several articles proposed by the late bishop of condom , [ in his exposition of the doctrine of the catholick church . ] o. a defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against the exceptions of mons. de meaux , late b of condom , and his vindicator . a second defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against the new exceptions of monsieur de meaux , late bishop of condom , and his vindicator . the first part : in which the account that has been given of the bishop of meaux's exposition , is fully vindicated , the distinction of old and new popery , historically asserted , and the doctrine of the church of rome , in point of image worship , more particularly considered . second defence of the exposition of the doctrine of the church of england , against monsieur de meaux and his vindicator , the second part . a discourse of the holy eucharist , in the two great points of the real presence , and the adoration of the host : in answer to the two discourses lately printed at oxford , on this subject . to which is prefixed a large historical p●eface , relating to the same argument . two discourses of purgatory and prayers for the dead . o. a continuation of the controversie between the church of england and the church of rome , being a full account of the books that have been of late written on both sides . an historical treatise of transubstantiation written by an author of the communion of the church of rome ; rendred into english. with a preface preparation for death ; being a letter sent to a young gentlewoman in france , in a distemper of which she died . printed for william rogers . a discourse concerning the nature of idolatry ; in which a late author ( viz the bp. of oxford's ) true and only notion of idolatry , is considered and confuted . o. the sum of a conference between dr. clagett and f. p. gooden , ab●ut transubstantiation . publish'd by this author . and to be added to dr. clagett's sermons now in the press , which will be publish'd this term. printed for richard chiswell , and william r●gers . an exhortation to mutual charity and union among protestants . in a sermon preach'd before the king and queen at hampton court , may . in the press , a sermon preach'd before the honou●ab●e house of commons , at st. margaret's westminster , june . . being the fa●t day appointed by the king and queens proclamation , to implore the blessing of almighty god upon their m●jesties forces by sea and land , and success in the war now declared against the french king. other tracts by the same avthor . a sermon preached at paris , on the th of january , s. v. / . the present state of the controversie . sure and honest means for conversion of all hereticks ; and wholsom advice and expedients for the reformation of the church . translated , and published with a preface . a letter from several french ministers fled into germany , upon the account of the persecution in france , to such of their brethren in england , as approved the king's declaration touching liberty of conscience . translated from the original french. notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e see ch . xiv . . acts xv . . — xxi . . acts xv . , — . gal. v. . &c. gal. v. . rom. xi . , &c. rom. xv . . ibid. verse . see theoderet , chrysost. theophylact , &c. in loc . prop. . acts xv . . gal. v. . rom. xiv . . h●st●ire des variations des eglises protestantes : par mr. l' evesque de meaux . the design of which , may be seen in the summary of his preface — les variations dans la foy preuve certaine de fausset é. — charactere des heresies d'estre variables . — ce charactere reconnu dans tous les ages de l' eglise . — charactere d'immutabilitè dans lay foy de l' eglise catholique . — que les variations de l' un des partis ( de protestans ) est une preuve contre l' autre , &c. praef. ad lib. de summ. p. t. . p. . ingoldstad . a. . bellarm to . . p. . de not. eccl. a. see mr. chillingworth , p. , . bellarm. ib. p. . b. prop. . john c. xvi . . — verse . joh. . . verse . — . prop. . rom. xv . . * see the petition of the archbishop and bishops to king james , for which they were committed to the tower. phil. ii . , . joh. iv . . rom. xiv . . joh. xiii . . rom. xii . . rom. xvi . . phil. ii . — . — . rev. xxi . . the french king's decree against protestants, prohibiting them the exercise of their religion, &c. to which is added a brief and true account of the cruel persecution and inhumane oppressions of those of the reformed religion to make them abjure and apostatize : together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to, and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburgh ... : also a letter from father la chese ... to father petre ... / newly translated from the french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the french king's decree against protestants, prohibiting them the exercise of their religion, &c. to which is added a brief and true account of the cruel persecution and inhumane oppressions of those of the reformed religion to make them abjure and apostatize : together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to, and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburgh ... : also a letter from father la chese ... to father petre ... / newly translated from the french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. friedrich wilhelm, elector of brandenburg, - . la chaise, françois d'aix de, - . louis xiv, king of france, - . p. printed for the author and sold by the booksellers of london and westminster, london : . revocation of the edict of nantes, dated october , . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry -- iv, -- king of france, - . france. -- edit de nantes. protestants -- france -- early works to . freedom of religion -- france -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the french king's decree against protestants , prohibiting them the exercise of their religion , &c. to which is added a brief and true account of the cruel persecvtion and inhumane oppressions of those of the reformed religion , to make them abjure and apostatize . together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to . and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburgh in favour of those of the reformed religion , who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions . also a letter from father la chese , confessor to the french king , to father petre , jesuit and great almoner to the king of england , upon the method or rule he must observe with his majesty , for the conversion of his protestant subjects in england , &c. newly translated from the french. licensed , january . / . london , printed for the author , and sold by the booksellers of london and westminster , . a decree of the king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom , wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry iv , his grandfather , given at nantes , full of most gracious concessions to protestants . lewes , by the grace of god , king of france and of navarre , to all present and to come , greeting . king henry the great , our grand-father of glorious memory , desiring to prevent , that the peace which he had procured for his subjects , after the great losses they had sustained , by the long continuance of civil and foreign wars , might not be disturbed by occasion of the pretended reformed religion , as it had been during the reign of the kings , his predecessors ; had , by his edict given at nantes , in the month of april , . regulated the conduct which was to be observed , with respect to those of the said religion , the places where they might publickly exercise the same , appointed extraordinary judges to administer justice to them : and lastly , also by several distinct articles , provided for every thing , which he judged needful for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in his kingdom , and to diminish the aversion which was between those of the one and other religion : and this , to the end that he might be in a better condition for the taking some effectual course ( which he was resolved to do ) to re-unite those again to the church , who upon so slight occasions had withdrawn themselves from it . and forasmuch as this intention of the king , our said grand-father , could not be effected , by reason of his sudden and precipitated death ; and that the execution of the foresaid edict was interrupted during the minority of the late king , our most honored lord and father , of glorious memory , by reason of some new enterprizes of those of the pretended reformed religion , whereby they gave occasion for their being deprived of several advantages , which had been granted to them , by the aforesaid edict : notwithstanding , the king , our said late lord and father , according to his wonted clemency , granted them another edict at nismes , in the month of july , by means of which the peace and quiet of the kingdom being now again re established , the said late king , being animated with the same spirit and zeal for religion , as the king our said grand-father was , resolved to make good use of this tranquility , by endeavouring to put this pious design in execution : but wars abroad , coming on a few years after , so that from the year . to the truce which was concluded with the princes of europe , in . the kingdom having been only for some short intervals altogether free from troubles , it was not possible to do any other thing for the advantage of religion , save only to diminish the number of places permitted for the exercise of the pretended reformed religion , as well by the interdiction of those which were found erected , in prejudice to the disposal made in the said edict , as by suppressing the mixt chambers of judicature , which were composed of an equal number of papists and protestants ; the erecting of which was only done by provision , and to serve the present exigency . whereas therefore , at length , it hath pleased god to grant , that our subjects enjoying a perfect peace , and we our selves being no longer taken up with the cares of protecting them against our enemies , are now in a condition to make good use of the said truce , which we have on purpose facilitated , in order to the applying our selves entirely to the searching out of means , which might successfully effect and accomplish the design of the kings , our said grand-father and father , and which also hath been * our intention ever since we came to the crown ; we see at present , ( not without a just acknowledgment of what we owe to god on that account ) that our endeavours have attained the end we propos'd to our selves for as much as the greater and better part of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , have already embraced the catholick ; and since by means thereof the execution of the edict of nantes , and of all other ordinances in favour of the said pretended reformed religion , is become useless , we judge that we can do nothing better towards the entire effacing of the memory of those troubles confusions , and mischief , which the progress of that false religion have been the cause of in our kingdom , and which have given occasion to the said edict , and to so many other edicts and declarations which went before it , or were made since with reference thereto , than by a total revocation of the said edict of nantes , and the particular articles and concessions granted therein , and whatsoever else hath been enacted since , in favour of the said religion . i. we make known , that we , for these and other reasons usthereto moving , and of our certain knowledge , full power and authority royal , have by the present perpetual and irrevocable edict , suppressed and annulled , do suppress and annul the edict of the king , our said grand-father , given at nantes , in april . in its whole extent , together with the particular articles ratified may . next following , and letters patent granted thereupon ; as likewise the edict given at nismes , in july . declaring them null and void , as if they had never been enacted ; together with all the concessions granted in them , as well as other declarations , edicts and arrests , to those of the pretended reformed religion , of what nature soever they may be , which shall all continue as if they never had been . and in pursuance hereof , we will , and it is our pleasure , that all the churches of those of the pretended reformed religion , scituate in our kingdom , countries , lands , and dominions belonging to us , be forth with demolish'd . ii. we forbid our subjects of the pretended reformed religion , to assemble themselves , for time to come , in order to the exercise of their religion in any place or house , under what pretext soever , whether the said places have been granted by the crown , or permitted by the judges of particular places ; any arrests of our council , for authorizing and establishing of the said places for exercise , notwithstanding . iii. we likewise prohibit all lords , of what condition soever they may be , to have any publick exercise in their houses and fiess , of what quality soever the said fiess may be , upon penalty to all our said subjects , who shall have the said exercises performed in their houses or otherwise , of confiscation of body and goods . iv. we do strictly charge and command all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , who are not willing to be converted , and to embrace the catholick , apostolick and roman religion , to depart out of our kingdom and countries under our obedience , days after the publication hereof , so as not to continue there beyond the said term , or within the same , to preach , exhort , or perform any other ministerial function , upon pain of being sent to the galleys . v. our will and pleasure is , that those ministers who shall be converted , do continue to enjoy during their lives , and their widows after their decease , as long as they continue so , the same exemptions from payments and quartering of souldiers , which they did enjoy during the time of their exercise of the ministerial function . moreover , we will cause to be paid to the said ministers , during their lives , a pension , which by a third part shall exceed the appointed allowance to them as ministers ; the half of which pension shall be continued to their wives , after their decease , as long as they shall continue in the state of widow-hood . vi. and in case any of the said ministers shall be willing to become advocates , or to take the degree of doctors in law , we will and understand that they be dispensed with , as to the three years of study , which are prescribed by our declarations , as requisite , in order to the taking of the said degree ; and that , after they have pass'd the ordinary examinations , they be forthwith received as doctors , paying only the moiety of those dues , which are usually paid upon that account in every university . vii . we prohibit any particular schools for instructing the children of those of the pretended reformed religion ; and in general , all other things whatsoever , which may import a concession , of what kind soever , in favour of the said religion . viii . and as to the children which shall for the future be born of those of the said pretended reformed religion , our will and pleasure is , that henceforward they be baptized by the curates of our parishes ; strictly charging their respective fathers and mothers to take care they be sent to church in order thereto , upon forfeiture of livres , or more , as it shall happen futhermore , our will is , that the said children be afterwards educated and brought up in the catholick apostolick and roman religion , and give an express charge to all our justices , to take care the same be performed accordingly . ix . and for a mark of our clemency towards those of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , who have retired themselves out of our kingdom , countries and territories , before the publication of this our present edict , our will and meaning is , that in case they return thither again , within the time of four months , from the time of the publication hereof , they may , and it shall be lawful for them , to re-enter upon the possession of their goods and estates , and enjoy the same in like manner , as they might have done , in case they had always continued upon the place . and on the contrary , that the goods of all those , who within the said time of four months , shall not return into our kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , which they have forsaken , remain and be confiscated in pursuance of our declaration of the th . of august last . x. we most expresly and strictly forbid all our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , them , their wives or children , to depart out of our said kingdom , countries , territories under our obedience , or to transport thence their goods or effects , upon penalty of the gally , for men , and confiscation of body and goods for women . xi . our will and meaning is , that the declaration made against those who shall relapse , be executed upon them according to their form and tenor. ☞ moreover , those of the said pretended reformed religion , in the mean time , till it shall please god to enlighten them , as well as others , may abide in the several respective cities and places of our kingdoms , countries , and territories under our obedience , and there continue their commerce , and enjoy their goods and estates , without being any way molested upon account of the said pretended reformed religion ; upon condition nevertheless , as aforementioned , that they do not use any publick religious exercise , nor assemble themselves upon the account of prayer or worship of the said religion , of what kind soever the same may be , upon forfeiture above specified of body and goods . accordingly , we will and command our trusty and beloved counsellors , the people holding our courts of aids at paris , bayliffs , chief justices , provosts , and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their lieutenants , that they cause to be read , published , and registred , this our present edict in their courts and jurisdictions , even in vacation time , and the same keep punctually without contrevening or suffering the same to be contrevened ; for such is our will and pleasure . and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable , we have caused our seal to be put to the same . given at fountainbleau , in the month of october , in the year of grace , and of our reign the xliii . signed lewes . le tellier . visa . this signifies the lord chancellors perusal . sealed with the great seal of green-wax , upon a red and green string of silk . registred and published , the king's attorney general requiring it , in order to their being executed according to form and tenor ; and the copies being examined and compared , sent to the several courts of justice , bailywicks , and sheriffs courts of each district , to be there entred and registred in like manner ; and charge given to the deputies of the said attorney general , to take care to see the same executed , and put in force ; and to certifie the court thereof . at paris , in the court of vacations , the th , of october . signed de la baune . a letter of the french king to the elector of brandenburgh , sept. . . brother , i would not have discoursed the matter you write to me about , on the behalf of my subjects of the pretended reformed religion , with any other prince , besides your self : but to shew you the particular esteem i have for you , i shall begin with telling you , that some persons , disaffected to my service , have spread seditious pamphlets among strangers ; as if the acts and edicts that were pass'd ▪ in favour of my said subjects of the pretended reformed religion , by the kings my predecessors , and confirm'd by my self , were not kept and executed in my dominions ; which would have been contrary to my intentions : for i take care that they be maintained in all the priviledges , which have been granted them , and be as kindly us'd as my other subjects . to this i am engaged both by my royal word , and in acknowledgment of the proofs they have given me of their loyalty , during the late troubles , in which they took up arms for my service , and did vigorously oppose , and successfully overthrow the ill designs which a rebellious party were contriving within my own dominions , against my authority royal. i pray god , &c. brother , &c. a short account of the violent proceedings , and unheard of cruelties , which have been exercised upon those of montauban , and which continue to be put in practice in other places , against those of the reformed religion in france , for to make them renounce their religion . on saturday the / ●th of august , . the intendant of the upper guienne , who resides at montauban , having summoned the principal protestants of the said city to come before him , represented unto them , that they could not be ignorant , that the absolute will and pleasure of the king was , to tolerate but one religion in his kingdom , viz. the roman catholick religion ; and therefore wished them readily to comply with the same : and in order thereto , advised them to assemble themselves , and consider what resolution they would take . to this resolution some answer'd , that there was no need of their assembling themselves upon that account ; for a smuch as every one of them in particular , were to try and examine themselves , and be alwaies in a readiness to give a reason of the faith which was in them . the next day the intendant again commanded them to meet together in the town house , which , he ordered , should be left free for them from noon till six of the clock in the evening : where meeting accordingly , they unanimously resolved as they had lived , so to persist till death in their religion : which resolution of theirs there were some deputed by them to declare to the intendant ; who presenting themselves before him , he who was appointed spokesman , began to address himself to the intendant in these words : my lord , we are not unacquainted , how we are menaced with the greatest violence . — hold there , said the intendant ( interrupting him ) no violence . after this the protestant continued ; but whatever force or violence may be put upon us , — here the intendant interrupting him again , said , i forbid you to use any such words : upon which second interruption , he contented himself to assure him in few words , that they were all resolved to live and die in their religion . the day after , the battalion of la ferre , consisting of companies entred the city , and were followed by many more . the testants all this while dreaming of no other design they had against them , but that of ruining their estates , and impoverishing them , had already taken some measures how to bear the said tryal ; they had made a common purse , for the relief of such who should be most burthen'd with quartering ; and were come to a resolution to possess what they had in common : but , alas ! how far these poor souls were mistaken in their accounts , and how different the treatment they received from the dragoons was , from what they had expected , i shall now relate to you . first therefore , in order to their executing the design and project they had formed against them , they made the souldiers take up their quarters in one certain place of the city ; but withal , appointed several corp de guards to cut off the communication which one part of the city might have with the other , and possess'd themselves of the gates , that none might make their escape . things being thus ordered , the troopers souldiers and dragoons began to practise all manner of hostilities , and cruelties , wherewith the devil can inspire the most in human and reprobate minds : they mar●'d and defac'd their houshold ▪ stuff , broke their looking-glasses , and other like utensils and ornaments ; they let their wine run about their cellars , cast abroad and spoil'd their corn , and other alimentary provisions : and as for those things which they could not break and dash to pieces , as the furniture of beds , hangings , tapistry , linnen , wearing apparel , plate , and things of the like nature ; these they carried to the market-place , where the jesuits bought them of the souldiers , and encouraged roman catholicks to do the like . they did not stick to sell the very houses of such , who were most resolute and constant in their profession . it is supposed , according to a moderate calculation , that in the time of four or five daies , the protestants of that city were the poorer by a million of money , than they were before the entring of these missionaries . there were souldiers , who demanded four hundred crowns apiece of their hosts for spending-money ; and many protestants were forced to pay down ten pistols to each souldier , upon the some account . in the mean time , the outrages they committed upon their persons were most detestable and barbarous ; i shall only here set down some few , of which i have been particularly inform'd . a certain taylor called bearnois , was bound and drag'd by the souldiers to the corp de guard , where they boxed and buffetted him all night , all which blows and indignities he suffered with the greatest constancy imaginable . the troopers who quartered with monsieur solignac made his dining room a stable for their horses , tho the furniture of it was valued at livres , and forc'd him to turn the broach till his arm was near burnt , by their continual casting of wood upon the fire . a passenger as he went through the said city saw some souldiers beating a poor man even to death , for to force him to go to mass , whilst the constant martyr to his last breath , cryed , he would never do it , and only requested they would dispatch and make an end of him . the barons of caussade and de la motte , whose constancy and piety might have inspired courage and resolution to the rest of the citizens , were sent away to cahors . monsieur d' alliez , one of the prime gentlemen of montanban , being a venerable old man , found so ill ▪ treatment at their hands , as it 's thought he will scarcely escape with life . monsieur ▪ de garrison , who was one of the most considerable men of that city , and an intimate friend of the intendant , went and cast himself at his feet , imploring his protection , and conjuring him to rid him of his souldiers , that he might have no force put upon his conscience ; adding , that in recompence of the favour he beg'd of him , he would willingly give him all he had , which was to the value of about a million of livres ; but by all his entreaties and proffers , he could not in the least prevail with the intendant ; who gave order , that for a terror to the meaner sort , he should be worse used than the rest , by dragging him along the streets . the method they most commonly made use of , for to make them abjure their religion , and which could not be the product of any thing but hell , was this ; some of the most strong and vigorous souldiers , took their hosts , or other persons of the house , and walk'd them up and down in some chamber , continually tickling them and tossing them like a ball from one to another , without giving them the least intermission , and keeping them in this condition for three daies and nights together , without meat , drink , or sleep : when they were so wearied and fainting , that they could no longer stand upon their legs , they laid them on a bed , continuing as before to tickle and torment them ; after some time , when they thought them somewhat recovered , they made them rise , and walked them up and down as before , sometimes tickling , and other times lashing them with rods , to keep them from sleeping . as soon as one party of these barbarous tormenters were tyred and wearied out , they were relieved by others of their companions , who coming fresh to the work , with greater vigour and violence reiterated the same course . by this infernal invention ( which they had formerly made use of , with success ; in bearn and other places many went dictracted , and others became mopish and stupid , and remain so . those who made their escape , were fain to abandon their estates , yea , their wives , children , and aged relations , to the mercy of these barbarous , and more than savage troops . the same cruelties were acted at negreplisse , a city near to montauban ; where these bloody emissaries committed unparallel'd outrages . isaac favin , a citizen of that place , was hung up by his arm-pits , and tormented a whole night , by pinching and tearing off his flesh with pincers ; though by all this they were not able to shake his constancy in the least . the wife of one rouffion , a joyner , being violently dragg'd by the souldiers along the streets , for to force her to hear mass , dyed of this cruel and inhumane treatment , as soon as she reach'd the church porch . amongst other their devilish inventions , this was one : they made a great fire round about a boy of about ten years of age ; who continually , with hands and eyes lifted up to heaven , cryed , my god , help me ; and when they saw the lad resolved to dye so , rather than renounce his religion , they snatch'd him from the fire , when he was at the very point of being burnt . the cities of caussade , realville , st. anthonin , and other towns and places in the upper guinne , met with the same entertainment , as well as bergerac , and many other places of perigord , and of the lower guinne ; which had a like share of these cruel and inhumane usages . the forementioned troops marched at last to castres , to commit the same insolencies and barbarities there also : and it is not to be doubted , but that they will continue , and carry on the same course of cruelties , where ever they go ; if god , in pity and compassion to his people , do not restrain them . it is to be feared , ( for it seems but too probable ) that this dreadful persecution in conjunction with those artifices the papists make use of to disguise their religion , and to perswade protestants , that they shall be suffered to worship god as formerly , will make many to comply with them , or at least make their mouths give their hearts the lye , in hopes of being by this means put into a condition to make their escapes , and returning to that profession , which their weakness hath made them deny . but , alas ! this is not all ; for those poor wretches , whom by these devilish ways of theirs , they have made to blaspheme and abjure their religion , as if this were not enough , must now become the persecutors and tormentors of their own wives and children , for to oblige and force them to renounce also ; for they are threatned , that if within three days time they do not make their whole family recant in like manner , those rough apostles ( the dragoons ) shall be fain to take further pains with them , in order to the perfecting of their conversion . and who after all this can have the least doubt , but that these unhappy dragoons are the very emissaries of hell , whose very last efforts and death struglings these seem to be ? this relation hath given a short view of some of those sufferings , the reformed have undergone , but not of all : it is certain , that in divers places they have tryed to wear out their patience , and overcome their constancy by applying red-hot irons to the hands and feet of men , and to the breasts of women . at nantes they hung up several women and maids by their feet , and others by their arm-pits , and that stark naked , thus exposing them to publick view , which assuredly is the most cruel and exquisite suffering can befall that sex ; because in this case their shamefac'dness and modesty is most sensibly touched , which is the most tender part of their soul. they have bound mothers that gave suck unto posts , and let their little infants lye languishing in their sight , without being suffered to suckle them for several days , and all this while left them crying , moaning , and gasping for life , and even dying for hunger & thirst , that by this means they might vanquish the constancy of their tender-hearted mothers , swearing to them they would never permit they should give them suck till they promised to renounce their profession of the gospel . they have taken children of four or five years of age , and kept them from meat and drink for some time , and when they have heen ready to faint away and give up the ghost , they have brought them before their parents , and horribly asseverated , that except they would turn , they must prepare themselves to see their children languish and dye in their presence . some they have bound before a great fire , and being half roasted , have after let them go : they beat men and women outragiously ; they drag them along the streets , and torment them day and night . the ordinary way they took , was to give them no rest ; for the souldiers do continually relieve one another for to drag , beat , torment and toss up and down these miserable wretches , without intermission . if it happen that any by their patience and constancy do stand it out , and triumph over all the rage and fury of those dragoons , they go to their commander and acquaint him , they have done all they could , but yet without the desired success ; who in a barbarous and surly tone , answers them ; you must return upon them , and do worse than you have done ; the king commands it ; either they must turn , or i must burst and perish in the attempt . these are the pleasant flowry paths , by which the papists allure protestants to return to the bosome of their church . but some it may be will object ; you make a great noise about a small matter , all protestants have not been exposed to these cruelties , but only some few obstinate persons : well , i will suppose so , but yet the horror of those torments inflicted on some , hath so fill'd the imagination of these miserable wretches , that the very thoughts of them hath made them comply ; it is indeed a weakness of which we are ashamed for their sakes , and from whence we hope god will raise them again , in his due time ; yet thus much we may alledge for their excuse , that never was any persecution , upon pretence of religion , carried on to that pitch , and with that politick malice and cruelty that this hath been ; and therefore , of all those which ever the church of christ groan'd under , none can can be compar'd with it . true indeed it is , that in former ages it hath been common to burn the faithful under the name of hereticks ; but how few were there exposed to that cruel kind of death , in comparison of those who escaped the executioners hands ? but , behold here a great people at once oppress'd , destroy'd , and ruin'd by a vast army of prodigious butchers , and few or none escaping . former , yea late times have given us some instances of massacres ; but these were only violent tempests , and sudden hurricanes , which lasted but a night , or , at the most , a few daies , and they who suffered in them were soon out of their pains , and the far greater number escaped the dint of them : but how much more dreadful is the present condition of the protestants in france ? and to the end we may take a true view and right measures of it , let us consider , that nothing can be conceived more terrible , than a state of war ; but what war to be compared with this ? they see a whole army of butcherly cannibals entring their houses , bateering , breaking , burning , and destroying whatever comes to hand ; swearing , cursing and blaspheming like devils ; beating to excess , offering all manner of indignities and violence ; diverting themselves , and striving to out-vy each other in inventing new methods of pain and torment ; not to be appeased with money , or good chear ; foaming and roaring like ravenous raging lyons ; and presenting death , at every moment ; and that which is worse than all this , driving people to distraction , and senseless stupidity , by those devilish inventions we have given you an instance of in the relation of mentauban . moreover , this persecution hath one characteristical note more ; which , without any exaggeration , will give it the precedence in history for cruelty , above all those which the church of god ever suffered under nero , maximinus , or dieclesian ; which is , the severe prohibition of departing the kingdom , upon pain of confiscation of goods , of the gally , of the lash , and perpetual imprisonment . all the sea-ports are kept with that exactness , as if it were to hinder the escape of traytors , and common enemies : all the prisons of sea-port-towns are cramm'd with these miserable fugitives , men women , boys , and girls ; who there are condemned to the worst of punishments , for having had a desire to save themselves from this dreadful persecution , and deluging calamity . this is the thing which is unparallel'd ; and of which we find no instance : this is that superlative excess of cruelty , which we shall not find in the list of all the violent and bloody proceedings of the duke of alva : he massacred , he beheaded , he butchered ; but at least , he did not prohibit those that could , to make their escape . in the last hungarian persecution , nothing was required of the protestants , but only that their ministers should banish themselves , and abandon and renounce the conduct of their flocks ; and because they were unwilling to obey these orders , therefore it is they have groan'd under so long , and so terrible a persecution , as they have done , but this hungarian persecution is not to be compared with that we are speaking of ; for the fury of that tempest discharged it self upon the ministers only ; no armies were imploy'd , to force the people to change their religion , by a thousand several waies of torment ; much less did it ever enter the thoughts of the emperors councel , to shut up all the protestants in hungary , in order to the destroying of all those who would not abjure their religion ; which yet is the very condition of so many wretched persons in france , who beg it as the highest favour at the hands of their merciless enemies , to have leave to go and beg their bread in a foreign country ; being willing to leave their goods , and all other outward conveniencies , behind them , for to lead a poor , miserable , languishing life in any place , where only they may be suffered to dye in their religion . and is it not from all this most ●●parent , that those monsters who have inspired the king with th●●● designs , have refin'd the mystery of persecuting to the utmost , and advanc'd it to its highest pitch of perfection ? o great god! who from thy heavenly throne doest behold all the outrages done to thy people , haste thee to help us ! great god , whose compassions are infinite , suffer thy self to be touched with our extream desolation ! if men be insensible of the calamities we suffer , if they be deaf to our cries , not regarding our grones and supplications ; yet let thy bowels , o lord , be moved , and affect thee in our behalf . glorious god , for whose names sake we suffer all these things , who knowest our innocence and weakness , as well as the fury and rage of our adversaries , the small support and help we find in the world : behold , we perish , if thy pity doth not rouze thee up for our relief . it is thou art our rock , our god , our father , our deliverer : we do not place our confidence in any , but thee alone : let us not be confounded , because we put our trust in thee . haste thee to our help ; make no long tarrying , o lord , our god , and our redeemer ! a letter sent from bourdeaux , giving an account of the persecution of those of the protestant religion in france . sir , what you have heard concerning the persecution of those that are of our religion , in the land of bearne , guinne , and berigord , is but too true ; and i can assure you , that they who have given you that account , have been so far from amplifying the matter , that they have only acquainted you with some few particulars ; yet am i not so much surprized at the difficulty you find to perswade your self , that the things of which your friends inform you , are true : in cases of this nature , so amazingly unexpected , we are apt often to distrust our own eyes ; and i profess to you , that though all places round about us echo the report of our ruine and destruction , yet i can scarcely perswade my self it is so indeed , because i cannot comprehend it . it is no matter of surprize , or amazement , to see the church of christ afflicted upon earth , forasmuch as she is a stranger here , as well as her captain , lord and husband , the holy and everlasting blessed jesus was ; and must , like him , by the same way of cross and suffering , return to her own country , which is above . it is no matter of astonishment , to find her from time to time suffering the worst of usage , and most cruel persecutions ; all ages have seen her exposed to such tryals as these , which are so necessary for the testing of her faith , and so fit a matter of her future glory . neither is it any great wonder , if , amidst these sore tryals , vast numbers of those who made profession of the gospel , do now renounce and forsake it : we know that all have not faith ; and it is more than probable , that they who do not follow christ , but because they thrive by it , and for the loaves , will cease to be of his retinue , when he is about to oblige them to bear his cross , and deny themselves . but that which seems inconceivable to me , is , that our enemies should pitch upon such strange ways and methods to destroy us , as they have done , and that , in so doing , they should meet with a success so prodigious and doleful . i shall as briefly as i can endeavour to give you an account of so much as i have understood of it . all those thundring declarations , and destructive arrests , which continually were sued for , and obtain'd against us , and which were executed with the extremity of rigour , were scarce able to move any one of us . the forbidding of our publick exercises , the demolishing of our churches , and the severe injunction that not so much as two or three of us should dare to assemble , in order to any thing of divine worship , had no other effect upon the far greater part of us , than to inflame our zeal , instead of abating it ; obliging us to pray to god with greater fervor and devotion in our closets , and to meditate of his word with greater application and attention . and neither the great wants , to which we were reduced by being depriv'd of our offices and imploys , and all other means of living , and by those insupportable charges with which they strove to over-whelm us , as well by taxes , as the quartering of souldiers ( both which were as heavy as could be laid upon us ) nor the continual trouble we were put to by criminal or other matters of law , which at the suit of one or other were still laid to our charge , tho upon the most frivolous and unjust pretences imaginable ; i say , all these were not able to wear out our patience , which was hardned against all calam●ties : insomuch as the design of forcing us to abandon the truth of the gospel , would infallibly have been ship-wrack'd , if no other means had been taken in hand for this purpose . but , alas ! our enemies were too ingenious , to be bank'd so ; and had taken out ruine too much to heart , not to study for means effectual and proper to bring-about their desires : they call'd to mind what prodigious success a new kind of persecution had had of late years in pocton , aunix , and xaintonge , which the intendants of those places had bethought themselves of ; and they made no difficulty to have recourse to the same , as to a means infallible , and not to be doubted of . i must tell you , sir , that we had not the least thought that ever such violent methods as these , would have been pitched upon , as the means of our conversion : we were always of opinion , that none but dennuieux's , and marillacs , could be fit instruments for such like enterprizes ; neither could we ever have imagin'd , that generals of armies , who account it a shame and reproach to attack and take some paultry town or village , should ever debase themselves to besiege old men , women , and children in their own houses ; or that ever souldiers , who think themselves ennobled by their swords , should degrade themselves so far , as to take up the trade of butchers and hangmen , by tormenting poor innocents , and inflicting all sorts of punishments upon them . moreover , we were the less in expectation of any such thing , because at the self-same time they treated us in this manner . they would needs perswade us , that the king's councel had disapproved the design : and indeed , it seem'd very probably to us , that all reasons , whether taken from humanity , piety , or interest , would have made them disavow and condemn a project so inhumane and barbarous : yet now , by experience , we find it but too true , that our enemies are so far from rejecting the said design , that they carry it on with an unparell'd zeal and application , without giving themselves any further trouble to effectuate their desires , than that of doing these two things . the first of which was , to lull us asleep , and to take away from us all matter of suspition of the mischief they were hatching against us ; which they did by permitting some of our publick exercises of religion , by giving way to our building of some churches , by settling ministers in divers places to baptize our children , and by publishing several arrests and declarations , which did intimate to us , that we had reason to hope we should yet subsist for some years : such was that declaration , by which all ministers were ordered to change their churches every three years . the other was , to secure all the sea-ports of the kingdom , so as none might make their escape , which was done by renewing the antient prohibitions of departing the kingdom without leave , but with the addition of far more severe penalties . after these precautions thus taken , they thought themselves no longer oblig'd to keep any measures , but immediately lift up the hand , to give the last blow for our ruine . the intendents had order to represent to us , that the king was resolved to suffer no other religion in his kingdom besides his own , and to command us all in his name , readily to embrace the same , without allowing us any longer respite to consider what we had to do , than a few days , nay , hours ; threatning us , that if we continued obstinate , they would force us to it by the extremity of rigour ; and presently executing these their menaces , by filling our houses with souldiers , to whom we were to be left for a prey ; and who , not content with entirely ruining of us , should besides exercise upon our persons all the violence and cruelty they could possibly devise : and all this to overcome our constancy and perseverance . four months are now past and gone , since they began to make use of this strange and horrible way of converting people , worthy of , and well becoming its inventors . the country of bearne was first set upon , as being one of the most considerable out-parts of the kingdom , to the end that this mischievous enterprize gaining strength in its passage , might soon after over-whelm , and as it were deluge all the other provinces in the same sea of the uttermost calamity . monsieur foucaut the intendant , went himself in person to all the places where we were in any numbers , and commanded all the inhabitants that were of the protestant religion , under the penalty of great amercements , to assemble themselves in those places he appointed to them ; where being accordingly met together , he charged them in the kings name to change their religion , allowing them only a day or two to dispose themselves for it : he told them , the great numbers of souldiers were at hand , to compel those that should refuse to yield a ready obedience ; and this threatning of his being immediately followed by the effect , as lightning is by thunder , he fill'd the houses of all those who abode constant in their resolution to live and die faithful to their lord and master , jesus christ , with souldiers ; and commands those insolent troops ( flesh'd with blood and slaughter ) to give them the worst treatment they could possibly devise . i shall not undertake , sir , to give you a particular account of those excesses and out-rages , these enraged brutals committed in executing the orders they were charged with ; the relation would prove too tedious and doleful : it shall suffice me to tell you , that they did not forget any thing that was inhuman , barbarous , or cruel , without having regard to any condition , sex or age ; they pull'd down and , demolished their houses ; they spoil'd , dash'd to pieces , and burnt their best moveables and houshold-stuff ; they bruised and beat to death venerable old men ; they dragg'd honourable matrons to mass , without the least pity or respect ; they bound and fetter'd innocent persons , as if they had been the most infamous and profligate villains ; they hung them up by their feet , till they saw them ready to give up the ghost ; they took red-hot fire-shovels , and held them close to their bare heads , and actually applied them to other parts of their bodies ; they immur'd them within four walls , where they let them perish for hunger and thirst : and the constancy wherewith they suffer'd all these torments , having had no other effect , but that of augmenting the rage of these furies , they never ceased inventing new waies of pain and torture , till their inhumanity at length had got the victory , and triumphed over the patience and faith of these miserable wretches . insomuch , that of all those many numerous assemblies , we had in that province , as that of pan , d'arthes , d'novarre , &c. there are scarcely left a small number , who either continue constant in despite of all these cruelties , or else have made their escape into spain , holland , england , or elsewhere , leaving their goods and families for the prey to these merciless and cruel men. success having thus far answered their expectation , they resolved to lose no time ; but vigorously prosecuting their work , they immediately turned their thoughts and arms towards montaubam ▪ where the intendant having summoned the citizens to appear before him , bespeaks them much of the same language , as was used to those of bearne ; whereunto they having returned about the same answer , he orders . men to enter the city , and makes them take up their quarters , as at bearne , only in the houses of protestants ; with express command to treat them in like manner , as they had done those of bearne : and these inhuman wretches were so diligent and active in executing these pitiless orders , that of or . soul , of which that church did consist , not above or families are escaped ; who , in a doleful and forlorn condition , wander up and down the woods , and hide themselves in thickets . the ruin of this important place , drew after it the desolation of all the churches about it ; which were all enveloped in the same common calamity , as those of realmont , bourniquel , negreplisse , &c. yet was not the condition of the churches in the upper guienne more sad and calamitous , than that of those of the lower guienne , and of perigord ; which this horrible deluge hath likewise over-whelm'd . monsieur bouslers , and the intendant , having shared the country between them ; monsieur de bousters taking for his part agenois , tonnein , clerac , with the adjoyning places ; and the intendant having taken upon him to reduce fleis , monravel , genssac , cartillon , coutras , libourne , &c. the troops which they commanded , in the mean time , carrying desolation to all the places they passed through , filling them with mourning and despair , and scattering terror and amazement amongst all those to whom they approached . there were at the same time companies at st. foy , at nerac , and as many in proportion in all other parts : so that all places being fill'd i th these troops , accustom'd to licentiousness and pillage , there is not any one of the said places , where they have not left most dreadful marks of their rage and cruelty ; having at last , by means of their exquisite tortures , made all those of our religion submit themselves to the communion of rome . but forasmuch as bergerat was most signally famous for the long trials it had most gloriously endured , and that our enemies were very sensible of what advantage it would be , to the carrying on of their design , to make themselves masters there also , at any price whatsoever ; they accordingly fail'd not to attempt the same with more resolution and obstinacy , than any of the forementioned places . this little town had already , for three years together , with admirable patience and constancy , endured a thousand ill treatments , and exactions from souldiers , who had pick'd them to the very bones : for besides that , it was almost a continual passage for souldiers ; there were no less than eighteen troops of horse had their winter quarters there ; who yet in all that time had only gain'd three converts , and they such too as were maintain'd by the alms of the church . but to return : the design being form'd to reduce this city , two troops of horse are immediately ordered thither , to observe the inhabitants , and soon after companies of foot enter the town : monsieur bouflers and the intendant of the province , with the bishops of agen and perigueux , and some other persons of quality , tender themselves there at the same time , and send for of the chiefest citizens to appear before them ; telling them , that the kings express will and pleasure was , they should all go to mass ; and that in case of disobedience , they had order to compel them to it : to which the citizens unanimosly answered , that their estates were at the dispose of his majesty , but that god alone was lord of their consciences ; and that they were resolved to suffer to the utmost , rather than do any thing contrary to the motions of it . whereupon they were told , that if they were so resolved , they had nought else to do but to prepare themselves to receive the punishment their obstinacy and disobedience did deserve ; and immediately companies more of infantry and cavalry enter the city ( which , together with the companies before-mentioned , were all quartered with protestants ) with express command not to spare any thing they had , and to exercise all manner of violence upon the persons of those that entertain'd them , until they should have extorted a promise from them , to do whatsoever was commanded them . these orders then being thus executed , according to the desires of those who had given them , and these miserable victims of a barbarous military fury , being reduc'd to the most deplorable and desolate condition ; they are again sent for to the town-house , and once more pressed to change their religion ; and they answering with tears in their eyes , and with all the respect , humility , and submission imginable , that the matter required of them , was the only thing they could not do , the extreamest rigor and severity is denounc'd against them ; and they presently made good their words , by sending more companies into the city , which made up the full number of an hundred ; who encouraging themselves from their numbers , and flying like enraged wolves upon these innocent sheep , did rend and worry them in such a manner , as the sole relation cannot but strike with horror and amazement . whole companies were ordered to quarter with one citizen ; and persons whose whole estate did not amount to . livres , were taxed at the rate of . livres a day : when their money is gone , they sell their houshold-stuff , and sell that for two pence , which hath cost . livres ; they bind and fetter father , mother , wife and children : four souldiers continually stand at the door , to hinder any from coming in to succour or comfort them : they keep them in this condition , two , three , four , five , and six days , without either meat , drink , or sleep : on one hand the child cries , with the languishing accent of one ready to dye , ah my father ! ah my mother ! what shall i do ? i must dye , i can endure no longer : the wife on the other hand cries ; alas ! my heart fails me , i faint , i dye ! whilst their cruel tormentors are so far from being touch'd with compassion , that from thence they take occasion to press them afresh , and to renew their torments , frighting them with their hellish menaces , accompanied with most execrable oaths and curses ; crying , dog , bougre , what , will not thou be converted ? wilt not thou be obedient ? dog , bougre , thou must be converted , we are sent on purpose to convert thee : and the clergy , who are witnesses of all these cruelties , ( with which they feast their eyes ) and of all their infamous and abominable words , ( which ought to cover them with horror and confusion ) make only a matter of sport and laughter of it . thus these miserable wretches , being neither suffered to live nor to dye , ( for when they see them fainting away , they force them to take so much as to keep body and soul together ) and seeing no other way for them to be delivered out of this hell , in which they are continually tormented , are fain at last to stoop under the unsupportable burthen of these extremities : so that excepting only a few who saved themselves by a timely flight , preferring their religion before all temporal possessions , all the rest have been constrained to go to mass . neither is the country any more exempt from these calamities , than towns and cities ; nor those of the nobility and gentry , than citizens . they send whole companies of souldiers into gentlemens houses , who treat them in the most outragious and violent manner conceivable ; insomuch that not a soul can hope to escape , except it may be some few , who like the believers of old , wander in desarts , and lodge in dens , and caves of the earth . futhermore , i can assure you , that never was any greater consternation , than that which we are in here at present ; the army , we hear , is come very near us , and the intendant is just now arrived in this city ; the greater part of the most considerable merchants are either already gone , or casting about how best to make their escape , abandoning their houses and estates to their enemies ; and there are not wanting some cowardly spirits , who , to avoid the mischief they are preparing for us , have already promised to do whatsoever is required of them . in a word , nothing is seen or heard in these parts but consternation , weeping and lamentation ; there being scarce a person of our religion , who hath not his heart pierced with the bitterest sorrows , and whose countenance hath not the lively picture of death imprinted on it : and surely , if our enemies triumph in all this , their triumph cannot likely be of any long continuance . i confess , i cannot perswade my self to entertain so good an opinion of them , as to think that ever they will be ashamed of these their doings , so diametrically opposite to the spirit of the gospel ; for i know the gospel , in their accounts , passeth for a fable : but this i dare averr , that this method of theirs will infallibly lay waste the kingdom , which according to all appearance , is never like to recover of it ; and so in time , they themselves will be made as sensible of these miseries , as others now are . commerce is already in a manner wholly extinct , and there will need little less than a miracle to recover it to its former state. what protestant merchants will henceforward be willing to engage themselves in trade , either with persons without faith ; and who have so cowardly betray'd their religion and conscience , or with the outragious and barbarous persecuters of the religion , which they profess ? and who by these courses declare openly and frankly , that it is their principle , not to think themselves oblig'd to keep their word with hereticks . and who are those , of what religion soever , that will negotiate with a state exhausted by taxes and subsidies , by persecutions , by barrenness and dearth of several years continuance ; full of a despairing people , and which infallibly will e're long be full of those that are proscrib'd , and be bathing in its own blood. and these miserable wretches , who have been deceived by those who have told them , that it would never be impos'd upon them to abjure their religion , and who are stupified by the extremity of their sufferings , and the terror of their bloody and cruel enemies , are wrapt up in so deep an astonishment , as doth not permit them to be fully sensible of their fall : but as soon as they shall recover themselves , and remember , that they could not embrace the communion of rome , without absolutely renouncing the holy religion they professed ; and when they shall make a full reflection upon the unhappy change they have been forced to make ; then their consciences being awakened , and continually reproaching their faint-heartedness , will rend them with sorrow and remorse , and inflict torments upon them , equal to those the damned endure in hell ; and will make them endavour to be delivered from this anguish , and to find rest in the constant profession of that truth , which they have unhappily betray'd . and on the other-side ; their enemies will be loath to take the lye at this time of the day ; and therefore will endeavor , through fear of punishments , to oblige them to stay in that abyss of horror , into which they have precipitated them : but because all the sufferings they can possibly threaten them with , will be no ways considerable , when compared with those tortures their consciences have already inflicted upon them , and where with they threaten them in case of a relapse , they will be constrained to drag them to the place of execution , or else seek to rid themselves of them all at once , by a general massacre , which many good souls have so so long desired . i hope , sir , you will not be wanting in your most earnest prayers to beg of god , that he would be pleased to take pity of these miserable wretches ; and make the heart of our sovereign to relent towards us ; that he would convert those , who in their blindness think they do him service , by putting us to death ; that he would cause his voice to be heard by them from heaven , as to st. paul ; saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? and make the rest the examples of his exemplary justice : finally , that he would grant , that all those who have denied him , being touched with a true repentance , may , with st. peter , go out , and weep bitterly . i am , sir , yours , &c. an extract of a letter , containing some more instances of the cruel and barbarous vsage of the protestants in france . but this , sir , is not the thing which troubles me most , at this time ; there 's another cause of my grief , which is but too just , and even pierceth my heart with sorrow ; and that is , the cruel persecution , which the poor protestants of france do suffer , amongst whom i have so many near and dear relations : the torments they are put to , are almost incredible ; and the heavenly courage , wherewith some of them are strengthned by their great captain and leader , to undergo them , is no less amazing and wonderful : i shall give for instance one or two of these champions , that by them you may judge of the rest . a young woman was brought before the council , in order to oblige her to abjure the truth of the gospel ; which she boldly and manfully refusing , was commanded back again to prison ; where they shaved her head , and sing'd off the hair of her privities ; and having stript her stark-naked , in this manner led her through the streets of the city ; where many a blow was given her , and stones flung at her . after this , they set her up to the neck in a tub full of water ; where after she had been for a while , they took her out , and put upon her a shift dipt in wine , which as it dry'd , and fluck to her sore and bruised body , they snatch'd off again ; and then had another ready , dipt in wine to clap upon her : this they repeated six several times ; and when by this inhumane usage , her body was become very raw and tender , they demanded of her , whether she did not now find her self disposed to embrace the catholick faith ? for so they are pleased to term their religion : but she , being strengthned by the spirit and love of him , for whose names sake she suffered all these extremities , undauntedly answer'd ; that she had before declared her resolution to them , which she would never alter ; and that , though they had her body in their power , she was resolved not to yield her soul to them ; but keep it pure and undefiled for her heavenly lover ; as knowing , that a little while would put an end to all her sufferings , and give a beginning to her enjoyment of everlasting bliss : which words of hers , adding fuel of their rage , who now despaired of making her a convert , they took and fastned her by her feet , to something that served the turn of a gibbet , and there let her hang in that ignominious posture , with her head downwards till she expired . the other person i would instance in , and whom i pity the more , because ( for ought i know ) he may yet survive , and still continue under the tormentor's hands , is an old man ; who having , for a great while , been kept close prisoner ( upon the same account as the former ) in a deep dungeon , where his companions were darkness and horror , and filthy creeping things , was brought before his judges , with vermin and snails crawling upon his mouldred garment ; who seeing him in that loathsom condition , said to him : how now old man , does not your heart begin to relent ? and are not you willing to abjure your heresie ? to which he answer'd : as for heresie , i profess none ; but if by that word you mean my religion , you may assure your selves , that as i have thus long lived , so , i hope , and am resolved by the grace of god , to die in it : with which answer they being little pleased , but furiously incensed , bespoke him in a rougher tone : dost thou not see , that the worms are about to devour thee ? well , since thou art so resolved , we will send thee back again , to the loathsom place from whence thou camest , that they may make an end of thee , and consume thy obdurate heart : to which he reply'd , with the words of the holy patient job ; novi postquam vermes confoderint ( corpus ) istud , in carne mea me vissurum esse deum . i know that after worms have eaten this body , that in my flesh i shall see god. and having so said , he was sent back to his loathsom dark abode ; where if he be still , i pray god to give him patience and strength to hold out to the end , that so he may obtain the crown of life . i should be too tedious , in giving you all the particulars of their cruelty , and of the sufferings of the protestants ; yet i cannot well forbear acquainting you with what lately i am most credibly inform'd of ; which take as follows : some dragoons , who were quartered with a person , who they could by no means oblige to renounce his religion ; upon a time , when they had well fill'd themselves with wine , and broke their glasses at every health they drank ; and so fill'd the floor , where they were , with the fragments ; and by often walking over , and treading upon them , reduced them to lesser pieces and fractions : and being now in a merry humour , they must needs go to dance ; and told their host , that he must be one of the company ; but withal , that he must first pull off his stockins and shooes , that the might move the more nimbly : in a word , they forc'd him to dance with them bare-footed , upon the sharp points of glass ; which when they had continued so long as they were able to keep him on his legs , they laid him down on a bed ; and a while after stript him stark naked , and rolled his body from one end of the room to the other , upon the sharp glass , as beforementioned ; which having done , till his skin was stuck full of the said little fragments , they returned him again to his bed , and sent for a chyturgeon , to take out all the said pieces of glass out of his body ; which you may easily conceive , could not be done without frequent incisions , and horrible and most extream pain . another person being likewise troubled with the unwelcom company of these dragoons , and having suffered extreamly at their hands , without the expected success of his conversion ; one of them on a time looking earnestly upon him , told him , that he disfigured himself , with letting his beard grow so long : but he answering , that they were the cause of it , who would not let him stir out of door , for to go to the barber : the dragoon reply'd , i can do that for you as well as the barber ; and with that told him , he must needs try his skill upon him : and so fell to work ; but instead of shaving him , flea'd all the skin off his face . one of his companions coming in at the cry of this poor sufferer , and seeing what he had done , seemingly blam'd him for it , and said , he was a bungler ; and then to his host , come , your hair wants cutting too , and you shall see , i will do it much better than he hath shav'd you : and thereupon begins , in a most cruel manner , to pluck the hair , skin , and all , off his head , and flea'd that as the other had done his chin. thus making a sport and merriment of the extream suffering of these miserable wretches . by these inhuman , and more than barbarous means it is , that they endeavour to overcome the most resolved patience , and to drive people to despair and faint-heartedness , by their devilish inventions . they refuse to give them death , which they desire ; and only keep them alive to torment them , so long till they have vanquish'd their perseverance ; for the names of martyrs , and rebels , are equally odious to their enemies , who tell them , the king will have obedient subjects , but neither martyrs nor rebels ; and that they have received orders to convert them , but not to kill them . sir , i beg your pardon , for having so long entertain'd you with these more than tragical passages ; and that you would not be wanting to recommend the condition of these poor , destitute , afflicted , and tortured persons , to the bowels of compassion of our heavenly father , that he would be pleased not to suffer them to be tempted above what he shall give them grace to bear : which is the hearty prayer of , your faithful friend , t. g. since the first publishing of this , some further particulars ( representing the horror of this persecution ) are come to hand ; which take as follow : they have put persons into monasteries , in little narrow holes , where they could not stretch their bodies at length ; there feeding them with bread and water , and whipping them every day , till they did recant : they plunged others into wells , and there kept them till they promised to do what was desired of them : they stript some naked , and stuck their bodies full of pins : they tyed fathers and husbands to the bed-posts , forcing their wives and daughters before their eyes : in some places , the ravishing of women was openly and generally permitted : they pluck'd off the nails and toes of others : they burnt their feet , and blew up men and women with bellows , till they were ready to burst . in a word , they exercised all manner of cruelties they could invent ; and in so doing ; spared neither sex , age nor quality . the profession of the catholick , apostolick , and roman faith , which the revolting protestants in france are to subscribe and swear to . in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , amen . i believe and confess with a firm faith , all and every thing and things contained in the creed , which is used by the holy church of rome , viz. i receive and embrace most sincerely the apostolick and ecclesiastical traditions , and other observances of the said church . in like manner , i receive the scriptures , but in the same sense as the said mother church hath , and doth now understand and expound the same ; for whom and to whom it only doth belong to judge of the interpretation of the sacred scriptures : and i will never take them , nor understand them otherwise , than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . i profess , that there be truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law , instituted by our lord jesus christ , and necessary for the salvation of mankind , altho' not equally needful for every one , viz. baptism , confirmation , the eucharist , penance , extream unction , orders and marriage ; and that they do confer grace ; and that baptism and orders may not be reiterated , without sacriledge : i receive and admit also the ceremonies received & approved by the catholick church , in the solemn administration of the forementioned sacraments . i receive and embrace all and every thing , and things , which have been determined concerning original sin and justification by the holy council of trent . i likewise profess , that in the mass there is offered up to god , a true , proper , and propitiatory sacrifice for the living and dead ; and that in the holy sacrament of the eucharist , there is truly , really , and substantially , the body and blood , together with the soul and divinity of the lord jesus christ ; and that in it there is made a change of the whole substance of the bread into his body , and of the whole substance of the wine into his blood ; which change the catholick church calls transubstantiation . i confess also , that under one only of these two elements , whole christ , and the true sacrament is received . i constantly believe and affirm , that there is a purgatory ; and that the souls there detained , are relieved by the suffrages of the faithful . in like manner , i believe that the saints reigning in glory with jesus christ , are to be worshipped and invocated by us , and that they offer up prayers to god for us , and that their reliques ought to be honoured . moreover , i do most stedfastly avow , that the images of jesus christ , of the blessed virgin , the mother of god , and of other saints , ought to be kept and retained , and that due honour and veneration must be yielded unto them . also i do affirm , that the power of indulgences was left to the church by christ jesus , and that the use thereof is very beneficial to christians . i do acknowledge the holy catholick , apostolick , and roman church , to be the mother and mistress of all other churches ; and i profess and swear true obedience to the pope of rome , successor of the blessed st. peter , prince of the apostles , and vicar of jesus christ . in like manner , i own and profess , without doubting , all other things left defined and declared by the holy canons and general councils , especially by the most holy council of trent ; and withal , i do condemn , reject , and hold for accursed , all things that are contrary thereto ; and all those heresies which have been condemned , rejected , and accursed by the church . and then swearing upon the book of the gospel , the party recanting , must say : i promise , vow , and swear , and most constantly prosess , by gods assistance , to keep intirely and inviolably , unto death , this self-same catholick and apostolick faith , out of which no person can be saved ; and this i do most truly and willingly profess , and that i will to the utmost of my power endeavour that it may be maintain'd and upheld as far as any ways belong to my charge ; so help me god , and the holy virgin. the certificate which the party recanting , is to leave with the priest , when he makes his abjuration . in. n. of the parish of n. do certifie all whom it may concern , that having acknowledged the falseness of the pretended reformed , and the truth of the catholick religion , of my own free will , without any compulsion , i have accordingly made profession of the said catholick roman religion in the church of n. in the hands of n. n. in testimony of the truth whereof , i have signed this act in the presence of the witnesses whose names are under written , this — day of the month of the — year of the reign of our soveraign lord the king , and of our redemption . — a declaration of the elector of brandenburg , in favour of the french protestants , who shall settle themselves in any of his dominions . we frederick william , by the grace of god. marquess of brandenburg , arch-chamberlain , and prince elector of the holy empire ; duke of prussia , magdeburg , juilliers , cleves , bergen , stettin , pomerania ; of the cassubes , vandals , and silesia ; of crosne , and jagerndorff ; burg-grave of noremberg ; prince of halberstadt , minde , and camin ; earl of hohenzollern , of the mark and ravensberg ; lord of ravenstein , lawneburg , and butow , do declare and make known to all to whom these presents shall come . that whereas the persecutions and rigorous proceedings which have been carried on for some time in france , against those of the reformed religion , have forced many families to leave that kingdom , and to seek for a settlement elsewhere , in strange and foreign countries ; we have been willing , being touched with that just compassion , we are bound to have for those who suffer for the gospel , and the purity of that faith we profess , together with them , by this present declaration , signed with our own hand , to offer , to the said protestants , a sure and free retreat in all the countries and provinces under our dominion ; and withal , to declare the several rights , immunities , and priviledges , which we are willing they shall enjoy there , in order to the relieving and easing them , in some measure , of the burthen of those calamities , wherewith it hath pleased the divine providence to afflict so considerable a part of his church . i. to the end , that all those who shall resolve to settle themselves in any of our dominions , may with the more ease and convenience transport themselves thither , we have given order to our envoy extraordinary with the states-general of the vnited provinces , sieur diest , and to our commissary in the city of amsterdam , sieur romswinkel , at our charge , to furnish all those of the said religion ( who shall address themselves unto them ) with what vessels and provisions they shall stand in need of , for the transportation of themselves , their goods and families , from holland to the city of hamburg : where then our councellor and resident for the circle of the lower saxony , sieur guerick , shall furnish them with all conveniences they may stand in need of , to convey them further , to whatsoever city or province they shall think fit to pitch upon , for the place of their abode . ii. those who shall come from the parts of france about sedan , as from champagne , lorain , burgundy , or from any of the southern provinces of that kingdom , and who think it not convenient to pass through holland , may betake themselves to the city of frankfort upon maine ; and there address themselves to sieur merain , our councellor and agent in the said city , or in the city of cologne to sieur lely , our agent , to whom we have also given command to furnish them with money , pasports , and boats , in order to the carrying them down the river rhine , to our dutchy of cleves and mark : or in case they shall desire to go further up in our dominions , our said ministers and officers shall furnish them with address , and conveniences , for to arrive at those several respective places . iii. and forasmuch as the said our provinces are stored with all sorts of conveniences , and commodities , not only for the necessity of living , but also for manufactures , commerce , and trade by sea , and by land , those who are willing to settle themselves in any of our said provinces , may choose such place , as they please , in the country of cleve , mark , ravensberg and minde , or in those of magdeburg , halberstadt , brandenburg , pomerania , and prussia . and forasmuch as we conceive , that in our electoral marquisate , the cities of stendel , werbe , rathenow , brandenburg , and frankfort ; and in the country of magdeburg , the cities of magdeburg , halle , and calbe ; and in prussia , the city of koningsberg will be most commodious , as well for the great abundance of all necessaries of life , which may be had there at cheap rates , as for the convenience of trade and traffick ; we have given charge , that as soon as any of the said french protestants shall arrive in any of the said cities , they shall be kindly received and agreed with about all those things , which shall be thought needful for their settlement . and for the rest , leaving them at their full liberty to dispose of themselves in whatsoever city or province they shall judge most commodious , and best suiting with their occasions . iv. all the goods , houshold-stuff , merchandize , and commodities , which they shall bring along with them , shall not be liable to any custom or impost ; but shall be wholly exempt from all charges and impositions , of what name or nature soever they may be . v. and in case that in any of the cities , towns , or villages where the said persons of the reformed religion do intend to settle themselves , there be found any ruinous and decay'd houses , or such as stand empty , and which the proprietors are not in a condition to repair , we will cause the same to be assigned to them , the said french protestants , as their propriety , and to their heits for ever ; and shall content the present proprietors , according to the value of the said houses ; and shall wholly free the same from all charges , to which the same might stand ingaged , whether by mortgage , debts , or any other way whatsoever . furthermore , our will is , that they be furnished with timber , quick lime , stones , bricks , and other materials they may stand in need of , for the repairing of whatsoever is decay'd or ruinous in any of the said houses ; which shall , for six years , be exempt from all sorts of impositions , free-quarter , and all other charges whatsoever : neither shall the said french , during the time of six years , be lyable to any payments whatsoever , but what are chatgeable upon things of daily consumption . vi. in cities or elsewhere , where convenient places shall be found for to build houses , those of the reformed religion , who shall make their retreat into our dominions , shall be fully authorized and impowered to take possession of the same , for themselves and their heirs after them , together with all the gardens , fields , and pasture-grounds belonging to the same , without being oblig'd to pay any of the dues and charges , with which the said places , or their dependances may be incumbred . moreover , for the facilitating their building in any of the said places , we will cause them to be furnished with all the materials they shall stand in need of ; and will over and above allow them ten years of exemption , during which they shall not be lyable to any other charges or payments , besides the dues charged upon things of daily spending . and furthermore , forasmuch as our intent is , to make their settlement in our dominions the most easie and commodious for them that may be ; we have given command to our magistrates and other officers in the said provinces , to make enquiry , in every city , for houses that are to be lett , into which it shall be free for the said french to enter , and take up their lodging as soon as they shall arrive ; and do promise to pay for them and their families for four years , the rent of the said houses , provided that they engage themselves , within the said term , to build in such places as shall be assigned for them , in manner , and upon condition as aforesaid . vii . as soon as they shall have taken up their habitation in any city or town of our dominions , they shall immediately be made free of the place , as also of that particular corporation , which by their trade of profession they belong to ; and shall enjoy the self-same rights and priviledges , which the citizens , burgesses , and freemen of the said places or corporations do enjoy , and that without being obliged to pay any thing for the said freedom , and without being lyable to the law of escheatage , or any other of what nature soever they may be , which in other countries are in force against strangers ; but shall be look'd upon , and treated upon all accounts , in the same manner , as our own natural subjects . viii . all those who are willing to undertake and establish any manufactures , whether of cloth , stuffs , hats , or any other whatsoever , shall not only be furnished with all the priviledges , patents , and franchises , which they can wish for , or desire ; but moreover we will take care that they be assisted with moneys , and such other provisions and necessaries as shall be thought fit to promote and make their undertaking successful . ix . to country-men and others , who are willing to settle themselves in the country , we will cause a certain extent of ground to be allotted for them to till and cultivate , and give orders for their being assisted and furnished with all things necessary for their subsistance , at the beginning of their settlement ; in like manner as we have done to a considerable number of swiss families , who are come to dwell in our dominions . x. and as for any business of law , or matter of difference which may arise amongst those of the reformed religion . we do grant and allow that in those cities where any considerable number of french families shall be settled , they be authorized to choose one from amongst themselves , who shall have full power to decide the said differences in a friendly way , without any formality of law whatsoever : and in case any differences shall arise between the germans and the said french , that then the said differences shall be decided joyntly by the magistrate of the place , and by the person whom the french shall have chosen for that purpose , from amongst themselves . and the same shall be done when the differences of frenchmen , amongst themselves , cannot be accommodated in the forementioned friendly way , by the person thereto by them elected . xi . in every city , where any numbers of french shall settle themselves , we will maintain a minister , and appoint a convenient place for the publick exercise of religion in the french tongue , according to the custom , and with the same ceremonies which are in use amongst the reformed in france . xii . and forasmuch as such of the nobility of france , who , heretofore , have put themselves under our protection , and entred into our service , do actually enjoy the same honours , dignities , and immunities with those of the country ; and that there are many found amongst them , who have been raised to the chief places and charges of our court , and command over our forces ; we are ready and willing to continue the same favour to those of the said nobility , who for time to come shall settle themselves in our dominions , by bestowing upon them the several charges honours and dignities , they shall be found fitted for . and in case they shall purchase any mannors or lordships , they shall possess the same with all the rights , prerogatives and immunities , which the nobility of our own dominions do of right enjoy . xiii . all these priviledges and advantages forementioned shall not only be extended to those french of the reformed religion , who shall arrive in our dominions ( in order to their settling there ) after the same date of this declaration ; but also to those , who before the date hereof , have settled themselves in our countries , provided they have been forced to leave france upon account of their religion ; they of the romish profession being wholly excluded from any part or share therein . xiv . in every one of our provinces , dutchies , and principalities , we shall appoint and establish certain commissioners , to whom the french of the reformed religion , may have recourse and address themselves upon all occasions of need ; and this not only at the beginning of their settlement , but also afterwards . and all governours and magistrates of our provinces and territories , shall have order by vertue of these presents , as well as by other particular commands , we shall from time to time issue forth , to take the said persons of the reformed religion into their protection , and to maintain them in all the priviledges here before mentioned , and not suffer the least hurt or injury to be done unto them , but rather all manner of favour , aid and assistance . given at postdam , octob. . . frederick william . a letter from father la chese , confessor to the french king , to father pe●re , jesuit , and great almoner to the king of england , upon the method or rule he must observe with his majesty , for the conversion of his protestant subjects . most reverend father , when i compare the method of the french court ( which declares against all heresies ) with the policy of other princes , who had the same design in former ages ; i find so great a difference that all that passes now adaies in the king's council is an impenetrable mistery : and the eyes of all europe are opened , to see what happens ; but cannot discover the cause . when francis i. and henry ii. his son undertook to ruin the reformation , they had to struggle with a party which was but beginning and weak , and destitute of help ; and consequently easier to be overcome . in the time of francis ii. and charles ix . a family was seen advanc'd to the throne by the ruin of the protestants , who were for the house of bourbon . in this last reign many massacres hapned , and several millions of hereticks have been sacrificed , but it answer'd otherwaies : and his majesty has show'd ( by the peace and mild waies he uses ) that he abhors shedding of blood ; from which you must perswade his britannie majesty , who naturally is inclin'd to roughness , and a kind of boldness , which will make him hazard all , if he does not politickly manage it ; as i hinted in my last , when i mentioned my lord chancellor . most reverend father , to satisfie the desire i have to shew you by my letters the choice you ought to make of such persons fit to stir up , i will in few words ( since you desire it ) inform you of the genius of the people of our court , of their inclinations , and which of them we make use of ; that by a parallel which you will make , between them and your english lords , you may learn to know them . therefore i shall begin with the chief : i mean our great monarch . it is certain that he is naturally good , and loves not to do evil , unless desir'd to do it . this being so , i may say , he never would have undertaken the conversion of his subjects , without the clergy of france , and without our societies correspondence abroad . he is a prince enlightned ; who very well observes , that what we put him upon , is contrary to his interest , and that nothing is more opposite to his great designs , and his glory ; he aiming to be the terror of all europe . the vast number of malecontents he has caused in his kingdom , forces him in time of peace to keep three times more forces , than his ancestors did in the greatest domestick and foreign wars : which cannot be done , without a prodigious expence . the peoples fears also begin to lessen , as to his aspiring to an universal monarchy : and they may assure themselves he has left those thoughts ! nothing being more opposite to his designs , than the method we enjoyn him . his candor , bounty , and toleration , to the hereticks , would undoubtedly have open'd the doors of the low countries , palatinate , and all other states on the rhine , and even of switzerland : whereas things are at present so alter'd , that we see the hollanders free from any fear of danger ; the switzers and city of geneva , resolv'd to lose the last drop of their blood in their defence ; besides some diversion we may expect from the empire , in case we cannot hinder a peace with the turks ; which ought to hasten his britannick majesty , while he can be assured of succors from the most christian king. sir , his majesties brother is alwaies the same , i mean , takes no notice of what passes at court. it has sometimes happen'd , the king's brothers have acted so , as to be noted in the state ; but this we may be assur'd will never do any thing to stain the glory of his submission and obedience : and is willing to lend a helping hand for the destruction of the hereticks ; which appears by the instances he makes to his majesty , who now has promised him to cause his troops to enter into the palatinate the next month. the dauphin is passionately given up to hunting , and little regards the conversion of souls ; and it does not seem easie to make him penetrate into business of moment ; and therefore we do not care to consult him which way , and how , the hereticks ought to be treated . he openly laughs at us , and slights all the designs , of which the king his father makes great account . the dauphiness is extreamly witty ; and is without doubt uneasie to shew it in other matters besides complements of conversation . she has given me a letter for the queen of england ; wherein after her expression of the part she bears on the news of her majesties being with child , she gives her several advices about the conversion of her subjects . most reverend father , she is undoubtedly born a great enemy to the protestants ; and has promoted all she could with his majesty , in all that has been done , to hasten their ruin ; especially having been bred in a court of our society , and of a house whose hatred against the protestant religion is heraditary ; because she has been raised up by the ruine of the german protestant princes , especially that of the palatinate . but the king having caused her to come to make heirs to the crown , she answers expectation to the utmost . monsieur louvois is a man who very much observes his duty , which he performs to admiration ; and to whom we must acknowledge france owes part of the glory it has hitherto gained , both in regard of its conquests , as also the conversion of hereticks ; to which latter i may say , he has contributed as much as the king : he has already shewed himself fierce , wrathful , and hardhearted , in his actions towards them ; though he is not naturally inclin'd to cruelty , nor to harrass the people . his brother the archbishop of rheins , has ways which do not much differ from those of his soul ; and all the difference i find between is , that the archbishop loves his own glory , as much os monsieur de louvois loves that of his majesty . he is his own idol ; and give him but incense , and you may obtain any thing . honour is welcome to him , let it come which way it will. the least thing provokes this prelate ; and he will not yield any thing deregetary to his paternity . he will seem learned ; he will seem a great theologian , and will seem to be a good bishop , and to have a great care of his diocess ; and would heretofore seem a great preacher . i have hinted in my last ; the reasons why i cannot altogether like him ; which are needless to repeat . the archbishop of paris is always the same ; i mean , a gallant man ; whose present conversation is charming , and loves his pleasures ; but cannot bear any thing that grieves or gives trouble ; though he is always a great enemy of the jansenists , which he lately intimated to cardinal camus . he is always with me in the council of conscience , and agrees very well with our society ; laying mostly to heart the conversion of the protestants of the three kingdoms . he also makes very good observations , and designs to give some advice to your reverence , which i shall convey to you . i do sometimes impart to him , what you write to me , my lord kingston has embrac'd our good party : i was present when he abjur'd in the church of st. denys ; i will give you the circumstances some other time . you promised to send me the names of all heretick officers who are in his majesties troops ; that much imports me ; and you shall not want good catholick officers to fill up their places . i have drawn a list of them who are to pass into england ; and his most christian majesty approves thereof : pray observe what i hinted to you in my last , on the subject of the visits , which our fathers must give to the chief lords , members of the next parliament ; those reverend fathers , who are to perform that duty , must be middle-aged , with a lively countenance , and fit to perswade . i also advised you in some of my other letters , how the bishop of oxford ought to behave himself , by writing incessantly , and to insinuate into the people the putting down the test ; and at the same time cal● the storm , which the letter of pensionary fagel has raised . and his majesty must continue to make vigorous prohibitions to all booksellers in london , not to print any answers : as well to put a stop to the insolency of heretick authors ; as also to hinder the people from reading them . in short , you intimate to me , that his majesty will follow our advice : it 's the quickest way , and i cannot find a better , or fitter , to dispossess his subjects from such impressions as they have received . his majesty must also , by the same declaration , profess in conscience , that ( if complyed with ) he will not only keep his word , to maintain and protect the church of england ; but will also confirm his promises by such laws , as the protestants shall be contented with . this is the true politick way ; for by his granting all , they cannot but consent to something . his most christian majesty has with great success experienced this maxim : and though he had not to struggle with penal laws and tests , yet he found it convenient to make large promises , by many declarations ; for , since we must dissemble , you must endeavour all you can to perswade the king , it is the only method to effect his designs . i did also in my last , give you a hint of its importance , as well as the ways you must take to insinuate your selves dextrously with the king , to gain his good will. i know not whether you have observed what passed in england some years since , i will recite it , because examples instruct much . one of our assisting fathers of that kingdom ( which was father parsons ) having written a book against the succession of the king of scots , to the realm of england : father creighton , who was also of our society , and upheld by many of our party , defended the cause of that king , in a book intituled , the reasons of the king of scots , against the book of father parsons : and though they seem'd divided , yet they understood one another very well ; this being prcticed by order of our general , to the end , that if the house of scotland were excluded , they might shew him who had the government , the book of father parsons ; and on the other hand , if the king hapned to be restored to the throne , they might obtain the good will , by shewing him the works of father creighton : so that which way soever the medal turn'd , it still prov'd to the advantage of our society . not to digress from our subject , i must desire you to read the english book of father parsons , intituled , the reform of england ; where , after his blaming of cardinal pole , and ●ade some observations of faults in the council of trent , he finally concludes , that suppose england should return ( as we hope ) to the catholick faith in this reign , he would reduce it to the state of the primitive church : and to that end all the ecclesiastical revenue ought to be used in common , and the management thereof committed to the care of seven wise men , drawn out of our society , to be disposed of by them as they should think fit . moreover , he would have all the religious orders forbidden on religious penalties , not to return into the three kingdoms , without leave of those seven wise men : to the end , it might be granted only to such as live on alms. these reflections seem to me very judicious , and very suitable to the present state of england . the same father parsons adds , that when england is reduced to the true faith , the pope must not expect , at least for five years , to reap any benefit of the ecclesiastical revenue ; but must leave the whole in the hands of those seven wise men ; who will manage the same to the benefit and advancement of the church . the court goes this day for marli , to take the divertisements which are there prepared : i hope to accompany the king , and will entertain him about all business ; and accordingly as he likes what you hint to me in your letter , i shall give you notice . i have acquainted him with his britannic majesties design , of building a citadel near white-hall ; monsieur vauban , our engineer was present : after some discourse on the importance of the subject , his majesty told monsieur vauban , that he thought it convenient he should make a model of the design , and that he should on purpose go over into england , to see the ground . i have done all i could to suspend the designs of our great monarch , who is alwaies angry against the holy father : both parties are stubborn : the kings natural inclination is , to have all yield to him ; and the popes resolution is unalterable . all our fathers most humbly salute your reverence . father reine ville acts wonderfully about nismes amongst the new converts ; who still meet , notwithstanding the danger they expose themselves to . i daily expect news from the frontiers of the empire , which i shall impart to your reverence , and am with the greatest respect , paris , march , . . yours , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e ☞ reasons for vnitie, peace, and love with an answer (called shadows flying away) to a book of mr. gataker, one of the assembly, intituled, a mistake, &c. and the book of the namelesse author called, the plea, both writ against me : and a very short answer, in a word, to a book by another namelesse author called, an after-reckoning with master saltmarsh, and to master edward his second part called, gangrena, directed to me ... / by john saltmarsh ... saltmarsh, john, d. . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing s ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing s estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) reasons for vnitie, peace, and love with an answer (called shadows flying away) to a book of mr. gataker, one of the assembly, intituled, a mistake, &c. and the book of the namelesse author called, the plea, both writ against me : and a very short answer, in a word, to a book by another namelesse author called, an after-reckoning with master saltmarsh, and to master edward his second part called, gangrena, directed to me ... / by john saltmarsh ... saltmarsh, john, d. . [ ], - p. printed for giles calvert ..., london : . issued in: some drops of the viall. . "imprimatur iohn bachiler, may , "--t.p., verso. errata on p. . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. marginal notes. eng gataker, thomas, - . -- mistake. edwards, thomas, - . -- gangraena. ley, john, - . -- after-reckoning with mr. saltmarsh. baxter, richard, - . -- plea for congregationall government. christian union. protestants -- england. a r (wing s ). civilwar no reasons for unitie, peace, and love. with an answer (called shadows flying away) to a book of mr gataker one of the assembly, intituled a mi saltmarsh, john c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - ali jakobson sampled and proofread - ali jakobson text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion reasons for vnitie , peace , and love , with an answer ( called shadows flying away ) to a book of mr gataker one of the assembly , intituled , a mistake , &c. and the book of the namelesse author , called , the plea : both writ against me . and a very short answer , in a word , to a book by another namelesse author , called an after-reckoning with master saltmarsh ; and to master edward , his second part , called gangrena , directed to me . wherein many things of the spirit are discovered , of faith and repentance , &c. of the presbytery : and some things are hinted , to the undeceiving of people in their present ministers . by john saltmarsh , preacher of the gospell . acts . . sirs , ye are brethren ; why do ye wrong one to another ? london , printed for giles calvert , at the black spread-eagle at the west end of pauls . . reader , in this answer to master gataker , i conceive thou hast a taste of the true notion both of the sweetnesse and glory of the gospell . imprimatur , iohn bachiler ▪ may . . to the right honourable , the lord maior , aldermen , and the common-councell of the city of london . right honourable , many who call themselves ministers and prophets of god accuse us of heresie and schism before ye . but i hope ye will take notice they are but men as we are , and of like passions with us ; neither apostles , nor prophets of the first baptism , or gifts of the spirit . yet if the priests and elders , or any oratour , as tertullus ▪ accuse paul to festus or agrippa , he cannot but a●swer for himselfe . i have but few words to speak to ye ( noble citizens ) that ye would in that spirit which is of god , judge the doctrines of men , and single them from traditions , customes , councels , synods , interests . ye are bid to try the spirits whether they be of god ▪ or no . try whether it be according to god , for some ministers , and thse not apostles , to call others hereticks who beleeve not as they beleeve : what will become then of the strong and weak christian , of the children , fathers , and young men ? trye whether they ought to p●ea●h to ye to suppresse all but themselves ; since they are not infallible , but may erre ; and where is the remedy then , if they erre ? who shall judge the iudges ? try whether this make for unity of spirit , to allow no more fellowship nor brotherhood then in forme and practice . and what will they have ye do if formes should alter ? for states may change : england hath done so . try whether this make for the glory of christians , to persecute or banish ( as they would have ye ) all but themselves . may they not as well tell ye that god hath made england only for men of the presbytery or one opinion to live in , and worship in : and where find they that ? trye whether some by their daily invectives from presse and pulpit against independents and others , bring not in the popish designe in another forme , to divide the godly party , both presbyterian and independent , and so to ruine all . try if all such doctrine as they commonly preach and write to ye , resolve not it selfe most into their own interests , profits , place power : and what doth the scripture and histories tell ye of that ? and now i have done ; praying for ye , that ye may be still a free city , and not disputed by the miscelany of logick and divinity of some , into bondage . that ye may be still populous , and not your streets growing with grasse through any unneighbourly principle of persecution , which must needs lose ye many , and much resort from this famous city , under the name of hereticks , not letting such live beside them . that ye may be a peaceable city , and not raised up and dashed by any breath of men against the other and greater part of your selves , the parliament . england hath long enough broken it selfe against its own walls : let it now be our strength to sit still , and to stand still and see salvation . and since the lord hath let the most of the successe of the presbytery , which is so much desired , come thorow the hands of those and that army whom they have told ye over often were hereticks ; let this be but taken notice on by ye , what god hath told ye in the successe of that army ; and i trust ye will never regard the messengers by whose hands the presbytery in a kind came , by beating them out of doores . thus rests he , who would rejoyce in your peace , prosperity , and gospell-unity , john saltmarsh . reasons for vnity , peace , & love . the nations and kingdoms of the world shall bring their glory to christ , and be at peace with all his , according to the prophesies , isai. , , . revel. . . isai. . . and how happy is that nation or kingdom which shall be first in this truth , and have rather a peace of prophesie , than policie , a peace of god , than man . how happy shall this kingdom be to fulfill any of this prophesie , of peace to one another , and to the saints . that all kingdoms , and nations , and princes , and people , prospered according to their love to christ , and his : pharaoh for ioseph , ahasuerus for mordecai , artaxerxes for nehemiah and the people of the iews ; and those nations have been ever nations of bondage and tyranny to themselves , which became so first to the saints . that ierusalem hath been ever a burdensome stone , and a cup of trembling to all that oppressed her , and the stone cut out of the mountaine without hands , too mighty for all the mountaines of the world : and the bloud of the saints , where-ever spilled , and whereever found in literall or mysticall babylon , never left crying , till that very place had bloud given them to drink for in her was found the bloud of the prophets . that the true peace indeed , is more spirituall and comprehensive then men usually think it , and takes in severall natures , nations , people , languages , of every tongue and kindred ; so , severall spirits , consciences , judgements , opinions ; not a peace only of such or such an opinion ; not a peace only of such or such a society ; of such or such a body ; not a peace of presbytery only , nor independency only , nor anabaptisme only , but a peace of all , so far as that all , or many may be one , which is that unity of spirit in the bond of peace . that true peace is an enemy to all selfish interest , and selfish preservation , and selfish unity , or selfish peace ; because that when unity , peace , preservation , gathers up from that common interest peace and unity , to which they are appointed by the law of creation , and institution , and becomes only their own , and not anothers , their own peace , their own unity , their own preservation , they breaking that law of the spirit , and communion of their first creation , each perishes in their single , private and unwarrantable way of saving themselves ; and the eye saith unto the hand , i have no need of thee , and the head to the foot , i have no need of you . that there is no such impossibility of being one under divers opinions , as we are made beleeve , no more then there was for those that eat flesh , and those that eat herbs ; for those that regarded a day , and those that regarded it not ; for those that used milke , and those that eat stronger meat ; for those that were zealous of the law , and those that were more in the gospell , to be one , or together , or to please one another to edefication . did paul bid the eaters of flesh call the eaters of herbs , hereticks ? or them that regarded a day , the others that regarded it not , hereticks ? or them that were zealous of the law , them that were of the gospell , heretickes ? or thus ; flesheaters , and day-regarders , and legalists ? as we doe , presbyterians , independents , anabaptists . that there is so much in every one of these , wherein they appeare to stand in need of one another , that the presbyterian cannot say , i have no need of the independent ; nor the independent , i have no need of the presbyterian ; nor either of them say , we have no need of you anabaptist : for , the presbyterian may need the independent , because he is for a purer communion of saints then he ; they both the anabaptist , because he baptizeth beleevers , as the apostles alwayes did : they both the seekers , because none of them have these ordinances by the first patterne in the word , as by apostleship and baptisme of spirit : nor these the presbyterians , because there may be some gift , some power of the spirit , some principle of administration in them , which may help the body , and the common-wealth , or parliament . all these , because they are all members of the same state . that love is the more excellent way revealed , then either the way of gifts , or ordinances , and therefore no gift or ordinance is to be preferred before love : love neither envies , nor vaunts , nor behaves it self unseemly , but beareth all things , and hopeth all things : and this is that love which is of god , and extends it self as god , and comprehends and embraces men ; not as this man , or that man , meerely ; not as a man of this , or that opinion : but because it is love from the fountaine of infinite love , it flowes upon all , and hath a kind of peace with all , and loves all : god is love ; and therefore just and unjust good and bad , are taken into something of him , seeing he giveth to all things l●fe and breath , and all things : and the more this love is amongst men , the more they love as god , and the more large in love , and universall in love . that love which is only to one kind , is but low , narrow , and naturall , the meer love of creatures as creatures ▪ but that love which can love those of other kinds ; as presbyterian , anabaptist , independent , is not that love of a creature only : so as the more we love any that are not as we are , the lesse we love as men , and the more as god . that the first and most glorious and spirituall unity is that of spirit ; and therefore things that are outward , formall , and perish with using , nor any ordinance , were ever made an hinderance to that unity : let not christians think they cannot be one , nor in any communion of spirit , till they be like one another in the body first , and in the ordinance first , which it may be they never shall be , for we see god hath hid outward ordinances deepest from discovery ; so as they that find most , find but pieces and parcels , and one one part , and another another part , and another another part , all finde not all , because all should not want one another , and we find these things last , because there was lesse need : how many hundred yeares from christ , and nothing of these ? yet christ was knowne , and some of the more spirituall glory of christ : and if christians should not be one , till they be like one another , how little would the peace be ? even as little as that unity they contend for : and what peace would it be , but that of flesh and forme , the peace of ordinances , not of spirit . i desire this may be considered , that according to the first patterne , the baptisme of the spirit , or gifts and ordinances ▪ were together , never asunder , from the apostles times to the falling away : and let there be a word held out for ordinances by themselves without the like gifts , or else let us be in more unity of spirit then we are . christians are truly so alike , and so one and the same , as they are one in christ in union and spirit , one in god , as they partake of the divine nature of the image of christ , as they are branches in the same vine , members in the same body : so god loves all his , as they are of him , born of the incorruptible seed , being the glory of the second adam , quickned by that life , that eternall life : god looks not nor loves not , as men are presbyterians , or independents , or anabaptists , we commonly love so , who begin to love at the outward man before the inward : god loves us first as in christ , and loves us because in christ ; god loves according to the figure of himself in us , and so we should love one another , if we will love according to god : let papists love papists only , and prelates love prelates only , because they are so ; let us love according to that of spirit , we discerne by the same spirit in each , according to that of love , faith , meeknesse , patience , purity , faithfulnesse , glory , which are the fruits of the spirit : let us love , as we judge , and that is in spirit , as spiritually discerning according to fruits of righteousnesse and holinesse , not according to this and that forme which is carnall : for as he is not a jew , which is one outwardly , no more is he a christian , which is one outwardly , circumcision and christianity is not of the letter , but of the spirit ; so as loving thus , we should not thinke nor speake against these , and these , because they are not presbyterians as we are , because they beleeve not as we beleeve , and think not as we think . were it not madnesse to fight , because we are not like one another in the face , in feature , in complection , in disposition , in a word , because we are not alike in body ? and what were it lesse to fight with one another , because we are not alike in the spirit , in soule , in judgement , in conscience , in opinion ? if the whole body were the eye , where were the hearing ? if the whole were hearing , where were the smelling ? the lesse we endeavour this bond of peace , the more we shall take in new fuell to our old fire , the more advantage and opportunity will be opened to let in the old remainders of the war amongst us , which shall be as a train of powder to kindle us into new contentions ; and thus new divisions will spring out from the ashes of the old , and those whom we conquer one day , will be conquerors amongst us another day , and we shall not know them from some of our selves , and all our victories and conquests will be but the enemies design of recruiting our misery ; they whom we subdue , finding the veine of enmity running through presbytery and independency , will soone gird themselves to battle in those notions , and we shall never want enough of presbytery and independency , till they undo us after our own fashion : and if they cannot kill us as cavaliers and malignants ; in this new way , they may kill us as presbyters and independents . and surely they will have so much iesuitisme , as never to let us starve for heeticks and schismaticks : the iesuits run commonly over to the lutherans , and raile there against calvinists and so they never want matter for division in germany ; it is the great design of conclaves and popish councels , to practice upon states in their own religions and customes , and to turne us back into popery , by being protestants amongst us , and to raise up new troubles by changing the old , and by transfiguring their enmity ; satan himselfe can be an angell of light , when he cannot passe as a power of darknesse , and where works he thus but in the children of disobedience ? and brethren , let us not let our enemies in at back-doores , of presbytery and independency : let us not undo our selves when god would save us : let us see that these workings are but the old designe in a new forme . the last reason is : people are not wholly undeceived in their present ministers . and to that end consider , . that these ministers who tell them thus , and preach thus , are neither as aaron was nor as the prophets were , nor as the apostles were , nor have such an infallible gift , nor spirit of discerning , so as their words and sermons are no more to be beleeved then the words of the scripture proves ▪ and people are to trie all and to trie spirits , and so trust , and now ( friends ) not beleeve sermons too suddenly , because their sermons are not very scripture , but interpretation to their light , and light may be darkned with carnall reason and interest . . that these ministers who preach so for presbytery through bloud and persecution now , did but a few yeers since preach as confidently for the service-book , for bishops , or against the presbytery , & our brethren of scotland . . that these ministers that preach nothing but presbitery , government , and divine right , yet never tryed it in their lives , nor lived in the experience of it , but have it by report , and by idaea , or modell , or landship from other countreys , and some specious scriptures . . that these ministers who would presse the covenant against popery and episcopacy root and branch , yet will be content , though bishops be unlawfull , to say the bishops hands which ordained them are not ; and that bishops could make them ministers of christ , though they were antichrist themselves , and that episcopacy could make a lawfull ministery . . that these ministers who preached against deanes , and archdeacons , and prelates , as unlawfull , can be content very well with their maintenance ; their tythes are not popish , nor the profits nor revenues are not against covenant : ( people ) look a little into these men , that hold there is no popery in any thing that makes them rich , or maintaines them : is this the doctrine of the crosse , and selfe-deniall ? . that these ministers who preached against pluralities , yet now a mastership of a colledge , and a great living or two of some hundreds a yeer , with chaplainships , as they commonly have , and two or three great lectures in conjunction with a great living , is not plurality , nor must be accounted so : nay , for a presbyter to have two livings is no plurality now , but for a prelate to have them is undoubtedly so . by the same tenure the prelates formerly lived at court , and in lords houses , and held livings , as they in the assembly , now , by their attendance there . . that these ministers who pretend to so much light and certainty of truth ; yet after two yeers reasoning and proofe , have not been able to prove their way of government from scripture ; so as there are so many excellent quaeries propounded from the honourable parliament , which lye unanswered , unlesse the ministers intend to resolve the parliament some other way , by making the tumults more , and their answers lesse ; for their books and sermons speak no lesse . was ever reformation , but where the red dragon is in the pulpit , preached for in so much bloud ? and i pray ( friends ) are all things so true as they tell you ? our greatest and wisest counsell can see no such thing in it yet : and since you expect your government from the parliament , i pray go not before them in your judgements , but stay and examine as they do . . that the mystery of the popish ministery hath ever been to lead the people , and stir up the people , either by merit , or martyrdome , or ministery : and therefore the poore sou●es of england had given away all their lande once to monks and friers , and would all fight for the holy land , and the kings and princes their power to do with as they pleased : and all was , as the priest said , for religion too , all as the holy church said : and now merit , martyrdome , and ministery carry all before them yet , in some measure , though not in so much : england hath seen so much , as to take much of their lands again , and tythes again from the ministery ; and the parliaments have seen so much as a little to debate religion with the synods : and this parliament hath seen more , by how much they have reasoned , disputed , quaeried with their ministers : when did ever england see so much liberty before ? when durst parliaments talke with their ministers till now ? and ( friends ) let not the old popish things of merit , martyrdome , and ministery , carry us away as they did . i remember an excellent saying reported of generall lesley to our nobles and gentry , when they were ready to fight for bishops , to this purpose , shall we lose our bloud for so many fat swingers ? and i pray , are not these the sons of the swingers according to ordination , ordained and called by bishops ? is our bloud too good for bishops , and not for presbyters , as some think ? . that these ministers who seem to close with those whom they so lately called , and preached against as malignants and cavaliers , yet cannot love them , or use them otherwise then in designe to help up with the government , and then leave them , und persecute them under the same notion with us as hereticks , using them now , as the israelites did the gibeonites , as hewers of wood , and drawers of water ; and then what will become of these poore soules , who having helped up the presbyters into the roome of the bishops , to be sure they shall neither have common-prayer-book , nor surplice , nor bishops , nor sacraments ; for the directory shall keep out the common-prayer-book , and presbyters shall keepe out bishops , and elders shall keep out all communicants of such and such sins , and vniformity will keep out conformity : and if ye hope for better , by the bustle and differenc●s , and sideings ; issues and successe are in gods hand , not in ours : ye may know when ye begin , but not when ye end ; and they will be first in the presbytery , before ye in the prelacy . therefore consider things . . that these ministers , though some of them were old non-conformists , and have a power of god in them , ( which i desire to love under any forme ) yet according to their interests they are not so , nor to the flesh they are not so , and it is their old man i write against , not their new ; so far as they are men , and so far as they are persecuters , so far as they are lovers of gaine , not of godlinesse , so far as they are accusers of their brethren , so far as they are in the forme of godlinesse , not in the power : therefore consider , these men are not all spirit and truth , we are not to call one of them iubiter , nor the other mercurius ; they are men of like passions with us , and ye ; and the worst i wish ( saving their humour of persecution ) is that the lord would make them love us in the spirit , and we shall in all love allow them their formes . to mr. gataker . sir , i hope i shall answer all things materiall in your book ; but your margin i shall not meddle with : i observe , you commonly in all your books fill that with things , and authors , of little value to christ crucified ; as in your last leafe , where you quote sophecles the poet , comparing your selfe to an old prancing horse . i should not rebuke your yeers , but that i find you comicall and poeticall ; and for my part , i am now ashamed to own those raptures , though i am young , having tasted straines of a more glorious spirit ; how much more you that are old , and call your selfe a divine , ought not to have any fruit in those things ? i hope i shall be in no more passion with you , than with your brother of the assembly , mr ley. i write to edifie , not to conquer ; nor to teach others , but that we may be all taught of god . john saltmarsh . to the author of the plea for the congregationall , or ( as he should have said ) parishionall government . sir , a word to you the author of the plea . you have so entangled and wrapped your selfe in the congregationall and church-principles , as if you meant to engage me at once against your presbytery , and the dissenting brethren . but that spirit which makes me oppose you , makes me discerne your designe , and so i hope i shall single you from them ; though you have cloathed your selfe in their apologeticall narration , yet i must deale with you as your self , and your brethren , not as theirs ; and it is but a little i have to say to you . but why no name ? is your divine right so questionable , that you will not own it ? or are you one of them that sit too neare it to commend it with open face , and think you may better , and more modestly do it in disguise , and without a name ? had i not some reason to suspect it came from some of that sort , i had passed it by with as little noise as it came abroad : and i have but little to say to you now ; i cannot stand long wrangling in things that grow clearer and clearer every day , for the day breaks , and the shadowes flie away . shadowes flying away : or , a reply to master gataker's answer to some passages in master saltmarsh his booke of free-grace . master gataker . ( ) that he was traduced by one master john saltmarsh , a man unknown to him , save by one or two pamphlets , as witnessing to the antinomian party . ( ) that he must unbowell and lay open some of the unsound stuffe . ( ) that some think they have found out a shorter cut to heaven . ( ) that my inferences upon his words are not true , nor as he intended : as if a protestant with a papist disputing about the masse , should say the controversie is not concerning the nature of sacraments , &c. answ . to the first , ●hat you were traduced by me : let not you and i be judge of that : both our books are abroad ; and i have quoted your words to the very leafe where they are . your meaning i could not come at ▪ the deep things of the heart are out of the power of anothers quotatior . for my selfe unknown to you but by two pamphlets : i take your sleighting : i could call your treatises by a worse name then treatises ; for i knew one of them some yeers since , that of lots , wherein you defended cards and dice-playing : and it had been happy for others as well as my selfe , in my times of vanity , had you printed a retractation . i beleeve you strengthened the hands of many to sin . i know you love ancient writers well , by your margin and quotations . and i pray remember how augustine honoured truth as much by confessing errours as professing truths . what fruit should you and i have of these things whereof we are now ashamed ? for your witnessing to the antinomian party against your will : is that your fault , or mine ? nor am i to judge of your reserves , and secret senses , but of words and writings . nor is it an antinomian party i alleadge you to countenance : but a party falsly traduced and supposed so : a party called antinomian by you , and others , and then writ against : a setting up hereticks to deceive the world , and then telling the world such and such are the men . you may make more by this trick , then you find so . to the second , that you will lay open the unsound stuffe : i shall not be unwilling , i hope , to be told my failings : but i must look to the stuffe you bring in the roome of mine , and entreat others to trye the soundnesse of yours it is not my saying , that mine is sound , will make it better ; nor your saying it is unsound , can make it worse . let every ones work be proved , and then he shall have whereof to boast . to your third , of some finding out a shorter cut to heaven then some former divines : i know not what you meane by shorter cuts . the papists find a way , they say , to heaven by works , some protestants by jesus christ and works , and others by jesus christ alone , and make works the praise of that free grace in jesus christ : and is that a shorter cut then theirs , as you call it ? or rather , a clearer revelation of truth ? methinks your expressions have too much of that which solomon cals frowardnesse in old men . argue , and prove , and bring scripture as long as you please , but be not too quarrelsome . but i shall excuse you in part , because you tell us you are not yet recovered from sicknesse : so as i take this , with other of your books , as part or remainders of your disease , rather then your judgement ; and the infirmity of your body , not the strength of your spirit . but why chose you not a better time to trie truth in , when you were not so much in the body ? to the fourth , that nothing lesse was intended by you : i undertook not to discover your intents to the world . you might have don well to have revealed your selfe more at first , that i might not have taken you to be more a friend to truth then i see you are : forgive me this injury , as the apostle saies , if i accounted you better then you desire to be . love hopeth all things , and beleeveth all things . and paul it seems was better perswaded of agrippa then there was cause , and quoted some of the heathen poets better then they intended them , as it seems i have done with you ; that being the greatest thing you lay to my charge . master gataker . ( ) that our antinomian free grace is not the same with that of the prophets in the old testament , and the apostles in the new . ( ) that in saying the old testament was rather a draught of a legall dispensation , then an evangelicall or gospell-one , was to taxe the ministery of the prophets for no free-grace . ( ) that in saying the ministers now by the qualifications they preach , do over-heat free-grace as your poore soules cannot take it , doth make the prophets , iuglers and deluders of the people . answer . to your first , that our antinomian free grace , is not the same with the prophets and apostles : why do you tell us of antinomians , of prophets and apostles free-grace ? it is not the free-grace of any of these : free-grace is of god in jesus christ ; prophets and apostles are but dispencers of it , and ambassadours of it , and ministers of it ; and yet ambassadours not in the same habit : the prophets preached grace in a rough and hairy garment , or , more legally ; the apostles in a more clear and bright habit , in the revelation of the mystery of christ : the law was given by moses , but grace and truth by iesus christ . i could as easily say , master gatakers free-grace , and the legalists free-grace , as he sayes our antinomian free-grace ; but such words and reproaches make neither you nor i speake better truth . to your second , that in saying the old-testament straine was rather legall then gospell , taxes the ministery of the prophets for no free-grace : that is according to your inference only . because the spirit sayes , the law was given by moses , therefore will you put upon the spirit , that moses taught or gave out nothing but law● because i say , the old testament was a legall ministration , therefore do i say there was no free-grace in it ? or doe i not rather say , therefore it was free-grace legally dispenced , or preached , or ministred ? would not such inferences be bad dealing with the spirit , and will it be faire dealing with me ? i wonder you who pretend to write against me , as having not dealt justly with your sense , will deale so unjustly with mine , and commit the same sin your self , in the very time of your reproving mine . you may see what this logick hath brought you to , to deceive your selfe , as well as your neighbour . can you cast out my mo●e , and behold , a beame in your own eye ? i have printed all you quoted : let the reader judge from this and compare it with the rest of my book . the whole frame of the old testament was a draught of gods anger at sin . — and god in this time of the law appeared only as it were upon tearmes and conditions of reconciliation : and all the worship then , and acts of worship then , as of prayer , fasting , repentance , &c. went all this way , according to god under that appearance . and in this straine ( saith he ) runnes all the ministery of the prophets too , in their exhortations to duty and worship , as if god were to be appeased and entreated , and reconciled , and his love to be had in way of purchase by duty , and doing , and worshipping : so as under the law , the efficacy and power was put as it were wholly upon the duty and obedience performed , as if god upon the doing of such things , was to be brought into tearmes of peace , mercy and forgivenesse ; so as their course and service then , was as it were a w●rking for life and reconciliation . do not these words and termes inserted , as it were , and , in the way , and , as if , and , is it were , cleare me from such positive and exclusive assertions of free-grace as you would make me speake ? to the third , that in saying the preachers with their qualifications over-heate free-grace , i doe by that make the prophets deluders of the people , &c. i answer : that way of preaching the prophets used , pressing , as you say ▪ repentance , reformation , humiliation , and with commination , and the law , &c. was but according to the way , and method , and straine the spirit taught them under the old testament : but if the prophets should have held forth jesus christ under the new testament , and when christ was manifested in the flesh , with such vails over him , and so much law over him , as they did before , they had sinned against the glory of that ministration , as well as some of you , who bring christ back againe under the cool shadow of the law , and make that sun of righteousnesse that he warmes not so many with the love of him as he would doe , if ye would let them behold with open face as in a glasse the glory of the lord , and if you would give his beams more liberty to shine upon them ; doth not the ministration of the spirit exceed in glory ? nor were the prophets deluders of the people then , because it was the peoples time of pupillage , and being under bondage ; they were shut up under the law till faith came ; they were under tutors and governors till the time appointed : so as that was truth , and right dispensation in them to preach so much of the law , of curse , and judgement , &c. as they did ; and of repentance and reformation in that straine they did : but in ye who pretend to preach christ come in the flesh ; ye who pretend to be preachers in the kingdome of god , and so greater then the greatest prophet , then he that was more then a prophet ; in ye , such preaching were delusion , because it were not as the truth is in christ , nor according to that glory of the gospell , to that grace revealed , to that manifestation of christ in the flesh , to that ministration of glory ; but rather to those deceitfull workers the apostle speaks on , to those that troubled them with words , subverting their souls , who preached law and gospell , circumcision and christ . master gattaker . ( ) that we gird at those that bid men repent , and be humbled , and be sorry for sinnes , and pray , &c. as legall teachers . ( ) that christ preached repentance , humiliation self-deniall , conversion , renouncing all in purpose : this is not the same gospell with that they preach , as in free-grace , pag. , , , , , , . answer . to your first , for our girding at those that bid men repent , and be humbled , &c. as legall teachers : if ye presse repentance and humiliation legally , why wonder ye at such words as legall teachers ? will ye doe ill , and not be told of your faults ? must we prophesie smooth things to you , and say ye are able ministers of the new testament , when we are perswaded that truth is detained in unrighteousnesse ? we blame not any that bid men repent , or be sorry for sinne , &c. be humble , &c. if they preach them as christ and the apostles did ; as graces flowing from him , and out of his fulnesse , and not as springings of their owne , and waters from their fountaines ; as if the teachers , like moses , would make men beleeve they could with such rods and exhortations , smite upon mens hearts as upon rocks , and bring waters out of them , be they never so hard and stony . we agree with you , that repentance , and sorrow for sinne , and humiliation , and self-deniall , are all to be preached , and shall contend with you , who preaches them most , and clearest : but then , because iohn said repent , and christ said repent , and peter said repent ; are we to examine the mystery no farther ? know we not that the whole scripture in its fulnesse and integrality reveales the whole truth ? and must we not looke out , and compare scripture with scripture , spirituall things with spirituall , and so finding out truth from the degrees , to the glory and fulnesse of it , preach it in the same glory and fulnesse as we find it ? we heare christ preaching before the spirit was given , repent ; and we find , when the spirit was given , christ is said to give repentance to israel , and forgivenesse of sinnes ; and shall we not now preach jesus christ , and repentance in jesus christ the fountaine of repentance , the author of repentance , and yet preach repentance , and repentance thus , and repentance in the glory of it more ? the apostle in one place saith , beleeve in the lord iesus christ , and thou shalt be saved ; and in another place , he is the author and finisher of our faith ; shall we not now preach iesus christ first ? and iesus christ the fountaine , and iesus christ the author of faith and beleeivng , and yet preach faith ; yea and thus preach faith , faith in the glory , faith in the revelation of it , faith from christ , and faith in christ ? one scripture tels us godly sorrow worketh repentance to salvation , &c. and another tels us , they shall look on him whom they have peirced , and they shall mourne for him , &c. shall we not now preach sorrow for sin took from christ , christ piercing , and wounding , and melting the heart ; christ discovering sin ▪ and powring water upon drie ground ? this is sorrow for sin in the glory of the gospell . one scripture bids , he that will follow me , let him deny himselfe , and take up his crosse . another saith , it is he that worketh in us both to will and to do of his good pleasure , and i am able to do all things through christ that strenghneth me . shall we not now preach christ our strength , and christ our selfe-deniall ? and is not this selfe-denyall in the glory of the gospell ? so as the difference betwixt us is this ; ye preach christ and the gospell , and the graces of the spirit in the parts as ye find it : we dare not speak the mystery so in peices , so in halfe and quarter revealings ; we see such preaching answers not the fulnesse of the mystery , the riches of the gospell , the glory of the new testament : we find that in the fulnesse of the new testament , christ is set up as a prince , as a king , as a lord , as a crown and glory to every grace and gift : nay , he is made not only righteousnesse , but sanctification too ; and so we preach him . whereas to preach his riches without him , his graces by themselves , single , and private ; as , repent , and beleeve , and be humbled , and deny your selves , ye make the gifts lose much of their glory ; christ of his praise , and the gospell of its fulnesse . to the second , of your alleadging my book in such and such pages , as another gospell from christs : i shall print them as you quote them ; and with them , i desire these things to be considered , together with the other parts of my booke , and the scope of it , which you have detained in unrighteousnesse : all these i freely open to the judgment of all who are spirituall . master gataker . ( ) that john , christs , and his apostles method were all one for matter and manner ; for they all preached faith and repentance ; and yet we are ●a●ed for these things as legalists by this author . ( ) john and the rest preached life and salvation upon condition of faith , and repentance , and obedience . ( ) where we find faith only preached , it is because we have but the summaries or heads of their sermons . answer . to the first , that i taxe you for preaching faith and repentance ; a● the apostles did , and john did , as legalists . nay , i tax ye only because ye preach it not as they did , according to the full revelation of it in the new testament ; but you preach it only as you find it in their summaries , and in the briefe narration of their doctrine ; and this you ought not to do , if you will preach according to that glorious analogie of the gospell : and to this , i shall only bring in your own words to convince you , and so from your own mouth condemn you . you say of the apostles , we have but summaries of them , as in acts . . and . . and you knowing this , preach only by their first methods and summaries , not looking to the revelation of the mystery , which the apostle saies is now made manifest . and for iohns manner of preaching , his preaching is to be no more an example to you then his baptism . you know the least in the kingdom of heaven is greater then he . to the second , that faith , repentance , and obedience , were conditions of life and salvation . why keep you not to the forme of wholesome words in scripture ? where doth the scripture call these conditions of salvation ? they that are christs , do beleeve , and repent , and obey ; but do they bele●ve repent , and obey that they may be christs ? hath not god chosen us in him , & predestinated us unto the adoption of children in jesus christ ? but i know you wil say , that when the apostles did beleeve , repent , and obey , it is by consequence as much as a condition , and the same with a condition . but answer : the interpreting the spirit thus in the letter , and in consequence , hath much darkned the glory of the gospell . when some of christs disciples took his words as you do , under a condition , except ye eat the flesh of the son of man ▪ &c. the words , saith he , that i speake , are spirit . consider but what 〈◊〉 you bring the gospell into : first , you make life appearing to be had in the covenant of grace , as at first in the covenant of works ▪ do this , and live ; so beleeve , repent , obey and live ; thus runs your doctrine : nar can you with all your distinctions make faith in this consideration , lesse then a worke , and so put salvation upon a condition of works againe . is this free-grace or but you say faith is a gift freely given of god ; and here is free-grace still ▪ but i pray , is this any more free-frace respectively to what we do for life , then the covenant of works had ? all the works wrought in us then , were freely of god , and of free-gift too , as arminius well observes in the point of universall grace ; and we wrought only from a gift given . either place salvation upon a free bottom , or else you make the new covenant but an old covenant in new tearmes ; in stead of do this and live ▪ beleeve this and live , repent and live , obey and live : and all this is for want of revealing the mystery more fully . to your third , that where we find faith only preached , and so salvatio● made short work ; that it is because we have but the summaries . i agree with you that we have but the doctrine of the apostles , as johns , of whom it is said , he spake many other things in his exhortation to the people : it is true , we have much of what they said , and we want much ; yet we have so much , as may shew us , that according to the work of salvation in us , faith is the worke which gives most glory to god : abraham believed , it is said , and gave glory to god ; they that beleeve , give glory ; and faith of all the works of the spirit , is the glorious gospell-worke ; christ cals it the worke indeed , this is the worke that ye beleeve : so as the only reason why we heare so much of faith in the gospell , is not only and meerely as you insinuate , because we have but their sermons in summaries , and because of another reason of yours , drawn from the qualification of some they preached to , that had other gifts , and not faith ; but because faith is of all spirituall encreasings in us , the most gloriously working towards christ , faith goes out , and faith depends , and faith lives in christ , and faith brings down christ , and faith opens the riches , and faith beleeves home all strength , comfort , glory , peace , promises . and faith hath so much put upon it , as becomes a stumbling stone , and a rock of offence , to many : justification , imputation of righteousnesse is put upon faith ; salvation upon faith as christs bloud , is put upon the wine ; the cup that we blesse , is it not the communion of the bloud of christ ; and christs body upon the bread , the bread that we breake , is it not the communion of the body of christ ? and yet neither the wine nor the bread , is his bloud or his body , no more then faith is either justification or righteousnesse ; but such a work as goes out most into him , and carries the soule into him who is righteousnesse and justification to us . the word were no mystery , if it were not thus ordered , and things so mingled , that the spirit only could discerne and distinguish ; do not the papists stumble at works ? and why ? because they see not faith for works : and do not others stumble at faith ? and why ? because they see not christ for faith ▪ do not some say that the words , world ; and all , and every man , makes some stumble at the election of some , and so conclude redemption for all . master gataker . ( ) that christ and his apostles never preached free-grace , without conditions and qualifications on own parts , rom. . . mat. . . &c. ( ) christs bloud or wine is not to be filled out too freely to dogs and swine , to sturdy rogues . ( ) that saying , promises belongs to sinners as sinners , not as humbled , &c. and all that received him , received him in a sinfull condition , is a creeping to antinomianisme . ( ) that god may be provoked to wrath by his children , and david and peter made their peace with god by repentance . ( ) that god loves us for his own graces in us ; god is as man , and as a father is angry and chastiseth his for sin . ( ) faith is not a perswasion more or lesse of christs love , all may have that , men may beleeve too suddenly , as simon magus . ( ) christ bids us repent , as well as beleeve ; yea , first to repent , we are to try our faith , cor. . . john . . ( ) that he clogs men with conditions of taking and receiving , as well as we of repenting and obeying . ( ) the summe of this mans divinity is , men may be saved whether they repent or no , whether they beleeve or no . answer . to the first , that christ and his apostles never preached free-grace , without conditions , &c. on our parts : i answer , they preached faith , and repentance , and obedience : but how ? first ; in degrees of revelation , the gospell came not all out at once in its glory : they preached them , but how ? not in parts , as we have their doctrine , as you confesse they preached them ; but all along in the new testament there is more of their glory and fulnesse revealed concerning them ; so as the degrees of revealing , the parts or summaries of their sermons , the fuller discovery in the whole new testament , are those things you consider not , and they are the things we only consider , and so dare not preach the gospell so in halfes , in parts and quarters as you do , and yet will not beleeve you do , which is so much worse , ye say ye see , and therefore your sin remaineth . to the second , christ bloud is not to be filled out to rogues and dogs . take heed you charge not christ for being with publicans and sinners , you may upon this ground say he preached false doctrine because he said , he came not to call the righteous , but sinners . what , were all of us in our unregenerate condition sinners or righteous persons ▪ unholy or holy ? men of faith or unbeliefe ? or not rather deall in trespasses and sins , till quickned with christ ? to the third . that saying , promises belongs to sinners as sinners , and not humbled , &c. i pray , to whom doth all promises belong first , but to christ ? and from whom to us , but from christ ? and what are the elect , and the chosen in him , before they are called or beleeve , but sinners as sinners ? do you look that men should be first whole for the physitian , or righteous for pardon of sins , or justified for christ ; or rather sinners , unrighteous , ungodly ? while we were yet sinners christ dyed for us ; he dyed for the ungodly . christ is the physitian , the righteousnesse , the sanctification , and makes them beloved that were not beloved , and to obtaine mercy that had not obtained mercy , and saints who were sinners , and spirituall who were carnall . so as we looke at christ and the promises comming to men in their sins ; but those men were beloved of god in christ , who suffered for sins before ; so as they begin not now to be loved , but to be made to love ; god begins not to be reconciled to them , but they begin to be reconciled to him ; the love of god being shed abroad into their hearts by the holy ghost , which is now given unto them . so as we looking at persons as chosen in christ , and at their sins , as borne by christ on his body on the tree , we see nothing in persons to hinder them from the gospell , and offers of grace there , be they never so sinfull to us , or themselves , they are not so to him who hath chosen them , not to him in whom they are chosen : and this is the mystery , why christ is offered to sinners , or rogues , or whatsoever you call them , they are , as touching the election , beloved for the fathers sake : i speak of men to whom christ gives power to receive him , and beleeve on him , and become the sons of god ; and christ findes them out in their sins , and visits them who sit in the region and shadow of death , and them that are darknesse , he makes light in the lord . to your fourth , that god may be provoked to wrath by his children . i pray , can god be as the son of man ▪ is there any variablenesse or shadow of change in him ? can he love and not love ? doth he hate persons or sins ? is he said to chastise as fathers , otherwise then in expressions after the manner of men ; because of the infirmities of our flesh must we conceive so of god as of one another ? can he be provoked for 〈◊〉 done away and abolished ? hath christ taken away all the sin of his ? hath he borne all upon his body or no ? speakes he of anger otherwise then by way of allusion and allegory , as a father &c. and is that , he is a father after the fashion of men ? or speaks he not in the old testament according to the revelation of himselfe then , and in the new testament of himselfe now , only because our infirmity , and his own manner of appearing which is not yet so ; but we may beare him in such expressions , and yet not so in such expressions , but we may see more of him and his love , and the glory of salvation in other expressions , and not make up such a love as you commonly do of benevolence and complacence . did david and peter , as you say , make up their peace with god by rapentance : is there any that makes peace but one jesus christ , who makes peace through the bloud of his crosse ? can repentance make peace ? or obedience make peace ? is there any sacrifice for sin , but that which was once offered , even he that appeared in the end of the world , to put away sin by the sacrifice of himselfe ? and was not this called by the apostle , one sacrifice for sins for ever ? repentance obedience , &c. may make way for the peace made already for sin , that is , in such workings of the spirit , the love of god in the face of iesus christ , may shine upon the soule more freely and fully ; and the more the spirit abounds in the fruits of it , the more joy and peace flows into the soule ; and the more the soule looks christ in the face , so as peace with god is not made but more revealed by the spirit in obedience and love , &c. to your fifth , that god loves us for his own graces in us . i thought he had loved us too in himselfe , and from that love given christ for us , and yet loved us in christ too ; can any thing without god , be a cause of gods love ? doth god love as we love one another , from complexions or features without , or loves he not rather thus ? god is love , and therefore we are made , and redeemed , and sanctified ; not because we are sanctified therefore he loves us ; we love him , because he first loved us ; he loved us , because he loved us , and not because we love him ; not because of any spirituall complexion or feature in us ; because of his image upon us , that is but an earnest of his love to us , that is only given us , because he loved us ; he loves us from his will , not from without : for though we are like him , yet we are not himselfe , and he loves us as in christ and himselfe . whereas you say , god is as man , and as a father ; i hope you meane not as in himselfe , but as in his wayes of speaking and appearing to us , and if so , we are agreed : but your taking things more in the letter , then the spirit , makes your divinity lesse divine , and your conceptions more like things of men then of god : this makes the gospell so legall and carnall , when we rise little higher then the bare letter or scripture , not the inspiration by which it came all scripture being given by inspiration . to your sixth , that faith is not a pers●sion more or lesse of gods love , and that all may have that . i pray mistake not , can all beleeve from the spirit ? can all be more or lesse spiritually perswaded ? do i speake of any perswasion of christs love which is not spirituall ? deceive not your selfe , nor your reader , nor wrong not your author ; or do i speak of faith abstracted from all repentance , obedience , &c , why deale ye thus ? when you say men may beleeve too suddenly , because i presse men to beleeve , and you instance in simon magus ; was he blamed for beleeving too suddenly , or for mis-beleeving ? because he beleeved the gifts of the holy ghost were to be bought with money ? can any beleeve too soon ? if some mis-beleeve , or beleeve falsly , what is that to them that truly beleeve ? shall the unbeliefe of some make the faith of god without effect ? god forbid : can christ be too soon a saviour to us ? can the fountaine be too soon opened for sin ? can the riches of christ be too soon brought home ? paul counts it an honour to be first in christ : salute andronicus and ●unia , who were in christ before me , and the church in priscilla's house , and epenetus , who were the first fruits of achaia unto christ . to your seventh , that christ bids us repent as well as beleeve ; yea , first repent . yea , but will you take the doctrine of the gospell from a part , or summary of it , as you say , and not from the gospell in its fulnesse , and glory , and revelation : will ye gather doctrines of truth , as ruth for a while did gleanings , here one eare of corne , and there another ; and not rather go to the full sheafe , to truth in the harvest and vintage ? will you pluck up truth by pieces and parcels , in repentance , and obedience , and selfe deniall ? and not reveale these as christ may be most glorified , and the saint● most sanctified , and these gifts most spiritualized and improved ? will ye preach doctrines as they lie in the letter , or in their analogie and inference of truth ? the papists preach christs very flesh and bloud to be in the wine : and why ? but because they looke but halfe way to the demonstration of truth in the spirit , they shut up christ in one not●●● and not in another , and so loses the truth by revealing it in that forme of words which is too narrow for it , and too short of the height , and depth , and length of it . you say , we are to try our faith : so say i too , if you would not pick and choose in my book , to make me some other thing then you find me : but you mean , we must try our faith for assurance , as your other words imply ; and so far i say too , but you will not heare me speak : but you would have the best assurance from tryall ; but so far i say not as you say , is that the best spirituall assurance that is from our own spirits in part , or from gods alone ? from our own reasoning , or his speaking ? can a spouse argue better the love of her friend from his tokens and bracelets , or from his owne word , and letter , and seale ? one of the three that beare witnesse on earth is the spirit , and in whom , after ye believe , ye were sealed with that spirit of promise . can any inference or consequence drawn from faith , or love or repentance , or obedience in us so assure us , as the breathing of christ himself , sealing , assuring , perswading , convincing , satisfying ; i will hear what god the lord will say , for he will speak peace to his servants : a saint had rather hear that voice , then all its own inferences and arguments , which though they bring something to perswade , yet they perswade not so answerably till the voyce speake from that excellent glory . to your eighth , that i clog men with conditions of receiving , as well as you of repenting , &c. i answer , i preach not receiving as a condition , as you do repenting . i preach christ the power , and life , and spirit , that both stands and knocks , and yet opens the doore to himselfe . i preach not receiving as a gift , or condition given or begun for christ , but christ working all in the soul , and the soul working up to christ by a power from himselfe . and if you would preach repentance and obedience as no other preceding or previous dispositions , we should agree better in the pulpit then we do in the presse . to your ninth , that the sum of my divinity is , that men may be saved whither they repent or no , or beleeve or no . i answer , should i say to you , the sum of your divinity is this , that faith , and repentance , and obedience , are helps with christ , and conditions with christ to mans salvation ; and that salvation in not free , but conditionall ; the covenant of grace is as it were a covenant of workes ? should i do well in this to upbraib you and those of your way ? say not then that i thinke men may be saved that never repent nor believe : why do you thus set up and counterfeit opinions , and then engrave our names upon them ? could not i piece up your book so ( if i would be unfaithfull ) as make ye appeare as great an hereticke as any whom you thus fancy ; because i preach not repentance , or faith as you do ; because i make all these as gifts from gods love in christ , not as gifts to procure us god , or his love , or christ ; because i make all these the fruits of the spirit , given to such whom christ hath suffered for , to such whom god hath chosen in him ; because i preach faith , and repentance , and obedience ▪ in that full revelation in which they are left as in the new testament , and not in that scantling of doctrine , as they are meerly and barely revealed in the history of the gospel , or acts of the apostles , onely where the doctrine is not so much revealed as the practise , and the story in summaries ; because we preach thus , therefore we are all antinomians , hereticks , men not worthy to live . brethren must ye forbid us to preach , because we follow not with you , because we preach not the law as ye do , nor faith as ye do , nor repentance as ye do ? therefore do we not preach them at all . we preach them all , as we are perswaded the new testament and spirit will warrant us , and as we may make christ to be the power of all , and fulnesse of all , as we may exalt him whom god hath exalted at his own right hand . and we wish that ye and all that heare us , were both almost , and altogether as we are , except in reproaches . conclvsion . from the page to the last , all your replyes amount not to any thing of , substance , but of quarrelsome and humorous exceptions ; and i shall , i hope , redeem my time better then in making a businesse of things that will neither edify the writer nor the reader : there are some things you might ( had you pleased ) raised up into some spirituall discourse , as that of works , and signs for assurance , &c. but you say of your self ( how becoming such a one as you i leave ) that you were like an old steed which neighs and prances , but is past service ; so as i must take this of your age and infirmity , as a fuller answer , or supplement to what you faile in against me . there are two or three things more observable then the rest : . that you tax me for saying , that the markes in johns epistles and james , are delivered rather as marks for others , then our selves to know us by ; and i affirme it againe , not as you say , excluding that other of our selves , but as i said , rather markes for others , though for both in their degrees , and kindes of manifestation . so in james . . where he saith , by workes a man is justified , not by faith ; so in vers . . . all which set forth works a signe to others rather then our selves . so in john . . hereby know we , we are passed from death to life , because we love the brethren ; compared with ver. . . shewes , that it is a love working abroad in manifestation to the brethren ; and yet i exclude not any evidence which the fruits of the spirit carry in them , as in my book , which yet you alleadge to that purpose , after you have been quarrelling so long with it , pulling my treatise in pieces to make your selfe worke , and then binde it up againe after your owne fashion . for your story of your lady , and your fallacy , that she might as well conclude her selfe damned because she was a sinner , as one that christ would save because she was a sinner , and durst you thus sport with a poor wounded spirit , that perhaps could see little but sin in her selfe to conclude upon ? know you not that christ came to call sinners , to save sinners ? and durst you make use of your logick to cast such a mist upon the promises to sinners ? suppose one should aske you how you gather up your assurance , now you are an old man ? how would you account to us ? would you say , such a m●asure of faith , so much obedience , so much love to the brethren , so much zeale , prayer , repentance , and all of unquestionable evidence ? but if we should go further , and question you concerning your failings when you writ in the behalfe of cards and dice , of the common-prayer-book ; if we should aske ye of your luxuria●cy in quotations in your books and sermons ; whether all be out of pure zeale , no selfishnesse , no vain-glory ? whether all your love was without bitternesse to your brethren of a diverse judgement , whom you call antinomian , &c. whether you preached and obeyed all out of love to iesus christ , and not seeking your own things , not making a gaine of godlinesse ? whether all your fastings and repentance were from true meltings of heart , sound humiliation ; or because the state called for it , and constrained it ? whether your praying and preaching was not much of it self , of invention , of parts , of art , of learning , of seeking praise from men ? oh , should the light of the spirit come in clearnesse and glory upon your spirit ; oh! how much of self , of hypocrisie , of vanity , of flesh , of corruption , would appeare ? how would all be unprofitable ? for my part , i cannot be so uncharitable but to wish you a better assurance then what you and your brethren can find in your own works or righteousnesse : for , it is not what we approve , but what god approves is accepted . and i am perswaded , however you are now loth , it may be to lose reputation by going out of an old track of divinity , as luther once , yet when once your spirit begins to be unclothed of forms of darknesse and art , of self-righteousnesse , and that you with open face behold the glory of the lord , you will cry out , wo is me , i am undone , for i have seen the lord ; and lord depart from me , for i am a sinfull creature ; and , what went i out to see ? my owne unrighteousnesse ; or rather , a reed shaken with the winde . an answer to a book intituled a plea for congregationall government : or , a defence of the assemblies petition , &c. you write thus : ( ) that the independents confesse you a true church and minstery . ( ) those that are ordained by bishops , may be true ministers ; else how am i a preacher , or they true ministers ? ( ) succession is not necessary to the essence of a true ministery . ( ) if no true ministery , no true baptisme . ( ) must not there be persons ordaining , and persons ordained ? and so the dissenting brethren held . ( ) that you abuse the assembly in ●●ing their humble advice touching the divine right of a congregationall presbyteriall , and not of the other . the independents assert a divine right there , and in synods too , as they do : they hold a divine right in one as well as the other . ( ) their ordination by bishops though it should be null , yet they have all you can alleadge necessary to a preacher . ( ) parishes here are but as in new-england , as in jerusalem , antioch . ( ) some of the dissenting brethren hold synods an holy ordinance of god , and this assembly so to be . ( ) if no presbyteries must be of divine right , because not infallibly gifted , this concludes against presbyteries and ordinances . ( ) if you would have them content with a mixed power partly prudentiall , because of their mixt ●●ointing , you contradict that pure one you plead for . ( ) the apostles , and elders , and angels of the churches of asia were not infallible as in divers practices . ( ) to say the apostles did advise in place of the written word , is little lesse then blasphemy . ( ) the presbyterians in france , and scotland , and the netherlands , do 〈◊〉 so imbroyle kingdoms . the feare of excommunicating parliaments and kingdoms , is but a bugbeare . ( ) they aske not of the state an ecclesiasticall power , but a liberty to exercise that power . ( ) hath christ said , that in a sound church , church-officers shall excommunicate , and in an unsound , the magistrate shall do it ? ( ) he may in time say as much against equity and justice living upon voyces in assemblies , as against truth . answer . to the first , that the independents confesse you a true church and ministery . you are not to prove what others confesse or hold you to be , but what you are indeed , according to truth . nor do i contend with those that hold you so , but with you that hold your selves so ; as the spirit to the laodiceans ; thou sayest thou art full &c. and , behold , thou art poore , &c. to the second , that they ordained by bishops , are true ministers as the independents , and i a preacher , for all that ordination . if you meane that the bishops ordination makes not one for ever a false or antichristian minister , i grant it , because it is no marke to them that renounce it : babylon is no more babylon to them that are gone out of it . but what is this to your ministery or ordination , who are yet under the marke and babylonish ordination ? renounce it , come out as the spirit cals ye , and then your being antichristian is no more to ye , then to the ephesians that they should be lesse light because they were once darknesse , or lesse alive because they were once dead . to the third , that succession is not necessary to a true ministery , it is both true , and false , in severall acceptions . when there was a true power , they ordained others , and others them . there was succession . but that being lost under antichrist , so far as visibly to derive it to us , there can be no such true visible succession appearing . and yet you that pretend to stand by the first power , must prove your succession , if you will prove your power . to the fourth : if no true ministery , no true baptism . for that as you please : i dare not exalt the truth of your baptism above that of your ministery , no more then you . to the fifth : the dissenting brethren hold there must be persons ordaining and ordained , as well as we . ye● , but do they hold bishops ordaining , and presbyters ordained by bishops , and presbyters of their ordaining , ordaining others as you do ? to the sixth , of my unjust citing the assemblies modell or humble advice : and that there is no more divine right asserted in the congregationall presbytery then in the classicall , &c. which is done so by the dissenting brethren . i answer : let the modell be printed to the world , to end the difference betwixt you and me . and for the divine right of the one and the other , i am of your mind ; they are able to prove both alike of divine right that is in their presbytery : the one is no more of divine right then the other , and neither of them of any . and for the dissenting brethren , it is not them , but you i deale with . why come you under their shadow in a storme , and yet will let them have no liberty under yours , but would turne us all abroad as hereticks and schismaticks . to the seventh : though the ordination by bishops be null , yet they have the other necessaries to a preacher . will ye undertake for the assembly they shall stand to this , that all their former ▪ ordination by bishops is null ? if so , we are agreed : if not , all their other necessaries are no more then ahabs peace : what peace , saith jehu , so long as the whoredoms of thy mother iezebell are alive ? so , what ministery , so long as the whoredoms of babylon yet remaine ? to the eighth , that the parishes are but as in new-england , as in ierusalem , &c. i pray forbeare this ; it is too manifest an errour . are the parishes of england and churches of ierusalm one and the same , so discipled , so constituted ? were all of ierusalem and antioch reckoned for christs congregations , as all parishes are ? to the ninth , that some of the dissenting brethren hold synods ordinances of god , and this assembly so . i know some of our brethren for the presbytery hold infant-baptism unlawfull , and antichristian , and hath better defended it then any yet whom i have read , hath answered it . and for this assembly to be an ordinance of god , i thought that had been but an ordinance of parliament , and stood by that power by which they were called by at first : yet deny not but that consultations for holy ends , about the things of god , are lawfull by the word . to the tenth , that presbyteries , because not infallibly gifted , are of no divine right , and so concludes aga●nst all presbyteries and ordinances . yea , against all your presbyteries to be of divine right as the first . but our question is rather whether the first was any such presbytery as you now affirme : and for ought i see , you can no more prove the truth of the presbytery then in the sense you take it , then your presbytery to be one with it , one only in divine right , not in divine power or gifts . and how are these things sutable ? to the eleventh , that i contradict the pure government i plead for , by pleading for yours as prudentiall . it were true indeed , if i pleaded it in mine own behalfe . i plead it occasionally for them , who will needs have what the state cannot in conscience allow them , and yet will not practice any other but what the state shall give them ; and so trouble both the state and their own consciences , and would cast a snare upon both . brethren , if ye will needs have the state to allow ye your presbytery , why are ye not content with what they can allow ye ? if ye will have a divine right which they cannot allow ye , why do ye trouble them , and sit down under a bondage of your own making ? but how justly is this yoke come upon you , who would have brought a worse upon your brethren . to the twelfth , that the first presbyters , and apostles , &c. were not infallible as in divers practices . what is this to the truth and gifts they taught and taught by ? they failed as men , but not as apostles : they erred as they were peter and paul , but not as moved by the holy ghost . take heed by opening the apostles failings to justifie your own , you speake not worse blasphemy then you name in me , and make that glorious word of scripture questionable which they preached , like the words that your selves preach from that scripture . to the thirteenth , that to say the apostles did advise in place of the written word , is blasphemy . what blasphemy is it to say , that the same word which they writ and preached ; the same spirit spake in them , and spake ▪ the same truth in them which writ in them ? and is it so with any of your ▪ presbyters ? therefore till the same spirit speak truth in them so as in the first presbyters , will they challenge the same right , the same power ? will they have a divine right acted by a spirit lesse divine then the right ? to the fourteenth , that the presbyterians in france , scotland , and the netherlands , do not embroyle kingdoms . there is good reason : in france they cannot if they would . i wish you would walke under the magistrate as they do , and as your dissenting brethren here , and not make him serve you , and in the netherlands , do you as they do there , and leave your brethren to the like liberty that is in that state , and they will not grudge ye your presbytery amongst your selves . for scotland they are brethren i wish no worse to , then truth , and peace , and power above their ministers . to that of excommunicating kingdoms being a bugbear . you do well to say so , till ye be established : but you that dare so capitulate with states , whom ye are called to advise in things onely propounded , what more may be expected upon all your principles , i leave to be judged . to the fifteenth , that they aske not of the state a power , but a liberty to exercise that power . well : and will ye trouble the state no further ? will ye not intreat them to punish such a one , and such a one , whom ye judge an hereticke and a schismaticke ? to fine and imprison , when you have done with them at excommunication ? may the state be quiet if they say to ye , go all that are so perswaded as you are , and worship and practise as your dissenting brethren and other saints , and trouble not us to provide for your tythes , and rule for you in things of your own cognizance over consciences . but you would onely have liberty from them ; your power is of christ . but you cannot so cleare things as you thinke . if your power and liberty respectively to your selves and the magistrate be so distinct , why have ye mingled them and confounded them all this while ? why make ye the truth and power ye have from christ , wait so at parliament-doores , as master case said ? if the powers on earth will not do for christ , as you would make the people beleeve , why do not ye your selves more for christ ? is it better to obey god or man ? thus the more ye would single your selves in your power and right from the magistrate , the more your practice makes an argument against ye . to the sixteenth , that i should say , in a sound church , church-officers shall excommunicate and judge of offences ; and in an unsound the magistrate , and the inference there : i answer , i spake and writ so , according to your principles , not to my owne . nor can i see how you can chalenge such a one , entire , and simple . discipline exclusively to the magistrate , upon no more true , pure , and scripture-principles then your present presbytery is . and i conceive the powers on earth , or in the world , have to do in every government that is more of the world then of christ : for if ye exclude them from a part in that government which is partly prudential , and of man , you exclude them from off part of their owne kingdome , which is theirs by inheritance , and of more divine right then i conceive yours to be . and whereas you would make us beleeve you stand onely in a pure gospel strength and power , and desire no more of the magistrate but liberty : can this be so in truth , when all is esteemed invalid and nothing , if the magistrates power doth not actuate the ministers power ? i know you may distinguish of powers scholastically , and spheres of working for those powers , and so tell the magistrate and us , he doth but act in his sphere , when he acts in yours , and indeed acts yours , making it to be stronger then it is in it selfe . but is not his civil power that which puts life , as you think , into all your presbytery ? yet he must think he doth but as a magistrate still , as if so be that the magistrate were made to be rods in the hands of the church , and swords to be drawn by them , and iron whips at their girdles . we are not now as aaron and moses : we are not a kingdom of israell , nor a church of israel ; though too many of you have preached the old testament more then the new ; for what advantage , let the magistrate judge . to the seventeenth , that he may in time say as much of justice living upon voyces in assemblies , as of truth ; and so to be a mystery of iniquity . these are but infirmations to the magistrate , and ghosts of jealousie which you raise . and to put an end to such feares ; when i make church and state , magistrate and ministery , gospell laws and civill to be both one , then challenge me for that opinion : but i have learned , that christs kingdom and the worlds have a severall policy ; and that may be a law in the one , which is not to the other . and now is it your inference , or my principle , wrongs the magistrate ? an answer in few words to master edwards his second part of the gangrena , and to the namelesse author of a book , called , an after-reckoning with master saltmarsh . master edwards , the difference betwixt ye both , is this : you set your name to more then you know , as hath been well witnessed ; and this man dare set his name to nothing : you sin without shame , and your partner is ashamed of what he doth . sin is too powerfull in you against truth , because you shew your selfe : and truth is too powerfull for him , because he hides himselfe . master edwards , i shall answer you in these few words : but first , the lord rebuke thee , even the lord . . if the image of christ be in any of those you so persecute ; how can you answer it to jesus christ , to cash any dirt on the glory of him ? . if god be in any of those you are so much an enemy to ; how will you answer it to fight against god , any thing of god ? . if any of those be the children of the heavenly father , or the little ones of the gospell , it were better that a milstone were hanged about your neck , and you cast into the sea : so christ tels you . . what is it to sin against the holy ghost , but to hate the light once known ; or to blaspheme the works of the spirit ? and you once professed to me you had almost been one of those whom you call hereticks . oh take heed of that sin ! there is no more sacrifice for that . and how if the works of those you so judge , be wrought in the spirit ? shall you ever be forgiven in this world , or in that to come ? read the words , and tremble . . doth not the word bid you restore those that are fallen , in meeknesse , and tell your brother his fault , first betwixt you and him ? and you never yet came to any of them that i could heare of ; but print , proclaime , tell stories to the world of all you heare , see , know . is christ in this spirit ? is the gospell in this straine ? will this be peace to your soule hereafter ? . solomon tels us , that a man may seem faire in his own tale , till his neighbour search out the matter . and how dare you then take all things at one hand , and not at anothers ? how dare you have one eare open for complaints , and faults , and crimes , and the other shut against all defence ? did ever justice do this ? did you ever call for their accusers face to face ? did you ever traverse testimonies on both sides ? and dare you judge thus , and condemne thus ? shall not the judge of heaven and earth make you tremble for this injustice ? shall he not make inquisition upon your soule for this bloud ? . it is any other ground or bottome you stand on in this your way of accusing the brethren , but paul you say named some , and the fathers named some so , and calvin , as you told me the other day when i met you ? and was there ever crime without some scripture , or shadow of the word ? did not canterbury on the scaffold ▪ preach a sermon of as much scripture and story for what he did , as you can for yours , if you should ever preach there ? he thought ye ill hereticks , as you do us ; he thought he might persecute you , as you do us ; and he had a word from john baptist for his manner of death , and a word from the red sea and israelites for his death , and enemies ; and a word from paul for his changing laws and customes : and for his crime of popery , he had a word from them that feared the romanes would come and take away their government . thus satan and selfe can paint the worst kind of sin . poore soule ▪ is your conscience no better seated then in such aiery apparitions of scripture , and failings of fathers ? do not you heare the prayers of those soules you wound , pleading with god against your sin ? are you not in the gall of bitternesse and bond of iniquity ? is not your spirit yet flying ; when none pursues you ? are not your dreames of the everlasting burning , and of the worme that never dies ? have you no gnawings , no flashings , no lightnings ? i am afraid of you . your face and complexion shewes a most sadly parched , burnt , and withered spirit . me thought when i called to you the other day in the street , and challenged you for your unanswerable crime against me , in the third page of the last gangrena , in setting my name against all the heresies you reckon , which your own soule and the world can witnesse to be none of mine , and your own confession to me when i challenged you : how were you troubled in spirit and language ? your sin was , as i thought , upon you , scourging you , checking you , as i spoke . i told you at parting , i hoped we should overcome you by prayer . i beleeve we shall pray you either into repentance , or shame , or judgement , ere we have done with you . but oh might it be repentance rather , till master edwards smite upon his thigh , and say , what have i done ? for your anagram upon my name , you do but fulfill the prophesie , they shall cast out your name as evill , for the son of mans sake . and for your book of jeeres and stories of your brethren ; poore man ! it will not be long musick in your eares , at this rate of sinning . for the namelesse author and his after-reckoning ; let all such men be doing , for me : let them raile , revile , blaspheme , call hereticks : it is enough to me , that they write such vanity they dare not own . and now let me tell ye both , and all such pensioners to the great accuser of the brethren , fill up the measure of your iniquity , if ye will needs perish whether we will or no . i hope i rest in the bosome of christ , with others of my brethren : raile , persecute , do your worst , i challenge all the powers of hell that set ye on work , while christ is made unto me righteousnesse , wisedome , sanctification and redemption . and i must tell ye further , that since any of the light and glory of christ dawned upon me : since first i saw that morning-star of righteousnesse , any of the brightnesse of the glory in my heart , that heart of mine which once lived in the coasts of zebulon and nephtaly , in the region and shadow of death , i can freely challenge ye , and thousands more such as ye , to say , write , do , worke , print , or any thing , and i hope i shall in the strength of christ , in whom i am able to do all things , give you blessings for cursings , and prayers for persecutions . finis . pag . line . for antichristian , read great corruption . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- rom. . . iohn . , . notes for div a e- cor . . , . mr seam●n , mr. v●●●● , mr. hill , mr segwick , &c. acts . . matth. . . . ● . luk . . luk. . ● . mat. . , . mat . . marke . . acts . . p. , , . see p. . rom. ● . , . ephes. . pag. , , . pag. . pag. , . pag. . rom. . rom. . . heb. . . & . rom. . rom. . , . ephes. psal. pet. . pag. . pag . . pag. . pag. . mr tombes . luthers predecessours: or an ansvvere to the question of the papists: where was your church before luther? 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) luthers predecessours: or an ansvvere to the question of the papists: where was your church before luther? bedford, thomas, d. . p. imprinted by felix kingston for george winder, and are to be sold at his shop in saint dunstons church yard in fleetstreet, london : . reproduction of the original in the emmanuel college (cambridge university) library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng reformation -- england -- early works to . protestants -- england -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion luthers predecessours : or an answere to the qvestion of the papists : where was your church before luther ? london , imprinted by felix kingston for george winder , and are to be sold at his shop in saint dunstons church-yard in fleet-street . . luthers predecessours : or , an answere to the qvestion of the papists : where was your church before luther ? amongst all those creatures that yeeld an vnpleasant sound , none are so clamorous and obstreperous , as frogs , and locusts ; these by land , the other by water , saluting each passenger with an vnwelcome note : the iust picture and resemblance of popish priests , and iesuites , which certainly are the frogs which s. iohn saw to come forth of the mouth of the beast , and the false prophet ; whose croaking and vnwelcome noise doth nor a little trouble each christian passenger : amongst other harsh notes of theirs , this question hath his place : for what musicke can there be in it ? where was your church before luther ? to what end is this question mooued , except it bee to trouble men ? for , what if wee could not prooue , that our english church was before luther ? must it needs follow , that the doctrine we hold is vntrue ? or shall the doctrine of the church of rome be euer the truer , because of onely antiquity ? what if arrius or nestorius could haue deduced the patrons of their opinions from adam , should they for that haue beene orthodoxall ? no certainly : and why not ? because the church must be prooued and allowed by the doctrine , and not the doctrine authorized by the church , which the papists ( a people wise in their generation ) well knowing , haue ouerturned the course of nature , & will haue the scripture and all doctrine to hang vpon the determination of the church : and vpon this ground it is , that they proceede to such questions as these , hoping that if they haue once amazed any one with the name of the church , and shall haue driuen him from title and interest to the church before luthers time , they shall easily make him call in question the whole frame of doctrine of the reformed churches . vnto this question answers haue beene made , arguments alledged to prooue that the doctrine of the protestant religion hath had his being in the world long before the dayes of luther : that argument of the worthy doctor featly cannot by any iesuite be answered , who concludeth , that the doctrine of the reformed churches must needs haue professours in all ages , because it is eternall : for eternity must needes haue a perpetuall duration without interruption . the argument of induction ▪ is that which better pleaseth the iesuite , but by no meanes will hee suffer our enumeration to begin with christ and his apostles ; for then what shifts , what cauils and tergiuisations they haue , may easily appeare by the proceedings of the late conference betwixt d. white , and d. featly , against fisher , and sweet : wherefore , to answer a foole , according to his folly , i haue indeuoured to draw the argument of induction à posteriore , beginning with the ages next before luther ; the which is not so hard a taske as commonly is imagined : but first , we must agree vpon the termes of this question , where was your church , & c ? where wee must first know what is meant by your , and what by church . for , if by your , they meane the church of our nation , that is , where was your english reformed church ? then are we to answer out of our own chronicles , and so shall we be able to name the fewer in all ages , and in some ages perhaps none ; not that there were none , but that the euidences are lost : but i suppose they doe not by the termes , your church , vnderstand a nationall or prouinciall church , because then must they prooue , that the church of the new testament is tyed to a place : so that where it once hath beene planted , there it should continue , which is contrary to all experience : besides , had they meant so , they would haue rather named tyndall , or some other englishman , then luther a german . by your church , they meane then those men in what country soeuer , which confessed and maintained the same doctrine . then , for the meaning of the word church , wee demand whether they mean a visible constituted church , which might haue beene knowne by the distinction and succession of bishops , elders , deacons , &c. or whether they meane generally any company of men , holding and professing those truths and doctrines which we maintaine ? for , if they will tye vs to the former , i say still , the taske is vnequall , because the records are wanting , but especially , because they cannot prooue that the church must alwayes bee in such manner visible : for in elias time there were . vnknowne to him , much more to ahab . in the time of christs passion some of the papists say , that the church rested onely in marie ; and all doe vsually compare the church to the moone , which is alwayes lasting , but not alwaies in the full. but , if they meant the latter , namely , a company of men professing the same faith which wee doe ; then wee further propound to them two questions . the first is , whether the persecuting of any defacto , doe hinder the iustifying of them deiure , which they must needs denie , except they will beg the question : and then , though we finde such , and such , in former ages to haue beene condemned , yet if deiure , they ought not , and that we can iustifie their tenents , we shall proceed more easily in challenging them for ours . but if they would haue vs to name men vncondemned , liuing in peace , free from persecution , they must then prooue , that persecution doth take away the priuiledge of the church ; that those men shall not be of the church , because persecuted : which if they goe about , they must wipe out the whole infancy of the church for the first . yeeres ; but they shall neuer be able to prooue it : for the woman in reuel . . was constrained to flie into the wildernesse for feare of the dragon . the second is , what those doctrines are , which we must prooue , those whom wee seeke for to haue held : for , if they meane the fundamentall poynts of religion , contained in the creed for matters of faith , in the decalogue for matter of practice , and in the lords praier for matter of praier , they themselues shall be our spokesmen , for they and wee hold these in common ; but if they meane those points of doctrine wherein we dissent from the present church of rome ( which they must do if they vnderstand themselues in the question ) then we further desire to know whether they will not allow vs to challenge those for ours , who held the most , and mainest , for which they suffered as well as wee ; although ( perhaps ) in some other points they dissented from vs in our generall tenents : for , if they will allow vs onely such , who both in doctrine and discipline did in all points agree , they are too narrow for any dispute ; besides , they must prooue that there hath beene alwaies such an vnity of words and doctrine , that in no point the professours haue or may dissent , and yet remaine members of the church : a taske that will neuer fadge well , especially with them in their mutinous multitude and rabble of religious orders ; yea , let them then call to minde how weakely harding hath defended his answere of bishop iewels challenge ; or , let them answere perkins problem , and prooue where their church was before the trent councell ; for it will asmuch trouble them to name a company of men in all points professing the trent faith , as vs , to finde a company of men professing in all points the doctrine of the reformed religion : but if they giue vs liberty to make challenge to them , who in the most and greatest points haue agreed with vs ( which is but reasonable ) then in the next place we desire to grow to a point , and agree vpon the maine points of difference betwixt vs and them : all which in generall do concerne either the offices of christ , or the fruites of his office , the which by their doctrine are ouerthrowne . for first , the kingly office of christ is ouerthrowne by the supremacy of the pope , which draweth with it the pride of the clergy , and exaltation of them aboue the temporall power . secondly , the propheticall office is ouerthrowne by their silencing the scripture , and by giuing such liberty to the church , yea , and to the pope , to frame articles of faith . thirdly , the priestly office is ouerthrowne in the worke of satisfaction , by merits , indulgences , purgatory , &c. in the worke of application , by their abuses thrust into the sacraments , especially transubstantiation , reall presence , exorcismes , &c. & by their false sacraments , which were neuer appointed by christ , as meanes of application . in the worke of intercession , by angels , saints , images , whom they haue made their mediators of intercession . lastly , the fruites of christs office , redounding to vs by the mediation of christ , is our iustification before god , which doctrine they haue laboured to ouerthrow . now to the point , this our taske wee are to shew forth the names of such men , who haue consented with vs in the opposition of the supremacy , exemption of the clergy from ciuill iurisdiction , in the authority of the scriptures , and in the communicating of them to the people , in condemning merits , indulgences , purgatory , transubstantiation , reall presence , intercession of saints , and angels , image worship , pilgrimage ; in the doctrine of our free iustification by faith , and such other points , which are controuerted betwixt vs , and the church of rome . and this wee will doe first in the instance of our owne ▪ countrimen , and then proceed to others . know all men therefore by these presents , that about the yeere of grace . in the time of edward the third , king of england , at what time all the world was in most desperate and vile estate , and that lamentable ignorance and darkenesse of gods truth , had ouer-shaddowed the church most ; iohn wickliffe , who almost . yeeres before luther , by the especiall prouidence of god , was raised vp here in england , to detect more fully and amply , the poison of the popes doctrine , and to purge religion from those dregs and filthinesse , with which it was defiled ; a professor of diuinitie was he in oxford , a man of note in his time , and of famous memory in the ages following : for after hee had begunne to publish some conclusions touching the doctrine of the sacrament , and other abuses of the church , ( which boyle and sore could not be touched , without the great paine and griefe of the world ) hee was much infested with the monkes and friers , who like hornets , did assaile the good man on euery side : after them , the priests tooke the matter in hand , and symon sudbery , archbishop , depriued him of his benefice in oxford ; yet by the friendly and fauourable assistance of iohn of gaunt , duke of lancaster , and henry percy , earle marshal , ( being also befriēded of the king , who had heretofore made vse of him in an ambassage ) he bore out the malice of the friers , and of the archbishop , all the dayes of edward the third , and of pope vrban ; who being busied in suppressing his aduersary , clement the seuenth , could not spare any time to deale with wickliffe : and so it came to passe , by gods prouidence , that the truth began to take some place and roote in mens hearts . afterward in the beginning of richard the . and of gregory the eleuenth , his aduersaries espied their time , and incensed the pope against him , who sendeth foorth his bull to the vniuersity of oxford , and an epistle to the king , with diuers letters to the bishops , dated all . kal. of iune , in the seuenth yeere of his pontificality . by which it appeareth , that wicklife was a man of note , and that these things were not done in a corner , but that his preaching had taken effect : so that the bishops had neede of the popes owne helpe to suppresse him and his abettors ; the which although they attempted , yet could they not bring to passe : his commendation testified by the vniuersitie is this : that hee behaued himselfe as a stout champion of the faith , neither was hee conuict of any heresie : and god forbid ( saith the testimoniall ) that our prelates should haue condemned a man of such honesty , of heresie . his bookes were many , and spred abroade , not only throughout england , but also by occasion of queene anne , wife to richard the second , sister to wenceslaus king of bohemia , carried into bohemia , whence iohn husse learned the beginnings of his knowledge . thus was this man a most worthy instrument in the church of god , like a bright starre shining farre and neere . now for his conclusions which are recorded for his ; they are many , & gathered by his aduersaries , and therefore if in all points they sound not so well as we could desire , yet certainely wee may beleeue that they were not so bad as some of them are deliuered . wee finde that in a conuention at london . may . they proceeded to the condemnation of his articles , some as hereticall , some as erroneous : the which also were afterward presented to the councell of constance , with diuers others to the number of . in all , and by the same councell condemned ; the which for breuitie sake i haue collected vnto their seuerall heads . . touching the supremacy , hee held that it is not necessary to saluation , to beleeue that the church of rome is supreme head of all churches : that the church of rome is the synagogue of satan ; neither is the pope immediately the vicar of christ , nor his apostles , and that the excommunication of the pope and his prelates is not to bee feared , because it is the censure of antichrist . . concerning religious orders ( which are the tayle of antichrist ) he taught , that those holy men , as francis , dominick , benedict , &c ▪ which haue instituted priuate religions whatsoeuer they be , in so doing , haue grieuously offended ; and such who do found monasteries , doe offend and sin ; so all such who enter into such religions , are thereby vnable to keepe the commandements of god , as also to attaine to the kingdome of heauen , except they returne from the same : yea , that religious men being in their priuate religion , are not of the christian religion , but are members of the diuell . . concerning the authoritie of the church , his doctrine was , that whatsoeuer the pope and his cardinals can deduce cleerely out of the scriptures , that only is to bee beleeued , or to bee done at their admonition ; and that whatsoeuer else they command , is to bee condemned as hereticall ; as for the decretals of the pope , they are apocrypha , and seduce men from the faith of christ ; and the clergy that studie them , are fooles . . as touching preaching and hearing the word , which is the execution of christs propheticall office , hee taught ; that it is lawfull for any man either priest or deacon , to preach the word of god , without the authoritie of the apostolike sea , or any other of his catholikes ; and that all such , who doe leaue preaching or hearing the word , for feare of their excommunication , they are already excommunicated , and in the day of iudgement , shal be counted traitors against god. . hee opposed also the selling of prayers , pardons , indulgences , and such popish trash , by which the satisfaction of christ is weakened ; affirming , that it was but a folly to beleeue the popes pardons . item , that all such , as bee hired for temporall liuing to pray for other , doe offend and sinne in simony . . in the doctrine of the sacraments , which are the instruments of christ , to apply to vs the work of his satisfaction , he laboureth much to reforme the abuses . . in baptisme , hee found fault with their doctrine of necessity ; teaching , that they which doe affirme , that the infants of the faithfull departing without the sacrament of baptisme , are not saued , are presumptuous and fooles in so affirming . . in the supper of the lord , hee opposed the reall presence , and transubstantiation , teaching , that christ is not really in the sacrament of the altar , in his proper and corporall person , but only figuratiuely ; that without all doubt it is a figuratiue speech to say , this is my body . item , that the substance of materiall bread and wine , euen bread in his owne substance , doth remaine in the sacrament of the altar , and ceaseth not to be bread still . that the accidents do not remain without the subiect in the same sacrament , after the consecration . so also hee taught ; that it is not found , or established by the gospell , that christ did ordaine masse . . as for the other fiue , which we count bastard-sacraments , some he did doubt of , as , extreame vnction : for this is one article , if corporall vnction , or anneyling , were a sacrament as it is faigned to be , christ and his apostles would not haue left the ordinance thereof vntouched . so also for shrift : if a man be duely and truely contrite and penitent , all outward confession is superfluous and vnprofitable . other sacraments he complained of , as being abused ; hallowing of churches , ( saith hee ) confirmation of children , and the sacrament of orders , be reserued to the pope and bishops onely , for the respect of temporall lucre . so also concerning matrimony , he held , that the causes of diuorcement , of consanguinity , or affinity , be not founded in the scripture , but are onely the ordinances of men , and humane inuentions . . lastly , concerning the power of the keyes , and the churches censures , his positions are ; that no prelate ought to excommunicate any man , except he know him first to be excommunicate of god : and that he that doth excommunicate any other man , is thereby himselfe either an hereticke , or excommunicate . item , that a prelate excommunicating any man of the clergy , which hath appealed to the king , or to the councell , is thereby himselfe a traitour to the king and realme . this in effect is the summe of his doctrine , wherein howsoeuer there may be , some few small slips , or harsh phrases , yet no pernicious errours , much lesse , damnable heresie ; but for the substance , it is sound and good , and agreeable to the canon of the world. wherefore , howsoeuer the synod of london , and the councell of constance , haue agreed to condemne these articles and his books , yea , & his bones also to the fire ( . yeeres after his death ) yet since de iure they ought not so to haue done , and that we are able to iustifie his doctrine , we are bold to challēge him as a fit instance to answer the question proposed ; and doe conclude , that our church had a being , and the doctrine of the reformed churches had professors , long before the dayes of luther . but goe to , let vs goe on , and see what other can be named ; one swallow maketh no summer , nor one professor a church . true : and therefore except we can draw downe the profession of this doctrine successiuely from wickcliffe , to the dayes of luther , let vs lose all this labour : wherefore we are to know , that both together with wickcliffe , and after him , arose a multitude in the church of england , maintaining the same doctrine , and spreading it abroad among the people , labouring with might and maine to defend it . such were lau. redman , master of arts , dau. sawtree , diuine , iohn aschwarby , vicar of s. maries church in oxford , william iones , an excellent young-man well learned , th. brightwell , will. haulam a ciuilian , ralph grenhurst , io. scut , ph. norrice , who being excommunicate by pope eugenius the fourth , appealed to a generall councell ; peter paine , lord cobham , with diuers others , whose names are mentioned in the kings writ , sent to the sheriffe of northampton , giuen at the mannor of langly , march . in the . of richard the second : so also , for confirmation of their multitudes , the words of the statute made anno . of richard . about this time w. courtny archbishop , being in his visitation at leicester , conuented diuers before him , as dexter , tailor , wagstaffe , scriuener , smith , henry , parchmeanar , goldsmith ; these , with other moe , were accused to the archbishop , for holding the opinion of the sacrament of the altar , auricular confession , and other sacraments , contrary to that which the church of rome did teach : the which persons , because being cited they came not in , were solemnely accursed as hereticks with bell , booke , and candle ; yea , and by the same archbishop was the whole towne of leicester interdicted , so long as any of these excommunicate persons should remaine in it . there was also one matilda an anchoresse accused of the same opinions : all this happened in . in the . yeere of richard . about the same time peter pateshall an austen frier , hauing obtained leaue of the pope to change his coate and religion , hearing the doctrine of wickliffe , and others of the same sort , began to preach openly , and to detect the vices of his couent , preaching in london , & by the londoners graciously entertained and vpheld against the turbulent friers , who sought to molest him . thus by the preaching of wickliffe , and others , the gospell began to fructifie and spread abroad in london , and other places of the realme , and more would haue done , had not the prelates set themselues so forcibly with might and maine to gaine-stand the course thereof . . william swinderby a worthy defender of the faith , with wickliffe , was accused to the bishop of lincolne , of certaine articles , both vntruely collected and cruelly exhibited against him by the friers , & by their vehemency was vrged to reuoke : afterward he remoouing into the diocesse of hereford , was there also molested and troubled vnder iohn tresnant bishop of hereford , vpon the same articles ; the which articles as they were giuen in by the friers , and how answered by swinderby in his protestation , hangeth vpon record , and out of the registers in the same old english in which it was written , is by m. fox transcribed into his history of the church : by the reading of which protestation , wee may note a notable piece of knauery in his accusers , viz. not to deliuer his assertions faithfully , as he did deliuer them , but as they supposed to make him most odious in the defence of them ; and by that we may well guesse , that these points in wickliffe , which seeme rough and harsh , met with such vnhandsome workmen . the processe against this swinderby , his declaration vpon certaine conclusions touching the sacrament of the altar , confession , indulgences , and touching antichrist , his appeale to the king , his letter to the parliament , doe sufficiently confirme his worth and sufficiency in the cause . . walter brute a man of sufficient learning , though no priest , was conuented before the bishop of worcester , and accused of the same articles with swinderbies : admirable it is to reade his storie , especially in it , his learned declarations concerning antichrist , the popes vsurped power , the power of the keyes , free iustification by faith onely , auricular confession , absolution , the matter of the sacrament , transubstantiation , idolatry , exorcising , priestly blessing , buying and selling of prayers , and other romish dregs , the lawfull vse of an oath ; in which hee also prooueth that the city of rome is babylon . what could hee haue done more in our cause , had he liued since luther ? out of his declarations may be taken a sufficient commentary and exposition of those articles , which as they are ascribed vnto wickliffe , seeme something harsh . furthermore , the bull of pope boniface the . dated the . kal. oct. in the . yeere of his popedome , directed to king richard the . and to the bishop of hereford , doth confesse , that these christians whom the common people called lollards , did daily grow and increase , and preuaile against their diocesans , for which cause the pope stirreth vp the king against them , who therupon directed forth a commission to the bishops , to proceed with greater authority against william swinderby , stephen bell , walter brute , and others of the same opinions : by which meanes the growth of the gospell was nipped , and a little kept in , but afterward it brake forth with more effectualnesse , as may appeare by the booke of conclusions exhibited to the parliament holden at london , in the . of richard the . . touching the abuses of the church , popish priest-hood , single life of priests , the fained miracle of transubstantiation , exorcismes , and priestly blessings , masses for the dead , pilgrimages , and oblations to reliques and images , confession , nunnes and widdowes vowing single life , in all which , a reformation was desired in the said bill , the copy whereof is to bee seene in archiuis regijs : so also the kings dealing with certaine of his lords , as namely , richard sturie , lewis clifford , tho. latimer , io. mountacute , &c. whom he did sharpely rebuke and threaten terribly , for that he heard them to be fauourers of that side . adde to this the complaints of the bishops against the londoners , occasioned by another brawle ; but certainely the maine matter was , because the londoners were fauourers of wickliffes doctrine , as in the story of s. albons is to be seene , vpon which occasion the king remoued the courts and termes to be kept at yorke , to the great decay of the city , which happened an. . all these things laid together , doe plainely and demonstratiuely tell vs , that there was more then one or two knowne to be infected , else what need such adoo with letters , epistles , bulls , mandates , commissions to roote out the proceeding of a few . no doubt therefore but there were many worthy witnesses and confessors of the truth of the gospell . . after the deposing of richard . when henrie . had gotten the crowne , the next yeere hee called a parliament , in which one w. sawtree , a good man , and faithfull priest , inflamed with the zeale of true religion , required he might be heard for the commodity of the whole realme . but the matter being smelt out by the bishops , they obtained that it might be referred to the conuocation ; before whom being conuented & examined of diuers ▪ articles of religion , agreeable to wickliffes doctrine , for that hee stood constantly in the defence of the truth , was by them condemned , degraded , and lastly burned . and this was the first martyr that suffered for religion , since the renuing of it by wickliffe : for howsoeuer the bishops had obtained the statute de comburendo , in the daies of rich. . yet in all his time none suffered death for that cause . but when henry . came to the crowne , hee willing to keepe in with the clergy , which in those daies was a strong faction , put the statute in execution , first vpon this sawtree , and after him followed many moe , some whereof are recorded , but certainely the names of many are lost and forgotten . see the words of the statute made in the second yeere of henry the fourth , mentioning a good company of such preachers , whom that age called hereticall . . the storie of william thorpe is famous , written by his owne hand , contayning his accusation and examination before archbishop arundell ; his answere , his commendation of vvickliffe , and defence of his doctrine , he taught against the sacrament of the altar , masse , images , pilgrimages , pride of priest , confession , &c. a constant professour hee was of the truth , and questionlesse continued to the end , howsoeuer his end is vnknowne : in all likely-hoode he dyed in prison . the like end befell to iohn ashton , another of wickliffes followers , who for the same doctrine of the sacrament , was condemned by the bishops , and because he would not recant , was committed to perpetuall prison , wherein the good man continued vntill his death . somewhat before thorps trouble , happened the trouble of iohn puruey , who , as waldensis writeth , was the library of the lollards , and a glosse vpon wickliffe . this puruey , together with harford , a doct. of diuinity , were grieuously tormented and punished in the castle of saltwood , at length recanted at pauls crosse , afterward , againe hee was imprisoned vnder archbishop chichely , in the yeere . his articles which he taught , were touching transubstantiation , confession , power of the keyes , vowes of chastity , the charge of priests ; he said that innocent the third , and the . bishops , and all the rest of the clergy which in the councell of lateran determined the doctrine of transubstantiation and confession , were fooles and blockheads , seducers of the people , heretickes , and blasphemers : he wrote diuers bookes , as touching the sacrament of the lords supper , of penance , orders , the power of the keyes , the preaching of the gospell , of marriages , vowes , possessions , correction of the clergy , of the lawes and decrees of the church , of the state and condition of the pope and clergy . . iohn badly first , molested and condemned by the bishop of worcester , was afterwards accused before archbishop arundel , and other his assistants , for being vnsound in the doctrine of the sacrament , as denying the reall presence , and transubstantiation : and being demanded whether he would renounce and forsake his opinions , and adhere to the doctrine of the catholike church , hee confessed , that he had both said and maintained the same , and would adhere and stand to these his opinions , and while he liued , would neuer retract the same ; for which hee was condemned , and in smithfield burned . after this , the prelates not contenting themselues with this , that now they had the power of the secular arme to assist them in the punishment of heretikes , and hauing a king to their mind , ready to serue their turne in al points , at the parliamēt thē held , procured the statute ex officio , the sequell whereof cost many a man his life : at the same time also came foorth diuers constitutions of archbishop arundell , forbidding to preach or teach any thing contrary to the determination of the church in the points of the sacrament of the altar , matrimony confession , or other sacraments , or other articles of faith . item , that no schoolemasters should , in teaching the sciences , intermingle any thing concerning the sacraments , contrary to the determination of the church . that none of wickliffes bookes should bee read , those onely excepted which the vniuersitie of oxford had allowed . item , that none should translate any text of scripture into english. item , that diligent inquisition should bee made by euery prouost , principall , and master of euery colledge in oxford , among the schollers , for persons defamed of heresie . now let all men iudge , whether these constitutions giuen at oxford in this manner , do not plainely declare , that there was a great company of these men who professed and taught such points , which these constitutions did condemne . againe , is it any wonder , that after such strength and force , such policy and practices vsed to supplant the doctine of wickliffe , and his followers , it should bee almost extinguished ? the bishops and clergy hauing the king on their side , armed with lawes , statutes , punishments , imprisonments , fire , faggot , sword , and the like , what wonder is it , if they beare all before them ? is it equall to challenge vs to shew foorth our church , to require a visibility of it , when these who are our aduersaries , hauing the sword in their hand , did labour so abundantly to suppresse the memoriall of them ? and yet by the goodnesse of god it came to passe , as may appeare by the registers , that those persons whom they condemned and detested as heretikes , calling them lollards , did increase daily in diuers countries , especially at london , in lincolne-shire , norfolke , hereford , shrewsbury , and in calice , and other quarters , in the prouince of canterbury , with whom archbishop arundel had much adoe , as by his registers doth appeare . . henry the fourth beeing dead , succeeded henry the fifth , crowned on passion sunday , presently after began a parliament to be called and holden after easter , at westminster ; at which time also was holden a synod at london vnder archbishop arundel : the chiefe cause of assembling thereof , was , to represse the growing of the gospell ; and especially to withstand the noble and worthy lord cobham , who was then noted to be a principall fauourer , receiuer , and maintainer of them , whom the clergy called lollards , especially in the diocesse of london , hereford , and rochester , setting them vp to preach , whom the bishops had not licensed : hee was also accused to bee farre otherwise in the beliefe of the sacraments of the altar , of penance , of pilgrimage , image-worship , and of ecclesiasticall power , then the holy church of rome had taught for many yeeres before ; his examination , confession , and declaration of his christian beliefe , his godly answers , and reasons , his constancy in the truth is worth the reading . finally , he was also condemned , and committed to the tower , out of which hee made an escape , peraduenture not without the helpe of sir roger acton , who himselfe , whatsoeuer hee was otherwise , certaine it is that hee was alwaies of a contrary minde and opinion to the romish bishops and clergy , for which he was greatly hated of thē : his friendly helpe to the lord cobham , is thought to haue bin the cause why hee was apprehended , and brought into trouble ; and in the end came to his death , some three yeres before the lord cohbam ; and with him i. browne , and i. bouerly a preacher , suffered the same kind of death in s. giles fields , with other moe , to the number of . as the stories doe report : all which are said to haue bin hanged and burned in the moneth of ianuary . the which death also the lord cobham suffred some foure yeeres after his escape , being betrayed and brought in by the lord powes , either for the hatred of the religion , and true doctrine of iesus christ , or else for greedinesse of the reward promised by the king to them that could bring in the lord cobham aliue or dead : for being thus taken , he was adiudged to be hanged vpon the new gallows in s. giles field , and burned hanging : for you must know that the prelates ( the better to suppresse this doctrine ) had gotten an act passed , which condemned the lollards and followers of wickliffe , decreeing , that they should be accounted as traitors to the king and realme , and so should suffer double punishment , viz. to be burnt as heretikes , and hanged as traitors to the king ; testified by polydore virgil , and by waldensis . . after th. arundel , succeeded archbishop chichely , before whom was conuented iohn claydon , who for the space of . yeeres before had beene suspected of lollardy ; he was accused to haue diuers bookes in english , out of which his aduersaries collected . articles , which they condemned as hereticall and erronious ; for which cause he was condemned , and shortly after , together with rich. turning , burned in smithfield . shortly after , the archbishop , with the rest of the clergy , made other constitutions against the lollards : after the setting forth of which constitutions , great inquisition followed in england , and many good men , whose hearts began to fauour the gospell , were brought to much vexation and trouble , and caused outwardly to abiure . thus while christ had the inward hearts of men , antichrist would needs possesse the outward body , and make them sing his song : in the number of whom were i. taylor , w. iames , i. dwerfe , iohn iourdly , m. roberts , parson of hegly , w. henry , i. gall , bart. cornmonger , n. hooper , th. granter ; so also ralph mongin priest , was condemned to perpetuall prison . after this followed the recantation of ric. monke , and of edmund frith , besides many more recorded in the same register , who likewise for their faith and religion were much vexed and troubled . the names of . are set downe in the processe of the archbishop , directed forth against the same persons , whereof some whole housholds , both men and women , were driuen to forsake their houses & townes for danger of persecution : yea , so cruelly was the romish clergy bent against them , and so grieued to see the poore flocke of christ to multiply , that henry chichely stirred vp the pope against them ; alledging that there were so many infected with the doctrine of wickliffe and husse here in england , that without force of an army they could not be suppressed . . henry . being dead , his sonne henry . a child of nine moneths old succeeded ; in the first yeere of whose raigne was w. taylor accused , conuicted , condemned , & afterward in smithfield with christian constancy , after long imprisonment did consummate his martyrdome . others there were that professed the same truth , but for feare durst not be so bold ; so that it appeareth by the registers of norwich in that diocesse within the space of . yeeres , viz. from . to . about the number of . men and women were examined , and much vexed for the profession of the christian faith ; of whom three suffered death , viz. father abraham of colchester , w. white , and i. waddon , priests ; the rest sustained such cruell penance as pleased the bishop & his chancellor to lay vpon them , which howsoeuer , through the hard dealing of the times , they were constrained to recant , and many of them to abiure their opinions , yet their good will to the truth is manifest : and it is fit to preserue the memory of their names , if it be but to stop the mouth of such malignant aduersaries , who following blind affection rather then true knowledge of times and antiquities , through ignorance blame they know not what , accusing the true doctrine of the gospell to be nouelty , and the preachers thereof to bee nouelists , whereas this doctrine lacking none antiquity , hath from time to time burst forth , and preuailed in many places , though in the most through tyranny it hath beene suppressed , as by these good men of norfolk & suffolk may appeare , who if they had had the liberty which we haue , and authority to back them , it would haue well appeared how old this doctrine is , so that all men would haue acknowledged , that this our church was long before luther . . shortly after the solemne coronation of hen. . which was in the . yeere of his raigne , was richard houedon , a londoner , crowned with martyrdome . the next yeere th. bagly a priest , and paul craw a bohemian , both valiant defenders of wickliffes doctrine , were condemned and burned . not long after , about the yeere . which was the . of henry . was ri. wiche burned for heresie , as then they counted it . so much the more famous was his martyrdome , because the fame was , that before his death he spake as prophesying , that the posterne of the tower should sinke , which came to passe ; vpon which hee was counted an holy man. many came to the place where he was burnt , and there made their oblations , till by the commandement of the king they were forbid , and some punished . after chichely , in the see of canterbury succeeded stafford , kempe , and then burscher , in whose time fell out the trouble of reynold peacock , bishop of chichester , who after the death of humfrey duke of gloucester , his patron , was molested by the archbishop in the yeere . because he taught against the reall presence , the infallibility of the councels , the locall dissention into hell : that the church may erre in matter of faith : that the literall sence of the scripture is onely to be held : he was at length inforced to giue way ; for , what with blustering threats to terrifie him , as also with faire promises to allure him , they left no stone vnrolled , till they brought him to recantation at pauls crosse , where also his bookes were burnt , yet for all this , himselfe ( belike he was suspected ) was kept in his own house during his naturall life . . king henry . being deposed , edward . got the crowne ; in the time of whose raigne , a godly and constant seruant of christ , named iohn goose , alias husse , was vniustly condemned and burnt at the tower hill . . henry . comming to the crowne , mention is made in the registers of couentry and lichfield , of . persons persecuted in that diocesse , whose names are set downe to be i. blomston , rich. hegham , robert crowther , i. smith , rob. browne , th. butler , i. falkes . r. hilman . the heresies , of which they were accused , were , for opposing pilgrimages , images , merits , purgatory , shrift , transubstantiation , and the like . after these , in the ninth yeere of henry . was burned an old woman of . yeeres , loane boughton by name , who held eight of wickliffes opinions so stiffely , that all the doctours in london could not turne her : she was burned in smithfield shortly after in anno . some for feare recanted at pauls crosse , and in the next yeere , an old man and a priest , and one babram were burned . . william tilsworth was burned for his religion in amersham , at which time , ioane clarke the said tilsworths daughter , was constrained to put fire to her father , at whose burning , about . other were enioyned to beare fagots , of whom diuers were commanded to beare and weare fagots at lincolne the space of . yeeres after , some at one time , some at another . a little after was father roberts a miller of missenden burned at buckingham , and . other bare fagots , and did penance . about . or . yeres after , at amersham was burned th. barnard , & la. mordon in one fire , and father rogers , and father reeue was burned in the cheeke . so also was w. littlepage , and . more were burned in the right cheeke , and bare fagots at the same time . the manner of their burning in the cheeke was this : their neckes being tyed fast to a poste with towels , and their hands holden that they might not stirre , they were marked with a hot iron ; the cause of those mens trouble was , because they talked against superstition , and idolatry , and were desirous to heare and reade the holy scriptures . thomas chase condemned by the bishop of lincolne , william smith , and cast into prison , was there murthered , and after slandered to haue made away himselfe . thomas norrice for the profession of christs gospel was burned at norwich . elizabeth samson accused to speake against pilgrimages , adoration of images , and against the sacrament of the altar , was compelled to abiure before william horsey , chancellor at london . laurence ghest , two yeeres in prison at salisbury , was afterward put to death for his religion : so also was there martyred another poore woman , whose death so greedily sought by the chancellor whittington , was presently reuenged by the enraged bul , which running through the prease of people , came to the chancellor , and gored him thorow with his hornes , carrying his guts along the streets , to the great admiration and wonder of all them that saw it . . h. . hauing finished his course , after him followed h. . in whose dayes hapned much stir and contention about religion , as in the history of the church doth appeare : in the regist. of fitz-iames , b. of london , are cōtained the names of diuers , to the number of . persecuted in the diocesse of london , betweene the yeere . and . of whom , some , after they had shewed their weaknes in recanting , did afterwards returne to their former profession , and cleauing fast to it , were for it martyred , as w. sweeting , & i. bruster burned in smithfield . & i. browne burned in ashford , about the . yere of h. . about which time also fell out the trouble of rich. hunne , whom after his death they condemned of heresie . but now the numbers of confessors and martyrs arise to such multitudes , that a long discourse , and a large treatise would hardly suffice to set them downe ; wherefore i passe ouer the story of i. stilman , tho. man , rob. cosin , chri. shomaker , martyrs ; as also diuers confessors , to the number of . abiured about the yeere . for speaking against worshipping of saints , pilgrimage , inuocation of the virgin , the sacrament of the lords body , and for hauing bookes in english , as the . euangelists , the epistles of paul , peter , and iames , the book of the reuelation , a booke of antichrist , of the . commandements , and wickliffes wicket , bookes no doubt wonderfully stuft with heresies , & doctrine vnmeet for christians to know , and vnderstand . oh the subtilty of those romish foxes ! how many men and women were persecuted in the diocesse of lincolne , vnder bishop longland , anno . for opposing , or not consenting to the romish doctrine of pilgrimage , image-worship , transubstantiation , reall presence . their arguments they collected out of the scripture , the shepheards calender , wickliffes wicket , and such other bookes as they had amongst them , and notwithstanding they had not with them any learned man to ground them in the doctrine , yet they conferring together , did conuert one another , the lords hand working among them maruelously . after the great abiuration which was vnder bishop smith , they were termed amongst themselues knowne men , or iust fast men ; not much vnlike to the present name of protestants : amongst whom , to see their trauels , their earnest seeking , burning zeale , their readings , watchings , sweete assemblies , loue , and concord , godly liuing , faithfull meaning , may make vs , now in these our dayes of free profession , to be ashamed . from all which duely considered , we may easily gather , what would haue bin the number of professors , had the world looked friendly vpon them ; for if when the temporall magistrate tooke hand with the ecclesiasticall to suppresse them , and roote them out ; if when all men of note and learning , either for hope of preferment , or feare of trouble , turned their studies otherwaies ; if when the scripture , and english bookes were forbidden ; if when bookes were so rare , and deare , and so hard to come by ( as before the science of printing was inuented they were ) if notwithstanding all these hinderances , the truth of god did so multiply amongst them , what would it haue done , had they had multitude of bookes , or those cheape , the scripture in english , had they had learned men to guide them , had they liued in a peaceable time , had they had the magistrate either for them , or at least not against them : for why was the increase of the gospell in bohemia by the preaching of i. husse , more remarkable and further spred , then here in england , but that the magistrate with his sword was not so seuere against them ? whence was it that luther preuailed more then wickliffe , but that hee had a supporter ( the duke of saxony ) which wickliffe wanted ? amongst vs at this day , doe we not all know , that arminianisme would haue more preuailed , and infected further then yet it doth , if the kings maiesty were either for it , or not against it ? wherefore all men may easily see , that they are much deceiued , who cōdemne this our doctrine of nouelty , and insultingly demand , where was your church before luther ? to whom wee answere out of this demonstration hitherto made , that euer since the dayes of wickliffe , almost . yeeres before luther , the doctrine of the reformed churches , that is , those points wherein they differ from the church of rome , and in which the reformation doth consist , these points ( i say ) were held and professed : for whence came those persecutions ? or vvho vvere they that thus were persecuted ? if of the same profession with them , then is their cruelty vnreasonable , to persecute their ovvn fraternity : if they were othervvise ; how then is the doctrine of the reformed churches so new , or the professours thereof so lately start vp , as our aduersaries pretend they be ? but this is the fruit of ignorance and carelesnesse to read the histories of the church , and the records of antiquity heretofore : for then might men easily see , that the church of england hath not wanted multitudes of well-disposed hearts ; howsoeuer the publike authority then lacked , to maintaine the open preaching of the gospell . now whilst our aduersaries bethinke themselues what to say to this part of the induction , concerning the estate of the church in our owne country of england , in the ages next before luther , i wil passe ouer into germany , and see what successe the gospell had there , especially in bohemia , by the preaching of iohn husse and others , who liued in the same age with wickliffe : afterwards will i proceede to prosecute the argument of the induction , by the demonstration of history in the ages before wickliffe , and husse , if it shall be thought conuenient . finis . a letter of several french ministers fled into germany upon the account of the persecution in france to such of their brethren in england as approved the kings declaration touching liberty of conscience : translated from the original in french. jurieu, pierre, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a letter of several french ministers fled into germany upon the account of the persecution in france to such of their brethren in england as approved the kings declaration touching liberty of conscience : translated from the original in french. jurieu, pierre, - . wake, william, - . p. s.n., [london : ] reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to pierre jurieu. cf. nuc pre- . translation of work by william wake. cf. nuc pre- . caption title. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng dissenters, religious -- france. protestants -- france. freedom of religion -- france -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - andrew kuster sampled and proofread - andrew kuster text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a letter of several french ministers fled into germany upon the account of the persecution in france , to such of their brethren in england as approved the kings declaration touching liberty of conscience . translated from the original in french. altho in our present dispersion , most dear and honoured brethren , it has pleased the providence of god to conduct us into places very distant from one another . yet that union which ought always to continue betwixt us , obliges us to declare our sense to one another with a christian and brotherly freedom upon all occasions , that may present themselves to us so to do . 't is this makes us hope that you will not take it amiss of us , if at this time we deliver our opinion to you touching the affairs of england in matters of religion , and with reference to that conduct which you have observed therein . we ought not to conceal it from you , that the greatest part of the protestants of europe have been extremely scandalized to understand , that certain among you , after the example of many of the dissenters , have addressed to the king of england , upon the account of his declaration , by which he has granted liberty of conscience to the non-conformists : and that some others who had already ranked themselves under the episcopal communion , nevertheless published the said declaration in their churches ; and this at a time when almost all the bishops themselves with so much firmness and courage refused to do it . if we may be permitted to tell you freely what our opinion is concerning the conduct of the bishops and of the dissenters in this conjuncture , we shall make no difficulty to pronounce in favour of the former . we look upon it that they have exceedingly well answered the duty of their charge , whilst despising their own private interest , they have so worthily supported that of the protestant religion : whereas the others , for want of considering these things as they ought to have done , have given up the interest of their religion to their own particular advantages . it is not out of any complement to the bishops , much less out of any enmity to the dissenters , that we make such different judgments concerning them . we know well enough how to commend or blame , what seems to us to deserve our praise or our censure both in the one and in the other . we do not at all approve the conduct of the bishops towards the dissenters under the last reign . and altho we do not any more approve that of the dissenters in separating from their communion , yet we do confess they had some reason in the bottom for it ; and that the ceremonies which they have refused to submit to are the remains of popery , which we could rather wish might have been entirely abolished . in this unhappy schism which has so long time rent the church of england ; we look upon it , that both parties have been equally defective in their charity . on the one side , the dissenters ought by no means to have separated themselves for the form of ecclesiastical government , nor for ceremonies which do not at all concern the fundamentals of religion . on the other side , the bishops should have had a greater condescension to the weakness of their brethren : and without doubt they would have acted in a manner more agreeable to the spirit of the gospel , if instead of treating them with so much rigor as they did , they had left them the liberty of serving god according to their conscience , till it should have pleased him to re-unite all under the same discipline . however the conformity of opinion between the dissenters and us , ought to have prejudiced us in their favour , had we been capable of partiality on this occasion . there is also another thing which might have disposed us to judge less favourably of the bishops than of them , and that is the yoke which they have imposed upon the french ministers , by obliging them to receive a second ordination before they could be permitted to exercise their ministry in the church of england , as if the ordination they had received in france had not been sufficient . but we must do justice to all the world , and bear witness to the truth . we have already said , and we must again repeat it , it seems to us that on this last occasion the bishops have discharged their duty , and are most worthy of praise , whereas the dissenters on the contrary are extreamly to be ●●●●ned . and we will presently offer our reasons wherefore we judge so of the one , and of the other . in the mean time , most dear brethren , give us leave freely to tell you , that if our brethren the dissenters of england , who have addressed to the king , are to be blamed , ( as we verily believe they are ) you certainly are much more to be condemned . the hardships under which they had lived for many years without churches , without pastors , without assemblies , made them think the liberty of conscience which was offered to them , a great ease . their spirits , soured and prejudiced by the ill treatments they had received from the church of england , had not freedom enough to let them see that the present which was made them was empoison'd . and therefore upon the sudden they received it with joy , and thought themselves obliged to testifie their acknowledgment of it . but for you who never had any part in the divisions of the church of england , and who by consequence were in a state to judge more soundly of things , how is it that you should not have perceived the poison that was hid under the liberty of conscience offered to them ? or if you did not perceive it of your selves , how is it that the generous refusal of the bishops , tho' at the peril of their liberty and estates , to publish the declaration in their diocesses , should not at least have open'd your eyes ? how have those venerable prelates now highly justified themselves from the reproach that was laid upon them of being popishly affected , and of persecuting the dissenters only , but of a secret hatred to the reformation ? how well have they made it appear that these were only calumnies invented by their enemies to render them odious to the protestants , and that their hearts were truly fix'd to the reformed religion , and animated with a zeal worthy primitive bishops ? could you see those faithful servants of god , disobey the order of their soveraign , expose themselves thereby to his disgrace , suffer imprisonment , and prepare themselves to suffer any thing , rather then betray their consciences and their religion , without admiring their constancy , and being touched with their examples ? but above all , could you resolve by your conduct to condemn that of those generous confessors ? is this the acknowledgment which you ought to have made to them for that charity , with which they had received and comforted you in your exile ? is this to answer the glorious quality of confessors , of which you so much vaunt your selves ? is this the act of faithful ministers of christ ? give us leave to tell you , most dear brethren , your proceedings in this affair appear so very strange to us , that we cannot imagine how you were capable of so doing . it seems to us to have even effaced all the glory you had attained by your sufferings , to reproach your ministry and to be unworthy of true and reformed christians . this is no rash judgment which we pass ; and to convince you that it is not , we beseech you only to examine these things with us without prejudice and interest . the declaration of which we speak is designed for two purposes : the one , the re-establishment of popery . the other , the extinction of the reformed religion in england . the former of these designs appears openly in it . the second is more concealed ; 't is a mystery of iniquity , covered over with a specious appearance ; and of which the trace must be concealed till the time of manifestation comes . we will say nothing of a third design , which is , of the oppression of the liberties of england for the establishment of an absolute authority , but shall leave it to the polititians to make their reflexions upon it . as for us , if we sometimes touch upon it , it shall be only with reference to religion : we will apply our selves chiefly to the two other designs which they proposed to themselves who made that declaration . it cannot be deny'd but that by this declaration , there is liberty of conscience granted indifferently to the papists and to the dissenters . it comprehends both the one and the other under the name of nonconformists . and we may with confidence affirm , that they were the papists especially whom the king had in his eye when he gave this declaration . and howsoever he may pretend to have been touched with the oppressions which the dissenters had suffered ; yet that his principal design was to re-establish popery . behold here already a very great evil , and such as all true protestants are obliged with their utmost power to oppose . what , shall we see popery , that abominable religion , that prodigious heap of filthiness and impurity , re-establish it self , with all its honours , in kingdoms from which the reformation had happily banished it ? and shall there be found in those kingdoms protestants who not only stand still without making any opposition to it , but e'en favour its re-establishment , and openly give it their approbation ? who could have thought that the dissenters of england , men who have always testified so great an aversion to the roman religion ; and who have no other pretence to separate from the bishops , than that they have in part retained in their government and ceremonies the exteriors of that religion , should now themselves joyn to bring it intirely in ? but above all , who could have believed that the french ministers , who after having experimented all the fury of popery in france , were at last banished , rather than that they would subscribe to its errors and abuses : and for this very cause fled into england , that they might there more freely profess the protestant religion , should now contribute to re-establish popery in their new country , where they had been received by their brethren with so singular a charity ? would you indeed , gentlemen , see england once more submitted to the tyranny of the pope , whose yoke it so happily threw off in the last age ? would you there see all those monstrous doctrins , all those superstitions , and that horrible idolatry which reigned there before the reformation , domineer once more in it ? would you that the people should again hear the pulpits and the churches sounding out the doctrins of purgatory , of indulgences , of the sacrifice of the mass , &c. and see the images and reliques of the saints carried solemnly in procession , with a god formed by the hand of men ? and that in fine , they should again publickly adore those vain idols ? we are confident there is not a good protestant in the world that would not startle but at the thought of it . but this is not yet all . the declaration of which we speak does not only re-establish popery with all its abominations , but does moreover tend to the ruine of the reformation in england . a man need not to have any great sagacity to be convinced of this . and that as much as it seems to establish for ever the protestant religion in that kingdom , it does on the contrary destroy the very foundations of it . the ground upon which the reformation is founded in england , are the laws which have been made at several times for the settlement of it , and to abolish either the tyranny of the pope , or the popish religion altogether . and as these laws have been made by the king and parliament together , so that the king has not the power to repeal them without a parliament , they secure the protestant religion against the enterprises of such kings as should ever think to destroy it . but now if this declaration be executed , we are no more to make any account of those solemn laws which have been passed in favour of the reformation , they become of no value , and the protestant religion is intirely left to the king's pleasure . this is what will clearly appear from what we are about to say . the king not having been able to obtain of the last parliament to consent to a repeal of the laws which had been made against the nonconformists , dissolved the parliament it self . not long after , without attending a new one , he did that alone by his declaration which the parliament would not do conjunctly with him . he granted a full liberty of conscience to the nonconformists ; he freed them from the penalties which had been appointed against them , and dispensed with the oaths to which the laws obliged all those who were admitted to any charges , whether in the soldiery , or in administration of justice , or of the government . in pursuance of these declarations he threw the protestants out of all places of any great importance to clap in papists in their room , and goes on without ceasing to the intire establishment of popery . who does not see , that if the protestants approve these declarations , and themselves authorise such enterprises , the king will not stop here , but that this will be only one step to carry him much further ? what can be said when he shall do the same thing with reference to those laws which exclude the papists out of the parliament , that he has done to those which shut them out of all charges and imploys , and forbad them the exercise of their religion ? does not the approbation of such declarations , as it overthrows these last , carry with it before hand the approbation of those which shall one day overthrow the former ? and if the king shall once give himself the authority to bring papists into the parliament , who shall hinder him from using solicitations , promises , threatnings , and a thousand other the like means to make up a popish parliament ? and who shall hinder him with the concurrence of that parliament to repeal all the antient laws that had been passed against popery , and make new ones against the protestants ? these are without doubt the natural consequences of what the king at this time aims at . these are the fruits which one ought to expect from it , if instead of approving as some have done his enterprises against the laws , they do not on the contrary with all imaginable vigor oppose them . reflect a little on what we have here said , and you will consess that we have reason to commend the conduct of the bishops who refused to publish the declaration ; and to condemn those dissenters who have made their addresses of thanks for it . it is true that the dissenters are to be pitied , and that they have been treated hardly enough , and we do not think it at all strange , that they so earnestly sigh after liberty of conscience . it is natural for men under oppression to seek for relief : and liberty of conscience considered only in it self , is it may be the thing of all the world the most precious and most desirable . would to god we were able to procure it for them by any lawful means , and without such ill consequences , tho' it were at the peril of our lives ! but we conjure them to consider how pernicious that liberty of conscience is which is offer'd to them , as we have just now shewn . on the one side , it is inseparably linked with the establishment of popery ; and on the other , it cannot be accepted without approving a terrible breach which his majesty thereby makes upon the laws , and which would be the ruine of the reformation in his kingdoms , were not some remedy brought to it . and where is the protestant who would buy liberty of conscience at so dear a rate , and not rather choose to continue deprived of it all his life ? should the private interest of our brethren the dissenters blind them in such a manner , that they have no regard to the general interest of the church ? should they for enjoying a liberty of conscience so ill assured , shut their eyes to all other considerations ? how much better would it be for them to re-unite themselves to the bishops , with whom they differ only in some points of discipline ; but especially at this time , when their conduct ought to have entirely defaced those unjust suspicions which they had conceived against them ? but if they could not so readily dispose themselves to such a re-union , would it not be better for them to resolve still to continue without liberty of conscience , and expect some more favourable time when they may by lawful means attain it , than to open themselves a gate to popery , and to concur with it to the ruine of the protestant religion ? you will , it may be , tell us , that it looks ill in us , who so much complain , that we have been deprived of liberty of conscience in france , to find fault with the king of england for granting it to his subjects : and that it is the least that can be allowed to a sovereign , to allow him the right to permit the exercise of his own religion in his own kingdoms , and to make use of the service of such of his subjects as himself shall think fit , by putting them into charges and employs . you will add , that his majesty does not go about neither to abrogate the antient laws , nor to make new ones . all he does being only to dispense with the observation of certain laws in such of his subjects as he thinks fit , and for as long time as he pleases ; and that the right of dispensing with , and suspending of laws , is a right inseparably ty'd to his person : that for the rest , the protestant religion does not run the least risque . there are laws to shut the papists out of parliament , and these laws can neither be dispensed with , nor suspended : so that the parliament partaking with the king in the legislative power , and continuing still protestant , there is no cause to fear , that any thing should be done contrary to the protestant religion . besides , what probability is there , that a king , who appears so great an enemy to oppression in matters of conscience and religion , should ever have a thought , tho he had the power himself , to oppress in this very matter the greatest part of his subjects , and take from them that liberty of conscience which he now grants to them , and which he promises so inviolably to observe for the time to come ? these are all the objections that can with any appearance of reason be made against what we have before said . they may all be reduced to five , which we shall examine in their order . and we doubt not but we shall easily make it appear , that they are all but meer illusions . . we do justly complain , that they have taken from us our liberty of conscience in france , because it was done contrary to the laws . and one may as justly complain , that the k of england does labour to re-establish popery in his country , because he cannot do it but contrary to the laws . our liberties in france were founded upon solemn laws , upon perpetual , irrevocable , and sacred edicts ; and which could not be recalled , without violating at once the public faith , the royal word , and the sacredness of an oath . and popery has been banished out of england by laws made by king and parliament , and which cannot be repealed but by the authority of king and parliament together ; so that therefore there is just cause to complain , that the king should go about to overthrow them himself alone by his declaration . . it is not true that a sovereign has always the right to permit the exercise of his own religion in his dominions , and to make use of the service of such of his subjects as he himself shall think fit , that is to say , by putting of them into charges and employs : and in particular , he has not this right , when the laws of his country are contrary thereunto , as they are in the case before us . every king is obliged to observe the fundamental laws of his kingdom . and the king of england , as well as his subjects , ought to observe the laws which have been established by king and parliament together . . for the third , the distinction between the abrogation of a law , and the dispensing with and suspending of it cannot here be of any use ; whether the king abrogates the laws which have been made against popery , or whether without saying expresly that he does abrogate them ; he overthrows them by his declarations , under pretence of dispensing with , or suspending of them ; it is still in effect the same thing . and to what purpose is it that the laws are not abrogated , if in the mean time all sorts of charges are given to papists , and popery it self be re-established contrary to the tenor of the laws ? the truth is , if the king has such a power as this , if this be a right necessarily tied to his person , 't is in vain that the parliament does partake with him in the legislature . this authority of the parliament is but a meer name , a shadow , a phantome , a chimera , and no more . the king is still the absolute master , because he can alone , and without his parliament , render useless by his declarations the laws which the parliament shall have the most solemnly established together with him . we confess the king has right of dispensing in certain cases , as if the concern be what belongs to his private interest , he may without doubt whenever he pleases depart from his own rights ; 't is a liberty which no body will pretend to contest with him . but he has not the power to dispense to the prejudice of the rights of the people , nor by consequence put the property , the liberty , and the lives of his protestant subjects into the hands of papists . . what we have now said in answer to the third objection , will be more clear from the answer we are to give to the fourth . they would perswade the protestants that their religion is in safety , because on the one side the king cannot make laws without the parliament ; and that on the other , there being laws which exclude papists out of the two houses , it must necessarily follow , that the parliament shall continue to be protestant . but if the king has the power to break throught the laws , under the pretence of dispensing with and suspending of them , what security shall the protestants have that he will not dispense with the papists , the observation of those laws which do exclude them out of the parliament , as well as he has dispensed with those that should have kept them out of charges and imployments ? what security shall they have that he will not at any time hereafter suspend the execution of the former , as he has already suspended the execution of the latter ? which being so , what should hinder us from seeing in a little time a popish parliament , who together with the king shall pass laws contrary to the protestant religion ? what difference can be shewn between the one and the other of these laws , that the one should be liable to be dispensed with and suspended , and the other not ? were they not both established by the king and parliament ? were not both the one and the other made for the security of the protestant religion , and of those who profess it ? are not the rights of the people concerned in the one , as well as in the other ? and whosoever suffers and approves the king in the violation of these rights in some things , does he not thereby authorise him to violate them in all ? if the king has power to put the liberty and property and lives of his protestant subjects at the mercy of the papists , by placing them in charges contrary to the law , why should he not have the power to raise the same papists to the authority of legislators by declaring them capable of sitting in parliament , seeing that is but contrary to law ? do not deceive your selves , the laws are the barrier which bound the authority of the king , and if his barrier be once broken , he will extend his authority as far as he pleases . and it will be impossible for you after that to set any bounds to it . . in fine , he must be very little acquainted with the spirit of popery , who imagines that it will be content to re-establish it self in england , without aiming to destroy the protestant religion . give it but time and opportunity to fortifie it self , and you may then expect to see what it is . in all places where it has got the power in its hands , it will not only rule , but rule alone , and not suffer any other religion besides it self ; and imploys the sword and fire to extirpate that which it calls heresie . were not this a truth confirmed by infinite examples both ancient and modern , which every one knows who has read any thing of history , it would be too much evidenced by the cruelties which it has so lately exercised against the churches of hungary , of france , and of the valleys of piemont . and men ought not to be lulled asleep by the pretence of an inclination which the king of england would be thought to have for liberty of conscience ; nor by the promises which he makes to preserve it to all his subjects without distinction . every one knows that perfidiousness and breach of faith are characters of popery no less essential to it than cruelty . can you doubt of this , gentlemen ? you who so lately came from making a sad experiment of it ? how often did our king promise us to preserve us in our priviledges ? how many declarations , how many edicts did he set out to that purpose ? how many oaths were taken to confirm those edicts ? did not this very king lewis xiv . himself solemnly promise by several edicts and declarations to maintain us in all the liberties which were granted to us by the edict of nantes ? and yet after all , what scruple was there made to violate so many laws , so many promises , and so many oaths ? the protestants of england have themselves also sometimes likewise experimented the same infidelity : and not to alledge here any other example , let us desire them to remember only the reign of queen mary , what promises she made at her coming to the crown , not to make any change of religion ; and yet what bloody laws she afterwards passed to extinguish the reformation as soon as she saw her self fast in the throne ? and with what inhumanity she spilt the blood of her most faithful subjects to accomplish that design ? after such an instance as this , a man must be very credulous indeed , and willing to deceive himself , that will put too much confidence in the promises of the king that now reigns . do we not know , that there are neither promises nor oaths which the pope does not pretend to have power to dispense with in those whom he employs for the extirpation of heresie ? and do we not also know , that it is one of the great maxims of popery , a maxim authorized both by the doctrin and practice of the council of constance , that they are not obliged to keep any faith with hereticks . we ought not to believe that king james ii. a prince who has so much zeal for popery , should be govern'd by any other maxims than those of his religion . and whosoever will take the pains to examine his conduct both before and since his coming to the crown , will find that he has more than once put 'em in practice . and this , gentlemen , we suppose may be sufficient to convince all reasonable persons , that there is nothing more pernicious than that declaration which you have approved ; whether by publishing it , as some of you have done , or by addressing to the king to thank him for it . when you shall have reflected upon these things , you will without doubt your selves confess , that you have suffered your selves to be amused with some imaginary advantages which you hope to make by this declaration . in the mean time , most dear brethren , you will pardon us , if we have chanced to have let any thing slip that is not agreeable to you . we had no design to give the least offence either to you , or to our brethren the dissenters of england . if we have spoken our thoughts freely of your conduct and of theirs , we have at least spoken with no less liberty of that of the bishops . and god is our witness , that we have said nothing of the one or the other , but in the sincerity of our heart , and out of a desire to contribute somewhat to his glory , and the good of his church . we are , most honoured brethren , your most humble , most obedient , and most affectionate brethren in jesus christ , n.n. the protestant's warning-piece or, the humble remonstrance of ieffery corbet citizen and grocer of london, composed for the view of his highness, the parliament, and all the good people in england, scotland, and ireland; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the pope, and the king of spain, who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of london in a places at once, and then proceed to their long intended massacre. corbet, jeffrey. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing c thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) the protestant's warning-piece or, the humble remonstrance of ieffery corbet citizen and grocer of london, composed for the view of his highness, the parliament, and all the good people in england, scotland, and ireland; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the pope, and the king of spain, who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of london in a places at once, and then proceed to their long intended massacre. corbet, jeffrey. sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : ] imprint from wing. signed at end: jeffery corbet. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng catholics -- ireland -- early works to . anti-catholicism -- england -- early works to . protestants -- england -- early works to . london (england) -- history -- th century -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no the protestant's warning-piece: or, the humble remonstrance of ieffery corbet citizen and grocer of london, composed for the view of his hig corbet, jeffrey. a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the protestant's warning-piece : or , the humble remonstrance of ieffery corbet citizen and grocer of london , composed for the view of his highness , the parliament , and all the good people in england , scotland and jreland ; and published to frustrate the designes of the incendiaries employed by the pope , and the king of spain , who have severall yeares contrived to fire the city of london in a places at once , and then proceed to their long intended massacre . sheweth , that about the yeare , . the pope and his councell sent william oconner , an irish jesuit unto the king of spain and the rest of the catholick princes for their contribution of money , arms and amunition to carry on the massacre of all the protestants in the . nations . and for that end the said oconner came over into england about iuly , . and went daily in the garbe of a courtier attending upon the queen mother . about . septemb. . the said oconnee did boast unto an jrish convert that he was the chief contriver of that intended massacre , and that there were . men in private pay for the massacre in london . and that the l. cottington was to be lieutenant of the tower , and had . irish papists sent out of flanders to guard the tower under him . and that the queene was to goe beyond sea , and pawne the jewels of the crowne for that purpose . and that the money , arms , and amunition which the king of spain had sent over was secured at the spanish ambassadors house in london , and was disposed of amongst the papists by one garrat dillon an irish iesuit , who had his residence at the spanish ambassadors . that upon discovery of the massacre the said o conner was apprehended , and committed to the gate-hoase , . septemb. . but divers persons in and about the city of london , and west minster , caused the said o conner to be protected from iustice above . years and then to be released , contrary to the law of god , and the laws of the land . and though the said o conner was so timely apprehended that the massacre was prevented here , yet because iustice was not speedily executed upon him that others might heare & feare , and do no more so wickedly . therefore the hearts of his confederates were fully set in them to do evill . insomuch that above protestants in ireland were barbarously murdered in cold blood severall moneths after the said o conner was apprehended . moreover those persons did not only prevaile , that the bloody massacre was not at all discovered to the protestants in ireland to fore-warn and arme them to fight for their lives ; but they improved such an interest here , that the popish party who had a hand in the massacre intended in england were never searched out . yea those persons wittingly and wilfully suffered the queen to goe beyond sea to pawne the jewels of the crowne for laying the foundation of the late warres here to carry on the popes hellish interest . that those persons have from time to time , protected the popes agents from iustice , when they were apprehended by his highness , and others during the wars , and sent to the parliament , to be tryed for their lives as trayterous incendiaries . insomuch , that the pope & his conclave finding such encouragement they sent over chosen jesuits into england to make factions , and parties amongst professors , and so preach us into confusion as they have boasted . moreover the pope caused his buls to be hanged up on the church doores at antwerp and other places , in . and . giving dispensations to all priests , and iesuits to come into england and to transforme themselves into the various formes of religion amongst us , the better to divide the people and carry on their bloudy designes under a form of godliness . and by that stratagem they have all along exasperated the spirits of professors differing in iudgement and made them bite , and endeavour to devour one another . mean while the popes interest hath gone on unsuspected . and under this colour they have conspired divers yeares to set the city of london on fire in a hundred places at once , and then fall to massacre , and cut off the root and branch of all the protestants in these nations . yea , they have boasted that they are in constant readiness , and watch only for the remove of the army as they did in . upon the scots invasion , and the insurrection in kent wales , &c. and the captain generall for that bloody worke had his constant resident at the spanish ambassadours house till hee removed from london . that the aforesaid persons have from time to time dammed up justice against the discoverers of those horrid conspiracies , and all others who have appeared on their behalfe . and have caused them and their friends to bee defrauded of estates above . pounds in value . mean while they have caused divers friends to those discoverers to goe with sorrow to their graves , and others to lead languishing lives in disgrace and repreach . upon which account the foresaid persons being subtle secret enemies did improve such an interest in the three last parliaments , that no law was made to remedy such abhominable obstructions of iustice whereby the agents for the pope , and the king of spaine , and the king of scots have been encouraged , and protected in their barbarous conspiracies , and the friends of the common-wealth exposed to ruine . onely the good hand of providence hath preserved those discoverers , and many of their friends even to admiration for to make good the fore-going particulars on behalfe of this divided , and wel-nigh distracted common-wealth . that the king of scots hath many yeares since engaged to the pope to set up popery in these nations upon the popes engagement to improve his interest to settle him in his throne . and from that mutuall ingagement , the presbyterians in scotland , and here may gather that their making a party to bring in the k. of scots for the establishing of presbytery was to strengthen the hands of the popes party to murder them , and their posterities . and the protestant cavalier may likewise observe that if they should have conquered the parliaments party , yet all the advantage they would have gained thereby would have been only this to have been last destroyed . for the popes bloody monsters would have given them no more quarter then they did the . in ireland , which they murdered in cold blood . that the spine saith . no prophesie of scripture is of any private interpretation . and because thou hast let goe out of thy hand a man whom i appointed to utter destruction , thy life shall goe for his life , and thy people for his people . and neglect to strengthen the hands of the poore and needy , was one of the sins of sodom , and god abhorres solemne fasts , and other duties where iudgement and righteousness are neglected , ( pet. . . king. . . ezek. . . isa . . to . amos , . . ) from whence it doth appeare that the unparalell'd mercies which god hath bestowed upon these nations have been hitherto intermixed with dreadfull iudgements threatning utter desolation . because ! the popes bloody monsters have been let goe from time to time by the aforesaid secret enemies . and , because men of knowne integrity , fearing god , and of a good conversation are not appointed for commissioners to bring these secret enemies unto speedy publick justice , and to breake the heavie yoke of oppression by delivering the spoyled from their oppressors and strengthen the hands of the poore and needy , which is the faft that god hath chosen , and promised a speciall blessing unto . in tender consideration of the premisses j doe earnestly beseech all protestants under what forme whatsoever , specially in , and about the city of london , and west minster ( as they will answer it at the great day of account , and desire to be free from the blood of themselves , and their wives , children and friends . ) that they would unite as one man , and improve their utmost interest in the parliament by petition and otherwise , for the obtaining of such cōmissioners , to the end the innocent blood which hath been spilt by the trechery of those secret enemies may be expiated , and the pope's bloody designes now on foot may bee defeated . and that the complainings in our streets may cease by setting the oppressed free from the obstructions of iustice which they have long groaned under . and i doe hereby engage my life to make good the aforesaid particulars before such commissioners , and do professe before god and men that j am moved to declare these things out of no self-end or by-respect whatsoever , but out of a desire to discharge a good conscience and a zeale to promote the good and welfare of these nations ; being fully convinced that the appointment of such commissioners would soone root out the popes incendiaries , and undeceive many thousands of deluded dissenters , and reconcile this divided people and open an effectuall doore for judgement , & righteousness to run downe like a mighty streame , and would give the people cause to blesse the lord , for raising and spiriting his highness , and this parliament , to be repairers of our breaches , and the restorers of paths to dwell in . prov. . . isa. . . iustice exalts a nation . and the worke of righteousness shall be peace . prov. . . withhold not good from them to whom it is due , when it is in the power of thy hand to doe it . iudges , . curse yee meroz because they came not to the helpe of the lord against the mighty . . novemb. . jeffery corbet . the protestant's crums of comfort containing i. prayers and meditations, with ejaculations for every day in the week, and other occasions. ii. thanksgivings for deliverances from popery, tyranny, and arbitrary power. iii. the rebellion in ireland, and massacre of paris. iv. the learned bishop usher's prophecy, concerning ireland, and the downfall of rome. v. advice to the late besieged in london-derry, under that reverend divine and valiant commander, coll. george walker. illustrated with pictures suitable to each particular occasion. walker, george, of londonderry. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the protestant's crums of comfort containing i. prayers and meditations, with ejaculations for every day in the week, and other occasions. ii. thanksgivings for deliverances from popery, tyranny, and arbitrary power. iii. the rebellion in ireland, and massacre of paris. iv. the learned bishop usher's prophecy, concerning ireland, and the downfall of rome. v. advice to the late besieged in london-derry, under that reverend divine and valiant commander, coll. george walker. illustrated with pictures suitable to each particular occasion. walker, george, of londonderry. [ ], , [ ] p., [ ] leaves of plates : port. printed by w.w. for nicholas bodington at the golden ball in duck-lane, london : . with a licence to print on verso of title page dated december th. . dedication signed: g.w.; attributed by wing to george walker. each part of the text headed by a caption title; on p. : "the protestants manual of prayers and meditations"; on p. : "ejaculations upon several occasions out of the holy scriptures"; on p. : "a short account of the massacre in ireland & paris"; on p. : "strange and remarkable predictions of that holy, learned, and excellent bishop, james usher, late lord primate of ireland"; on p. : "thanksgivings for god's wonderful deliverances"; on p. : "christian courage in affliction". frontis. = plate; consists of medallion portraits of queen elizabeth, king james i, king william iii and queen mary; the three folded plates include woodcuts of the coronation of william and mary, the reverend bishop usher, the irish rebellion, and french massacre, the downfall of rome, the spanish invasion, the gun powder plot, and the arrival of the prince of orange. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of 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true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng walker, george, ?- -- early works to . ussher, james, - -- early works to . prayers -- early works to . protestants -- ireland -- early works to . protestants -- france -- early works to . prophecies -- early works to . londonderry (northern ireland) -- history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the protestant's crums of comfort : containing i. prayers and meditations , with ejaculations for every day in the week , and other occasions . ii. thanksgivings for deliverances from popery , tyranny , and arbitrary power . iii. the rebellion in ireland , and massacre of paris . iv. the learned bishop usher's prophecy , concerning ireland and the downfall of rome . v. advice to the late besieged in london-derry , under that reverend divine and valiant commander coll. george walker . ilustrated with pictures sutable to each particular occasion . london ; printed by w. w. for nicholas bodington at the golden ball in duck-lane . defenders of y e protestant religio● q. elizabeth . k. william . k. james q. mary ii. of sam. xxiii v. . he that ruleth ore men must be just ruling in y e fear of god. licensed , december th . . to the honourable the lady p. t. madam , where true piety inhabites , charity always ●ims a priviledge in ●owning religious actions ▪ ●d , like the good samaritan , ●ords the oil of relief to the ●ounds of the distressed . such tender compassion al●●ys attends the great and ●st , of whom , madam , you ● a perfect pattern ; your ●…nty has been unlimited to 〈…〉 distressed and afflicted , to 〈…〉 fatherless and the widow , ●…t even commiseration it self has been your daily delight and practice . divine souls , like yours can never be free from humbl● addressers , which creates ● pr●sumption in me to lay th●… tract at your la●●ships door where i humbly conceive yo● will honour it so far , as 〈◊〉 take it into your closet . that heaven may prosp●… you with length of days here and reward you with a cro●… of glory hereafter , is t●… hearty prayer of , madam , your most obedient servan● g. w. the protestant's manual , of prayers and meditations ▪ when we first awake . o god , thou art my god , early will i seek thee . i will sing of thy power , ●…d will praise thy mercy becomes in the morning ; for ●…ou hast been , and wilt be 〈…〉 defence and refuge in the ●…y of my trouble . a prayer for the morning o eternal god , whose providence has protected m● the night past , & brought me t● the beginning of this day ; defend me , o lord , in the same by thy almighty power , an● grant that this day i fall into n● sin , neither run into any kin● of danger , but that all m● doings may be ordered by th● governance , to do alway● that which is righteous in th● sight , through jesus christ. ii. i praise thy name , th●● thou hast still continued to 〈◊〉 the opportunity of servin● thee , and advancing my hop● of a blessed eternity ; preser●●●● me this day from all violence and snares of my enemies , visible and invisible ; keep me from all pride , self-love , and vain-glory ; all obstinacy and disobedience ; all fraudulency and dissimulation , and let the graces of thy holy spirit take an absolute possession of my soul , and all its faculties , that i may finally tread down satan under my feet ; all this i beg for thy son jesus christ his sake , amen . a prayer for the evening . almighty god , i praise and magnifie thy holy name , for thy preservation of me this day , and all the days of my life ; for unless thy mercy had withheld me , i had committed ▪ more and more grievous sins , and had been overwhelmed by thy just wrath , and severest judgments : pardon , o lord , i beseech thee , the sins and offences of my youth , and the irregularity of all my actions , either in thought , word , or deed . ii. let thy heavenly grace be present with me , that though my body sleep , yet let my soul be vigilant , lest i sleep in sin , and be forgetfull of my duty towards thee ; let thy goodness and loving kindness never slip out of my remembrance , but so unite my heart unto thee with fervent charity , that whatever i do , may redound to thy glory . iii. grant that whether i sleep or wake , live or dye , i may never lose the light of thy countenance , but evermore live in thy favour ; that escaping from the darkness of this world , i may at last arrive at the land of everlasting peace and happiness , to behold thy power and glory , amen . meditations for sunday morning . let god arise , and let his enemies be scattered ; let them also that hate him , flee before him . like as the smoak vanisheth , so shalt thou drive them away ; and like as wax melteth at the fire , so let the ungodly perish at the presence of god. but let the righteous be glad and rejoyce before god ; let them also be merry and joyfull . ii. o sing unto god , and sing praises unto his name ; magnifie him that rideth upon the heavens as it were upon an horse ; praise him in his name , yea , and rejoyce before him . he is a father of the fatherless , and defendeth the cause of the widows ; even god in his holy habitation . he is the god that maketh men to be of one mind in an house , and bringeth the prisoners out of captivity , but letteth the runnagates continue in scarceness . iii. o god , when thou wentest forth before the people , when thou wentest through the wilderness : the earth shook , and the heavens dropped at the presence of god , even as sina● also was moved at the presence of god , which is the god of israel . thou , o god , sentest a gracious rain upon thine in heritance , and refreshed'st i● when it was weary . thy congregation shall dwell therein ; for thou , o god , hast of thy goodness prepared for the poor . iv. the lord gave the word : great was the company of the preachers . kings with their armies did flee , and were discomfited , and they of the household divided the spoil . though ye have li●n among the pots , yet shall ye be as the wings of a dove , that is covered with silver wings , and her feathers like gold. v. when the almighty scattered kings for their sake , then were they as white as snow in salmon . as the hill of basan , so is god's hill ; even an high hill , as the hill of basan . why hop ye so , ye high hills ? this is god's hill , in which it pleaseth him to dwell ; yea , the lord will abide in it for ever . vi. the chariots of god are twenty thousand , even thousands of angels , and the lord is among them , as in the holy place of sin●i . thou art gone up on high , ●hou hast led captivity captive , and received gifts for men ; yea , even for thine enemies , that the lord god might dwell among them . vii . praised be the lord daily , even the god which helpeth us , and poureth his benefits upon us . he is our god , even the god of whom cometh ●alvation : god is the lord by whom we escape death . god shall wound the head of his enemies , and the hairy scalp of such a one as goeth on s●ill in his wickedness . viii . the lord hath said , i will bring my people again , as i did from basan : mine own will i bring again , as i did sometime from the deep of the sea. that thy foot may be dipped in the bloud of thine enemies ; and that the tongue of thy dogs may be red through the same . ix . it is well seen , o god , how thou goest ; how thou , my god , and my king , goest in the sanctuary . the singers go before , the minstrels follow after ; in the midst are the damsels playing with the timbrels . give thanks , o israel , unto god the lord in the congregations , from the ground of the heart . there is little benjamin their ruler , and the princes of juda● , their counsel ; the princes of zabul●n , and the princes of napthali . x. thy god hath sent forth strength for thee : stablish the thing , o god , that thou hast wrought in us . for thy temples sake at jerusalem ; so shall kings bring presents unto thee . when the company of the spear-men and multitude of the mighty are scattered abroad among the beasts of the people , ( so that they humbly bring pieces of silver , ) and when he hath scattered the people that delight in war. then shall the princes come out of egypt ; the morians land shall soon stretch out her hands unto god. the prayer . most gracious god , who art ● father of the fatherless , and pleadest the cause of the wido● , have mercy upon thy holy catholick church , and since her lord is ●scended up on high , even to his heavenly mansions , leave us not alone comfortless , but send thy holy spirit into our hearts , that by his assistance we may escape spiritual , and the bitterness of the temporal . ii. send a gracious showre , even the dew of thy divine favours , to refresh our weariness in this calamity ; make thy people as doves , innocent and chast , and adorn them with the beauty of inward sanctity : let all kings , princes , and rulers of the earth , confess thy name , and thy honour ; that thy gospel extending forth into all lands , peace , and all thy blessings may follow it , and thy praise be encreased from generation to generation , through christ our lord and saviour , amen . sunday noons meditations . sing unto god , o ye kingdoms of the earth : o sing praises unto the lord , who sitteth in the heavens over all from the beginning : lo , he doth send forth his voice , yea , and that a mighty voice . ascribe ye the power to god over israel ; his worship and strength is in the clouds . o god , wonderfull art thou in thy holy places ! even the god of israel ; he will give strength unto his people , blessed be god. ii. o clap your hands together , all ye people ; o sing unto god with the voice of melody . for the lord is high , and to be feared ; he is the great king upon all the earth . he shall subdue the people under us , and the nations under our feet . he shall chuse out an heritage for us ; even the worship of jacob whom he loved . iii. god is gone up with a merry noise , and the lord with the sound of the trump . o sing praises , sing praises unto our god : o sing praises , sing praises unto our king. for god is the king of all the earth : sing ye praises with understanding . the prayer . o lord god , celestial king , who reign●st potentate in all the world , thou art exalted above all creatures , and art to be feared in all the dominions of the earth ; let the seed of thy glorious gospel be planted in all parts of the habitable world , that thy saving health may be known unto all nations . ii. let thy grace pull down all the strong holds of sin and satan , that any ways oppose thy holy name and word ; subdue all thy people unto thee , and the nations under thy feet , so that we that are thy people , and sheep of thy hands , may become one sheepfold under one shepherd , jesus christ , our blessed lord and saviour . meditations for sunday night . i will magnifie thee , o god , my king ; and i will praise thy name for ever and ever . every day will i give thanks unto thee , and praise thy name for ever and ever . great is the lord , and marvellous worthy to be praised ; there is no end of his greatness . ii. one generation shall praise thy works unto another , and declare thy power . as for me i will be talking of thy worship , thy glory , thy praise , and wondrous works . so that men shall speak of the might of thy marvellous acts ; and i will also tell of thy greatness . the memorial of thine abundant kindness shall be shewed , and men shall sing of thy righteousness . iii. the lord is gracious and mercifull , long-suffering , and of great goodness . the lord is loving unto every one , and his mercy is over all his works . all thy works praise thee , o lord , and thy saints give thanks unto thee . they shew the glory of thy kingdom , and talk of thy power . that thy power , thy glory , and mightiness of thy kingdom might be known unto men. thy kingdom is an everlasting kingdom ; and thy dominion endureth throughout all ages . the prayer . most mighty god , marvellous worthy art thou to be praised , and of thy greatness there is no end ; give us sanctified hearts , and lips , that we may express thy righteousness , and magnifie thy glory , worship , and wondrous works . ii. all the earth praises thee , o lord , and thy saints give thanks unto thee : make us religious and sincere before thee , and to lay aside all hypocrisie . protect us , o lord , by thy hand of providence , that we fall not , and raise us up when we are down . iii. give us spiritual and temporal meat in thy o●n due time for our souls and bodies ; that we being filled abundantly with thy mercies here , we may have our hearts desire fulfilled , and satisfied hereafter , among such as fear thee , and praise thy holy name for evermore . amen . monday mornings meditations . the lord upholdeth all such as fall , and lifteth up all those that be down . for he shall deliver the poor when he cryeth ; the needy also , and him that hath no helper . he shall be favourable to the simple and needy , and shall preserve the souls of the poor . he shall deliver their souls from wrong , and falshood , and dear shall their bloud be in his sight . ii. there shall be a heap of corn in the earth , high upon the hills : his fruit shall shake like li●anus , and he shall be green in the city , like grass upon the earth . his name shall endure for ever ; his name shall remain under the sun among the posterities , which shall be blessed through him , and all the heathen shall praise him . iii. blessed be the lord god of israel , who only doth wondrous things . and blessed be the name of his majesty for ever , and all the earth shall be filled with his majesty , amen . the prayer . o eternal god , thou that defendest the children and poor , but pu●ishest the wrong doer , have mercy upon thy people under affliction ; extend thy mercy and compassion from ●ne sea to another , even unto the worlds end . ii. make thy people , who love thy name , flourish ; and subdue their enemies under them , that neither ●alshood nor wrong may any ways ●p●ress them . bless them with peace ●nd tranquillity , and satisfie them with thy righteousness and salvation , through thy mercy , o blessed ●esu , amen . mōnday noon's meditations . not unto us , o lord , not unto us , but unto thy name give the praise , for thy loving mercy , and for thy truths sake . wherefore shall the heathen say , where is now their god ? as for our god , he is in heaven ; he hath done whatsoever pleaseth him . ii. their idols are silver and gold , even the work of mens hands . they have mouths and speak not ; eyes have they , and see not . they have ears and hear not ; noses have they and smell not . they have hands , and handle not : feet have they , and walk not ; neither speak they through their throat . they that make them are like unto them ; and so are all such as put their trust in them . iii. but thou house of israel , trust thou in the lord : he is ●●eir succour and defender . ye house of aaron , put your trust in the lord : he is ●heir helper and defender . the lord hath been mind●ull of us , and he shall bless ●…s : even he shall bless the ●ouse of israel , he shall bless ●●e house of aaron . he shall bless them that ●…ar the lord , both small and ●…reat . the prayer . almighty god , whose dwelling is in the highest heavens , and ●st whatsoever pleaseth thee both in heaven and on earth ; give grace , 〈…〉 beavenly father , that in all our ●…ubles and calamities , we may put 〈…〉 who le trust in thee , who art our ●…y succour , defender , and deliver . ii. let us evermore praise thy holy name , and never ascribe to our selves any honour , and glory , or thank● of any good action , or prosper o● success ; but to thee alone who a●● the author and giver of all good things . keep us from idolatry from worshipping vain imagination● and any thing which is contrary to t●● gospel . bless us in all our way● that when we go from hence , we 〈…〉 inherit thy kingdom . amen . meditations for monday night . i will lift up mine eyes un● the hills , from when cometh my help . my help cometh even from the lord , which hath ma● heaven and earth . ii. he will not suffer thy fo● to be moved : and he th● keepeth thee will not sleep . behold he that keepeth israel shall neither slumber nor ●●eep . iii. the lord himself is thy keeper : the lord is thy defence upon the right hand . so that the sun shall not ●urn thee by day , nor the moon by night . iv. the lord shall preserve thee ●●om evil : yea , it is even he ●hat shall keep thy soul. the lord shall preserve thy ●oing out , and thy coming in , ●●om this time forth for evermore . the prayer . o god , from whence cometh all our help and succour , pre●…ve us by thy power and providence , ●…at nothing either by day or night ●…ay molest our peace , or disturh our ●afety ; suffer not the vanities of ●…e one to allure us , nor the terrours 〈…〉 the other to amaze and affright us . ii. let our feet be immoveable , an● fixed upon the rock and foundation christ jesus ; and so dispose of o● going out , and coming in , that ● may not swerve from thy commandments : but walk according to t● holy rule in all things , who art o● lord and saviour . meditations for tuesday morning . they that put their tr●… in the lord shall be ev●… as the mount sion , which m●… not be removed , but stande●… fast for ever . the hills stand about jerusalem : even so standeth t●… lord round about his peop●… from this time forth for ev●… more . ii. for the rod of the ungo●… cometh not into the lot of t●… righteous ; lest the righteous out their hands unto wickedness . do well , o lord , unto ●hose that be good and true of heart . as for such as turn back un●o their own wickedness , the ●ord shall lead them forth with the evil-doers : but ●eace shall be upon israel . the prayer . merciful god , our ▪ only trust and confidence , and whosoever ●usteth in thee shall not be removed , ●●t stand fast for ever ; let thy pow●● and glory stand round about us , ●nd all thy holy people , like hills ●…r our protection and safety , that ●…e may be sheltered from our enemies . ii. permit us not to put our hands to wickedness , neither let us partake 〈◊〉 the lot of the ungodly , whom thou or dainest for destruction : b●… let us receive that blessing which o●… lord and saviour hath left 〈…〉 church , even the peace of god t●… father , son , and holy ghost : 〈…〉 whom be all honour and glory , wor●… without end . amen . meditations for tuesday noon . when the lord turned again the captivity 〈…〉 sion , then were we like unt●… them that dream . then was our mouth fil●…ed with laughter , and o●… tongue with joy. ii. then said they among th● heathen , the lord hath do●… great things for them . yea , the lord hath do●… great things for us already whereof we rejoyce . iii. turn thou our captivity , o lord , as the rivers in the south . they that sow in tears shall ●eap in joy. he that now goeth on his way weeping , and beareth ●orth good seed , shall doubt●ess come again with joy , and ●ring his sheaves with him . the prayer . gracious god , who hast promised life and salvation to thy cho●en servants , and hast wrought ●ighty things for them already , ●hereof they rejoyce . deliver us we ●eseech thee , from the slavery and ●etters of sin and misery ; dissipate ●nd scatter all our enemies which ●ay close siege to us , seeking to destroy us . ii. fill our hearts with con̄t●ition , ●or having trespassed against thee ; teach us that divine art of self denial , to mo●tifie our affection 〈◊〉 our lust , and extinguish a●●●●shly temptations ; that when th● great harvest shall come , ●e may 〈◊〉 admitted as fellow labourers 〈◊〉 work in thy spiritual kingdom through jesus christ. amen . meditations for tuesday night . out of the deep have called unto thee , o lord lord hear my voice . oh let thine ears conside● well the voice of my complaint . ii. if thou , lord , wilt be extream to mark what is done a● miss , o lord , who may a● bide it ? for there is mercy with thee : therefore snalt thou b● feared . i look for the lord , my soul doth wait for him ; in his word is my trust. iii. my soul flieth unto the lord before the morning watch : i say before the morning watch. o israel trust in the lord : for with the lord there is mercy , and with him is plenteous redemption . and he shall redeem israel from all his sins . the prayer . o blessed lord , who with thy most precious blood , didst pay ●ur ransom , to purchase for us freedom , and salvation . with thee , ●here is mercy and plenteous redemption ; o let the height of that mercy ●ake us out of the bottomless pit of ●in and misery . ii. be not extream , o lord , in marking out what we have done amiss in our life time , but rather blot out th● hand-writing which is against us ▪ and as thy boundless mercy pardon● what is past , so let the sweetness of i● create thy fear in our hearts , that we may never more dare to offend s● gracious and merciful a saviour a● thou art to us . grant this , o lord , i beseech thee , for thy alone sake . amen . meditations for wednesday morning . deliver me , o lord , from the evil man , and preserve me from the wicked man. which imagine mischief i● their hearts , and stir up stris● all the day long . they have sharpened their tongues like a serpent : adders poyson is under their lips. ii. keep me , o lord , from the hands of the ungodly , preserve me from the wicked men , which are purposed to overthrow my going . the proud have laid a s●are for me , and spread a net abroad with cords ; yea , and set traps in my way . iii. i said unto the lord , thou art my god : hear the voice of my prayers , o lord. o lord god , thou strength of my health , thou hast covered my head in the day of battle . iv. let not the ungodly have his desire , o lord : let not his mischievous imagination prosper , lest they be too proud. let the mischief of their own lips fall upon the head of them that compass me about . a man full of words shall not prosper upon the earth : evil shall hunt the wicked person to overthrow him . the prayer . o lord god , the strength of all those that depend upon thee ; deliver us from evil and wicked men : that neither their examples may corrupt us , nor their counsels misguide us , or their mischief disturb our safety . ii. but do thou , o lord , cover our heads in the day of battle and strife against all our bodily and ghostly enemies ; that though they pursue us to overthrow us , yet we may be safe on earth under thy favour and almighty protection , and at the last being removed from all fears and dangers , we may appear in thy sight amongst the righteous for evermore . meditations for wednesday noon . hear my prayer , o lord , and consider my desire : hearken unto me for thy truth and righteousness sake . and enter not into judgment with thy servant : for in thy sight shall no one living be justified . ii. for the enemy hath persecuted my soul , he hath smitten my life down to the ground , he hath laid me in the darkness , as the men that have been long dead . therefore is my spirit vexed within me , and my heart within me is desolate . iii. yet do i remember the time past , i muse upon all thy works : yea , i exercise my self in the works of thy hands . i stretch forth my hands unto thee : my soul gaspeth unto thee as a thirsty land. the prayer . most righteous judge and dear redeemer , hear us for thy truth and mercies sake ; free us from the hainous guilt of all our sins , and renounce those punishments due to us for the same . ii. enter not at any time into judgment with us , for in thy sight no flesh can be justified by its own worthiness . fortifie our souls with the holiness of a lively faith , which worketh by charity , that at last we enter into thy holy of holies , even life everlasting . amen . meditations for wednesday night . hear me , o lord , and that soon , for my spirit waxeth faint : hide not thy face from me , lest i be like unto them that go down into the pit. o let me hear thy loving kindness betimes in the morning , for in thee is my trust : shew thou me the way that i should walk in , for i lift up my soul unto thee . ii. deliver me , o lord , from mine enemies : for i flie unto thee to hide me . teach me to do the thing that pleaseth thee , for thou art my god : let thy loving spirit lead me forth into the land of righteousness . iii. quicken me , o lord , for thy names sake : and for thy righteousness sake bring my soul out of trouble . and of thy goodness slay mine enemies , and destroy all them that vex my soul ; for i am thy servant . the prayer . bow down thine ear , o lord , and hear my complaint , support my weak spirit with thy heavenly grace , which is sufficient for me . hide not the light of thy countenance from me , but replenish me with the beams of thy mercy and goodness . ii. direct me in the way that i should walk in ; instruct me to do whatsoever pleaseth thee , quicken my soul in thy paths which lead to life eternal ; and so continue the conduct of thy blessed spirit to me , that it may never depart from me , till i am brought out of this temporal world , and am safely arrived at thy spiritual kingdom . amen . meditations for thursday morning . praise the lord , o my soul ; while i live will i praise the lord ; yea , as long as i have any being , will i sing praises unto my god. o put not your trust in princes , nor in any child of man : ●or there is no help in them . for when the breath of man goeth out , he shall turn again to his earth : and then all his thoughts perish . ii. blessed is he that hath the god of jacob for his help , and whose hope is in the lord his god. which made heaven and earth , the sea and all that therein is ; which keepeth his promise for ever . which helpeth them to right that suffer wrong ; which feedeth the hungry . iii. the lord looseth men out of prison : the lord giveth sight to the blind . the lord helpeth them that are fallen : the lord careth for the righteous . the lord careth for the strangers ; he defendeth the fatherless and widow : as for the way of the ungodly , he turneth it upside down . the lord thy god , o sion , shall be king for evermore , and throughout all generations . the prayer . great god , who art king for everlasting , world without end , vouchsafe us thy grace , and assist us with thy ready help , that we may fix all our hopes in thee ; for thou alone art able to grant deliverance . ii. lord , feed our souls , and satisfie us with thy salvation , when we hunger and thirst after thee ; revenge our cause , when we suffer wrong ; and heal our back-slidings . enlighten our darkness , that we walk not in the shadow of death , and let thy hand of providence take care of us in all our necessities , that when our life is expired , and we return to that earth from whence we were taken , we may reign with thee for evermore . meditations for thursday noon . i cryed unto the lord with my voice , yea , even unto the lord did i make my supplication . i poured out my complaints before him , and shewed him of my trouble . when my spirit was in heaviness , thou knewest my path : in the way wherein i walked have they privily laid a snare for me . ii. i looked also upon my right hand , and saw there was no man that would know me . i had no place to flie unto : and no man cared for my soul. i cried unto thee , o lord , and said , thou art my hope , and my portion in the land of the living . iii. consider my complaint : for i am brought very low . o deliver me from my persecutors , for they are too strong for me . bring my soul out of prison , that i may give thanks unto thy name ; which thing if thou wilt grant me , then shall the righteous resort unto my company . the prayer . thou art our place , o lord to flee unto , and the only sanctuary wherein is safety : o hide us under the shadow of thy wings , keep us from all those dangers which increase upon us when our spirits are in heaviness , and our bodies bowed down with infirmities . ii. stand thou evermore at our right hand , and aid us so with the power of thy grace , that our temptations and enemies may at no time molest and disturb us : grant that our souls in thy good time may depart out of the prison of the body with joy and not with grief , and enter into thine eternal joy to reign with thee for evermore , amen . meditations for thursday night . o lord , thou hast searched me out , and known me ; thou knowest my down-sitting and mine up-rising ; thou understandest my thoughts long before . thou art about my bed , and about my path , and spiest out all my ways . for lo , there is not a word in my tongue , but thou , o lord , knowest it altogether . thou hast fashioned me behind and before , and laid thine hand upon me . ii. such knowledge is too wonderfull and excellent for me , i cannot attain unto it . whither shall i go then from thy spirit ? or whither shall i go then from thy presence ? if i climb up into heaven , thou art there : if i go down to hell , thou art there also . if i take the wings of the morning , and remain in the uttermost parts of the sea. iii. even there also shall thy hand lead me , and thy right hand shall hold me . if i say , peradventure the darkness shall cover me ; then shall my night be turned into day . yea , the darkness is no darkness with thee , but the night is as clear as the day ; the darkness and light to thee are both alike . for my reins are thine ; thou hast covered me in my mothers womb. the prayer . infinite art thou , o lord , in wisedom , and omnipresent in all places ; thou fillest heaven and earth with majesty , and the effects of thy glory : hell feels thy mighty power , but thou communicatest to us thy poor creatures thy boundless mercy . ii. and , o lord , as thou art present with us , so we humbly beseech thee be president amongst us ; teach us thy holy laws , and so guide us by thy golden rule , and divine precepts , that we wander not in the darkness of our own errors , but in thy light whom no clouds can overcast , nor darkness eclipse : preserve us , o lord , from falling into utter darkness , where there is weeping , and wailing and gnashing of teeth . meditations for friday morning . i will give thanks unto thee , o lord , for i am fearfully and wonderfully made ; marvellous are thy works , and that my soul knoweth right well . my bones are not hid from thee , though i am made secretly , and fashioned beneath in the earth . thine eyes did see my substance , yet being unperfect , and in thy book were all my members written . which day by day were fashioned , when as yet there was none of them . ii. how dear are thy counsels unto me , o god! o how great is the summe of them ! if i tell them , they are more ●n number than the sand : when i awake up , i am pre●ent with thee . wilt thou not slay the wick●d , o god ? depart from me ●e bloud-thirsty men. for they speak unrighte●usly against thee , and thine enemies take thy name in ●ain . iii. do not i hate them , o lord that hate thee ? and am not grieved with those that ri●● up against thee ? yea , i hate them right sor● even as though they we●● mine enemies . try me , o god , and se●● the ground of my heart prove me , and examine m● thoughts . look well if there be a● way of wickedness in m● and lead me in the way ev●● lasting . the prayer . o lord , thy works are marvell● for thou hast done great thi● for my soul ; it is thou that hast 〈◊〉 med me in the womb , and thy 〈◊〉 der care hath preserved me to 〈◊〉 moment : teach me to hate and hor all iniquity , und to love counsells as my dearest treasure , we may be as fearfull of committing sins in secret , with that circumspection , as in the eye of the world. ii. lead me in thy truth , and guide me in the paths of a holy life , that i may examine my self strictly of what sins i stand guilty off , and earnestly repent of those offences : make me to shun all wicked ways , and conduct me into the way everlasting , through christ our lord , amen . friday noon's meditations . o god , my heart is ready , my heart is ready , i will sing , and give praise with the best member i have . awake thou lute and harp , i my self will awake right early . i will give thanks unto thee , o lord , among the people : i will sing praises unto thee among the nations . ii. for thy mercy is greater than the heavens , and thy truth reacheth unto the clouds . set up thy self , o god , above the heavens ; and thy glory above all the earth . that thy beloved may be delivered , let thy right hand save them , and hear thou me . iii. god hath spoken in his holiness , i will rejoyce therefore and divide sic●em , and meet out the valley of succoth . gilead is mine , and mana●se● is mine ; ephraim also is the strength of mine head . juda is my law-giver ; moab is my wash-pot ; over edom will i ●ast out my shoe ; upon the philistines will i triumph . iii. who will lead me into the strong city ? and who will bring me into edom ? hast not thou forsaken us , o god ? and wilt not thou , o god , go forth with our hosts ? o help us against the enemy ; for vain is the help of man. through god we shall do great acts ; and it is he that shall tread down our enemies . the prayer . early , o my god , to thee will i make my prayer and supplication ! for thy mercy in extent is greater than the heavens , and thy glory above all the earth ; for ever be thou exalted in thine own strength , and magnifie thy power , and thy never-failing mercy in defending us and all thy holy church against all our enemies temporal and spiritual . ii. leave us not , nor forsake us , o god , who art our strong tower and defence , for in vain is man's help , unless thou strengthen us ; fortifie us , and go forth with our hosts to battel , that we being defended and armed by thee , may perform acts great and good , fighting thy battels , and place our confidence in thy righteousness only , and thy salvation , amen . meditations for friday evening . in jury is god known ; his name is great in israel ; at salem is his tabernacle , and his dwelling in sion . there he brake the arrows of the bow , the shield , the sword , and the battel . thou art of more honour and might than the hills of the robbers . ii. the proud are robbed , they have slept their sleep ; and all the men , whose hands were mighty , have found nothing . at thy rebuke , o god of jacob , both the chariot and horse are fallen . thou even thou , art to be ●cared , and who may stand ●n thy sight when thou art angry ? thou didst cause thy judgments to be heard from heaven : the earth trembled and was still . iii. when god arose to judgment , and to help all the meek upon earth . the fierceness of man shall turn to thy praise , and the fierceness of them shalt thou refrain . promise unto the lord your god , and keep it , all ye that be round about him : bring presents unto him that ought to be feared . he shall refrain the spirit of princes ; and is wonderful among the kings of the earth . the prayer . great is thy name , o lord , and thy dwelling in the highest heavens ; give a deep impression of a dread and reverence of thee and thy power in our hearts : let thy threatnings and judgments which descend from heaven , and are executed upon stubborn and disobedient people ; make us loath sin , or the thoughts of it , and shun all the occasions and alluring baits of it . ii. o let thy continued mercies , and loving kindnesses be ever in our remembrance ; and make our hearts still , full of smoothness and tranquillity , that we may not fear the rigour of man , or the cruel wrath of those whose spirits thou canst refrain , lest we be hindred in our duty towards thee ; but let us so fear to offend thee , that we may press forwards from fear to love , from apprehensions of thy wrath , to the sense and comfort of thy mercies . meditations for saturday morning . unto thee , o god , do we give thanks ; yea , unto thee do we give thanks . thy name also is so nigh ; and that do thy wondrous works declare . when i receive the congregation , i shall judge according unto right . the earth is weak , and all the inhabitants thereof : i bear up the pillars of it . ii. i said unto the fools , deal not so madly : and to the ungodly , set not up your horn. set not up your horn on high , and speak not with a stiff neck . for promotion cometh neither from the east , nor from the west , nor yet from the south . and why ? god is the judge : he putteth down one , and setteth up another . iii. for in the hand of the lord there is a cup , and the wine is red : it is full mixt , and he poureth out of the same . as for the dregs thereof , all the ungodly of the earth shall drink them , and suck them out . but i will talk of the god of jacob , and praise him for ever . all the horns of the ungodly also will i break : and the horns of the righteous shall be exalted . the prayer . great judge of the whole universe , from whom proceeds all promotion and punishment , extend thy mercy now upon us , at the hour of death , and in the day of judgment , when thou shalt judge all the society of men and angels according to right . ii. o give us thy powerful grace , that we may expect thy coming in humility and perfect charity , and not be puft up and exalted in our fancies and imaginations , but may submit to thy will with meekness and holy obedience ; that when thou shalt pour forth thy wrath upon the ungodly , we may not be numbered amongst them , but partake of those mercies thou hast provided for those that love and fear thee . amen . meditations for saturday noon . hast thee , o god , to deliver me : make hast to help me , o lord. let them be ashamed and confounded that seek after my soul : let them be turned back-ward , and put to confusion that wish me evil. let them , for their reward , be soon brought to shame that cry over me , there , there . ii. but let all those that seek thee , be joyful and glad in thee : and let all such as delight in thy salvation , say always , the lord be praised . as for me , i am poor and in misery : hast thee unto me , o god. thou art my helper and my redeemer : o lord , make no long tarrying . the prayer . thou , o god , art our deliverer , helper , and redeemer , have mercy upon us , and all those which serve thee , in sincerity and truth ; help us , o god , against those that seek to destroy our souls : let our delight be , to wait for thy salvation , and to trust in thy never-failing mercies , that our feet being guided by thy direction , we may remain safe under thy providence . ii. suffer us not , o thou , who art a god of power and great glory , to be a prey to our enemies ; but dissipate and scatter them , as offensive clouds to the light of thy gospel . strengthen our weakness by thy power , pardon our sins by thy mercies , and justifie our souls by thy free grace , that we may now , and evermore with the humble addresses of devotion , give thee praise , not only with our lips , but in our lives , through jesus christ our lord. amen . meditations for saturday night . god be merciful unto us , and bless us , and shew us the light of his countenance , and be merciful unto us . that thy way may be known upon earth , thy saving health among all nations . let the people praise thee , o god ; yea , let all the people praise thee . ii. o let the nations rejoyce and be glad ; for thou shalt judge the folk righteously , and govern the nations upon earth . let the people praise thee , o god ; let all the people praise thee . then shall the earth bring forth her encrease , and god , even our own god , shall give us his blessing . god shall bless us , and all the ends of the world shall fear him . the prayer . o god , thou great governour of all mankind , and judge of the whole earth , have mercy upon us , and bless us . thou makest the resplendent beams of thy unwearied sun to shine , and cast his lustre upon all corners of the habitable world , bestowing his light both on the good and bad. ii. let the blessed light of thy bright countenance , spread it self to all nations , and to all people : lighten all our darknesses with the radiant beams of thy divine favour , teach thy ways to all people , and give thy saving health to all nations ; that all may joyn with one consent to fear thee , and praise thy name for evermore . amen . ejaculations upon several occasions out of the holy scriptures ▪ in the morning my voice shalt thou hear betimes , o lord : early in the morning will i direct my prayer unto thee , and will look up , psal. . . my days are like the days of an hireling . untill the day break , and the shadows flie away , job . . cant. . . at going forth . the lord preserve my going out , and my coming in : from this time forth , and for evermore , psal. . . o hold thou up my goings in thy paths ; that my footsteps slip not , psal. . . beginning a good work. in the volume of the book it is written of me : i delight to do thy will , o my god ; yea , thy law is within my heart , psal. . , . in good inspirations . the lord god hath opened my ear , and i was not rebellious against him , isa. . . at church . o how amiable are thy tabernacles , o lord of hosts , psal. . . before reading . speak , lord , for thy servant heareth , sam. . . speaking . my heart is inditing a good matter ; i speak of the things which i have made touching the king , psalm . . . when you go about worldly affairs . o let not my heart be inclined to any evil thing : let me not be occupied in ungodly works , with the men that work wickedness , lest i eat of such things as please them . psalm . . deliver me , o lord , from every evil work : and establish me in every good word and work . . tim. . . god shall bring every work into judgment , with every secret thing ; whether it be good , or whether it be evil . before eating . thou openest thine hand , and satisfiest the desire of every living thing . psalm . . ● . after eating . the lord is to be praised , who satisfieth thy mouth with good things ; making thee young and lusty as an eagle ▪ psal. . . in prosperity . if i do not remember thee let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth , if i prefer not thee above my chie● joy. psal. . . adversity . the lord killeth and maketh alive , . sam. . . shall we receive good at the hand of god ? and shall we no● receive evil ? job . . ought not christ to have suffered these things , and to enter into his glory ? luk● . . troubles . surely man walketh in ● vain shew ; surely they are disquieted in vain . psalm . . . calumnies . if i pleased men , i should not be the servant of christ , gal. . . praises . not unto us , o lord , not unto us , but unto thy name give glory , psal. . . against vain hope . as a dream when one awaketh ; so , o lord , when thou awakest , thou shalt de●pise their image , psal. . ● . pride . whosoever exalteth himself , shall be abased , luke . . covetousness . it is more blessed to give than to receive , acts . . luxury . know ye not that your bodies are the members of christ , cor. . . envy . he that loveth not his brother , abideth in sin , john ● . gluttony . the kingdom of god is n● meat and drink , rom. . ● anger . learn of me , for i am me● and lowly in heart , mat. ● . sloth . cursed be he that doth t● work of the lord negligentl● jer. . . rules of faith. remove not the anci● bounds which thy fath● have set , prov. . . acts of faith. lord , i believe , help th● my unbelief , mark . . i know that my redeem● liveth , &c. job . . hope . though i walk through t● valley of the shadow of death i will fear no evil ; for thou art with me , psal. . . i will be with him in trouble ; i will deliver him , and honour him , psal. . . charity . whom have i in heaven but thee ? and there is none upon earth that i desire in comparison of thee . my flesh and my heart faileth ; but god is the strength of my heart , and my portion for ever , psal. . , . against worshipping of idols . to whom will you liken god ? or what likeness will ye compare unto him ? isa. . . woe unto him that saith to the wood , awake ; to the dumb stone , arise , it shall teach ; behold it is laid over with gold and silver , and there is no breath at all in the midst of it , hab. . . if ye do return unto the lord with all your hearts ; then put away the strange gods , and ashtaroth from among you , and prepare your hearts unto the lord , and serve him only . then the children of israel did put away baalim and ashtaroth , and served the lord only ▪ sam. . , . against popish tradition . for as much as this people draw near me with their mouth , and with their lip● do honour me , but have removed their heart far from me , isa. . . in vain they do worship me teaching for doctrines th● commandments of men , ma● ▪ . . take heed and beware o● the leaven of the pharisees an● of the sadduces . against praying to saints . whosoever shall call upon the name of the lord , shall be saved . rom. . . when you pray , say , our father which art in heaven , &c. luke . . against antichrist . little children , it is the last time , and as you have heard that antichrist shall come ; even now are there many antichrists , whereby we know it is the last time , i john . . let no man deceive you by any means ; for that day shall not come , except there come ● falling away first , and that man of sin be revealed , the son of perdition : who opposeth and exal●eth himself above all that is called god , or that is worshipped ; so that he , as god , ●itteth in the temple of god , ●he wing himself that he is god. and for this cause god shall send them strong delusions that they should believe a lie , that they all might be damned who believed not the truth , but had pleasure in unrighteousness . . thes. , , , , . divine breathings of the soul , towards the evening . as the hart panteth after the vvater-brooks , so longeth my soul after thee , o god. my soul is athirst for god , even for the living god ▪ when shall i ▪ come to appear before the presence of god ▪ ●salm . . . . thy loving kindness is better than life it self ; therefore my lips shall praise thee . psal . . a prayer for a family , that may serve for morning or evening . o eternal , lord god , we thy poor and unworthy servants , prostrate our selves before thee , in all humility ; to ask pardon for all our sins and offences : thou art a god of purer eyes , than to behold iniquity , yet so infinitely gracious , that none ever trusted in thee , and was confounded : thou hadst an eye upon us , in the womb , and notwithstanding our unworthiness , thou still relievest us , giving us our daily food , and hourly breath . ii. what can we render unto thee , o lord , for all thy mercies which thou continually bestowest upon us : o let the ocean of this thy mercy be a partition betwixt us and our sins , and betwixt thee and thy judgments ; remove from us whatsoever displeaseth thee ; and we beseech thee be not extream in marking our imperfections ; thou hast gone along with us , and hast kept us and preserved us this night past , from fire , water , robbery , sudden death , and desolation : day past from wilful snining , frights , and fears , maiming , drowning , and fire , from bad company , and false witnesses , which might lay to our charge , things that we know not , and from all other sad accidents which might have be●aln us . iii. bless our gracious deliverers , and sovereign lord and lady , k william and q. mary , defend their persons , uphold their crown , and maintain their state , give them continual peace , length of days , and much happiness : bless catherine the queen dowager , her royal highness , the princess anne of denmark , and the rest of the royal family : let thy blessing be upon this family , guide us in our ways , and lead us in thy truth : bless all our relations and friends , guide and govern us by thy good spirit of grace ; and whatsoever thou knowest to be needful and convenient for us , we beseech thee grant it . iv. lastly , we come unto thee for a blessing , for all that are distressed either in body , mind , or estate , especially those who suffer persecution , for enjoying the light of thy gospel , and fly into this land for succour : hear us , o lord , for them , and thy whole church , and hear christ for us all , in whose name , and word , we further call upon thee , saying , our father , &c. a prayer before the communion . o merciful jesu , who diedst an ignominious death upon the cross for my sins , and didst bequeath in thy last will and testament , this holy sacrament for my souls nourishment : my sins , o lord , are great , but i lament my uncleanness , and renounce my unworthiness . ii. i come not to thy holy table , because worthy , but necessitous ; i come to be made clean and purged from my dross and filthiness ; thy body and bloud can make me clean , thy merits can make me a worthy receiver ; and here is a conveyance of thy blessed body and bloud in this holy sacrament : give my sins thy pardon , my soul thy heavenly grace , and what thou dost convey , seal unto me , for thy alone sake , my only saviour and redeemer . amen . at receiving the bread. blessed jesu , as thou hast given thy flesh to be the bread of life and salvation ; so vouchsafe to work in me by a lively faith , that i receiving the same , may evermore continue in thee , and thou in me , amen . at receiving the cup. lord , grant , that as thy bloud was shed to wash me a poor sinner ; so grant , that it may through a lively faith take effect in me , that i may become a fit member of thee , and live , and die in thee for ever . a prayer after the communion . glory , honour , and praise be given unto thee , o lord , most holy , for all thy mercies bestowed upon me : i have now been partaker of bread and wine : lord make me partaker of thy body and bloud : the one turns to the nourishment of my body ; but the other , with thy grace , is the nourishment of my soul. ii. o let not thy precious bloud be shed in vain for my sins , but let my hearty repentance , with thy grace , fully purge me from all uncleanness : i have this day been put in mind of the benefit by christ's death ; let me every day learn to die unto sin , and live the life of the righteous ; that at last i may become a new creature : unto thee , o father , my creator and preserver ; unto thee , o christ , my redeemer and justifier ; unto thee , o holy ghost , my sanctifier and instructer , be ascribed , all honour , power , and glory , now and for evermore . amen . for the church . we beseech thee , o lord , graciously to accept the prayers of thy church ; that she being delivered from all adversity and errour , may serve thee in safety and freedom , through jesus christ our lord. amen . for the king and queen . o lord , we beseech thee ▪ bless our sovereign lord and lady , king william ▪ and queen mary , by thy gracious appointment our supream governours ; enrich them with all increase of vertues , whereby they may be able to eschew evil , and to follow thee , the way , the truth , and the life , through jesus christ our lord. amen . for the royal family . we beseech thee , o lord , to bless catherine the queen dowager , her royal highness the princess anne of denmark , and the rest of the royal family : grant that they may walk in the ways of thy holy commandments , all the days of their lives , through christ our lord. amen . for the high court of parliament . o lord , bless the great council of the nation , direct the joyfull coronation of king william and queen mary at westminster abby , april the th . april ●he th . . their majesties went from 〈…〉 c-hall to westminster , 〈…〉 heralds being ready , 〈…〉 peers in the lords house , and the p●eresses in the painted chamber , so that 〈…〉 even in the morning the● majesties , and the wh●… proceeding were conducted to westminster-hall , where a throne being erected , 〈…〉 majesties took their sea● and after the ceremon● was ended , the proceeding began from westminster-hall to the abby , where bein●…d in order , the lord ●ishop of london began ●…th the recognition , which ended with an universal acclam●tion of joy ; then the 〈…〉 of st. asaph and ban●r sung the l●●t●ny ▪ 〈…〉 ended , the communion service began , the epistle taken out of the . pet. . 〈…〉 . . read by the bishop o● carlisle ; the gospel , 〈…〉 . . . . read by the bishop of st. asaph ; then followed the sermon by the 〈…〉 of salisbury , whose tex● was . sam. . . . 〈…〉 god of israel said , the roc● of israel spake , &c. s●●mon being ended , t●… majesties took the oath , a●d were solnmnly anoi●…nd 〈…〉 crowns placed on their heads by the lord bishop of london , assisted by 〈…〉 lord bishop of rochest● upon which the dr●…t , the trumpets sounded , the great guns were fired , yet were drowned , in a man●…y the loud shouts and ●…lamations of the peopl●… many other royal ceremonies ●as used , too tedious to insert in this narrow 〈…〉 about eight in the eve●ing their majesties r●…d to white-hall . and prosper all their consultations , grant that what they do , may be to the advancement of thy glory , the good of thy church , the safety , honour , and welfare of our sovereign lord and lady , and their kingdoms ; that all things may be so well ordered , and firmly settled by their good endeavours upon the best and surest foundations , that peace and happiness , truth and justice , religion and piety may be established among us , for all generations . these and all other necessaries for them , for us , and thy whole church , we humbly beg for thy son's sake , our saviour . amen . for the clergy . almighty and everlasting god , who by thy spirit dost sanctifie and govern the whole body of thy church , graciously hear our prayers , for all those whom thou hast ordained , and called to the publick service of thy sanctuary ; that by the help of thy grace , they may faithfully serve thee in their several degrees , through jesus christ our lord. for friends . i beseech thee , o lord , for all those to whom i am indebted , for my birth , education , instruction , promotion ; their necessities are known unto thee ; thou art rich in all things ; reward them for these benefits , with blessings both temporal and eternal . for a family . almighty and everlasting god , send down thy holy angel from heaven , to visit , protect , and defend all that dwell in this house , through christ our lord. for a friend . almighty and everlasting lord god , have mercy upon thy . servant n. and direct him by thy goodness into the way of eternal salvation ; that through thy grace , he may desire those things which please thee , and with his whole endeavour perform the same , through jesus christ our lord. for peace . o god , from whom all holy desires , all good counsels , and all just works do proceed , give unto us thy servants that peace which the world cannot give , that both our hearts may be set to obey thy commandments , and also that by thee we being defended from the fear of our enemies , may pass our time , in rest and quietness , through the merits of jesus christ our saviour . in the time of plague . let thy anger cease , o lord , and be appeased for the inquity of thy people , as thou hast sworn by thy self . o holy god , holy and strong , holy and immortal , have mercy upon us . for a city . compass this city , o lord , with thy protection , and let thy holy angels guard the walls thereof : o lord , mercifully hear thy people . for grace . lord from whom all good things do come , grant unto us thy humble servants , that by thy holy inspiration we may think those things that be good , and by thy merciful guiding may perform the same , through our lord jesus christ. for enemies . o god the lover and preserver of peace and charity , give unto all our enemies thy true peace and love , and remission of sins ; and mightily deliver us from their snares , through jesus christ our lord. for the afflicted . o almighty god , the afflicted soul , the troubled spirit crieth unto thee : hear , o lord , and have mercy , for thou art a merciful god. for travellers . assist us mercifully , o lord , in our supplications and prayers ; and dispose the way of thy servants towards the attainment of everlasting salvation , that among all the changes and chances of this mortal life , they may ever be defended by thy most gracious and ready help , through christ our lord. for the fruits of the earth . o god , in whom we live , move , and have our being , open thy treasure , in the due season , and give a blessing to the works of thy hands , through jesus christ our lord. against temptation . almighty god , which doth see that we have no power of our selves , to help our selves , keep us both outwardly in our bodies , and inwardly in our souls , that we may be defended from all adversities , which may happen to the body , and from all evil thoughts which may assault and hurt the soul , through jesus christ. for misbelievers and sinners . almighty and everlasting god who desirest not the death of a sinner , mercifully look upon all that are deceived by the subtilty of satan , that all evil prejudice laid aside , they may return to the unity of thy truth and love. for temporal necessities . replenish those , o lord , we beseech thee with temporal nourishment , whom thou hast refreshed with thy blessed ▪ sacraments . against tempests . drive spiritual wickedness from thy house , o lord , and preserve it from the malignity of tempestuous weather . for women in travel . o lord , of thy abundant goodness , and mercy , help thy servants who are in great pains and perils of child-birth ; that being delivered out of their present danger , they may glorifie thy holy name , who art blessed for evermore . for the sick. o god , the only refuge of our infirmities , by thy mighty power relieve thy sick servants , that they , with thy gracious assistance , may be able to give thanks unto thee , in thy holy church , through jesus christ. for prisoners . o god , who deliveredst thy apostle peter from his chains , and restoredst him to liberty , have pity upon thy servants in captivity , release their bonds , and grant them freedom and safety : accept of the hearty repentance of those that are appointed to dye , and save their souls for his merits who liveth and reigneth with thee , and the holy ghost , ever one god , vvorld without end . for the dying . father of all flesh , and god of all spirits , receive the souls which thou hast redeemed with thy bloud , returning to thee . a prayer before study . o unspeakable creatour , who , out of the treasure of thy vvisdom , hast ordained hierarchies of angels , and hast placed them above the highest heaven in a wonderfull order , and disposed them sweetly for all parts of the vvorld ; thou , the true fountain and incomprehensible principle of light and vvisdom , vouchsafe to illuminate the darkness of my understanding with a beam of thy light ; remove the darkness wherein i was born ▪ , sin and ignorance ; thou , who makest the tongues of infants eloquent , loosen my tongue , and pour forth the grace of thy spirit upon my lips , give me acuteness to apprehend , capacity to retain , subtilty to interpret , aptness to learn , readiness to speak ; direct my beginning , farther my progression , and perfect my conclusion . when the bell tolls for a dying person . o gracious god , be with this person in the holy operations of thy grace , and in the yearnings of thy tenderest mercies ; in the dreadfull moment when the soul shall depart from the body , and conduct this thy dying creature through the valley of the shadow of death unto the land of everlasting life , through jesus christ our lord , amen . a concluding prayer . almighty god , who hast promised to hear the petitions of them that ask in thy son's name ; we beseech thee mercifully to incline thine ears to us , who have now made our supplications and prayers unto thee ; and grant that those things which we have faithfully asked according to thy vvill , may be effectually obtained to the relief of our necessities , and to the setting forth of thy glory , through jesus christ our lord. the peace of god which passeth all understanding , keep our hearts and minds in the knowledge and love of god , and of his son jesus christ , our lord ; and the blessing of god almighty , the father , son , and holy ghost , be with us now , at the hour of death , and at the day of judgment . king edward the sixth's prayer against popery . lord god , deliver me out of this miserable and wretched life , and take me among thy chosen : howbeit not my will , but thy will be done : lord i commit my spirit to thee : o lord , thou knowest how happy it were for me to be with thee ; yet for thy chosen's sake ; send me life and health , that i may truly serve thee . ii. o my lord god , bless thy people , and save thine inheritance : o lord god , save thy chosen people of england : o my lord god defend this realm from papistry ; and maintain thy true religion , that i and my people may praise thy holy name , amen . for god's mercies upon their majesties forces , under the command and conduct of his grace the duke of schomberg . o most powerfull and great god , mighty in battel , fearfull in praises , doing wonders ; thou hast done mighty things already for us , whereof we rejoice : o be pleased still to continue thy undeserved mercies towards us , and accomplish what thou hast already begun for us : go forth we humbly beseech thee , with our armies against those who would make a prey of thy people . ii. protect and guide our great governour and commander , whose commission is to fight thy battel ; guide him , and counsel him in all his undertakings , and cover his head in the day of battel ; cause those that hate thy name and people , to flee before him , and scatter them as the dust before the wind ; crown him with victory and great success , that at the last he may return home in peace and safety , to thy glory , their majesties comfort , his own satisfaction , and all the nation 's happiness ; this we beg for the merits of jesus christ , amen . for mercy to the whole nation . o lord god , who art full of mercy and compassion to all thy people , bless us , we beseech thee , from all domestick and foreign enemies , that would endeavour to ruine our souls , and betray our lives : let thy goodness and loving kindness evermore watch over us to defend , protect , and keep us from all assaults and temptations of the enemy , and grant that we may live sober , godly , quiet lives , to the glory of thy holy name , amen . a short account of the massacre in ireland & paris . the popish party in ireland pretending the english unjustly detained their lands from 'em , which were justly forfeited to the laws , by their continual rebellions and treasons ; they did at last resolve to stir up all the cursed romish faction , to shew their utmost zeal , for the protestant's destruction . when their business was well laid , in their publick prayers , they recommended the good success of a great design , to advance their catholick cause ; and to stir up the people to act this villany , with the greater cruelty , they publickly discoursed , that the english protestants were hereticks , and not to be suffered to live any longer amongst them ; that it was no more sin to kill one of them , than to kill a dog : and a mortal sin to protect , or relieve any one of them . when their plot was ripe for execution , they proceeded against the english in divers methods ; some of the papists only stripping the protestants , and turn'd them out of doors naked ; others murdering men , women , and children , without mercy ; they all agreed ●o root out all the protestants the most reverend bishop usher . the irish rebellion , and french massacre . the downfall of rome . the massacre in ireland happened in the year , which by the learned bishop usher was predicted in . at which time the irish and english papists , by all manner of cursed cruelties , murdered near three hundred thousand innocent english protestants , without the least cause or provocation given them ▪ whose bloud yet cries for vengeance from heaven against them , and which we doubt not but the god of vengeance will judge in his due time . the massacre of paris was in the time of bloudy king charles the ninth , the papists used divers means to draw the chief of the protestants to paris , under pretence of a marriage between the king of navarre , a protestant , and the lady margaret , sister to the french king. admral coligni , a protestant gentleman , 〈◊〉 invited to the wedding , and in the evening the duke of guise sent for the captain of the switzers , and shewed him the king's commission , for murdering the admiral , and at midnight the provosts , sheriffs , and captains of every ward had the same commission shewed them ; the watch-word for the general massacre was , the tolling of the bel in the king's pallace a break of day , and that the executioners should be known by white handkerchiefs tied on their arms , and a white cross in their hats ; no s●oner was the watch wo●●● given , but they felt to their barbarity , and murdered the admiral , and in two days there was slain in paris above ten thousand men , women , and children . popery , slavery , and arbitrary power being vanquished , rome's idolatry must expect its downfall ; the multitude being got together begun to root out their damnable religion here in england , by falling down , burning , and demolishing most of their chappels and houses ; but the utter ruine of rome will be when she thinks her self most secure , as the learned bishop usher mentions in his prophesie . in that kingdom ; and so great was their violence , that they would not permit the english language to be spoke , but punished all that used it ; they likewise changed the names of all english places , killing , or maiming all sorts of cattle , which belonged to the english protestants . the popish priests gave their sacrament to several irish , on condition they should spare none of the protestants , but wash their hands in their bloud . they also excommunicated those that afforded any relief , so that many were ●●●●ved and perished ; their friars and monks exhorted them with tears not to spare any of the english , and boasted when they had destroyed them 〈◊〉 ireland , they would go into england , & do the like ; for they ●●ld it as lawsull to kill an english man , as to kill a sheep or a dog ; and that it was no more conscience to deprive them of their lives and ●s●ates , than to take a bone from ● dog 's mouth . the day before this bloudy massacre ; the priests gave them admission after mass , telling them , they had now fre● liberty to go and take possession of their lands , and 〈◊〉 strip , rob , and despoil all the english , of whatever they had that killing them was a mentorious act , and would preserve them from the pains 〈…〉 purgatory ; which cause some of these murtherous v●…lains , after they had ●lain multitude of the english , pu●… lickly to boast , that if the should die immediately , th●● were sure of heaven , and escape purgatory . they then proceeded commit all manner of cru●…ties and villanies imaginabl● stripping naked man , woman , and child , driving eight hundred and odd into a river , where they were drowned , and put one hundred and fifty into a castle , and burned them altogether . an abstract of their popish tortures , and cruelties against the protestants in ireland and paris . a protestant woman being delivered in the fields , they gave the new born infant to the dogs to be devoured . the irish women followed the camp , and stirred up the men to cruelty , crying , kill them all ; spare neither man , woman , or child ; yea , such was their detestable malice , that they taught their children to kill english children . an irish woman was very angry with a soldier , that he did not bring the grease of a ●at english gentlewoman , who was murdered , to make candles with ; which they barbarously did in many places . by all manner of cursed cruelties , the irish and english papists , in a short time , murdered near three hundred thousand protestants , without the least cause or provocation , whose bloud yet crys loud for vengeance from heaven against them , and doubt not but god will avenge it in his due time . children have been cast to dogs and swine to be devoured by them . women great with child have been hanged up , and their bellies ripped open , that the infant has dropped out , and been thrown into a ditch . youths have had their brains dashedout against trees , and some have been trampled to death . some infants have been found sucking the breasts of their dead mother . a great commander took delight to ●lea off the skins of men , and to head his drums with them . some have been driven to a river where the bridge has been broken down , and there drowned ; if any of them could swim , they either shot at them with musquets , or knocked them on the head , as they came near the land. some were put into dungeons full of mire and dirt , and having bolts put on their legs there perish'd with hunger . some had their eyes plucked out , and their hands cut off , and so let go , to pine away in misery . many have been stoned to death , and some have been stripped stark naked , and driven into the woods and mountains in the extremity of frost and snow , and there starved . some have been compelled to carry their own parents to execution , others to give fire to the wood that burnt them . mothers have been forced to throw their own children into the water ; wives to hang their own husbands ; children to hang up their own parents ; and when they have done all this , in hope , and upon promise of life , they themselves were barbarously murthered . some have been boiled alive in cauldrons ; some have been put into a hole in the ground , all but the head , and there forc'd to continue till they died . some have been driven through the streets naked ; and if , through weakness , they kept not their pace , they were pricked forward with spears and swords . some have been so rack'd and tormented , that worms have bred in their putrified sores ; infants have been closed again in their mothers bellies , which the villains had ript up , and there strangled , some have been wounded deadly , and then hung upon tenter-hooks , and others have been hung by the arms , that the souldiers might try their valour , and the strength of their swords upon them . some have been ript up , and their guts let out to trail about their heels , others have been dragged with wythes and ropes about their necks , through the vvaters , bogs , woods , and streets , to force them to confess their treasure , which when they had gotten , they were basely murdered . one hundred and four sheltred themselves in caves , and by smoak , made with wet straw , at the mouth thereof , have been smothered . the same cruelties we must have expected again to have ●aln upon all protestants , if god in his great mercy had not prevented them . strange and remarkable predictions of that holy , learned , and excellent bishop , james usher , late lord primate of ireland . the author of the life of this worthy archbishop relates , that amongst other extraordinary gifts and graces , the almighty had bestowed upon him , he was wonderfully endued with a prophetick spirit , whereby he predicted several things sometime long before they came to pass , whereof some we have seen fulfilled , and others remain yet to be accomplished : and though he was one that abhorr'd enthusiastick noti●●s , being too learned , rational , and knowing , to admit such idle freaks and whimsies : yet he profest , that several times in his life he had many things imprest upon his mind , concerning future events , with so much warmness and importunity , that he was not able to keep them secret , but lay under an un●voidable necessity to make them known . from which spirit he foretold the irish rebellion forty years before it came , with the time when it should break forth , in a sermon at dublin , in ; where from ezek. . . discoursing concerning the prophets bearing the iniquity of judah forty days , the lord therein appointed a day for a year : he made this direct application in relation to the connivance of popery at that time . from this year , says he , will i ●eckon the sin of ireland , that those whom you now embrace , shall be your ruine , and you shall bear this iniquity . which prediction proved exactly true ; for from that time , to the year , was forty years , in which it is notoriously known , that the rebellion and destruction of ireland happened , which was acted by those popish emissaries , which were then connived at . and of this sermon the bishop reserved the notes , and made a remark of it in the margent of his bible ; and for years before , he lived in the expectation of the fulfilling of it , and the nearer the time was , the more he was confident it was near accomplishment ; though as yet , there was no visible appearance . the year before the rebellion brokeforth , ( says dr. bernard ) the bishop taking his leave of me , being going from ireland to england , he advised me to a serious preparation ; for i should see heavy sorrows and miseries before i saw him again ; which he delivered with as great confidence , as if he had seen it ▪ which seems to verifie that of the prophet , amos . . surely the lord will do nothing , but he will reveal it to his servants , the prophets . from this prophetick spirit he foresaw the changes and miseries of england in church and state ; for having in one of his books , ( de prim. eccl. brit. ) given a large account of the destruction of the britains , by the saxons , about years after christ , he gives this among other reasons , why he insisted so largely upon it ; that he foresaw that a like judgment was yet behind , if timely repentance and reformation did not prevent it ; and he would often mourn upon the foresight of this , long before it came . from this spirit he gave mournfull intimations of the death of king charles the i ▪ of whom he would be often speaking with fear and trembling , even when the king had the greatest success ; and would therefore constantly pray , and gave all advice possible , to prevent any such thing . from this spirit he foresaw his own poverty in worldly things ; and this he would often speak of , with admiration to the hearers , when he was in his greatest prosperity , which the event did most certainly verifie . from this spirit he predicted the divisions and confusions in england , about religion , and the sad consequences of it ; some of which we have seen fulfilled , and i pray god the rest , which he feared , may not also be accomplished . lastly , from this spirit he foretold , that the greatest stroke upon the reformed churches was yet to come ; and the time of the utter ruine of rome should be when she thought her self most secure ; and to this last , i shall add a brief account from the person 's own hand who was concern'd . the year before the primate's death , i went to him , and earnestly desired him to grant me in writing his apprehensions of justification , and sanctification by christ , because i had formerly heard him preach upon those points , wherein he seemed to make those great mysteries more intelligible to my mean capacity , than any discourse i had heard from others ; but by reason i had an imperfect memory of the particulars , i took the boldness to importune him , that he would please to give me a brief account of them in writing , whereby i might the better imprint them in my memory ; o● which he would willingly have excused himself , by declaring , his intentions of not writing any more ; adding , that if he did write any thing , it should not exceed a sheet or two : but upon my continued importunity , i at last obtained his promise . he coming to town some time after , was pleased to give me a visit ; where i failed not to challenge the benefit of his promise made to me ; to which he replyed , that he had not writ , and yet could not charge himself with any breach of promise ; for ( said he ) i did begin to write , but when i came to write of sanctification , that is , of the new creature , which god formeth by his spirit in every soul , which he doth truly regenerate , i found so little of it wrought in my self , that i could speak of it only as parrots by rote , and without the knowledge and understanding of what i might have exprest ; and therefore i durst not presume to proceed any farther upon it . when i seemed to stand amaz'd to hear such an humble confession , from so great and experienced a christian. he added : i must tell you , we do not well understand what sanctification , and the new creature are ; it is no less , than for a man to be brought to an entire resignation of his will to the will of god , and to live in the offering up of his soul , continually in the flames of love , as a whole burnt-offering to christ , and how little ( says he ) are many of those who profess christianity experimentally acquainted with this work on their souls . by this discourse , i conceived he had very excellently and clearly discovered to me that part of sanctification , which he was unwilling to write . i then presumed to enquire of him , what his present apprehensions were , concerning a great persecution which should fall upon the church of god in these nations of england , scotland , and ireland , of which this reverend primate had spoken many years before , when we were in peace and settlement . i ask'd him whether he did believe those sad times were past , or to come , he told me , they were to come , and that he did as fully expect it , as ever he had done : adding , that this sad persecution would fall upon all the protestant churches in europe . i replyed , i hoped it might be past , as to these nations of ours , since i thought , that though we have been punished much less than our sins have deserved , and that our late wars have made far less devastations , than war commonly brings where it pleaseth god in judgment to suffer it ; yet we must needs acknowledge , that many great houses have been burnt , ruined , and left without inhabitants ; many great families impoverithed and undone , and many thousand lives also had been lost in that bloudy war , and that ireland , and scotland , as well as england , had drunk very deep of the cup of god's anger , even to the overthrow of the government , and the utter desolation almost of a very great part of those countries . but this holy man turning to me , and fixing his eyes upon me with that serious and irefull look which he usually had , when he spoke god's word , and not his own ; and when the power of god seemed to be upon him , and to constrain him to speak , which i could easily discern much to differ from the countenance wherewith he usually spake to me . he said thus : fool not your self with such hopes ; for i tell you , all you have yet seen , hath been but the beginning of sorrows , to what is yet to come upon the protestant churches of christ , who will e'er long fall under a sharper persecution than ever yet has upon them ; and therefore ( said he to me ) look you be not found in the outward court , but a worshipper in the temple before the altar , for christ will measure all those that profess his name , and call themselves his people ; and the outward worshippers he will leave out , to be trodden down by the gentiles . the outward court ( says he ) is the formal christian , whose religion lies in performing the out-side duties of christianity , without having an inward life and power of faith , and love , uniting them to christ , and these god will leave to be trodden down and swept away by the gentiles ; but the worshippers within the temple , and before the altar , are those who do indeed worship god in spirit and in truth , whose souls are made his temples , and he is honoured and adored in the most inward thoughts of their hearts , and they sacrifice their lusts and vile affections , yea , and their own wills to him ; and these god will hide in the hollow of his hand , and under the shadow of his wings . and this shall be one great difference between this last , and all the other preceeding persecutions ; for in the former , the most eminent and spiritual ministers , and christians did generally suffer most , and were most violently fallen upon ; but in this last persecution , these shall be preserved by god , as ● seed to partake of that glory , which shall immediately follow , and come upon the church , as soon as ever this storm shall be over ; for as it shall be the sharpest , so it shall be the shortest persecution of them all , and shall only take away the gross hypocrites , and formal professors , but the true spiritual believers shall be preserved till the calamity be over-past . i then asked him by what means or instruments this great tryal should be brough● on . he answered , by th● papists . i replyed , th●● it seemed to me very improbable they should be able t● do it , since they were no●● little countenanced , and b●● few in these nations , and that ●he hearts of the people were ●ore set against them , than e●er since the reformation . he answered again , that it would be , by the hands of papists , and in the way of a sudden massacre ; and that the then pope should be the chief instrument of it . all this he spake with so great assurance , and with the same serious and concerned countenance , which i have before observed him to have , when i have heard him foretel some things which in all humane appearance were very unlikely to come to pass , which yet i my self have lived to see happen according to his prediction : and this made me give the more earnest attention to what he then uttered . he then added , that the papists were in his opinion the gentiles spoken of in the eleventh of the revelations ; to whom the outward court should be left , that they might tread it under foot ; they having received the gentiles worship , in their adoring images , and saints departed , and in taking to themselves many mediators : and this ( said he ) the papists are now designing among themselves , and therefore be sure you be ready . this was the substance , and i think ( for the greatest part ) the very same words which this holy man spake to me , not long before his death , and which i writ down , that so great and notable a prediction might not be lost by my self or others . this gracious man repeated the same things in substance to his only daughter the lady tyrrel , and that with many tears , and much about the same time that he had exprest the aforesaid to me , and which ●…e lady tyrrel assured me of ●…ith her own mouth to this ●…rpose : that opening the door of ●…s chamber , she found him ●…ith his eyes lift up to heaven , ●…d the tears running apace ●…own his cheeks , and that ●…e seemed to be in an ecstasie , ●…herein he continued for a●…out half an hour , not taking ●…e least notice of her , though ●…e came into the room ; but 〈…〉 last turning to her , he told ●…er , that his thoughts had ●…en taken up about the mi●…ries and persecutions that ●…ere coming upon the chur●…es of christ , which would ●…e so sharp and bitter , that ●…e contemplation of them ●…d fetched those tears from ●…s eyes , and that he hoped ●…e should not live to see it , ●…ut possibly she might , for it ●…as even at the door ; therefore take heed ( says he ) that y●… be not found sleeping . the same things he also r●…peated to the lady bysse 〈…〉 wife to the lord chief . b●…ron of ireland ; but addin●… this circumstance , that 〈…〉 they brought back the king , 〈…〉 might be delayed a little longer , but ( said he ) it will s●r●… come ; therefore be sure to look th●… you be not found unprepared for it . to conclude in the wor●… of dr. bernard , speaking 〈…〉 this excellent person : no●… howsoever i am far fro●… heeding of prophecies , ye●… with me it is not improbabl●… that so great a prophet , s●… sanctified from his youth 〈…〉 so knowing , and emine●… throughout the univers●… church , might have , at som●… special times , more than o●…dinary motions and impu●…ses in doing the watch-man 〈…〉 part , of giving warning o●… judgments approaching . the spanish inv●ion , . gun powder treason , nov . . the arrival of the prince of orange nov. . . the thanksgiving for the deliverance from the spanish ar●ada , was august . . their fleet was ships , and galleons , which were to join the duke of parma , who had ships of war , flat-bottoms , and ● boats which lay in newport haven , with empty cas●s to cho●k havens , and make bridges : to this design the pope contribute● a million of gold. november the . was our great deliverance from the hellish powder-plot , and ●e miraculous finding of it out , was by a letter sent to the lord mounteagle , to advise him to take care of himself , for the parliame●● should receive such a blow , and not see who hurt them : the con●ir●●ors were everard digby knight , robert catesby esq ambrose rockwood esq francis tresham esq robert vvinter esq tho. piercy gent. tho. vvinter gent. john vvright gent. christ. wright gent. john grant gent. robert keys gent. g●y fa●x , and bates , catesby's man : provisions for this horrid design was barrels of powder , faggots , and billets . november the . , was our happy deliverance from popery , slavery , and arbitrary power , by the arrival of the prince of orange , who landed with a considerable army at brixam key in devonshire , where the whole country congratulated him , and brought plenty of provisions and necessaries for the s●diers . thanksgivings for god's wonderful deliverances . from the spanish invasion . we laud and magnifie thy holy name for this wonderfull deliverance wrought for our ancestors , which were surrounded with fear of roman slavery , and popish usurpation , which would have destroyed both queen and kingdom , when their gallies and ships came to assault us , with murthering pieces , and instruments of cruelty , which none but satan and themselves could invent ; as whips to scourge us , seals to mark us , and fetters to manacle us . ii. they were full of pride calling themselves invincible and had hemm'd us in on every side , trusting in their own arm of flesh , and pursuing our ruine and destruction ; then , o lord , thou didst awake as one out of sleep , and , as a giant , refreshed with wine , and smotest our enemies in the hinder parts , putting them all to confusion : blessed be thy name for this , and all other mercies bestowed upon us , and grant that we may never want thankfull ▪ hearts to praise thee . from the gun-powder treason , november th . . blessed lord , whose eye of providence watched over us , and didst discover to us those hellish contrivances which were laid in the dark , but not hid from thine all-seeing eye ; rome's factors were then busie in contriving to blow up the bodies of our king and nobles with a most barbarous and unnatural invention . ii. what had they done to them to be adjudged to so strange a death ? and what had they done for thee , to be so graciously preserved ? as we consider their inhumanity in laying their cruel project , so we must acknowledge thy goodness in revealing the same , to whom be glory , now , and for ever , amen . for our deliverance from popery , tyranny , and arbitrary power . o eternal god , who hast wrought so great a deliverance to all thy people , by raising up happy instruments for thy glory , and our peace and safety , even thy servants , our dear and dread soveraign lord and lady k. william and q. mary , who , like moses , stood in the gap , between us and pharaoh's cruelties . ii. thou hast delivered us , o lord , thou god of mercy , when we were even ready for destruction , tyranny , and what else their roman malice could invent , or slavish yoke have imposed upon us ; but blessed be thy holy name , that thou hast snatched us as a brand out of the burning , and hast restored those good laws and liberties , which our forefathers l●ave enjoyed ; teach us to prize & value this great mercy , that all nations may say , happy are the people , that are in such a case , yea happy is the people whose god is their lord. for the relief of london-derry . in ireland . o lord of heaven and earth , who didst in thy great mercy remember thy poor servants when they were in trouble , and besieged round about , being in great necessity s ●race the duke of sc●●mberg . the valiant governour walker . the siege of london-derry , . the irish and french forces being leaded by the late king james , laid close siege to london-derry , at which time collonel lundy , and others , 〈◊〉 driven away by fear , they were destitute of a governour , the town then consisting of about nine thousand fighting men , they 〈◊〉 chose col. vvalker their governour , and preserved the place couragiously , enduring great extremity ; but at last they were supplie● with provisions by way of the river , and the besiegers , after great loss sustained , drew off and left them , august the th . his grace 〈◊〉 duke of schombergh l●nded his forces in ireland , near carrickfergus , and reduced divers places to obedience , causing the french and irish army to retrea● . not long after , governour walker safely arrived in england , and waited upon their majesties at hampton-court , with an humble address from the governours , officers , clergy , and gentlemen in the city and garison of london-derry , at which time his majesty was pleased , as a mark of his royal ●ounty , to order him five thousand pounds , with this assurance , that it should not at all lessen his kindness to him and his family . for want of food , and other necessaries , thou didst in thy due time send them relief and succour , else they had perished in their affliction . ii. and what can we render , o lord , sufficient for these things ; our best thanks we can pay , o god , are less than the least of all thy mercies ; yet in the mean time we desire to acknowledge thine abundant goodness , and loving kindness to us , and to praise thy name for evermore . for the gifts of god. i yield thee all humble and hearty thanks , o mercifull god , that by the death of thine only son hast redeemed us from death to life , and hast continually a care of us , preserving us as the apple of thine eye from the dangerous assaults of satan , and providest for us all things necessary , that more thanks and praise is due unto thee , than the tongue of men or angels can declare . ii. accept these my praises and thanksgivings , o lord , ibeseech thee , and encrease in me a daily desire to praise thy goodness , acknowledging every good and perfect gift to come from thee ; to whom with the son and the holy ghost , be all honour and glory , now and for evermore , amen . to god for all his benefits . most merciful god , we yield thee humble thanks for thy continual favour and kindness towards us thy poor and unworthy creatures , for whose salvation , when we were lost , thou wert pleased , even of thy mere love , to send thine only beloved son , christ jesus , into the world , taking humane nature upon him , and suffering most bitter pangs of death upon the cross , to redeem us again to thy favour . ii. such , o lord , was thine unspeakable love , for which we are never able to pay the least recompence ; but give us , o lord , thankfull and obedient hearts , that we may yield thee praises not only with our lips , but in our lives ; not only in giving thy son for us , but in leaving unto us a continual remembrance of the same thine unspeakable love , thy holy gospel , wherein consists the rule whereby we are directed ; and though heaven and earth pass away , yet not one tittle of that shall decay or diminish ; for without which we should have been in our accustomed ignorance : accept us , we beseech thee , in thy son , our blessed lord and saviour . amen . christian courage in affliction . a prayer before the following advice to the besieged souldiers in london-derry , under the command of that worthy divine and most loyal and valiant commander col. walker . o most eternal lord god , whose providence never fails those who trust in thy name and word , mercifully we beseech thee to cast down thy eyes of pity and compassion upon us miserable sinners which are here met together ; we do in all humility prostrate our selves before thy divine majesty , beseeching thee to pardon all our sins , and help our infirmities ; o lord , we are not able of our selves to do any thing , but offend thee , committing daily and hourly sins without number : but , o lord , hear thy son christ jesus for us , and nail them to his cross , that they may never rise up in judgment against us , either to shame us in this world , or condemn us in the world to come ; bury them in the bottomless sea of thy mercy and forgetfulness , that they may never appear before thee , to hinder thy favours unto us ; seal the remission of them to our souls and consciences , that they may not disturb or distract us in our devotions and duty ; pour thy grace and holy spirit into us , that may enable us to walk before thee in holiness , righteousness , and in sobriety , all the days of our lives . bless we beseech thee , our dear and dread soveraign lord and lady , king william and queen mary , katherine the queen dowager , the princess anne of denmark , and the rest of the royal family : bless the archbishops , and bishops , with the rest of the dispencers of thy holy sacraments , and grant that the light of thy gospel may never depart from us . and lastly , we come unto thee for a blessing upon our governours , commanders , and fellow souldiers ; guide and conduct them in this calamity , fortifie them with courage and strength against our romish adversaries , that thy name may be glorified , our lives preserved , and our souls eternally saved , in the great day of the lord jesus , when all flesh shall appear . grant that our meeting at this time may be for the better , and not for the worse ; to praise and glorifie thy holy name , in whose holy name and word we put up these our imperfect prayers , in that most absolute and perfect form of prayer which christ himself bath taught us . our father , &c. christian courage in affliction . a discourse by way of advice to the besieged in london-derry . chron. . chap. verse . latter part of it . be not afraid nor dismay'd by ▪ reason of this great multitude ; for the battel is not yours , but god's . the context runs thus , and he said , hearken ye , all judah , and ye inhabitants of jerusalem , and thou king jehoshaphat : thus saith the lord unto you , be not afraid , nor dismaied by reason of this great multitude ; for the battel is not yours , but god's . these are the words of god , which he commanded jahaziel the prophet to deliver to jehoshaphat king of judah . when the moabites and ammonites came to make war against him , to dispossess him of his kingdom , verse the th of this chapter , and may be a seasonable text for this auditory . our sins indeed are many , which have justly provoked god's heavy wrath against us : and our enemies are very numerous which surround us , therefore now let us cry mightily unto god , earnestly beseeching him , that he would pardon all our sins , blot out all our iniquities , and receive us graciously ; let us sincerely repent and be heartily sorry for our manifold transgressions committed against him , so shall we by his divine assistance be in a readiness to encounter with roman malice , these moabites and ammonites , who are enemies to our lives , religion , laws , and liberties ; and be animated with courage to go out cheerfully against rome's force and cruelties , fighting manfully the lord's battel , every one of us , laying his hand upon his heart , with this comfortable expression in our mouths , be not afraid , nor dismaied by reason of this great multitude , for the battel is not ours , but god's . servile fear is the harbinger of the guilty , and a slavish timorousness belongs not to the strong and couragious , but a god like fear attends upon the vertuous , and produces success in their undertakings . holy job that great proficient in god's school , and great example of christian patience tells you , job . . the fear of the lord , that is wisdom ; and to depart from evil is understanding . this is the only supream good and fear , which secures us from committing , shameful acts , and creates a circumspection in our lives ; for as the shadow of the body is followed by the sun , so doth glory attend vertue in our progress to christ. let us then put our whole trust in god , in this time of danger , and take the royal prophets resolution , psal. . . not to fear what man can do unto us ; but rather fear the lord , who pitieth those that fear him , psal. . . it is the duty of every one of us to be circumspect in our lives , but more especially at this season and time of affliction , when the hand of god is stretched out against us ; when the enemy waits even at our doors ready to devour us , when they stand gaping ready to swallow us up quick , and none of us can prognosticate how soon his life may be lost , or be in danger ; therefore it behoves us to lay hold on that advice which st. paul gave the ephesians , ephes. . , . be ye strong in the lord , and in the power of his might . put on the whole armour of god , that ye may be able to stand . so shall we be fortified with that courage which is mentioned here in my text , of being not afraid , or dismaied by reason of this great multitude , for the battel is not ours , but god's . be not afraid , or dismaied by reason of this great multitude , is the command of god , and therefore in obedience to his command let us humbly obey his divine order , and valiantly fight under his protection . a multitude there is , and very great ; what then , the battel is god's , and david tells us , chron. . . great is the lord , and greatly to be praised ; he is also to be feared above all gods. the multitude here in my text were moabites , and ammonites ; but the multitude which layeth close siege to us , are jesuits and bloudy papists , whose damnable principles , and hellish doctrines are to quench the light of the gospel , to root and destroy all christianity , who blasphemously think to gain heaven by massacring god ' people , and triumph in the effussion of shedding innocent bloud : it is their glory to lay kingdoms wast , and countries desolate , reduce cities to ashes , and ruine families those which will not fall down to worship their idols , false gods of wood and stone , are fit objects of their fury ; their cruelty is beyond what malice can invent , or hell imagine , and solomon gives a true character of them , prov. . . wrath is cruel , and anger is outragious ; but who is able to stand before envy ? but god will pour out his wrath upon them , and shoot at them with his arrows , that they shall be wounded , his vengeance will speedily overtake , and drown them , like harden'd pharaob in the red sea of perdition ; let him who hath provoked god to anger , lay his hand on his heart , and now say with nehemiah , shall such an one as i flie ? shall i whom god hath honoured so much , dishonour him by oaths so greatly ? who am placed in an higher sphere than others , be either a dim or a wandering star ? shall i who am most obliged to god by the bonds of wealth and power , exceed the bounds of truth and justice ? whom he hath made a ruler of the people , not rule my self and my own kingdoms according to his golden rule ? god forbid . god will not permit their romish policy to overthrow our christian piety , he will not suffer them to break the bruised reed of the distressed , nor quench the smoaking flax of their necessities , he will be a lamp unto our feet , and a light unto our path in this extremity ; therefore be not afraid , or dismaied by reason of this great multitude , &c. we must every one of us look upon this great affliction as sent from god , for he knows what is better for us , than we do for our selves ; and that which seems most evil at present , may turn at last to our greatest benefit . none of us ought to despair of god's mercy , for when our weak apprehensions of god are such as drive us from him , we overthrow the main end of religion , which is to bring god , and our selves nearer together . none ought to exclude themselves from god's mercy , whom he excludes not from it ; and god excludes none , whom he invites to repent , with a promise of forgiveness , if they do it : and the goodness and long suffering , and forbearance of us sinners , is on purpose design'd to lead us to repentance ; so that after all this , to despair , and fail in our courage , is only to reject the mercy which god offers , but to question his truth and sincerity , to slight his patience , to disparage his goodness , and to look upon him as a most revengeful and implacable being , is to admit and entertain most dishonourable and unworthy thoughts of the best , the wisest , the most merciful and compassionate being in the world , who hath proclaim'd himself , exod. . , . to be a god merciful and gracious , long-suffering , and abundant in goodness and truth , keeping mercy for thousands , for giving iniquity , transgresson , and sin ; that is , to all that truly repent : so that when we consider , we have no reason to despair of his mercy to us , but readily and willingly to obey his command , and not shrink from those principles which prompt us to his honour and glory , in whose service is perfect freedom ; but to rouse up our selves like men , stand upon our guard , fortifie our selves and be vigilant , not being afraid , or dismaied by reason of this great multitude ; for it is god's cause which we fight for , and our lives cannot be better imployed than in his service , from whom we received all we have , or can pretend to ; therefore let us press forwards in obedience to his command , for the battel is not yours , but god's . when the lord's battel is to be fought , we must endeavour to follow his holy order and discipline , and not our own sinfull lusts and appetires , like brute beasts , which have no understanding : let us seriously consider , i beseech you , what it is we fight for ? it is to defend our religion , and oppose idolatry ? to maintain truth , and beat down falshood ? to exalt glory , and decry shame ? and to enjoy our freedom , and not espouse slavery ? let happy england now be our pattern for loyalty magnanimity & courage ; then shall we arrive at that serene state , which holy david expresses , psal. . . where mercy and truth are met together , righteousness and peace have kissed each other ; if on the contrary we revolt , nothing can be expected but parisian slavery to ●●thrall us , and romish idolatry to attend us : have we not felt the smarting rod of popery for many years ? yea , within a few years , when legality was changed into arbitrary government ; orthodox religion grosly invaded and innovated ; popish doctrines publickly preached ; crucifixes erected ; adoration to saints and altars practised , and ten ave maria's said for one pater nesler ? the same may be said of ireland , as once a reverend divine wittily said of england : though it was but a little place , yet there was a great deal of rome in it . and shall not i visit for these things ? saith the lord , shall not my soul be a●enged on such a nation as this ? jer. . . yes surely , god will avenge himself , and defeat all their policies ; he will laugh a● their galamity , and meek when the ●●●● cometh , when their fear come as desolation , and destruction as whirlwind . prov. . , , . he is able , and will deliver us , if we trust in him ; he has promised us , who will not break his word : psal. . . call upon me in the time of trouble : i will deliver thee , and thou shalt glorifie me . therefore let us be all of one mind , and not halt between two opinions , but stand fast , fear not , nor be dismayed , for the battel is not ours , but god's . is it god's battel we are to fight ? let not sloth then seize upon us , or a supine carelessness take hold of us ; but let us quit our selves like men , and fight , sam. . . securing to our selves that religion , the light of that glorious gospel god hath given us , not forgetting to take the prophet jeremiah's counsel , in the . w●ap . of his prophecy , ver . . pe●nd ye in the way , and see and ask 〈◊〉 the good old paths , where is the good way , and walk therein , and you shall find rest unto your souls . the well compacted hedge of our laws was trodden down : let us therefore be diligent , and repair those breaches our sins have made , by our earnest supplications to the throne of grace ; so true is that maxime , inter arma , silent leges , the voice of law cannot be heard for the noise of drums , and the threatning cannon . o let policy now amongst us ever give place to piety ; and now let me exhort the chiefest amongst us , beseeching you to let your private affections be swallowed up in the common cause , as small rivers lose their name in the ocean . that practice of pompey deserveth well your observation and imitation , who when his soldiers would needs leave the camp , threw himself down at the narrow passage , and bid them goe , but they should tread first upon their general . so let your pious resolutions , and valiant examples stir up the courage of our weak brethren ; expose your selves to the worst of dangers , and endure the bru●●t , that they may not desert you ; may it be your glory in after ages , to be loudly proclaimed , that you were the champions of the lord to fight his battel ; that you stood in defence of your religion against gross idolatry ; that you promoted peace against bloudy persecution ; and rather choose to endure affliction with the people of god , than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season . in our duty in matters of religion , we are no farther to walk after ruler's commands , than they walk after god's ; fatherly power is the rise of all authority ; and yet our saviour tells us , he that loves father or mother more than him , is not worthy of him , mat. . . parents must be honoured , but god preferred ; it is as true in regard of regal as paternal authority ; the instances of the hebrew midwives , exod. . . the three worthies , and daniel , are obvious to all , dan. . . . . that epithete that was given to b●c●n of doctor resolutus , in this case well becomes every christian. it was a just resolve of luther in divine matters , cedo nulli ; and a remarkable speech of the apostles . acts . . . . that we ought to obey god rather than men ; it is true , when the supream authority enjoins what god inhibits , we must patiently undergo the punishment inflicted , but not willingly walk after the commandment prescribed . it was a pious speech of king henry the eighth to sir thomas more , when he made him chancellour , look first at god , then at me . st. augustine's rule is excellent , the supream power hath a superiour in heaven ; for fear of one , we must contemn the other ; the one may threaten the prison , but the other has ordained hell. in a word , neither must princes leave the people to their own will , nor the people conform themselves to the prince's will , but both to god's will in matters of religion , lest otherways both prince and people be consumed . but , o lord , we have sinned against thee , and as the prophet david says psal. . . who can stand in thy sight , when thou art angry ? no bounds could keep us from sinning , and therefore god's wrath knows no bounds in punishin●… our transgression was above measure , so god's judgment is without measure . it is st. chrysostom's note , concerning that fiery shower which god rained upon sodom , that as the sodomites inverted the course of nature , to seek woman in man ; so god changed the order , by showring down fire instead of water . thus doth the almighty's justice ever proportion the smart to the fault ; so that here we may at once behold the greatness of our sin in the punishment , and the fitness of the punishment to the sin ; invasion , and being besieged by romish adversaries , for our neglecting god's commands , which ought to be our rule , and despising of his goodness , which should lead us sinners to repentance . but as the water that is poured on the earth , can never be gathered up again ; so let us pour out all our sins , and god will not pour out all his wrath : let us speedily cast away the filth of our transgressions , and he will soon stop the current of his indignation ; let us cheerfully reform , and he will willingly assist us , let us repent of our provocations , and he will bring us out of this calamity ; may this our great work , be wisely and speedily accomplished , and by the divine assistance , and our weak endeavours faithfully performed , that the power of religion may be advanced , the name of god honoured , the fury of our enemies suppressed , the hearts of gospel-friends comforted , and which is above all , and beyond all , christ over antichrist , in the purity of his gospel among us and our posterity for ever . which god of his infinite mercy grant us , to whom be ascribed , as most due , all honour , power , and glory , adoration and subjection , now , and for evermore . the prayer afterwards . blessed , lord , who a●t our strength , hope , and fortress , our castle , and deliverer , our defender in whom we trust ; how the heavens , o lord , come down and save us , send down thine hand from above , deliver us , and take us from the great waters , from those miseries and afflictions which come upon us , by reason of our sins , and from the condition of mortality , and from the hand of strange children , whose right hand is a right hand of wickedness . give us , o lord , victory and peace , and all the blessings belonging to it , with which thou usest to adorn and bea●tifie the dwellings of the righteous , that we may be happy in the continual descent of thy favours ; but above all , that our happiness may consist in being thy people , and thou being our god , that we may be blessed for ever in so happy a union , through jesus christ our lord , and saviour . amen . a prayer for the preservation of our most gracious soveraign lord king william , in his royal undertaking to subdue ireland , and for his safe return to england , o most mighty god , the great creatour of the world , and the preserver of all mankind ; preserve , we beseech thee , our most gracious soveraign lord , king william , whom thou hast made the happy instrument of our mighty deliverance : let thy blessing accompany him in his journey , and voyage ; protect him from all dangers ; visit him as thou didst moses in the bush , joshua in the battel , gid●on in the field , and samuel in the temple : let the dew of thy never failing mercies fall upon his head , and give him the blessing of david and solomon . ii. be unto him an helmet of salvation , and cover him with thy grace , as with a buckler against the face of his enemies ; dissipate , and scatter all those which shall oppose him , as the dust before the wind , and as the clay in the streets , direct him in all his counsels , to the end , that being blessed with success in this great design , he may employ all that great power which thy omnipotence shall ●ntrust him with , to the honour of thy holy name , the establishment and advancement of the true religion , and to the peace , and happiness of thine , and his people , and the perfect deliverance of our poor distressed brethren in ireland , that they may rejoice together with us , and triumph in thy praise . iii. grant him in this enterprize a good event , that he may return home with joy and victory : let his reign be prosperous , and his days many ; let peace , and love , and holiness , let justice , and truth , and all christian vertues , flourish in his time : let his people serve him with honour and obedience ; and let him so duly serve thee here on earth , that he may hereafter everlastingly reign with thee in heaven , through jesus christ , our lord , amen . the contents . when we first awake pag. . a prayer for the morning , . a prayer for the evening sunday mornings meditations the prayer sunday noons meditations the prayer sunday nights meditations the prayer monday mornings meditations the prayer monday noons meditations ibid. the prayer monday nights meditations the prayer tuesday mornings meditations the prayer tuesday noons meditations the prayer tuesday nights meditations the prayer wednesday mornings meditations the prayer . wednesday noons meditations the prayer wednesday nights meditations the prayer thursday mornings meditations the prayer thursday noons meditations the prayer thursday nights meditations the prayer friday mornings meditations the prayer friday noons meditations the prayer friday nights meditations the prayer saturday mornings meditations the prayer saturday noons meditations the prayer . saturday nights meditations the prayer ejaculations upon several occasions out of the holy scriptures ▪ in the morning at going forth beginning a good work ibid. in good inspirations ibid. at church ibid. before reading ibid. speaking when you go about worldly affairs ibid. before eating ibid. after eating in prosperity ibid. adversity ibid. troubles ibid. galumnies praises ibid. against vain hope ibid. pride ibid. covetousness ibid. luxury ibid. envy gluttony ibid. anger ibid. sloth ibid. rules of faith ibid. acts of faith ibid. hope ibid. charity against worshipping of idols ibid. popish tradition praying to saints antichrist ibid. divine breathings of the soul towards the evening . a prayer for a family , that may serve for morning or evening a prayer before the communion at receiving the bread at receiving the cup ibid. a prayer after the communion for the church for the king and queen for the royal family ibid. for the high court of parliament ibid. for the clergy for friends for a family ibid. for a friend for peace ibid. in time of the plague for a city ibid. for grace ibid. for enemies ibid. for the afflicted ● for travellers ibid. for the fruits of the earth ibid. a prayer against temptations for misbelievers and sinners ibid. for temporal necessities ibid. against tempests for women in travel ibid. for the sick ibid. for prisoners for the dying ibid. a prayer before study ibid. when the bell tolls for a dying person a concluding prayer . king edward the sixth's prayer against popery . a prayer for god's mercies upon their majesties forces under the command and conduct of his grace the duke of schomberg a prayer for mercy to the whole nation a short account of the massacre in ireland an abstract of their popish tortures and cruelties bishop usher's prophecy concerning rome's downfal thanksgivings for god's wonderful deliverances . a thanksgiving for our deliverances from the spanish invasion from the powder treason ▪ november the th . for our deliverance from popery , slavery , and arbitrary power for the relief of london-derry in ireland for the gifts of god to god for all his benefits a prayer before the following discourse . christian courage in affliction , a discourse by way of advice to the besieged in london-derry , under the command of that worthy divine , and valiant commander , col. walker the prayer afterwards a prayer for the preservation of our most gracious saveraign lord king william , in his royal vndertaking to subdue ireland , and for his safe return to england . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e in the morning . in the evening . questions propounded for resolution of unlearned protestants in matter of religion, to the doctours of the prelaticall pretended reformed church of england. spencer, john, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing s ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing s estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) questions propounded for resolution of unlearned protestants in matter of religion, to the doctours of the prelaticall pretended reformed church of england. spencer, john, - . [ ], - , [ ] p. [s.n.], printed at paris, : . the page numbering begins with number " ". by john spencer. reproduction of original in the newberry library, chicago, illinois. eng protestants -- france -- early works to . protestantism -- early works to . a r (wing s ). civilwar no questions propounded for resolution of unlearned protestants, in matter of religion, to the doctours of the prelaticall pretended reformed c spencer, john c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - pip willcox sampled and proofread - pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion questions propounded for resolution of unlearned protestants , in matter of religion , to the doctours of the prelaticall pretended reformed church of england . printed at paris , . questions propounded for resolution of unlearned protestants , in matter of religion , to the doctours of the prelaticall pretended , reformed church of england . . quest . whither every christian is not obliged , to chuse the safest way , all things considered , to salvation ? . quest . whither that way , wherein both parties acknowledge , that unlearned men may have possibility of salvation , though one of them say it be with difficulty and danger , if they look not well to the foundation , be not prudently to be judged more safe for the unlearned , then that which is esteemed safe by one only party , and that incomparably less in number , but by the other incomparably greater party , which equalizes the less in all respects requisite to gain credit and authority , is constantly held to be utterly void of all possibility of salvation , even for unlearned persons ? . quest . whither this be not the present case betwixt protestants and those of the roman church , according to the acknowledgement of the latest and learnedst of protestant authours ; they acknowledging the said possibility of salvation for unlearned persons in the romane , and the romane doctours denying all possibility to unlearned protestants , so long as they remain willfully in the protestant religion ? . quest . whither all unlearned protestants , who are sufficiently informed of what is here said , are not quilty of a damnable neglect of their salvation , so long as they remain protestants , and refuse to be of the roman church ? . quest . whither a person , who is in quiet possession of any goods , titles , rights , or dignities , &c. retain not the right to all such goods , and is wrongfully deprived of them , so long as he neither confesses that he hath no right to them , nor is condemned by the clear sentence of any lawfull and competent judge , of sufficient authority to define against him , but still maintaine● his cause against his adversary , and gives at least probable answers to all that he alledges against him , and pleads to be restored to his ancient possession taken from him by force and violence ? and whither he , who thus violently took the possession from him , be not obliged in conscience to restore it to him again ? and whither he proceeds not unjustly , so long as he retains it from him ? . quest . whither this hath not been , within the last hundred and fifty years , and still is , the proceeding of protestants against the romane church , violently excluding her bishops , pastours , and people , from the quiet possession , of many hundred years continuance , of their doctrine , dignities , titles , governments , benefices , churches , possessions , and still retayning them , and refusing to restore them ; those of the romane church still claiming their right , and never having been condemned by any competent and lawfull judge , nor acknowledging themselves convinced to have obtained that possession wrongfully . . quest . whither the quiet possession of many ages , both of the eastern and western churches , in their unanimous consent of doctrine and practise , in most points of controversie betwixt them and protestants , be not a sufficient proof to justifie the said doctrine and practise ; till it be convinced clearly , evidently and undeniably , ( by reason or authority ) or lawfully condemned of errour ? so that it belongs to protestants , who are the aggressours , to convince their adversaries of errour , and not to those of the roman , or grecian churches , to prove their tenents by any other argument , then that of their quiet , ancient , and universall possession , though catholicks be upon the affirmative , and protestants upon the negative ; as he who quietly possesses the name , title , armes and lands of such , or such a familie , hath sufficiently proved , that he has right to them , and that they are truly his , till he either confesse , that the contrary is sufficiently proved , or that it be lawfully determined against him . . quest . whither it is not a most insolent madness ( as st. augustin . terms it ) or an insufferable height of pride , for any christian whatsoever to call in question , much more to censure and condemne as erroneous , that which all the visible churches in the world taught and practised ; and a manifest foolery , to follow any teachers , and give eare and belief to them , who contradict the universall practise and doctrine of the whole christian world ? . quest . whither the first was not done by the first authors of protestant religion ; and the second done , and still continued by their followers ? or if the first authours of protestant religion received those points of their doctrine from any visible church in the whole world which existed immediately before their relinquishing the roman doctrine , let that church be produced , and named . . quest . seeing protestants affirme , that the roman church is infected with errours in faith , which they pretend to have purged in their reformation , i demand that it be evidenced , when any of these pretended errours begun to be publickly taught & practised out of some approved authours of any age , who affirm , that the publick profession of the said errours begun in or about their time . for seeing they were publickly practised through all christendom , if that publick practise had ever begun in any age since the apostles , it must have been taken notice of : whereby their instances of consumption in the lungs , of a beard growing white , &c. are shewed to be nothing to the purpose ; because they are either wholly secret , or insensible , and no way publick and notorious , as these were . and seeing faith by s. paul . ephes. . v. . . is said to be one , and reckoned up with the unity of god and christ , and so must be perfectly , one , how protestants , and those of the roman church can properly be said to have one faith , when the the one believes , what the other disbelieves ? and as opinions contradicting one another cannot be said to be one opinion , how can faiths contradicting one another be said to be one faith ? neither is it enough to say , that they are one in that wherein they agree , for so they will be one only in part , or partially , and not absolutely and entirely : and as the least difference destroyes the perfect unitie of god & christ , so will it do that of faith ; and though my opinion agree with that of another in many things , but disagrees in many others from his , we can never be said absolutely ( as it must be in faith ) to be of the same , or one opinion . quest . . whither it be not a great argument , to induce any rationall indifferent man , to judge that the protestant authours are put to great straits , and to desperate acknowledgements , when being ashamed of the first refuge of their beginners , in flying for the defence of their succession to an invisible church ; and no less of the second , in alleadging for their predecessours and continuance of the visibilitie of their church , berengarius , the waldenses , albigenses , wicleffests , hussites , and other publickly condemned hereticks , they confess , that they have now no other means to save their visible succession , but by acknowledging , that they succeed to the church of rome , and other churches joyning with her against them in all the points of difference betwixt them , and her ; and so are enforced to acknowledge her , and all those who are united to her , to be true churches of christ , and consequently to hold no fundamentall errour at all ; & consequent to this , to acknowledge , that their first authours & churches , both in england and other countries , wronged the church of rome and those others insufferably , first , in condemning them of superstition , idolatrie , antichristianisme , &c. which are fundamentall errours in religion , and destructive of salvation . secondly upon this pretext in destroying , burning , and alienating to secular uses so many thousands of their churches , monasteries , towns , citties , castles , villages . thirdly in massacring and putting to cruell torments and death , so many priests and professours of the roman religion . fourthly in depriving their bishops and clergie-men of their respective church-governments , dignities , seas , benefices and churches , and setting up others , they yet living , in their places . fifthly in making it no less then high treason , ( which is yet in force ) either to be priests , or to communicate with them in many spirituall church offices and sacraments . sixthly in continuing to this day , in a violent detaining of their churches , benefices , dignities , and spirituall functions , from all those of the roman profession , and holding them in their own hands ; and all this , because they maintain certain pretended errours , which they now confess not to be fundamentall , nor destructive of salvation ; & consequently that those of the roman church have suffered , and still suffer all these intollerable injuries , for that which even these modern authors acknowledge to be no more then a veniall or small sin : for if it were mortall , it would destroy salvation , so long as one willfully continues in it ; which they affirm , it does not . further by this acknowledgement , these modern protestant authours must confess , that their former writers , who were of a contrarie mind , in charging the church of rome and the rest with her , of superstition , and idolatrie , &c. and all those , who then joyned with them , and all their modern churches and protesters , both without and within england , who at this day hold it as a point of their faith , to accuse the church of rome in the same manner , erre damnably against christian truth , and consequently are no true churches of christ . for it cannot be lesse then a damnable errour to make it a point of their faith , and religion , to condemne any one , much more all the visible churches of the west , nay and of the east too , and so of whole christendom , for nine hundred years together , of grievous superstition , when upon better examination , the doctours of the same protestant church are compelled by force of truth to confess , that those churches neither are , nor ever were guilty of any of those horrid errours , and at the most erre only venially and lightly ; which hinder them not , either to be a true church of christ , or to obtain salvation , even while they most constantly and immoveably maintain them ; and accurse all who willfully contradict them , or condemne them as erroneous . and hence also it follows , that seing those modern protestant authours and their partie , communicate in prayer and sacraments , with the presbyterians and calvinists , who accuse the church of rome of idolatrie , &c. ( and so put it in fundamentall errour , ) and acknowledge themselves to make one church with them , must be guilty of deadly schisme by that communion and acknowledgement ; and consequently so long as they continue in that communion , are uncapable of salvation . quest . . whether it be not a great argument of securitie to those who either are of the roman church , or convert themselves to it , that her very adversaries after so many condemnations of her to hold most grievous , and damnable errours , dare not now accuse her to hold any errour destructive of salvation ; so that the belief of her doctrine in every point , their obedience to all her commands , the exercise of all her practises , their praying to saints , reverencing of holy images , adoring of christ as really and naturally present in the sacrament , &c. consist with salvation . and though some say , though they destroy not salvation , yet they are dangerous points , and practises , weakning the foundation , and endangering the destruction of it in continuance of time ; yet who sees not , that it is more secure to hold a religion , which makes the foundation only weak , by their adversaries confession , then to hold theirs , which the contrarie party most constantly affirms to destroy quite , & raise the foundation of religion , and to make salvation , not only hard & in danger , but utterly impossible , till it be deserted . quest . . whither it be a likely thing , that the chiefest of the pretended errours in the roman religion , contain any danger of loosing salvation , in maintaining them , seeing for this thousand years , by the common confession of protestants themselves , they have been universally believed and practised , as matters belonging to christian faith and dutie , both by the latin and greek church ; and so the belief and practise of them was the common way , wherein christians were saved ; which if it were dangerous , what other safe way was there , wherein christians might be saved ; & yet certainlie there was alwayes a safe way to heaven : and what likelyhood is there , that the safe way should be wholly unknown and unpractised for so many hundred years together , and the common known way , according to the full belief & setled perswasion of all the visible churches of christendom , should be dangerous and unsafe ? or what reason can be given , that the professours of the doctrine of the roman church , should be in an unsafe , or dangerous way , before protestants begun seeing they had none in those times , to shew them , that they were in danger . quest . whither it have any shew of probabilitie , that the said pretended errours , though they raise not the foundation of christian faith ( as the late protestants confess ) yet they may in time endanger the raising and destruction of it , as they argue , seeing that after the universall belief of them , for a thousand years together , the foundation remains yet undestroyed and entire ? for if a thousand years continuance of them hath stood with the integritie of the foundation , what appearance is there , that they will ever cause , or induce the destruction of it ? quest . . further concerning this protestant distinction of errours in faith , fundamentall and not fundamentall , i demand first , what they understand by fundamentall errours ? for if they mean any nicetie in speculation , or theologicall discourse , it belongs not to the knowledge of the unlearned : either therefore they must understand by a fundamentall errour , such an errour in faith , as destroyes salvation howsoever that comes to pass , or they say nothing to the present purpose . this therefore supposed to be their meaning , i demand secondly a catalogue , & precise number of the fundamentall errours in faith , that is , how many , & which are those errours in faith , which destroy salvation ? for what helps it a christian to know , that there are such destructive and damnable errours , unless he know whether he hold any such errour himself , or no ? and how can he ever be certain of that , so long as he is ignorant , which are fundamentall errours , which not ? if this catalogue be refused , i demand at least some evident means , or marks , to distinguish errours in faith , destructive of salvation or damnable , from others consistent with salvation , or veniall : which is neither to deny any of the articles contained in the three creeds ( as some protestants have thought ; ) for one of them puts the procession of the holy ghost from the father and the son , the deniall of which they neither do , nor can hold to be a fundamentall errour , unless they affirm the grecian church to erre fundamentally , & so denie it to be a true church of christ ; which were quite against the said protestants , seeing they maintain the contrarie . nor is the creed of the apostles alone a sufficient rule to determine fully , which are fundamentall points , which not ; both because there are some things in it , which ( by reason of the lightness of the matter they contain , ) come not by far so near the radicall and primarie misteries of christian faith , as do many points controverted betwixt protestants and those of the roman church , and therefore cannot with any shew of truth be termed fundamentall by protestants , such as are the circumstances of time & persons , as that our saviour suffered under pontius pilate , and no other judge , that hee rose the third , and no other day , &c. and because some points , necessarie to the subsistence of christian faith according to protestants , are not expresly defined in that creed ; as that the holy scriptures are the divine word of god , which is the precise number of the books of canonicall scripture ; whither , there is any written word of god , or no ; or any sacraments , &c. so that a christian finds not all fundamentall points of faith set down expresly in the apostles creed . neither is the scripture a sufficient rule to know which are , which are not fundamentall points . for there are a thousand , nay a million of truths expressed in scriptures , which touch not immediately the foundation of faith , as protestants term it ; and no small number of points , according to them , fundamentall , which are not expressed in scripture , as the number of canonicall books , the entire incorrupt puritie of the originall , in any copie , or copies , which is come to the hands of protestants , &c. which in their principles are such points of faith , that true faith , and consequently salvation , cannot be obtained without them . for if sole scripture , ( as they affirme ) be the rule of faith , and all that is in scripture is to be believed , and nothing to be believed , but what is in scripture , or evidently deduced from it , seeing faith is necessarie to salvation , the determinate belief of all that is true scripture , from which only ( they say ) the true points of faith are drawn , must be necessarie to salvation , and so a fundamentall point of faith . thirdly , i demand , how any christian can affirm , that the denyall of any point of faith whatsoever , being sufficiently propounded as such , is consistent with salvation , seeing all such denyalls , or disbeliefs , include this damnable malice , of attributing falsity to that which is revealed by god himself , as all points of faith are , how small so ever the matter be , which is revealed in them ; which appears evidently in this example . i suppose that this sentence of scripture , tertiâ die resurget , he shall rise again the third day , is sufficiently propounded to any one , as a point and article of christian faith , as well according to the substance resurget , that our saviour should rise again , ( which protestants grant to be a fundamentall point ) as the circumstance of time , tertia die , the third day . now suppose that some christian , to whom this whole sentence of scripture is sufficiently propounded , should firmely believe the substance , or mysterie of the resurrection , because he esteems it to be a fundamentall point , but should disbelieve the precise circumstance of time , that it was only upon the third , and no other day , i demand seeing both the one and the other is propounded equally , as expresly contained in that sentence of holy scripture , whither he that disbelieves that the resurrection happened upon the third day , and dyes in that belief , can be saved ? quest . . i demand farther , that seeing s. paul , hebr. . v. . says , that faith is {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , the substance , or ground ( as the protestant english bible of anno . hath it ) of things hoped for , and is reckoned up by the same apostle hebr. . v. . . amongst those things , which are called by him basis , the foundation , one of them being faith to god . and the apostle ephes. . v. . sayes we are built {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets , which now , according to protestants , can be nothing else save the writings of the prophets and apostles in holy scripture , i demand , whither to say that some points of faith are not fundamentall , or belonging to the foundation , be not as contrarie to common sense , as to say , that some stone in the foundation of a building belongs not to the foundation , or is not fundamentall ? quest . . further i demand , that seeing s. paul affirms in the fore cited place , hebrews the . vers. . that laying on of hands amongst many other points , is the foundation ; how protestants can deny , that ( seeing the laying on of hands is disbelieved and rejected by them in the sacrament of confirmation , and by some in the administration of holy orders , as a popish superstition ) that such protestants differre fundamentally , or in the foundation from those of the roman church ? or , if the laying on of hands belong to the foundation , as s. paul here affirmed , why anointing with oyle , mentioned by s. iames , should not also be a fundamentall point ? or why , laying on of hands ( being only , as protestants esteem it , a ceremonie not sacramentall ) should be here termed the foundatìon and the substance of the eucharist , which all hold to be sacramentall , and more then a meere ceremonie , should not be fundamentall ? or lastly , what reason there is to say , that laying on of hands hath a nearer connexion to the radicall and prime mysteries of our faith , then many other points controverted betwixt protestants and those of the roman church ? it is yet further demanded , seeing protestants affirme , that the whole visible catholick church may erre in the definition of points of faith not fundamentall ; and seeing they affirm , that the points in difference betwixt us , are not fundamentall , and so not necessarie to salvation ; & lastly . seeing they affirm also , that the scriptures may be obscure in points not necessarie to salvation , by what means can they ever think to convince the roman church of errour in these points of difference betwixt them and her ? quest . . seeing also , that every point of faith is a divine truth proceeding from the revelation of god , and to be believed ( as i suppose for the present with the common consent of protestants ) with an infallible assent of faith , if the universall visible church may erre , and the scriptures may be obscure as is generally affirmed by our adversaries in points of faith not fundamentall , how shall such points as are in controversie betwixt us , and are accounted by protestants not fundamentall , or not necessarie to salvation , be discerned to be points of faith ? or how agreed this modern protestant doctrine of no difference betwixt us in points necessary to salvation , with that of their beginners , and more ancient predecessours , who taught that the scriptures were clear only in all points necessary to salvation , and upon that pretext , both affirmed that our doctrin's against them , were clearly convinced of falshood by the authority of sole scripture , and allowed all lay people promiscuously to read them , as being clear to them in all the points controversed betwixt us ? for this manifestly supses , that they were held by those beginners to be points of faith necessary to salvation , or fundamentalls : or what means is there to believe them as points of faith ; seeing they can never be believed infallibly upon the churches authoritie by reason of her pretended fallibilitie in them ; nor expresly for the authoritie of scripture by reason of its obscurity in the delivery of them , according to the principles of protestants ? quest . . i demand further , if the whole visible church may erre , in the definition of any point of faith whatsoever , that errour must either proceed from ignorance & want of light , or from malice and want of vertue or goodness : not the second , for then the whole visible church of christ should not be sancta , holy , as it is believed to be in our creed , and described in the scriptures , but should become a harlot & abominable willfull deceiver of the world , and a seducer of nations in teaching , contrarie to the known truth : not the first , for if she could erre out of ignorance , to what purpose do protestants appeal to her determination in a lawfull generall councell , in any of the points in difference betwixt them and those of the roman church , seeing she may through ignorance erre in the determination of them , as being not fundamentall , according to them . neither can it be said , that , notwithstanding the whole visible churches fallibility in points not fundamentall , nay though it should actually erre , and that errour should be evidently discovered , yet even those who had thus evidently discovered the said errours , were to conform themselves to those erroneous definitions of a generall councell . for if this conformity be understood of an internall conformity in judgement , it is wholly impossible , seeing that were to judge the same thing to be true , and not true , at the same time , and to judge against an evident knowledge : and if it be understood of an externall conformity and profession only , it were manifestly impious and high hipocrisie , in resisting the known truth , and professing to believe that as a divine truth revealed by almighty god , which they evidently know to be a most false errour in faith . secondly , if one were to subscribe & externally to conform himself to the definitions of lawfull generall councells , which one perswades himself , he evidently knows to be erroneous , till another councell be assembled to correct them , why did not protestants afford this externall conformity to the definitions of the generall councell of florence , of lateran , and to the second councell of nice , ( to omit others ) till some other lawfull generall councell came to correct their pretended errours , they having no other reason to reject the authority of the said councells , then that they define many things against the protestant doctrine . thirdly , seeing it was never yet seen , nor can be ever made manifest , that any lawfull generall councell revoked any definition in matter of faith , of any former lawfull generall councell , what hope is there , that they shall now begin to do , what was never done before them ? fourthly , if it were supposed , that any such revocatorie definition should issue from them , that party , whose doctrine should be condemned by such revocations , would accuse that councell of errour , as much as the contrary party accused the former councell of errour in defining against them ; and so the controversie would remain as indetermined as it was before : neither would it be possible ever to determine it fully by a generall councell : for the party condemned would still expect another councell to revoke that definition ; which seems to him evidently erroneous ; and so there would be no end of new determinations and revocations in infinitum . yet further , seeing lawfull generall councells do not only oblige , even under pain of anathema , or being accursed and excommunicated , all christians to believe and profess the doctrine which they teach them , not only to be true and free from errour , but to be divine truth , revealed by god himself ; if they should erre in any such definition , they must make god the authour of errour and untruth , which quite destroyes the veracity of god , and consequently overthrows the main and primary foundation of christian faith , and therefore must necessarily be held to include a fundamentall errour : so impossible and implicatorie a thing it is , for them to erre in matter of faith , and not to erre fundamentally . for either that erring councell must define some positive errour , or that which god never revealed , to be revealed from god , or that some true revelation of god is an errour ; both which contain no less malice then this , to make god a lyar . quest . . seeing s. paul , ephes. . v. . affirms , that our saviour had appointed pastours and teachers , till the day of judgement , as a means to preserve christian people from being carried about with every wind of doctrine , these words every wind of doctrine cannot be understood disjunctively ; for then if those pastours preserved them from being seduced in one only point of christian doctrine , it would not be true , that they preserved them from being carried about with every wind of doctrine ; but they must be understood conjunctively , that is , that they preserve them from being carried away with any wind of doctrine whatsoever , which should chance to be buzzed into their ears by false teachers . now seeing such winds of erroneous doctrine are raised as well in points , which protestants account not fundamentall as in fundamentalls , the meaning of the apostle must be , that by means of those pastours christians be preserved from following any errour in faith , whither it be fundamentall or not fundamentall ; and consequently that they can ass●redly direct them , to eschew all errours in faith , which they could not do , if they themselves were subject to teach them any errour , or seduce them by any w●nd of doctrine whatsoever . seeing also that s. paul , in the same place , ephesians the . v. . tells us , that the said pastours are to consummate the saints , and to build up the mysticall body of christ , i demand , whither the apostle by these words make not those pastours , able to secure christian people from errour , not only in the foundation ( as protestants term it ) but in superstructures also ; for otherwise they would have been instituted by our saviour only to found his mysticall body the church , but not to build it up , and to ground , or initiate the saints , but not to consummate them . quest . . if it should be answered , that these and such like promises , or institutions of christ , are only conditionall , that is truly intended on his part , but yet may be frustrated by the malice of such as corrrespond not to his intention ; and therefore , though he intended , that these pastours should performe the said offices in the church , yet that it involved this condition , if they were not wanting on their parts , but by their failing the institution of christ is made frustrate and of no effect . i answer to this prophane and unchristian objection , first , that if christs promises and institutions be thus inefficacious and conditionall , that notwithstanding all the promises , that christ hath made for the preservation of his church , yet by the malice of christians , or others , the whole christian church may utterly faile and come to nothing ; secondly that it may erre even in fundamentall points ( contrarie to the doctrine of protestants ) and so become a synagogue of satan . thirdly , that the ancient promises , of the coming of the messias , of the redemption of mankind , of the saving of some at the last judgement , &c. have no absolute certainty in them , and so by the malice of men might have been , or may be frustrated . fourthly , that by this there is no certain credit to be given to any promise , or institution of god or christ , in the whole old or new testament . for a thousand different conditions may be invented , which not being performed , or put , the prediction fails : thus one may say , ( upon the like grounds ) that as the promises of benefits , or blessings , might be hindred by the malice and demerits of wicked persons , so the threats and thundrings of punishments upon sinners , may be hindred by the vertues and good works of saints : and because we have no rule to know , what proportion of goodness or malice is sufficient to frustrate such predictions , we remain wholly uncertain , whither they shall be absolutely verified , or no , unless therefore this principle be setled , that all divine institutions and predictions , are to be held absolute , and never to be frustrated , whensoever it is not evidently apparent , that they are conditionall , and may be hindred , there can be no certainty , that any institution , or prediction in the whole scripture shall be absolutely fullfilled . seeing therefore it is not evident , that this institution ephesians the . &c. and others of the same nature concerning the church , are conditionall , they are to be supposed to be absolute , and not to be frustrated by any malice of men whatsoever . fifthly , no protestant , who holds the whole visible church cannot perish , nor all her pastours prove willfull seducers , can apply this answer to the text now cited , viz. ephesians . &c. for if it be hindred by the malice of the said pastours , they must with joint consent maliciously and wittingly teach false doctrine to be the doctrine of christ , which were to teach fundamentall errours , and to fall of from christ . if this solution may pass for current , who can be certainly assured , that there is any true church of christ , visible or invisible , existent now in the world : for all the promises , concerning the continuance of it to the worlds end , may be as well said to be as well conditionall & frustrable by the malice of men , as this ephesians the . &c. and who knows , that the said malice is not already grown to that height , that it hath deserved , that god should take his true church quite out of the world ; and so that there is now no true church at all existent in the whole world . quest . . whither it be not evident , that unlearned protestants , who cannot determine differences in religion , either by force of argument , or places of scripture , but must wholly depend , in the choice of their faith , upon the authority and credit of christian teachers , are not obliged in conscience to preferre that authority and credibility of doctours , before all others , which all circumstances confidered , is absolutely and unquestionably the greater authority . quest . . whither that authority of doctours , where those of one side are equall at least , if not exceeding them of the contrarie party , in learning , wisedome , zeal , sincerity , vertue , sanctitie , and all other qualities and perfections , which conferre to the accomplishment of compleat authority in a christian teacher , and with this equality incomparably exceed the doctours of the other party in number , is not in all prudence to be judged absolutely & unquestionably the greater authority ? quest . . whither this equality at least , in all the said perfections , is not to be found in the roman doctours , compared with those of protestants ? quest . whither with this forementioned equalizing the protestant doctours , those of the roman church , the many years of their continuance , and universall extent of their religion considered , exceed not incomparably in number those of the protestant profession ? quest . . whither , this equality in perfections & incomparable excess in number considered , all unlearned protestants are not obliged , both in prudence and conscience , to preferre the authority of the roman doctours before that of protestants , and consequently to follow the roman , and desert the protestant doctrine ? quest . . whither upon the foresaid considerations , the authority of the protestant doctours , in all things wherein they contradict the roman , is not contemptibile , and unable to sway the judgement of any prudent christian , to frame any morall esteem of it : for though in matters , wherein they are either seconded , or not contradicted , by an authority incomparably greater then their own , they may deservedly be esteemed , for their naturall abilities and morall qualities worthy of credit , yet in all things where in they stand in opposition , and contradiction against an authority incomparably exceeding theirs , they deserve nothing but to be slighted & contemned by all those , who are to be led by the sole force of authority . thus when protestant doctours affirm , that either scriptures or fathers are for them , and against the roman church , what they say in this is not to be regarded , seeing the authoritie of the roman doctours , absolutely greater then theirs , unanimously affirms the quite contrary . thus when they affirm that the roman church is full of errours , and superstitions crept in they know neither when nor how , their accusation is to be slighted , being clearly and constantly contradicted by a far greater authority . thus they say , that protestants may be saved , living and dying willfully in their religion , they deserve no credit at all , for the quite contrary is most constantly defended by the incomparably stronger authoritie of the roman doctours : and the like is to be affirmed in all the points of difference betwixt the two religions . so that a protestant is not to consider the abilities & authority of his doctours absolutely , or in matters out of controversie , but as contradicting an authority ●comparably exceeding theirs ; in which contradiction they deserve neither credit nor esteem . quest . . i demand further , that if the authoritie of all the doctours of the whole body of protestants , be so inconsiderable , in comparison with that of the roman doctours , how much less will be the authoritie of any one sect , or party of them ; and then how minute and scarce perceptible will be the authoritie of a lawd , an hammond , a chillingworth , a fern , a bramhall , a taylor , &c. which now obtain so powerfull an ascendant , upon the hearts of our modern lay protestants ; seeing they are in a manner nothing in respect of the authoritie of the roman doctours . quest . . all this is demanded , supposing that the roman doctours were only equall to those of protestants in all the forenamed qualities , conducing to the perfect authoritie of a master in christianity : but now i demand , whether those , who have authoritie of teaching in the roman church , generally speaking , in so much as can be prudently deduced by experience from them , are not much excelling the protestant ministrie in all the said qualities ? what councells have they worth the mentioning in comparison with the generall councells consenting with the present roman church , ( even according to their own confession ) as the second of nice , the great councell of lateran , the councell of constance , florence & trent , wherein such multitudes of learned men , & holy patriarchs , metropolitanes , archbishops , bishops , doctours , prelates , both of the eastern and western churches , unanimously confirmed the romane , and condemned the protestant doctrine ? what proofs of learning have the protestant ministry , comparable to those of the roman doctours , whereof many have written one , no small number two , others three and four , others six , eight , ten , twelve , and some twenty & four and twenty great tomes in folio , and those replenished in the generall repute of christendom , even amongst protestants also , with profound and high learning ? who amongst their ministrie have they , who have obtained the universall esteem of sanctitie , as hath our gregorie , beda , thomas , bonaventure , antonine , dominicke , and diverse others . where find they amongst theirs that zeal , to pass into the heart of so many barbarous and heathen nations to plant the gospell , even with the undergoing of unheard-of torments , and suffering most cruell martyrdoms , as many of the roman clergie have done within these late years ? let them name but one sole minister , who hath suffered martyrdom for preaching christian faith to the pagans . what means have the protestant ministry , with their wives , goods and families , to apply themselves to study and devotion , comparable to our single clergie , and retired religious . where is that unanimous consent in all points of faith ( seeing they are perpetually jarring , not onely one with another , but the same ministers dissenting notoriously now , from what they taught twenty years ago ) amongst them , compared to the constancy and agreement of our doctours ? what miracles have any of their ministry ever done , in confirmation , either of their doctrine against the roman church , or of the christian faith against heathens , as ( unless all humane faith be infringed ) many of ours have done , both against them and heathens ? i could instance in many more particulars , but these may suffice for these short demands . whence appears evidently , that whosoever professes to be led by the sole authority of christian doctours , and pastours , must either deserve the esteem , i say not only of an unchristian , but even of an imprudent man , if he adhere to so undeserving and contemptible an authority , as is that of the protestant ministry in comparison of the roman doctours , who so incomparably outstrip them , not only in multitude , but in all the motives and perfections , which give credit to the authority of a christian teacher . quest . . whether hence be not evidently discovered , not only the insufferable pride of luther , and the other originall beginners of any sect in protestancy , in preferring their sole authority before that of the prelates and doctours of all the visible churches in christendom , existent when they begun first to preach their doctrine , but the extream madnesse of all the ignorant laity , who followed them , upon their sole authority , and preferred one single person upon his bare word , ( without any extraordinary signes or manifest proofs from heaven attesting his authority ) before all the doctours , prelates , councells , churches within the precincts of christendom , both of that present time and for nine hundred years before ? and if those were infested with so deep a frenesie , how can any man be judged deservedly discreet and prudent , who approves of their proceedings in this particular , and sides with them , ( at least in some article or other ) in the opposition of the whole christian world , as all protestants do , even to this day . quest . . hence i farther demand , that seeing on one side the true christian religion , having the divine wisdome for its authour , cannot admit of any thing imprudent , as properly belonging to it , in the choice of it : and on the other , that the protestant religion , or any sect whatsoever sprung from it , or existent in it , cannot be prudently chosen , by any unlearned person , who is sufficiently informed of the nullity of that authority which propounds it , compared with the authority propounding the roman religion ; whether i say , those particulars considered , the protestant religion , in any sect of it whatsoever , can be esteemed the true christian religion ? quest . . hence , i presse farther , whether the proving that protestant religion cannot be prudently chosen , or retayned , by any unlearned persons , who are sufficiently informed , of the eminent authority propounding the roman religion , is not a sufficient argument to them , that no sect amongst them in any point wherein it differs from the roman , hath either any solid ground in the holy scriptures , or true relation to gods holy spirit , or coherence with true reason ; seeing a religion , which cannot by them be chosen prudently , cannot possibly proceed from any of these three ; whatsoever fair show protestants , each respectively to his severall sect , make vainly of them . quest . . and upon this , i demand yet farther , whether the roman doctours have any obligation to urge any other argument then this , either from scripture , fathers , or reason against protestants , till they have cleared their religion from the impeachment of imprudence , committed by their followers in the election of it , or persisting in it , as is afore declared . quest . . on the contrary side ; i demand whether the roman doctours have any obligation in rigour of dispute , to use any other argument , for perswading unlearned persons , to desert the protestant , and imbrace the roman religion , then this of imprudence in adhering to the protestant , and of prudence in uniting themselves to the roman church , so long as the said unlearned protestants , perswade themselves , that they proceed prudently in preferring their own before the roman . seeing this erroneous perswasion is the first step which must be redressed relinquishing the one ; and the contrary perswasion , the first step which must be fixed , in approaching to the other . now when unlearned protestants once confess that they are convinced in this , and thereupon recede from protestancy , but object that the prudentiall motives to preferre the roman religion before the protestant , as they convince that the protestant is wholly improbable , and so to be deserted , so they convince no more then that the roman is probable , and so is in great likelyhood to be the true religion , but convince not , that it is so much as morally certain ? to protestants brought thus far , there is an obligation put upon roman doctours , to prove at least the morall certainty of it ; to such as acknowledge that it is morally certain that the roman religion , is the sole true saving religion , but deny , notwithstanding , that it thereby follows that it is fallibly certain ; rises an obligation to prove , that it is also infallibly certain , and when one is once convinced of this also , but yet doubts whether this infallibility be divine , and so the highest of all infallibilities , there will be also an obligation to shew to such as are brought on so far , the most high divine infallibility of the roman religion . hence therefore i demand , whether our late protestants , and socinians , proceed not preposterously , and unreasonably , in pressing roman doctours , to demonstrate the divine infallibility of the truth of the roman religion , before they themselves grant , that it is either infallible in any degree , or morally certain , or probable , or prudentiall . for though it be necessary , to prove all these particulars in their due circumstances , yet there is no necessity , to prove them all at once to every adversary , but by degrees the one in order after the other , with correspondence , to what of them is denied , or called in question , by those with whom we treat , for thus we proceed orderly , and logically à notioribus , ad ignotiora , and hold a correspondence with nature , by proceeding , ab imperfectionibus , ad perfectiora , still observing the stop , or progresse of our adversary , and still stopping , and going forward along with him . and if this methode had been strictly held by our late controvertists , the adversaries mouths had been stopped long before this . quest . . seeing these demands are proposed to such as believe that without true christian faith no man can be saved , and that this saving faith is one only ; and that this only faith is infallible , & divine : and moreover seeing it is already shewed that every difference , in any point of faith whatsoever , makes a different faith and religion ; and that amongst all the different religions , & beliefs , now on foot in these parts of christendom , there is none that can be prudently imbraced , ( by such as are in the number of the unlearned , and yet are sufficiently informed about the force of the authority of those who teach them ) save the roman , and that no religion can be true , which cannot be prudently imbraced by such unlearned persons , seeing in a manner the whole multitude of christians consists of those who are unlearned , and must according to prudence , follow the authority or their teachers . those things , i say considered , it is finally demanded , whether by proving , that the roman faith only can be prudently imbraced ( which is already done ) it is not made inevitably clear , that the roman only , is that divine , infallible , one , true faith , wherein christians may be saved . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a e- bishop of canterbury , in his relation of the conference , &c. §. . pag. . b. of cant. in fore cited place . bish. cant. p. . num . . b. of cant. above cited . b. of cant. p. . the case of protestants in england under a popish prince if any shall happen to wear the imperial crown. clarkson, david, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the case of protestants in england under a popish prince if any shall happen to wear the imperial crown. clarkson, david, - . p. printed for richard janeway ..., london : . reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. attributed to david clarkson by wing. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -- controversial literature. church of england. church and state -- great britain. protestants -- england. great britain -- history -- charles ii, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the case of protestants in england under a popish prince , if any shall happen to wear the imperial crown . london : printed for richard janeway in queens-head-alleyin pater-noster-row , . the case of protestants in england , &c. a prince putting himself and his dominions under the popes authority , and admitting ( as he must unavoidably ) the laws and decrees of the romish church ; all his protestant subjects , being by the judgment and sentence of that church hereticks , do forthwith lye under the penalties which those laws and constitutions will have inflicted upon hereticks . and these are the severest penalties , being proportioned to the crime which that church judgeth most hainous ; for heresie is treason with them , and the highest degree of high treason , for it is ( say they ) crimen laesae majestatis divinae , treason against the divine majesty , and so , much worse than treason against any prince on earth ; and upon this ground they commonly justifie all severities decreed against hereticks . not to mention particular doctors , innocent a the third thus argues in a special instance , this punishment is justly inflicted upon hereticks , because it is so in case of civil treason , which is a smaller fault than treason against the divine majesty . and there is an edict of b frederick confirmed and made a church-constitution by several popes , particularly by innocent th , wherein what is enacted against traytors , is declared to fall upon hereticks multo fortiùs justinsque , with much more force and justice . so that the papal authority being introduced among protestants , they are forthwith traytors by law , and stand in no better terms , than the worst of traytors , and are exposed to the penalties which the highest treason is judged worthy of . let me instance in two or three particulars briefly ; for i must but point at the miseries of protestants in such a state , not give a full prospect of them . infamy is one of them ( that i may begin with the least ) . hereticks are infamous by law c it is certain ( saith d suarez ) that hereticks both by common and civil law are infamous , for which he alledged several texts of the popes law , and extends it to the favourers of hereticks , if they repent not within a year ; and to their children for some generations , if their parents dyed pertinacious . it is many penalties in one , including several things grievous and intolerable to all sorts e ; for upon this account , those whom they count hereticks , are deprived of all nobility , jurisdiction , and dignity ; and debarr'd from all offices , benefices , and publick councils ; they are uncapable of chusing , or of being chosen to them , ( so that it reacheth all sorts ) , clergy , laity , noble and ignoble , ( as the same author tells us ) . and they fall under all this immediately , ipso facto , as soon as they are hereticks , before any sentence declaratory of their crime ; so in a manner all the f doctors conclude , in quo authores ferè conveniunt , proving it from the very words of the law aforementioned . let me mention some of the particulars comprized in this legal insamy : protestants are hereby excluded from all publick councils , and so from parliaments ; being uncapable of either chusing , or being chosen thereto . this is the decree of a general g council , besides several constitutions for it in the canon-law . so that all the lords and commons in england would be by law ( while they are protestants ) debarred from having any place in parliament ; and all the freeholders from chusing any ; and that by a law paramount to any civil law , or national constitution : and this alone would be enough to ruine and enslave this , or any people whose liberty depends upon parliaments . they are excluded from all dignities , this is essential to the penalty ; for it is a h rule in their law , infamibus portae non pateant dignitati ; particularly noblemen are degraded from their nobility , and deprived of all honours i , this by the same law : and it is extended to their children by many of their k authors , who say expresly , that the issue of traytors , civil or spiritual , lose their nobility , both that which they had by priviledge , and that which comes by descent from their ancestors . they are deprived not only of all ecclesiastical benefices , but of all secular offices , which is expressed in the law forequoted ; particularly it is decreed l that hereticks be not admitted into any publick office , or benefice ; but if they be , it is null and void . nor can they exercise any jurisdiction , either spiritual or civil , as their m authors commonly determine : and upon this account they conclude all our judges , justices and magistrates , that are protestants , to be incompetent , such as have no more jurisdiction than the bench they sit on , and think not themselves at all obliged to answer them ; or if they condescend to give them an answer , yet not to speak the truth before them , although they be sworn to it . in short , all that owe any duty to hereticks are discharged from the obligation , and exempted from paying any . in their canon law it is decreed n that all who are bound to hereticks by any obligation , whether of oath , or fealty , or service , or any other agreement , or promise , are freed there from . subjects owe no allegiance to their prince , nay they may lawfully kill them , as their authors commonly conclude . servants owe masters no faithfulness , no service ; though they be slaves , and purchased with their money , yet they are discharged ; and if they discover their master's heresie , and so seek to take away his life , though they be not christians , it 's reason ( they hold ) that they have absolute freedom when none but christian slaves may have it , save upon such a treacherous o account . parents lose authority over their children , so their law p will have it : and children owe no duty to such parents , only they are bound under mortal sin to denounce them , that is , to discover their heresie ; which is the way to deprive their parents of their lives . and they give this reason for it , because it is lawful for a child to kill his father , if he be an enemy to the common-wealth ; and therefore he may much more lawfully in this case deal thus with his father , that is , betray him to death . this is an act worthy of honour and praise , as is proved by the constitutions of several popes , and so many other q writers , that it may pass for their common doctrine ; nor can they be secured from suffering for their parents heresie , without detecting them , as * innocent th decrees . we see a little to what condition the admission of the papal authority would reduce us ; it would expel nature and humanity , and make the dearest relatives unnatural and barbarous to one another ; it would leave no protestant either dignity or authority , either safety or liberty ; by these law ( which must then be ours ) our nobles are sentenced to be peasants , and peasants must be no better than slaves . secondly , another penalty to which hereticks are condemned by their laws , is confiscation of all their estates or goods . and this they incur , ipso jure , & ipso facto , that is immediately , as soon as they shew themselves hereticks , before the sentence of any judg. there is an express decree r for this in the canon law , bona haereticorum ipso jure decernimus confiscata , we decree that the goods of hereticks are confiscated by sentence of law. in this the gloss , and all the doctors who write of s hereticks do agree ; and upon this reason among others , because humane laws punish treason against men , and sometimes lesser crimes , with confiscation of goods ; therefore much more must treason against the divine majesty , which is committed by heresie , be thus punished . and this reason is assigned not only in the text of the canon law now mentioned , but also in other texts , particularly innocent t the third thereby proves , that hereticks goods are confiscated , because this is decreed against civil treason , which is much less than that against the divine majesty . by vertue of this confiscation , hereticks , as soon as ever they discover it , are deprived of all propriety and title to their estates , before any sentence passed against them . suarez u saith , this is the common doctrine . sanchez x musters up multitudes of doctors for it : and * corduba tells us , that all their doctors in a manner , both canonists and divines maintain it . but though they generally agree that protestants by law have lost all propriety , and have no title at all to any estate ; yet there is some difference among them about the possession of what is thus confiscated . for many of them hold , that hereticks before any sentence , are bound in conscience to quit the possession of all they have , and sin damnably if they do not ; especially if their heresie be publick and notorious , as it is in all professed protestants : and their reasons are good enough , if the principles upon which they proceed were so . for the sentence which some count pre-requisite , is not pretended to be damnatory , to condemn to the punishment , for that is already done by law ; but only ( as all agree ) declarative of the crime , that the crime may be evident , and who are guilty of it ; which is needless when it is evident and notorious before . others of them teach that hereticks may keep possession , and are ●ot to be deprived of it , before the sentence declarative of the crime . but though this latter seem more favourable , yet it is of little or no advantage to protestants , since those that have a mind to their forfeited estates , may soon procure such a sentence ; for an ordinary bishop , or other ecclesiastical person may pass it , as the law it y self declares . for example : corker the benedictine , lately arraigned , was ordered by the pope to be bishop of london ; if their plot had so far succeeded , that the popes orders had taken place , he might in his spiritual court have declared all the known protestants in london , and his whole diocess to be hereticks ; which done , all the nobles , citizens and others in his diocess , might have been turned immediately out of possession , and stript of all they had ; and this by law. the effects of this confiscation , wherein they all agree , make the severity of the law apparent ; and the forbearance of seizure before sentence of little consideration , if they thought themselves obliged not to seize such estates before . first , all the profits made of the estate from the first day of their guilt are to be refunded , if they be extant and found among their z goods , formally , or but so much as equivalently ; nay , some a will have them responsible for the mean profits , though they be consumed or spent , if so be they knew themselves to be obnoxious , when they spent them : or being spent , if the estate be any thing better on that account , they are still looked on as being extant , and the estate still lyable : and it is counted better , if the party be b richer , if he therewith bought any thing else , or made use thereof to pay his debts , or bought but necessaries to live on , and thereby spared his other revenues . secondly , all alienations by gift , sale , or otherwise , before sentence , are null and void ; and all contracts for that purpose rescinded ; in this , suarez saith , all their writers agree c unanimously ; and the exchequer of the pope or popish prince will recover all that hath been so disposed of by the hereticks to others where ever they be , or in whole possession soever they be found , or through how many hands soever they have passed ; this is the doctrine vniversally embraced by all their doctors of law , and all their divines , so understanding the text of their law , as d sanchez tells us . nay it is a sin e for him to fell any part of his goods or estate , without discovering to the purchaser his hazard , in buying what is by law confiscated . and in this case the purchase will be forced from him without restoring the price he paid for it , unless it be found among the hereticks goods , for which the same jesuit alledgeth above thirty f doctors . nor are those to whom the estate is escheated any way obliged , to pay any of the hereticks debts g , which were contracted since his heresie , and so his creditors ( not excepting roman catholicks ) may be lawfully ruined , as well as himself . thirdly , the children and heirs of hereticks are deprived of their portions . and though this seem hard in their own apprehensions , that they should be ruined and reduced to poverty for their parents fault ; yet what they suffer is not to be considered , because the child is not here punished by or in himself , but by accident , and in another . and this is all the satisfaction the best of them give in this pitiful case , suarez ibid. nor will their law admit that any commiseration of the innocent should be any impediment to the severity of the execution ; but provides against it in these words , neither shall this severe censure , for the disinheriting of orthodox children be any way hindred , by the pretence of compassion ; since in many cases by divine judgment , the children are temporally punished for their fathers ; and according to canonical sanctions , vengeance may be sometimes taken , not only upon the authors of wickedness , but their posterity , cap. vergentis , tit. de haereticis . but what if the children to whom the estate is left , be roman catholicks , are they to be thrust from an estate left them by their heretical parents ? this seems impolitick , since hereby no hopes are left to any for securing their estates by turning papists ; and not only so , but they confess it seems to be against piety , and in the th synod of toledo there is a limitation for the security of such innocents ; but by the canon law in after-times that limitation was exploded , and the catholick descendents of hereticks excluded from having any advantage h by their confiscated estates . this is expressed in the text of their law , and more fully in an original epistle of pope innocent the third . suarez . ibid. pag. . but suppose the posterity of a protestant or his children , being still papists , have continued in the possession of the estates so left them for many years together ( forty or an hundred years ) , will not this create them a title ? since prescription may do it where there is no other right , and is allowed so to do both by civil and canon law ; and an hundred years is confessed to be sufficient for prescription i against the roman church in other cases ? no , an hundred years will not suffice in this case , if the possessors , or their fathers knew that he who left them the estate was an heretick , and if he was at any time suspected to be so while he lived ; or if he was reputed a catholick all his days ; yet if any time within years after his decease , it appears he was an heretick , there is no place left for prescription : but then they will have the estate seised , in whose hands soever it be sound , and the k possessors thrust out , though they be roman catholicks . hereby it appears , that as soon as the papacy is admitted , all title and property is lost and extinct among us by the law which will then be in force , unless in those few families who never had a protestant proprietor ; nor are they secure as to any part of their estate , which ever belonged to hereticks : and therefore we must not think his holiness acted extravagantly , when he declared all his majesties territories to be his own as forfeited to the holy see for the heresie of prince and people : for herein he proceeded regularly , and according to that which they esteem the best law in the world. not only abbey lands are in danger , who ever possess them , but all estates are forfeited to his exchequer , and legally confiscated : all is his own which protestants in these three nations have , or ever had , if he can but meet with a prince so wise , as to help him to catch it . thus we see the process of their law against protestants must not end with their lives , but follow them many years beyond death and the grave ; and ruine their children , and childrens children , when they are gone : and when they have left a heretick nothing of his own to subsist on , it is provided also that he shall have no relief from others : for this is part of his penalty l that none shall receive him into their houses , nor afford him any help , nor shew him any favour , nor give him any counsel . we in england are zealous for property , and all the reason in the world we should be ; but we must bid adieu to this when we once come under the popes authority ; for as soon as this is admitted , all the protestants in these nations are beggars by law , by the laws of that church ( which will then be ours ) , divesting us of all propriety and title to what ever we count our own . thirdly , the last penalty i shall insist on , which their law will have inflicted on hereticks , is death . this is the sentence of the canon law. hereticks m are to be delivered to the secular power to undergo due punishment , and that is death , as appear by many papal bulls approving and receiving the civil laws , which have adjudged hereticks to death : for though those laws were originally intended , against such only which were hereticks indeed : yet since the roman church will have all protestants to be hereticks , they must suffer death by vertue thereof , how far soever they be from heresie . and the canon law further determines , that secular judges cannot remit the penalty , as appears by the text , cap. ut officium , and is more fully explained in the bull of vrban the th , and in another of innocent th . hereupon n zanardus takes it for granted , that all laws will have every heretick put to death ; and their angelical doctor o is positive , that hereticks , though they do not pervert others , may be justly killed by secular judges , and bereaved of all they have , rather than such as are guilty of high-treason . if there were need to cite particular doctors , suarez assures us , that it is the judgment of all their doctors , ita docent omnes doctores . but there is a constitution of paul p th , which may serve instead of all ; where to shew how impartial their decrees are in this case , having declared that with the unanimous consent of the cardinals , all poenal acts , canons , constitutions against hereticks , made by any popes , councils , or others , are by apostolical authority renewed and inforced ; he specifies persons of greatest eminency in church and state , viz. earls , barons , marquesses , dukes , kings , emperors , &c. and will have all these punishment inflicted on them , if they are , or shall hereafter be hereticks . particularly it is decreed , that they are therefore deprived wholly and perpetually of their baronies , marquesats , dukedoms , kingdoms , empires , and rendered uncapable hereof , so as they shall never be restored . and to make sure work , all of them , kings and emperours among the rest , shall be put to death q only if they recant , the holy see may shew them this clemency , as to thrust them into some monastery , there to do penance all their days with bread and water . this punishment they extend very far r for death is to be insticted , not only on the teachers of what they call heresie ; but on all who belive any doctrines opposite to what the romanists receive as matters of faith , though they draw none else thereto ; yea on all that believe any one point of such doctrine , though they reuounce all the rest ; for they agree , that one errour makes a heretick , though all besides that one be abjured . and on those also who abjure them all , if they do not likewise discover their complices ; and so betray all the protestants they know , to death . for such , though they do profess themselves to be papists , and conform to them in all things ; yet if they discover not others , and expose them to death , they are judged to be but s counterfeit catholicks , and not worthy to live . the death they will have us suffer , is burning alive ; no death more tolerable , or of less exquisite torture will satisfie the mercy of that church . for though they find no rule for this in the body of the civil law , yet they alledge some latter constitutions for it , and particularly that of frederick ( which the popes have made their own law ) in these words t decernimus ut vivi in conspectu hominum comburantur , we decree that they shall be burned alive in the sight of the world. the holy canons it is presumed are for it : the first statute of henry th in england , for the buring of hereticks , was enacted according to the holy canons . and if they had no other law for it , yet the use and custom of their church hath the sorce of a law ; and makes it as lawful and necessary for them to burn i rotestants , as it is to burn faggots when they are cold ; and that it is the custom of the church , they have the testimony of all nations round about us . we need go no further than our native countrey , where in the days of the last popish successor it is proved by near witnesses , that their laws will have all sorts of us burnt alive , without regard of age , sex , or quality . and if we will not be satisfied that they may lawfully burn us , man , woman and child , unless we have scripture for it , they have it ready , john . . if any one abide not in me , men gather them , and cast them into the fire , and they are burned . alledged by divers of their prime u authors for this purpose ; which proves as plainly and infallibly that protestants must be burned , as — feed my sheep proves that the pope hath power to kill both king and people . the process against hereticks in the inquisition is remarkably merciful , for there a protestant shall not have the favour to be burnt at first x , and dye once ; but must suffer many deaths before , by enduring divers tortures more grievous than death , before he be brought to the fire . one that hath the spirit of a christian , and reads the account of the tortures there in use , would scarce think that any but the devils could be either the inventors or executioners of them . but pope paul the th would better inform him , who ascribes the setling of the inquisition in spain , to the inspiration of the holy ghost ; and there is no doubt but his successors would attribute it to the same inspiration , if they could get it setled in england . and they are highly concerned to endeavour it , if they believe the words of a dying pope . for y paul the th in a speech before his death ( and so before his infallibility expired ) declared to the cardinals , that the authority of the roman church depends only upon the office of the inquisition . and indeed it is very fit , that such an authority should have such a foundation . nor can any question that it is necessary and pious to exercise all the cruelties of the inquisition upon us , without shaking the whole foundation of the roman church , and all the authority of it . hereupon how are we concerned to look about us ? we ought to remember ( for they are not like to forget it ) , that as soon as ever the papal authority is admitted among us , all the protestants in these nations are dead men in law ; being under a law that hath sentenced us already to be burned alive , and under a power that hath declared it necessary that no one of us escape with life . but they are not yet quite ready for burning us , though they are impatient till they be so ; and shew what design they have upon our persons , by turning our houses and goods into flames . for this course they think not fit to take , how just and pious soever they est●em it , meerly because they cannot , or dare not till they have the law in their hands , and power to murder us by a judicial process . where protestants are numerous and potent , the way they then take for discharging the obligation that is upon them to destroy us , is by treacherous massacres , or open wars or assassinations . they hold it lawful to make war upon hereticks for their heresie . so z bonacina , diana , castro , molanus , and others : but cardinal allen a our countreyman may suffice , who asserts it to be not only lawful , but necessary to take arms against his prince and people , being hereticks . it is clear ( saith he ) that what people and persons soever , be declared to be opposite to gods church , with what obligation soever , either of kindred , friendship , loyalty , or subjection , i be bound unto them ; i may or rather must take arms against them . and then must we take them for far hereticks , when our lawful popes adjudge them so to be . not only soveraign princes and the pope , but a bishop may raise war for the faith , against those that are excommunicate , if they submit not : so hostiensis , and others b after him . they count it a more necessary and holy war which is levied for the destroying of hereticks , than the war against the turks . hence cardinal c pool in his address to charles the fifth , importunes him to turn his arms against the protestants , being more concerned to ruin them than the turks . they think the destroying of protestants by massacres , sometimes more advisable , for avoiding the hazards of a war ; and these how bloody and treacherous soever , will be both lawful and meritorious , being for the rooting out of a pestilent heresie , and the promoting of the roman interest . the barbarous irish never thought their hands and weapons better imployed than in butchering the protestants : and this not more from the savageness of their nature , than from the laws and doctrine wherein they have so much encouragement for such bloodiness . the least they could expect for it , was full pardon of all sin , such as is promised to those who make war against the turks , and for the recovery of the holy land. for several popes had thus rewarded the irish , for less bloody feats than these ; and thereby testified how meritorious it is , to shed the blood of english protestants d . charles the ninth , with the french papists , never acted any thing with more satisfaction to his holiness , than that tragedy in paris , and other cities , where so many thousand hugonots were most treacherously and inhumanely slaughtered . the pope would not have so great delight as he took therein to be transient , but that it might afford him a continued entertainment , would have it painted in his palace . and for this , triumphs were made by the papists almost every where , as a most glorious action . and that there might be a concurrence of the greatest impiety , with the greatest inhumanity , publick thanks must be returned to god , in france and italy , for the stabbing drowning , pistolling , and cutting the throats of so many thousands ; inticed thither by the solemnity of a marriage , with all the security that the promise and oath of a king could give them : but nothing is unlawful that will ruine the protestant religion . only in one thing these fell short ; for though near three hundred thousand were thus murdered in both nations , yet they kill'd not all ; whereas if they had not suffered one protestant in france or ireland to escape with life , the catholick design had been there perfectly accomplished , and the bloody actors had more highly merited ; for that merits most , which most promotes the catholick interest , which is most promoted when heresie and hereticks are quite extirpated ; and so to kill all hereticks , is most meritorious . this was it that our conspirators aimed at , they intended to leave no protestants alive ; those that escaped the massacre , should have been cut off by their army e and coleman saith , their design prospered so well , that he doubted not but in a little time , their business would be managed to the utter ruin of the protestant party , in his letter f to the internuncio . the effecting of this , with the consequence of it , was a thing so desirable , so meritorious , that if he had a sea g of blood , and a hundred lives , he would lose them all to carry on the design ; and if to effect this , it were necessary to destroy an hunderd heretical kings , he would do it . we must not imagine that it was a sin , with this man , to destroy an hundred kings , and an hundred kingdoms too , in such a cause ; a cause , no doubt , most glorious , and of transcendent merit in their account ; when one man might without profuseness , be at the expence of an hundred lives , and a sea of blood , to promone it . it is true by his expressions , he seems to be in some transport , and no wonder when he had so fair a prospect of the utter ruin of protestants by their present bloody design ; and speaks of their ruine as a thing certain , and not to be doubted of . sure this was a sight so fair , so transporting , as must needs ravish a good roman catholick out of his senses . but then how sensless must they be , who will not believe our utter ruine was designed , when such as best knew it , make no doubt , but it would in a little time , be certainly effected ? however we cannot think that they who make so little of killing an hundred kings , when they stand in the way of their catholick design , will stick at assassinating any particular subjects . when we hear papists say ( as divers such sayings have been of late observed ) that they would make no more to kill a protestant man , or child , than to kill a dog h we look upon them as wild expressions , which proceed rather from the wickedness of the persons than of their principles ; whereas indeed they have ground enough from the writings of their chief authors . one of their greatest divines proving that they may justly kill us , being hereticks , makes use of this argument among others , christ calls hereticks thieves and robbers ; but sure thieves and robbers are worthy of death ; also he calls them ravenous wolves , matth. . luke . but wolves are not only to be driven from the flock , but also to be kill'd , if it be possible . so suarez i argues , and his argument seems less toletarable , than the other villanous expression , for it seems more meritorious to kill a wolf than a dog. cardinal * baronius tells the pope ( though his holiness might know so evident a truth before ) that peter had a double ministry , to feed , and to kill ; according to that text , feed my sheep : and according to that too , kill and eat : for , saith he , when the pope hath to do with refractory opposers , then peter is commanded to kill , and slay , and devour . much according to this cardinals doctrine is the saying of singlcton k the priest , that he would make no more to stah forty parliament men , than to eat his dinner . and who can discern b●t the priest ; expression is as agreeable to the cardinals comment , as that is to his text ? girald and kelly , the two priest ; that were chief in the murder of sir edmondbury godfrey , that they might draw mr. prance into that barbarous action , told him , l that it was no murder , no sin ( and girald said , nothing was to be made of killing twenty hereticks in such a case , ) that it was an act of charity , and a meritorious work . we may easily conceive , how they will have it to be an act of justice ; for they are taught , that the killing of hereticks justa est quia vindicativa ; and so withal , how it may be meritorious ; every act of vertue being so , by their doctrine : but how it can be an act of charity , is not so easie to discern . we shall hardly be perswaded , that to kill us , is an act of charity ; but if they will have it so , so it must be . and then who can deny but that papists are the most charitable persons under the cope of heaven , since they will not stick to murder millions of protestants ( all in these nations ) out of meer catholick charity ? vvhat need they more to stop the mouths of any , that will dare hereafter to accuse their church as uncharitable ? they may have two hundred thousand arguments from one topick , the massacre in ireland , to prove that none ever out of hell , were more emiuent for this vertue , no not the assassins themselves . the gunpowder-traytors were as much for the meritoriousness of murdering hereticks . john grant one of the principal conspirators , the day he was executed , being advised by a grave and learned person , to repent of that wicked enterprize ; he answered , that he was so far from counting it a sin ; that on the contrary he was confident , that noble design had so much of merit in it , as would be abundantly enough to make satisfaction for all the sins of his whole life , as m casaubon assures from good evidence . o the dreadful power of the spirit of delusion , which can perswade a man even when he is dying , that the most horrid and barbarous design that ever the devils helped any of their instrumants to contrive , is so transcendently both meritorious and satisfactory ! yet this is not a private spirit , but that by which the roman church seems generally inspired . this was but a more compendious way , of executing the laws of their church against protestants . and roman catholicks are left to devise what expedient they can , for the execution of them ; when they are not in a capacity of proceeding the ordinary way , by burning us . and that invention will have most of merit , which is most quick and extensive , and makes an end of most at once . the society is particularly under the conduct of that spirit ; for the provincial garnet , tesmond , gerard , and other jesuits did teach the conspirators this catholick doctrine n that the king , nobility , clergy and whole commonalty of the realm of england ( papists excepted ) were hereticks , and that all hereticks were accursed and excommunicate , and that no heretick could be a king ; but that it was lawful and meritorious to kill the king , and all other hereticks within this realm of england ; for the advancing and enlargement of the authority and jurisdiction of the bishop of rome , and for the restoring of the romish religion . what ? is it meritorious to kill all in the realm ? yes , the more the better , the greater the sacrifice , the greater will the value and merit of it be : they will prove it unanswerably by an argument from the less to the greater . if it be meritorious to kill one heretick , it will be as much more meritorious to kill all in a kingdom ; as all in a whole kingdom are more than one single person . thus the greater any wickedness is , the more powerful motive their church hath for its encouragement ; the more prodigiously bloody and inhumane it is , the more will the catholick merit of it advance . and the ground of this is observable , they will have it meritorious to murder this whole nation , king and people , because they were hereticks , and all hereticks are accursed and excommunicated . now king james and the people of these kingdoms were not at this time excommunicate expresly , nor so denounced , nor any such sentence against them published , as the jesuits acknowledged ; only they were included in the general excommunication , which is denounced by the pope against all hereticks every year the week before easter . so that all who are in their account hereticks , but one year , or but one day before m●undy thursday , are sufficiently accursed and excommunicated , to make them liable to be justly killed ; and to render any papist capable of meriting , by doing execution upon them . all the protestants in these nations may be meritoriously slaughtered , as soon as ever the papists have opportunity to do it , without expecting a warrant from any other sentence , or excommunication , than what we are continually under . this was the doctrine of our english jesuits , of garnet their superiour particularly , whom the papists here honoured as a pope , and paid him the veneration due to his holiness , by kissing his feet , and reverenced his judgment as an oracle ; and since his death he hath the honours of a martyr . and if he and his associates be counted martyrs , for but designing to destroy the protestants of these realms , though they miscarried ; what would their successors be thought worthy of , if they could attempt it successfully , and do effectual execution ? garnet further declared it to be his judgment , that it was so necessary to have protestants destroyed ; that it would be meritorious to attempt it , even in such a way , as would ruine many catholicks with them . catesby ( with respect to the powder-plot , whereby many roman catholicks , and some of considerable quality , were like to be blown up together with the protestants ) inquires of their oracle , * whether it was lawful to ruine the guilty and the innocent together ? garnet first answers in a private house , that it is lawful , if so much advantage can be gained by it , as will countervail the destruction of the innocent . afterwards he tells them in the fields , that they may lawfully extinguish the good and bad together , and that it would be an act of great merit , if it would much promote the catholick interest . upon this account we see how it might be meritorious to burn london , though the houses and goods of many papists were consumed in the flames ; yea , and how the most desperate villains amongst them might merit heaven , and expiate all the crimes of a most flagitious life , if he could but fire the whole kingdom : provided so many protestants were thereby ruined , as would countervail the loss of such catholicks , who could not escape the common flames . whereby we see their principles and actings , both of them are grounded upon their church-laws , sentencing hereticks to death and ruine . the executing of these laws is the exercise of a principal vertue , an act of justice , and is upon this and other accounts esteemed meritorious . execution must be done one way or other in order to it ; they must and will do , what our present circumstances leave feasible . they cannot now in a bishops court try and condemn us , and then deliver us to the secular power to be burnt at a stake ; but they can stab , or pistol , or poyson us , or blow us up ; and these are acts of justice upon malefactors , which their laws condemn to death , no less vertuous and meritorious than the other ; perhaps heroical in their account , as being of more then an ordinary strain . it is true , they want some formalities of law , yet are never the worse for the want of that , which they cannot possibly have . but men once they have secured the throne , we may expect they will proceed against us with more observance of a judicial process , and burn us and our children with all punctilio's of law , as they did under the last popish successor . but it is not probable that under such a successor these laws may not be executed . if there were any probability , that for a while they might not be throughly executed , yet our condition in the interim would scarce be tolerable to an english-man ; to be devested of all security by law , for liberty , estate and life ; and to hold these without , nay against law , only at the will and known mercy of papists ; even when they must count it a cruelty to themselves to spare us , seeing both their salvation and ( which seems generally more minded ) their interest is concerned in the execution of these laws . it seems highly probable to me that all endeavours will be used to have them fully executed ; for the design of these laws is to destroy protestants . and those romanists that understand their concerns , do make account , that their main interest lyes in this ; for neither can they recover their former flourish and greatness , nor can they indeed think themselves safe , till this be done , accordingly we may observe , that in all countreys round about us , who have been under popish princes , all attempts have been made , and their utmost endeavours used utterly to root out protestants . and it is meer folly to expect that we should fare better in like circumstances . even in france the only instance alledged , to give any hopes that protestants may subsist under such a power , the design of these laws was vigorously pursued , in all methods of pretended justice , and plain violence , in the reigns of five kings successively ; by confiscations and plunderings , by fire and sword , by assassinations , treacherous massacres , and open war. so that some hundred thousands of them were destroyed , and in all reason none of them had escaped , nor any more hugonots had been left in france , than there are in spain and italy ; if they had not stood upon their defence , which yet proved a lamentable expedient ; for if we will believe father parsons o two millions on both sides were slain within the compass of ten years in the reign of one of those five kings . those who would have us reduced to such a condition , wherein we cannot otherwise be secured than the french protestants were , would either have us prostitute our religion , and all that is dear to us to the will of the papists , or else expose the nation to desolation and ruine . our conspirators have declared that they had the very same design which those gracious laws engage them in , viz. the utter extirpation of protestants and their religion , and were resolved and prepared to pursue it with fire and sword. of the former they have given us a real demonstration by the flames we have already seen ; and of the latter by their army to be commanded by officers of the popes appointment . they were to begin with assassinations , and our soveraign was to fall with the first . in this all that have given any evidence , exactly agree , and all see , but those that will be blind , and would have his majesty for company perish with his eyes shut . when they had dispatched the king , a massacre was to follow , as is positively sworn again and again by unexceptionable p witness , and this signified to be the method advised , by the conspirators both in france , flanders , and england ; then to make clear work , those protestants that escaped the massacre , were to be destroyed by their army . coleman at his tryal would have us believe , that nothing was intended but the advance of popery , by the innocent way of toleration ; that is no wonder , for he was then concerned , if ever , to disguise their design . but when he hath to do with those who were conscious to the plot , and with pleasure could see the bottom of it ; then the mask is off , then it is in plain terms the subduing of a pestilent heresie ( for so is the true christian religion in the roman stile now-a-days ) and the utter ruine of the protestant party . to accomplish such a glorious design , there must be no sticking ( as was observed before ) to kill an hundred heretical kings , ( alas ! one single king was nothing to the dagger of such a hero ) or to shed a sea of blood ( their own he means . ) how many seas of protestant blood do we think might have satisfied such harmless catholicks ? not an hundred we may be sure , if all the protestants in the world could have bled more . but this they were bound in conscience to execute the popes laws , they were at all points ready to do it , they wanted nothing but only a catholick prince in the throne . o but the temper , or at least the interest of such a prince would oblige him to forbid or restrain such violent executions in england . i , but what if his tempter be such as to comply with such violent proceedings ; or his temper being better , what if it be over-ruled ? what if he be perswaded as other catholicks are , that he must in conscience proceed thus ? what if he cannot do otherwise , without apparent hazard of his crown or life ? the contrivement is such , that execution shall be done before he hath got the reins of government into his hand ; and when he hath them , he is not to hold them alone , he will not be allowed to be much more than the popes postillion , and must look to be dismounted if he drive not according to order . let these things be weighed , that we may see before it be too late into what circumstances we are running . if the prince be zealous and resolute , a bigot in their way ; if his heat in embracing religion at first , or promoting it afterward , transport him beyond the sense of his interest ; if it make him contemn such reason , or decline that consideration that should have withheld him from it , or might moderate him in it ; if he make it his design , and count it his glory , to subdue this religion as a pestilent heresie ; if he give up himself to the counsels and conduct of such , whose words and practices make it evident , that they intend extremities ; then there is a violent presumption , that he will not study any abatement of the rigour of these ruining laws , after once he thinks himself firmly setled . but if ( as i had rather suppose ) his inclination should lead him to some indulgence and forbearance , yet that must be controuled by conscience , and conscience must dictate what they suggest , who have the conduct of it ; and it will be readily suggested , that it is a deadly crime to favour hereticks to the prejudice of the catholick interest , which can never be more effectually advanced than by their ruine . besides , the law q it self assures us , that it is not in the power of any civil magistrate to remit the penalty , or abate the rigour thereof ; and this also is declared by the bulls r of several popes . nay if the prince should solemnly engage his faith , and give as much security as papists can give by oath , that he would not suffer sanguinary laws to be executed upon his dissenting subjects , this would signify nothing : for they would soon let him understand , that contracts made against the canon i aware invalid , though confirmed by oath , as p. a st. l joseph . and that he is not bound to stand to his promise , for the liberty of religion , though he hath sworn to it , as bonacina ; ſ and that faith is no more to be kept with hereticks , than the general council of constance would have it . so that protestants are to be burnt , as john hus and jerom of prague were by that council ; though a prince hath given his faith and oath for their safety . the best that is pleaded in defence of that general council so openly canonizing perfidiousness , leaves protestants as much exposed , after all the security the prince can give , as if none at all were given them the emperours engagement , say they , secured them against secular process , but not against the process of the church . so that the church may burn us , when the prince hath engaged all his faith for our safety . and to this purpose it is observable what becanus u an eminent jesuit delivers when he is endeavouring to vindicate their council . the council of constance , saith he , decreed these two things : first , that the secular power can no way hinder the ecclesiastical power from its legal exercise , and therefore if any secular prince do give safe conduct to any heretick , this ought not to hinder the ecclesiastical judg from exercising his office , that is from trying an heretick , and proceeding against him according to evidence . the reason is , because when there are two princes who have distinct judicatures and tribunals , one of which is greater and superiour to the other ; the inferiour may not hinder the superiour , from executing his jurisdictions . and therefore the security which he promiseth to any , extends not to the tribunal of the superiour prince , because the superiour is not bound by the laws and agreement of the inferiour , ( caput , cum inferior extra . ) but now the secular and ecclesiastical prince have distinct tribunals ( as is well known , ) and the ecclesiastical is superiour ( cap. solita : ) therefore the secular , when he gives safe conduct to any , he cannot extend it to the ecclesiastical tribunal ; nor by the security given , can hinder the jurisidiction of the ecclesiastical judg , &c. molgnus x also , who undertakes to excuse this council , saith , it is a general rule with the romanists , that faith is either never to be given , or never to be kept with hereticks , for the exercise of their religion . simanca y by the authority of the council , maintains this worthy principle , that faith engaged to hereticks , though confirmed by oath , is in no wise to be performed . he would prove it by reason : for ( saith he ) if faith be not to be kept with tyrants , and pirates and other robbers , who kill the body ; much less is it to be kept with hereticks , who kill souls ; he confirms it with the testimonies of salomonius , and menochius , placa , &c. and of their z angelical doctor , the oracle of their schools , who saith , an unteachable heretick is to be betrayed to justice , notwithstanding faith and oath . becanus a to vindicate the doctrine of simanca , tells us , that they all say as much as he hath said . simanca teaches the same that we teach , viz. that faith is to be kept with hereticks in what is lawful and honest : but in no case otherwise , and so never in case of heresie . so that the faith of any prince however engaged , is so far from giving an heretick any security ; as heresie is far from being a thing lawful and honest . upon these principles ( by which it appears that rome hath changed faith with carthage , that being now worse than fides punica ; and is when she would be counted christian , far more faithless than when pagan ) their doctors , jesuits , and others , have instigated kings to endeavour seriously the rooting out of hereticks ; asserting , that an oath in favour of hereticks , is but vinculum iniquitatis . in fine , this is the sense of their best authors , and we must believe it to be so , unless we will be deluded . by their laws and principles they are always under an obligation utterly to exterminate protestants ; yet sometimes they are concerned in point of interest , to forbear and dissemble ; pretending to engage their faith when they do it not in the sense of those who relye on it , as the council of constance deluded jerome of prague , that they might ( as they did ) burn him : or engaging their faith when they intend not to keep it , as our queen mary , charles the th of france , and other popish princes , abused the protestants to make them secure , that they might have the better advantage to ruine them ; and then that they may seem real , they may promise or swear that they will not proceed against us ; yet notwithstanding when they have an opportunity to destroy us , though they were bound by ten thousand oaths not to attempt it ; yet they sin damnably if they endeavour it not to the utmost . but if there were neither law nor conscience to hinder , yet in point of interest , he must not shew favour to hereticks , nor grant any indulgence for their religion , he cannot do it without apparent hazard both of crown and life . for by shewing such favour , he in their account deposeth himself , and immediately loseth title to his kingdoms . an emperour or a king , saith parsons b , if he shew favour to an heretick , for that he loseth his kingdom . the jesuits have sufficient grounds for this doctrine , how extravagant soever it seems . for the council of lateran , which bellarmine calls their greatest and most famous council , decreeth c , that if a prince upon a years warning , doth not exterminate hereticks ; his subjects are discharged from allegiance , and his dominions are to be seized on by other catholicks : he thereby draws upon himself the curse and excommunication of the church , he is excommunicate by law , that council hath passed sentence already , and he is de facto anathematized yearly by the bull of the supper ; the former is excommunicatio juris , by the law : and this is excommunicatio hominis , by the judg , as several of their d doctors will have it . so that it takes effect presently , ipso facto , and is of no less force than if the person concerned were excommunicated particularly , and by name , though the terms be general . the pope every year doth solemnly excommunicate and curse , not only all hereticks , but every favourer and defender of them , and from this sentence , none can absolve any but the pope himself , for it is a reserved case ; and they generally declare him to be a favourer of hereticks , who hinders the execution of the laws made against them . conformably hereto their doctors teach , that kings and princes when they are negligent , in rooting out hereticks ; they are to be excommunicated , and deposed by the pope . so becamus e . another as i find him f cited , sets it out more elegantly in a metaphor , making princes to be the popes , their shepherds dogs ( as they are wont to do out of great reverence ) and expresseth himself significantly to this purpose . if a prince be a dull cur , and fly not upon hereticks , he is to be beaten out , and a keener dog must be got in his stead . others g tell us , he incurrs more grievous penalties than excommunication , as appears by the breves of several popes ; though to be deprived of kingdom and life , to which this sentence makes a prince lyable , one would think sufficiently grievous . but there is no need to cite particular doctors , seeing by the decrees h of that church the fautors of hereticks , are lyable to the penalties which are to be inflicted on hereticks themselves : and their church-law i determines again and again , that they are to be taken for fautors of hereticks , wh● omit what they ought to do , for the punishing of hereticks , that they may cease from their errour : and in this they all agree , ita docent omnes , saith suarez k . sure he must have more love for protestants , than any true papist can have , who will run such hazards , to shew them favour . he must expect also to be burdened with the hatred of zealous chatholicks , and the effects thereof . they detest such a prince , and damn that political prudence , which forbears the severe execution of the laws against hereticks ; as being the way not only to ruine the church , but subvert a kingdom l they count none worthy the crown , who will not go through stitch with their design , for extirpating hereticks , and promoting the roman interest with fire and sword . nay they count such , though they be papists , as bad as hereticks , worse than turks , and unworthy to live ; they will have a price set on their heads , and assassinates hired to rid the world of them . so doctor stapleton , m counted one of their greatest and most sober divines . and these are not only points for speculation , they have been reduced to practice among those who have the repute of the most moderate papists in europe . henry d. and th two kings of france were assassinated on this account . a suspicion that they favoured protestants , was the great inducement to zealous catholicks to get them stab'd . the two kings since indeed have escaped better ; no wonder , for they never provoked the catholick assassinating spirit : they have given sufficient demonstration that they hate the protestants ; for though they kill them not out-right , yet have they reduced them to such circumstances , that their mortal enemies may to their satisfaction , see them dye a lingering death . and which more concernsus , the conspirators in all places having declared expresly , that if ro. h. do not answer their expectation , for rooting out of the protestant religion , and extirpating those that profess it : their design n is to destroy him after they have killed his brother . so that whatsoever respect they have for him on the account of his religion , yet after they have served their turn on him a while ; he must expect nothing but death , unless he will give assurance that he will ruine the protestants of these nations . hereby we may judge , what favour we may in reason promise our selves , from the temper or interest of a popish successor . but may not parliaments secure us by laws and provisions restraining the powers which endanger us ? there is nothing of this tendency can in reason be expected from parliaments , without securing the throne . for if the conspirators once gain that , it may be they will have no parliaments ; a government more arbitrary and violent is more agreeable to their principles and designs . it is apparent that popery , as it hath been by many occasions sublimated since the reformation , hath in a manner quite stifled the english spirit in english papists . they are for another government , in which the pope must be supreme , and to which our kings must be subjected or kill'd . and in civils , they are for an vniversal monarchy , by which this and others must be swallowed up ; and so they are still ready to devote themselves to that prince who bids fairest for it . so they did to the spaniard in queen elizabeths time , and now upon that account are wheeled off to the french : they have been forward upon all occasions , to sacrifice the honour of the king , and the liberty of the subject to the roman moloch ; they are much more his subjects than the kings ; and they are no more to be trusted as to the true english interest , than the italians or spaniards . they pass for natives indeed , being born among us ; but are plainly foreigners as to government , principle , interest , affection and design . we may well believe on these accounts they are no friends to parliaments , if they did not otherwise openly declare it . but if the necessity of their affairs should require a parliament , there is no great question but they may get such a one as will serve their turn : for so hath every of our former princes in all the changes of religion that have been amongst us . so did henry the th , both when he was for popery ; and when he was against it , and when he was partly both for it , and against it . so did edward the th . when he was wholly protestant . so did queen mary , when she was for burning them alive . so did queen elizabeth , when she run counter to her sister . there are english-papists enough already to furnish both houses ; and there will be more , if popery were once enthron'd . the strongest arguments which divers have for their religion , are drawn from the throne . the indifferency which is visible in too many , signifies that they will be determined by their interest , and their estates are like to out-weigh their religion . the warping of divers upon advancement , and acting counter to themselves when lower ; shews , there is something higher in their hearts , then that which should be supreme . the little concern they shew for religion , who in regard of their station in the church , should have the greatest zeal for it , disappointing and astonishing those who esteemed them protestants , and great supports of that profession . the little sense of any danger ( when our religion was never in such extreme hazard , since we and our fathers were born , ) the obstructing in one or both houses , of all that is offered to secure us , or hath the most probable tendency to it , by those from whom it was least expected . those greater heats against true protestants ( differing from us in some small things , ) than against papists ; when represented by this horrid plot in their own colours ; shews , that popery is no such formidable thing to many , now under another profession ; as it is , and will be to hearty protestants , and such as have effectually received the love of the truth . however by the laws which will be in force , when the throne is papal ; all protestants must be excluded from both houses . for all these must then pass under the notion of hereticks , and as such , not only by the constitutions of several popes , but by the decree o of a general council , received as obliging in popish countreys ; they are made uncapable of being admitted to any publick counsels , or of chusing any to sit there . this is but a branch , of one of the last penalties we must then lye under ; and thus all hopes of any relief by parliaments , under such a successor , are quite blasted . as for laws such as are , or may be made before-hand for restraining popery , and securing our religion under a popish soveraignty ; they will then be judged nullities , for they are no laws which are against the common good ; but these will be counted mischievous acts , of a pernicious nature and tendency ; being for the support of heresie , against their catholick interest . they will be null and void also , without any formal repeal , upon another account , viz. because enacted by an incompetent authority : for our parliaments are now , and have been long constituted of such as they count hereticks ; and these by the decrees and principles of their church have no p jurisdiction at all , much less that which is soveraign and legislative . they have no right to proceed in judgment upon laws duly made , so far are they from all just power to make any . and whereas no laws can be made in these realms without the concurrence of every of the three states in parliaments , they will not own any of them to be in a capacity to concur therein . the king being an heretick , is with them no king , he is devested of all prerogatives and royalties ; hath no power to call parliaments , or pass any bills there tendred ; he is no better with them then a private person , nay in a worse capacity than a good subject ; for by their principles he may lawfully be killed by a private hand . the nobles being hereticks , their blood is tainted by the highest treason , the attainder good in law , ( that law which will then be of most soveraign obligation ; ) they have lost all priviledge of peers , they have no titles to baronies , no rights to be summoned by writ , if there were any that had right to summon them . they have forfeited what they had by descent , though from popish ancestors ; and what they had by patent , is null and void . since our princes were protestants , they are no more lords , in the sense of the romish laws , nor have more right to sit as peers in making laws , than laws of jack straws creating . this is manifest by the first penaltie forementioned , and awarded against hereticks by the laws of the roman church ; which takes effect from the first day of their supposed heresie , before sentence of any judge . the commons being hereticks are no proprietors , and so have no power , no priviledge doe to the commons of england , they are born to no estates , if they be the issue of protestants ; the estates of their fathers being confiscated before they were born , and so is all they have acquired since by purchase , or otherwise . so that they have no right to be chosen , nor have protestants any right to chuse them , being no freeholders , nor having title to any goods or lands , by any tenure whatsoever . in short , by the judgment and sentence of their church , all ranks among us are in a state of vsurpation , we have no right to estate or life ( as we are like to find when they have power ; ) much less any authority to make laws : what our parliaments have enacted , or may do , for the securing of our religion , or restraint of catholicks ; is no more valid , no more obliging with them , than the acts or ordinances of meer usurpers , nor do they owe , nor will they pay them more observance ( when time serves ) than to the constitutions of so many thieves and robbers . but suppose our laws were valid , and enacted by a competent authority , yet being against the laws of the church , the soveraign authority of these will supersede the other : for so they determine , that when the canon and the civil laws clash , one requiring what the other allows not ; the church-law must have observance , and that of the state be neglected . their law q provides for its preeminence , in these words , constitutions against the canons and decreet of the roman bishops are of no moment . their best authors r are positive in it , and our own countrey affords us instances of it . the statutes of provisoes , and others of like nature , made in the reigns of edward the first , edward the third , richard the second , and henry the fourth , for the relief of the nation against papal incroachments : they were defeated by the popes authority , and in effect repealed , there being no effectual execution of them till henry the eighth's time . and if the pope ( the throne being once at his devotion ) should appear against any statutes or provisions made for our security , as pope martin s the fifth did against the statutes of edward the third , and edward the second , that would be enough to null them as to the consciences of roman catholicks ; or to lay them asleep , and render them ineffectual to the purposes they are designed for . we may see hereby what laws made now , for our security will signifie , when such a successor is in possession . upon the whole , our danger as to all our concerns , civil and religious , is very apparent , and looks upon us with such a terrible aspect , as scarce any true protestant can fully view it without horrour and trembling . our estates , lives , and souls are in extreme hazard , and what have we more ? that which will not secure us is discernable by the premises ; what expedient may be effectual to rescue us and our postery , who with us and all that is dear to both , are now in the very jaws of destruction , is humbly lest to the wisdom of the nation in parliament . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e a caput , vergentis , de hareticu . by the law of their church , sic omnes apostolicae sedis sanctiones accipiendae sunt tanquam ipsius divini petri voce sirmatae sint , distinct . . cap. . all the constitutions of the roman see must be received , as if they were made firm by st. peters own mouth . and it is enacted by a general doeree ( generali decreto constitutmus ) , that whatsoever king , bishop , or noble-man , shall believe that the decrees of the roman bishops may be , or shall suffer them to be violated in any thing , be accursed , ( execrandum anathema fit ) and shall for ever remain guilty before god , as a betrayer of the catholick faith. gans , . q. . cap. . b decretal . lib. . tit. . de hareticis . c caput infames . q. . cap. alieni . . q. . cap. excommunicamus . sect. credentes . de haereticis . cap. statum de baret . in . d de fide. disp . . sect. . n. . e suarez ibid. diana . sum. v. baeret . n. . pet. st. joseph in . deca●● p. . tho. sanchez . op . moral . lib. . n. . f suarez . ibid. num. 〈◊〉 g con. lateran . sub innocent . . in crab . tom. . concil . p. . h regul . juris . in . i de haereticis cap. ut commiss . in . k faber teraquillus , cantera , otalora in sanchez . ibid. l. . c. . n. . l cap. . sect. haeretic . de baereticis in . m aquinas , soto , castor , azor , simanca , & suarez , ibid. disp . sect . . num . . by the constitution of gregory , an heretick is deprived of all jurisdiction , whether natural , civil , or politick . simanca instit . tit . . sect . . juxta constitutiones gregorii , &c. n cap. final . de haretecis . o azon . instit . moral . tom. . l. . c. . q . penna , molina & sanchez . ibid c . m , . . p cap. . sed . final . de haereticis in . q bonacina de obligatione denunciandi , disp , . p. . n. . it a farinacius , azorius & alii ferè communiter . idex aliis sum. pontisicum constitutionibus probat penna . ibid. * decret . de heretic . c. . r cap. cum secundum leges , de har●ticis in . s suarez . ibid. disp . . sed. . n. . t cap. vergentes , vers . cum enim . de haercticis . cum longè sit gravius , aeternum quàm temporalem laedere majestatem . u ibid. sect . . n. . x ibid. cap. . n. . * quast . theol. lib. . q. . p. . y de haereticis . cap. cum secundum legis . in . z suarez , de fide. disp . . sect . n. . sanchez ubi supra , c. . n. ult . a simancha , vasquez in suarez , ibid. n , . b idem ibid. sect . . n. . c ibid. sect . . num . . in hoc offectu concors est sententia omnium scribentium . d ibid. lib. . num. . e idem . ibid. n. . f ibid. n. . g ibid. n. . h cap. vergentis . de haereticis . i menochius & alii in diana . sum. v. praescrip . n. . k sanchez . l. . c. . n. . l zanardus , director . pars . p. pag. . m cap. ad abolendum . de haereticis . vide suarez ubi supra . disp . . sect . . n. . & . n direct . pars da . pag. . o . dae . q. . art. corp. p decretal . l. . tit . . cap. . q saecularis relinquantur arbitrio potesatis , animadversione debita puniendi . which expression they thus explain , debita nimirum secundum jura civilia quae est paena mortis . so suarez ibid. disp . . sect. . n. . r idem ibid. sect. . n. . . s quia est occulator hareticorum — & ideo meritò judicatur fistè co●●ersus . ibid. sect , . t de hereticis . decretal . sect. inconsutilem . u jac. de grass . decis . l. . cap. . n. . suarez ubi supra . n. . x zanardus , director . da pars . pag. . y onufrius , vita pauli . z de restitut . disp . . q. ult . sect . . n. . sum. v. bellum . n. . theol. pract. tr. . c. . n. . a admonition to nobility and people , p. . b vid. silvest . v. bellum . c lib. de unione ecclesiastica ad sinem . and this was he who made it his business in so many courts to form a league against england ( having renounced the popes supremacy ) ; perswading the popish princes , that it was more necessary and meritorious than a war against the turks . d see the brieves of greg. . anno . and clement . , e dugdales deposition at the tryal of the five jesuits , p. . f in colemans tryal , p. . g ibid. pag. . h bradshaw in prances narrative , page . giffard in hist . plot. pag. . i de fide. disp . . se●l . . n. . zanard . ibid. cap. . pag. . * epil . contra venetas . k prances narrative , pag. . l ibid page . m epist . fron. duc . page . n gunpowder . treason . pag. . * ●●●●●bon ibid. p. . o mitigati●● , page . p 〈…〉 of the five jesuits , page . q cap. ut officium . r 〈…〉 l de primo praecepto . p. . ſ 〈…〉 praecept . di● . . q. . pu●●l . prop. . n. . u manual . l. cap. . n. , . x de fide . l. . c. . y cathol . instit . tit. . n. . z sum. da dae , q. . art. . a manual . l. . c. . n. . b philopat . p. . c cap. excommunicamus , de haereticis sect. moneantur . d graff . decis . l. . c. . n. . becanus de fide. c. . q. . n. . soto . distinct . . q. . art. . citing two texts of their law for it . cap. sicut de haereticis , & cap. siquis forte . . q. . e controvers . anglican . p. , . f in foulis . pag. . g zanard . direct . pars. . pag. . h cap. excommunicamus , de haereticis . i cap. error . distinct . & . cap. qui alius , de haereticis . k de fide. disp , . sect. . n. . l ribadeneira de principe , l. . cap . m orat. contra politicos , p. . & . in hospin . histor . jesuit . l. . c. sect . . n dr. oats narrative , pag. . n. . p. . n. . p. . n. p. . n. . p. . n. . p. . n. . p. . p. . n. . o cap. excommunicamus sect. credentes . tit. de haereti●i● . p jurta constitutiones greg. . haereticus privatur omni dominio naturali , civili , politico . simanca instit . cathol . tit. . n. . q 〈…〉 r victoria relect . pag. navar. manual . c. . n. . fumus v. lex . n. . b●nacina . tom. . disp . . q. . punet . . n. . diana . sum. v. in puisitor . n. . after barbosa and others . s barnet hist . reformation , page . hammond versus heamans, or, an answer to an audacious pamphlet, published by an impudent and ridiculous fellow, named roger heamans, calling himself commander of the ship golden lion wherein he endeavours by lies and holy expressions, to colour over his murthers and treacheries committed in the province of maryland, to the utter ruine of that florishing plantation : having a great sum sold himself to proceed in those cruelties, it being altogether answered out of the abstract of credible oaths taken here in england :in which is published his highnesses absolute (though neglected) command to richard bennet esq., late governour of virginia and all others, not to disturbe the lord baltamores plantation in maryland / by john hammond ... hammond, john, d. . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) hammond versus heamans, or, an answer to an audacious pamphlet, published by an impudent and ridiculous fellow, named roger heamans, calling himself commander of the ship golden lion wherein he endeavours by lies and holy expressions, to colour over his murthers and treacheries committed in the province of maryland, to the utter ruine of that florishing plantation : having a great sum sold himself to proceed in those cruelties, it being altogether answered out of the abstract of credible oaths taken here in england :in which is published his highnesses absolute (though neglected) command to richard bennet esq., late governour of virginia and all others, not to disturbe the lord baltamores plantation in maryland / by john hammond ... hammond, john, d. . [ ], p. for the use of the author, and are to be sold at the royal exchange in cornhill, printed at london : [ ] written in answer to an additional brief narrative of a late bloody design against the protestants in ann arundel county, and severn, in maryland ... by roger heaman ... . reproduction of original in huntington library. eng heaman, roger. -- additional brief narrative of a late bloody design. bennet, richard, th cent. protestants -- maryland. maryland -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . annapolis (md.) -- history -- colonial period, ca. - . a r (wing h ). civilwar no hammond versus heamans. or, an ansvver to an audacious pamphlet, published by an impudent and ridiculous fellow, named roger heamans, callin hammond, john b the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the b category of texts with fewer than defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - derek lee sampled and proofread - derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion hammond versus heamans . or , an ansvver to an audacious pamphlet , published by an impudent and ridiculous fellow , named roger heamans , calling himself commander of the ship golden lion , wherein he endeavours by lies and holy expressions , to colour over his murthers and treacheries committed in the province of maryland , to the utter ruine of that florishing plantation ; having for a great sum sold himself to proceed in those cruelties ; it being altogether answered out of the abstract of credible oaths taken here in england . in which is published his highnesses absolute ( though neglected ) command to richard bennet esq late governour of virginia , and all others , not to disturbe the lord baltamores plantation in maryland . by john hammond , a sufferer in these calamities . sam . v. . as touching the thing which thou and i have spoken of , behold , the lord be between thee and me . job . v. . is not thy wickednesse great , and thine iniquities innumerable ? job . . ye speak wickedly for gods defence , and talk deceitfully for his cause . printed at london for the use of the author , and are to be sold at the royall exchange in cornhill . hammond versus heamans . i was very opposite to publish my self to the world a fool in print , resolving rather to wait the determination of the supreme authority of england , by whō ( and not by railing invectives ) we must be tryed , than to have expressed so much indifferency as to have carped unseasonably at the proceeding of these inhuman , ingratefull , and blood-sucking sectaries , which mention god in their lips , but their hearts are farre from him ; but that i see daily a broaching of lyes , one confederating and in the neck of another , which begets belief amongst many , and carries a vulgar applause along with their action , the only way these people ever pitched on to effect their designs , and the rather are they credited by our silence . we desire to satisfie every man , and especially our worthy friends the noble virginians in england , ( for in virginia they are sufficiently informed ) and that by their unbyast discourses and relations they may undeceive such as the hypocricies of these fellows hath deluded . this , and the inward vexation which perplexeth me to read what they write , to hear what 's reported , awakes me , as knowing more of their deceits and proceedings than any man living . i have at this present written , lying by me an historicall relation of the transactions of virginia and maryland , under the government and tyranny of richard bennet and colonel claiborn , with many remarkable passages of such state-policies as they and their creatures used ; but will for a while forbeare to publish , as rather desiring this pen-jarring may cease ; but if any of this rout shall any more disturbe the world ( for us they cannot do ) with their seeming-sanctified lies , i will then not spare to acquaint the world what they are , and how they live , and give each of their characters to open view , which now lyes masked under the hood of holinesse and good disposition , in which i shall somewhat more largely answer leonard strongs babylons fall , the book of virginia and maryland , and other objections and allegations of theirs , being all full of impudence and ignorance . but that heamans should dare to write amazes me , knowing his imbecillity , his villany , and therefore i shall in my answer to him , briefly and in his own tone anatomize and lay him open to the world a fool , to the state a knave , to god a notorious offender , whose unfeigned repentance i cordially wish , and that his future portion of grace may over-ballance his former talents of wit and honesty , in the want of which the poor man hath been too too unhappy . but to the matter . roger heamans gives a great account in his whole relation of his extraordinary vigilancy and diligence in mannaging of his charge , and the trust imposed on him by his owners , but omits to insert what a disordered ship and company he had , how mutinous and quarrelsome they were amongst themselves , and how upon every drunken bout they had , what swords were drawn , what challenges made between the sea-men and their great commander , insomuch that the inhabitants observing their carraiges , with derision and detestation reported of the fantasticknesse of heamans and his rude ungoverned ships company . the insolencie of these were such towards the inhabitants , ( observing the licentiousnesse of those parts ) and taking occasion thereby , that they would sell commodities to whom they list , and lighting on greater prices , would of their own accords ( after delivery made ) repossesse themselves again , scoffing at any pretence of law or justice , saying , ( as it after proved too true ) that their ship was of force enough to awe the whole countrey , inflicting punishments on the planters , and robbing houses as they went , all which is sufficiently proved by depositions already taken . he relates how civilly he entreated captain stone , formerly governour stone , who refused the title of governour from him , informing him that one captain fuller was governor of the province , and intimates , that from that relation he bends to fuller , as governour ever after . how disconsonant to reason this is , let any judge that know reason , that know the passages , that know captain stones temper . at such time as bennet and claiborn came into maryland , and had compacted to take the government out of the hands of captain stone , after he had notice of the power they had gathered , he likewise impowered himself for defence , and was in possibility to have cut bennet and claiborn and all off , but those few papists that were in maryland ( for indeed they are but few ) importunatly perswaded governour stone not to fight , left the cry against the papists ( if any hurt were done ) would be so great , that many mischiefs would ensue , wholly referring themselves to the will of god , and the lord protectors determination ; & although the protestant party with indignation to be so fooled , submitted to what their governour was perswaded to do , yet could not but complaine in that particular against the cowardize of the papists . after they had dispossest governour stone of his authority , and had by promises to dis-bandon their party , perswaded him to do the like , they presented him with a draught for resignation under his hand , which when he refused , their whole party upon notice given , on a sudden returned , to the astonishment of himself , and affrightment of his wife and children , and required perenitorily to subscribe to what they had written , which he did , saying , it matters not what it is , i will , being thus enforced , write what ye will have me , it cannot be binding nor valid ; lo here the observance of bennet and claiborns promises , and after this they would have impowered him as governour from them , which with scorn he refused ; nor did governour stone ever in his own esteem , nor in the eyes of those that had been faithfull to his government , look on himself as lesse or otherwise than governour , nor ever received other title , how be it he ceased to act untill he heard further from england ; yet in heamans his hearing and aboard that ship which he calls himself commander of , governour stone , and secretary hatton both , had some words with mr. preston the new-made commander , complaining of their injurious assuming of the government , and taking away of the records , threatning , that unlesse they would return them again , they would compell them away . how then did he dis-own his government ? and for him to point to fuller as governour , had not only been base , but ridiculous ; for neither fuller himself ( untill after their murtherous assasinations ) nor the commission he had from bennet and claiborn , did own or make him so ; for after governour stone refused to derive or meddle with power from bennet and claiborn , they erected no governour at all , but gave commission to ten men , fuller being first in that commission , to be conservators of the peace , untill further order ; then how is heamans relation true ? he next after some frivolous relations prosecutes his feigned narration of what his governour fuller ( for untill heamans made him one he was never any ) had done in his absence , what messages he had received frō his governor , how obedient he was to the supreme command of fuller , how carefull to follow his merchants businesses , and yet how charitable and relenting to those poor-distressed souls that begged his assistance . — hear this o ye heavens ! at such time as captain samuel tilman , ( a man ever to be honoured ) arrived into maryland , he repaired to governour stone , acquainting him , that the lord baltemore had not lost his countrey as was bruted abroad , and brought him some instructions and certainties of his highnesses owning him the said stone for governour , and when he was reproved by one captain john smith , then high sheriff , for giving captaine stone the frequent appellation of governour , he replyed , i must and shall own him and no other for governour of these parts , for seeing my lord protector so stiles him , and by that title writes to him , i neither can nor dare call him otherwise , and his example is my warrant . upon this the said smith ( as a man affrighted ) hies him home , repaires to fuller and the rest , they treat with heamans to assist their opposition , compound with him for a great quantity of tobacco , and so prepare to oppose all power that should controle theirs . governour stone sent me , not knowing of the compact of heamans and the rest , to patuxent to fetch the records ; i went unarmed amongst these sons of thunder , onely three or four to row me , and despite of all their braves of raising the country , calling in his servants to apprehend me , threatned me with the severity of their new-made law ; my selfe alone seized and carried away the records in defiance ; at which time , what ever heamans pretends of compacts with heathens and papists to destroy them , richard preston their great but then quaking-commander , shewed me a letter from heamans , wherein he promised the ship , ammunition and men , should be at their service if occasion were , and incouraged them not to think of yeelding to governour stone , nor any power from the lord baltemore , and this was the first discovery that ever was made by governour stone , and not a man in armes , nor intended to be at that time , and yet before this , meerly upon captaine tilmans words , and their own jealousies , had heamans confederated with , and hired himself to them , and yet this fellow must not onely justifie his judas-like dealings , but as it were , challenge applause and merit . after this , my self again unarmed proclamed a proclamation amongst them , put in a new commander in the face of the whole county met , who as people over-joyed to return to their former just gouernment , as in their voluntary and humble petitions , they presenting acknowledged the lord protector as supreme was prayed for , and pardons were as freely consented to , as intreated for . but those poor-oppressed souls of severn , as heamans stiles them , being of another temper and county , & more remote , having heamans and his company their assured janiza●●● , rather choosing to lose their lives than their lordings ; sent peremtory messengers to the governour , ( not such as heamans relates & sets down , ) which we all here know to be invented , and rather kept and contrived to be published in england , than intended for their governour , who zealously affected peace , and twice before had suffered himself rather to be fooled out of his government , than to hazard the shedding of blood . but how comes it that their little agent strong , nor the impudent author of virginia and maryland , in either of their whisking treatises mention these so specious propositions inserted in heamans his works ? heamans you do it scurvily , and we shall yet further discover you . the joyning with heathens , the plundering of houses , the intent to fire your ship , the hyring of abraham hely , and the horrid treacheries you load us with , will more particularly be questioned and answered in another place than here ; we have your book for evidence of your charge , we only fear you will turn jack lilborn , and put us to prove it to be yours , which if you do , we have other reckonings to put on your score . you can in nothing deal truly , the letter you pretend you received , my self writ , i procured another , now happily arrived , to transcribe it , which the governour signed , the contents whereof were , that he had been informed upon sight of a letter pretended to come from you , that you intended some disturbance in the province , and had promised mr. preston the assistance of your ship , ammunition and men , he rather conceived it was a forgery , and you abused , than that any such things really were , and hoped you came for a peaceable trade , and to follow your imployers businesse , and not to meddle with the differences of the country , promising you all encouragement and justice that could possibly be expected , and earnestly intreating , that if you had any such resolution you would declare it , which had you done , and not treacherously coloured it over with promises to wait on the governour , he had retired , no blood had been spilt . the warrants you so croud in your book , in the name of the lord protector , you imagine peradventure will bear you out , had you not been hired the jugling had been handsome , but now 't is foolish , nor can any rebellion ever bear bulk , unlesse it passe on in the name of supreme authority . for the letter you pretend you writ , you confesse you did it by advice of your severn imployers ; yet in that you affirm a monstrous untruth in saying the government setled in captain fuller was since established by the lord protector , you shall by and by see how all such pretended powers are by his highnesses absolute commands null , but never be able nor no stickler of you all to prove any confirmation , had you had any such thing , although you talk much of it , you would have posted it and published it to the world in capitall letters . you great merchant richard owen , and his best penn'd-letter , if it be his , that ever came from him , was not a matter materiall for the presse , we knew him a year or two since a planter of little credit , and now a very sorry merchant , yet any stuff will serve such as yee are . concerning the firing of your ship ( i speak to the abused world , not to heamans ) he knows already what i writ is true , that at tryall of the governour and councell , one captain findall upon examination did acknowledge , that after heamans treachery to shoot at them having discovered himself an enemy , he undantedly told them that himself , could he have compassed it , would have fired his ship . but how prettily do they forge ? fuller he sayes informed him that captain stone intended to fire his ship , and this dispute between the hireling and the master must be taken as a truth , and come likewise to the presse , and yet heamans and they bargained before : here , if it had been truth , you again shew your self a fool , to ingage because fuller affrighted you . and why should captain stone think of firing your ship , had you not been a declared enemy ? or if he had such an intent , why did he by letter addresse himself to you to stand newter ? before this addresse fuller and yee fomented these jealousies amongst the people , which by that after addresse , was clearly manifest it was never intended , therefore being in its own reason only a fiction , wherefore did you print it ? the cause of your seaman helies running away , i know not , but have been informed the fellow was of an honest temper , and that your fantastick domineerings was the cause he rather chose to lose his voyage , than longer to continue under you . in your whole relation of commands and arguments between you and your imployers , you so impudently juggle , that you raise both laughter and anger in me ; i shall not swell this to descant on each frivolous passage . the delivery of your benefactors of ann arundel country , is indeed a demy-miracle as you deliver it , but let a true information be received , it will appear otherwise ; first , to be treacherously dispersed and hurried a shore , as our men were by heamans firing at them . next , to be pursued by an other vessell , commanding at a distance , and so seizing on our boats and ammunition ; what a great matter did ye ? it is and hath been ordinary for a hundred men to surprize and take prisoners two hundred , but ye had more , ours not so many as i mention , and the difference was , ours came with a resolution rather to treat than fight , yours resolved to have the government or nothing , and therefore would not suffer any declaration to be published , but surprized the messenger , and what was most monstrous , after free-quarter giver , to adjudge , condemn , and execute , as ye did , your self heamans sitting in consultation , and being of their counsell of war , and most active to have all executed , none reprieved , no not the governour himself ; it was the first time that ever heamans had power of condemnation , and therefore thought to grow glorious by his unsampled severity . take a little view of these oaths , and then judge of this , and these fellowes . henry coursey , nicholas guyther , and richard willan , of the province of maryland in america , gent. maked oath , that in or about the latter end of may , in the year . his highnesse the lord protector of the common-wealth of england , scotland , and ireland , and the dominions thereunto belonging , was by captain william stone , the lord baltamores governour of that province , caused to be proclamed in the head of the people there , they being then summoned in by capt. stone for that purpose ; and the said governor took order with captain tilman , and mr. bosworth , two cōmanders of ships , then trading in that province , to shoot off severall peeces of ordnance from their respective ships , in honour of that solemnity . and they further depose , that in the moneth of july then next following , mr. richard bennet ( the then governour of virginia ) and colonel william claiborn , the then secretary thereof , came from virginia to patuxent river in the said province of maryland , and there entertained as souldiers the inhabitants of the said river , with those of ann arundell , otherwise by them called providence , as also the inhabitants of the isle of kent within the said province , and so forced the said captain stone to resign his government . and the said deponent henry coursey further saith , that the said bennet and claiborn , afterwards forced the said governour to set his hand to a writing , the contents whereof as this deponent doth remember was , that he should not meddle with the resuming of the government again in the lord baltamores behalf . and all the said deponents further say , that the said bennet & claiborn then seized upon the records of the said province , & put them into the possession of one captain william fuller , mr. richard preston , and william durand ; and the deponent hen. coursey saith , that in march last , the said captain stone sent up to the said inhabitants of ann arundel , one mr. luke barber , and the said deponent henry coursey , with a proclamation to require the inhabitants there to yeeld obedience to the lord baltamores officers , under his highnesse the lord protector ; and that when the said mr. barber and this deponent henry coursey came thither they found the people there all in arms , and the said fuller would not suffer this deponent to read the said proclamation , and so refusing to give any obedience thereunto , the said mr. barber and this deponent were dismissed , but suddenly after ( before conveniently they could get away ) were taken prisoners by that party , whereby the said governour captain stone was prevented of any answer , whereupon he proceeded to come up with what force he had into the river , called by some severn , where these people lived : and all these deponents say , that when the said captain stone came into the said river , there was one captain roger heamans , with a great ship called the golden lion , whereof he was commander , who presently shot at captain stones boats as they passed by him ; and the said guyther and willan do further depose , that the said captain stone ( to avoid the said shot ) went into a creek in the said river , where one mr. cuts with another ship ( whereof he was master , blocked up the mouth thereof and upon any discovery forced there ordnance at the said captain stone and his party , untill such time as the said inhabitants of ann arundel had transported themselves over the river , unto the said captain stone and his party ; where after some dispute , the governour ( finding himself over-powred ) yeelded upon quarter , whereupon he and most of his party were transported over the river to a fort at ann arundel , where they were all kept prisoners , and about three dayes after , the said captain fuller , william burgees , richard evans , leo : strong , william durand , the said roger heamans , iohn brown , iohn cuts , richard smith , one thomas , and one bestone , samson warren , thomas meares , and one crouch , sat as in a councel of war , and there condemned the said governour captain stone , colonel iohn price , mr. iob chandler , mr. william eltonhead , mr. robert clerk , the said deponent nicholas guyther , captain william evans , captain william lewis , mr. iohn legat , and iohn pedro to dye , whereof they executed mr. william eltonhead , captain william lewis , mr. iohn legat , and iohn pedro , the rest being preserved at the request of the souldiers and women belonging to the said party at ann arundel ; after which execution , the common souldiers that did belong to the said captain stone , were sent away to their severall homes , but the officers and the said messengers were detained longer , and at the discharging of the said deponents henry coursey and nicholas guyther , the pretended councel of war imposed an oath upon them , that they should not write into england to give the lord baltamore any information of their proceedings ; and not long after they sequestred all the estates of those of the lord baltamores councel and officers there ; and the said henry coursey further deposeth , that he was present when mr. william eltonhead desired to be allowed an appeale to his highnesse the lord protector in england , but it was refused him by the said pretended councel of war at ann arundel ; and the said deponents henry coursey and nicholas guyther do further depose , that a little before the sending of the proclamation before mentioned , to the people at ann arundel , they heard the said captain stone declare unto certain messengers whom these people had sent unto him , that if the said people , who he understood were in arms , would repaire unto their severall homes , and submit themselves unto the former established government under the lord baltamore , which did acknowledge his highnesse the lord protector as soveraign lord , he would not offer any violence to them , or do them any prejudice , either in their persons or estates , or words to the very same effect ; and the deponent richard willan doth also further depose , that about the time when the said luke barber and henry coursey went with the said proclamation above mentioned , he heard the said captain stone command that none of his party should rob or plunder any upon pain of death . henry coursey . nicholas guyther . richard willan . sworn all three the second day of iuly . before me na. hobart , a master of the chancery in ordinary . now may the reader throughly understand their religion , their humanity , their usage of his highnesses name , and to what purpose , not to act further by it than shall conduce to their own ends ; they will , they say , be subordinate to no power but to the lord protector , and yet deny appeales to his highnesse , rejecting his highnesses commands , breath out vants , that if his highnesse will not own their actings , they will not take notice of what comes from him . they imprisoned , fined , and hardly forbore to have executed doctor luke barber , notwithstanding he brought in a letter from his highnesse , directed to captain william stone , governour for the lord baltamore of his province of maryland , intimating thus , that the bearer hereof luke gardner , having been one of his domestick servants , was intended to remove himself and family into maryland , and therefore he intreated him to show him for his sake , what lawfull favour and assistance he could , signing it . oliver p. and under his highnesses signet . this was pretended a forgery , and mr. barber put to prove it to be the lord protectors , but he must prove it in that place , no appeale could lie good , and the gentleman as i have often heard him protest , was so over-awed , that at last he durst not affirmatively maintain it came from his highnesse , but answered doubtfully and distractedly . a strange impudence when a mandate so sacred as under his highnesses hand and seal , must not only be disputed , but to require a further evidence then himself , witnessing what shall issue out from himself , this is the greatest spurning against , and overthrowing authority , that ever was heard of or suffered . his highnesse having notice of the proceedings of bennet , claiborn , and these people , notwithstanding the sweet letter 〈…〉 to bennet , requiring him to cherish peace in the plantation , now further declares himself as followeth . sir , whereas the difference betwixt the lord baltamore and the inhabitants of virginia , concerning the bounds by them respectively claimed , are depending before us and our councel , and yet undetermined , and that as we are credibly informed , you have notwithstanding gone into his plantation in maryland , and countenanced some people there , in opposing the lord baltamores officers ; therefore for preventing of disturbances or tumults , we do will and require you , and all others deriving authority from you , to forbear disturbing the lord baltamore or his officers and people in maryland , and to permit all things to remain as they were there , before any disturbance or alteration made by you or any other , upon pretence of authority from you , till the said difference above-mentioned be determined by where , and that we give you further order therein : we rest , to richard bennet esq governour of virginia , these . your loving friend , signed oliver p. white-hall , jan. ● . . copia vera examinatur per will. malin . by this it appeares how great care hath been by his highnesse used to prevent blood-shed , yet nothing will prevaile , and although by this in appeares that bennets pretended power ceased , and any derived from him , yet will not leo ▪ strong , the munkle-agent of providence ( as he calls himself ) cease to be an agent , but will justle this high command and revocation ; he peradventure at last will pretend his deafnesse , that he never heard it , but cannot alleage blindnesse , for he had and shall again see what it is . were not their actions very justifiable when they shold keep men in prison untill they should submit to an oath imposed on them , never to write for england , or to the lord baltamore , what had been done ? and suffer none to depart for england but what got away by stealth ? my self being proscribed by proclamation , and a great reward for him that should bring in my head , yet was i never in armes , nor never was an instigator against any of them in all these hurliburlies . we have many authentick testimonies discovering all their actions and proceedings , which are too voluminous to be inserted into an answer to such an ideot as the commander of the golden lion ; we hereby endeavour to give you onely a hint that heamans hath abused the world with his pamphlet , not a sillable whereof is truth ; how he hath deluded his owners with pretence of his care ; how he hath spurned at and belied the supreme authority ; how he hath intruded himself without any lawfull call , into the seat of justice , and there acted the part of a bloody and aggravating murtherer , condemning innocents and trampling on the souls of them he hath betrayed to death , for without his combination nothing of this had happened , and our selves had without rigor , without blood-shed , compelled obedience to the supreme command of his highnesse under the lord baltamore , whom we with all solemnity proclamed , and under whose protection we rejoyced , as our soveraign lord ; issuing out generall pardons in commemoration of that great and happy solemnity . and therefore we do and shall justly charge this heamans with all the blood spilt in our province , as the immediate author , with all the ruines , the banishments , the sequestrations of estates , and the heart-breaking griefs he hath yeelded our wifes and children , to whom if ever we return again , it is through many dangers and hazzards . for the cry of hey for st. maries , hey for two wives , if any rude souldier in those of any other termes were abusive , it must not colour your matchination , it proceeded by no order of the governours , nor from the mouthes of any of quality , themselves were civill and atractive , nor was ever any party afoot without some absurd expression , or disordered language ; but these are weak flourishes , and will only bear you out in weak esteemes . your observation of captain stones dejection , and his renunciation of the lord baltamore , the dead-heartedness of the prisoners , being onely affirmed by your self , is of as little credit as any thing else you have related ; nor are you and your compacted theevish ships company , to be evidences one for another , and no better than theeves and murtherers , to justifie you you have none ; the religious rejoycing you mention , is no otherwise than such prayers and rejoycings as theeves and gamsters at or after their enterprises use , and as acceptable to god ; but seeing heamans was a judge to condemn , and now is become a writer , i shall no longer dwell on heamans papers , i shall conclude with that fearful wo denounced by the prophet isaiah , against such as you are , isa. ● . v. . wo unto them that decree wicked decrees , and write grievous things , verse . to keep back the poor from judgement , and to take away the judgment of the poor of my people ; that widows may be their prey , and that they may spoil the fatherlesse . finis . certamen religiosum, or, a conference between the late king of england and the late lord marquesse of worcester concerning religion together with a vindication of the protestant cause from the pretences of the marquesse his last papers which the necessity of the king's affaires denyed him oportunity to answer. bayly, thomas, d. ? approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing b estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) certamen religiosum, or, a conference between the late king of england and the late lord marquesse of worcester concerning religion together with a vindication of the protestant cause from the pretences of the marquesse his last papers which the necessity of the king's affaires denyed him oportunity to answer. bayly, thomas, d. ? [ ], , p. printed for w. lee and r. royston ..., london : . "to the reader" signed: c.c. reproduction of original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to 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likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng worcester, henry somerset, -- marquis of, - . charles -- i, -- king of england, - . protestants -- great britain. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion certamen religiosum : or , a conference between the late king of england , and the late lord marquesse of worcester , concerning religion . together with a vindication of the protestant cause , from the pretences of the marquesse his last papers ; which the necessity of the king's affaires denyed him oportunity to answer . london , printed for w. lee , at the turks head in fleet-street , and r. royston at the angel in ivie-lane . . to the reader . courteous reader , i doe not desire by way of preface to trouble thee with many words , but something i must crave leave to say , that thou mayest the better understand the reason and nature of this ensuing worke . it may be thou art not unacquainted with a booke , which now hath beene extant some * years . the title of it is certamen religiosum , and it containeth in it a conference , which was held partly by word of mouth , but chiefly by writing , betwixt the late king and the marquesse of worcester , a stiffe defender of the romish religion . to the marquesses first plea ( i speake of that , which passed betwixt them in writing ) the king returned answer ; but the marquesse replying , the kings occasions ( it seemes ) would not permit him to rejoyne , especially the reply being so large , and so thick lin'd with quotations , that the perusall and examination of it would require no little time . i know there are * some , who account this conference no better then supposititious ; which reflecting upon the publisher of it , doctor baily , he hath lately in a preface to a † booke , which hee hath set forth of his own , vindicated himself , and asserted the conference . for my part , i know no cause to question the truth of the relation , neither , as to my purpose , is it much materiall , whether there were any such conference ; or if there were , whether it were so mannaged , as is related . this i see , that in the booke before mentioned ( to wit , certamen religiosum ) the romish cause is set out in great pompe , both scriptures and fathers being produced as asserting most of those opinions , which they of the church of rome maintaine , and we impugne , and the reader is left naked , and unfurnished with any armes and weapons , wherewith either to defend himselfe , or to offend his adversary save onely as he shall be able to provide for himselfe , and bring with him . the first time that i heard the booke mentioned , ( which was about the last spring it was spoken of as a booke of no little danger , and so ( i understand since ) diverse judge of it . yea , i have heard that some have said , that the marquesse in this reply hath done more for the church of rome , then any have done before him . when i got the booke , and looked a while into it , though i saw no reason to conceive so highly of it , as ( it seemes ) some have done , yet i found in it i confesse ) much more then i expected , so much as that i thought it operae pretium no mis-pent time to answer it . this i have indeavoured ; how i have performed it , is left to thee ( reader ) to judge . the great difficulty in the undertaking did arise from the multitude of authors that are alleged ( whether the marquess himselfe did peruse these authors , or tooke them upon trust from others , i will not inquire , much lesse determine ) especially considering how lax and loose the quotations are , the words of the authors being scarce once in a hundred times cited , and sometimes onely the authour named , many times only the book , but no chapter or section mentioned . in this respect it could not be expected , that every allegation should receive a punctuall answer , besides that ( as in the rejoynder it selfe upon occasion i acknowledge ) sometimes for want of the authour i had not liberty to examine what is alleged ; but this ( i presume ) will not be found so frequent , nor yet at all prejudiciall to the maine , so much still being said as may suffice to take off the force of that which is objected . there is an answer already come forth to the marquesses last paper , with which i have to deale . the * authour of it is a gentleman of much reading , well versed in greek and latin writers , both ecclesiasticall and others , as appears by this work , which is all that i have seene of his , though i hear of something else that he hath published not without great commendation . i had undertaken this task before i had any intimation that another was about it : and i think this of mine was at the presse before the foresaid answer came from it . i could not confine my selfe to such narrow bounds as that gentleman hath done in answer to the marquesse , ( for he hath others also besides him to deal with ) the reason of his concisenes is best knowne unto himselfe . i have launched further into the deepe , and have exspatiated more in the discussion of those points , which are handled by the marquesse ; yet so , as that the reader ( i hope ) will have no cause to complaine of proxility , or to thinke me tedious . i have divided the worke into two parts ; in the former part i have indeavoured to shew the ungroundednes of the romish doctrine in those points , which the marquesse propoundeth , and the repugnancy of it both to scriptures and fathers , notwithstanding any thing he hath alleged in defence of it . in the latter part i have laboured to wipe off those aspersions , which the marquesse doth cast upon diverse of our most eminent divines , and chiefe instruments in the worke of reformation , as luther , calvin , zuing lius , melancthon and beza , partly in respect of their doctrine , and partly in respect of their conversation . this the learned answerer before mentioned hath not attempted ; but i did not think it meete to wave it , calumnies and reproches being more apt to prevaile with some then any other argument whatsoever . some points of controversie also , which the marquesse taketh occasion to bring in , having not mentioned them before , are insisted on in this second part. some perhaps may say , quorsum perditio haec ? what needed all this ? these controversies haveing bin sufficiently handled by our writers , both at home and abroad , long agoe . i answer , 't is true , they have bin so : yet if the marquesse thought it not enough that bellarmine and many others of the romish party have written largely in that behalfe , but judged it meet to produce his own plea ; i think there is as much reason why we should consider what he saith , and that some answer should be given him , that so none may boast , as some are apt to doe in such a case , that because hee is unanswered , therfore he is unanswerable . and besides , though ( nil dictum , quod non dictum priùs ) the matter be not new , yet there may be ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) a handling of the same things in another manner : yea , and diverse treating of the same subject , something may be found in one , which is not in another . but ( may some say ) there are many other great and grosse errours of late sprung up among us , and these doe rather call for our care and diligence to suppresse them . for answer unto this , i grant that the prevailing errours of the times are mainly to be opposed ; yet ( as our saviour said in another case ) this ought to be done , and the other not to be left undone . yea , popery is the grand evill that doth infest the church ; and by how much it is the more inveterate , & the more diffused , by so much the danger of it is the greater , and it requires the more opposition . there is also a speciall warning to come out of babylon , revel . . . and certainly it will availe us little to come out , except we also keepe out of it . and if we would keep our selves out of babylon , we must keepe the babylonish doctrine from finding entertainment with us . this will aske no little care , no humane policy in the world ( i think ) being greater then that which is used either for the supporting of that doctrine where it is , or the introducing of it where it is not embraced . shall we thinke that the romanists are idle in these busy times ? though few doe shew themselves , as the marquesse did , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) with open face ; yet we may well suspect that many are working so , as that by how much they are the lesse conspicuous , by so much they are the more dangerous . and as david in a certaine case said to the woman of tekoah , is not the hand of joab with thee in all this ? so in respect of that heape of heterodox opinions that is among us , may it not be said , is not the hand of a iesuite in all this ? diverse pamphlets in these times have admonished us to beware , and among the rest one intituled mutatus polemo ( what ever the authors designe were ) doth speake not a little to this purpose . before these trouble some times began , some have either expressed ( as mr. archer ) or intimated ( as mr. mede ) that ( in their opinion ) popery shall yet againe for a while universally prevaile in those countries and nations , out of which it hath bin expelled . if this be so ( as for any thing i see , i may hope the contrary ) may it not be feared , that , as those many antichrists ( as they are called joh. . . ) that is , those many heretikes , that were in the primitive times , did make way for the rise of that great antichrist ; so these in our times may make way for the restauration of him ? and whereas we have heard long since of romes master-peece , i see not how any romish designe can better deserve this title , then so to debase the ministery , and to decry learning , as the practice of many is in these times . hoc ithacus velit , hoc magno mercentur atreidae , the chieftaines of the church of rome can desire nothing more , then that among their adversaries the ministery should be cast down , and learning overthrown . for then why should they doubt but that they may soon reduce all unto them , none being now of any competent ability to oppose them ? it is observed by those that are acquainted with ecclesiasticall history , that when learning was the lowest , then popery got to be highest ; as the one decayed , so the other was advanced : and on the otherside , that the restauration of good literature did make way for the reformation of religion . surely , if popery overspread againe , barbarisme and illiteratenesse is a most likely means to effect it . neither are the papists ( i suppose ) lesse politick , and wise in their generation then julian the apostate was , who could see no fairer way , whereby to re establish gentilisme , then by indeavouring to devest christians of learning , a thing so vile and odious , that ammianus marcellinus himselfe , though a pagan , and a great admirer of julian , was ashamed of it , and shewed great dislike of julian for it , calling it a cruell part , and a thing to be buried in perpetuall silence . but i have held thee ( reader ) longer then i did intend ; i will preface no further , but praying unto the lord to preserve his church from errors without , and to purge it from errors within , i rest thy friend and lover in the truth . c c. the contents of the first part of the reioynder . of the marks of the true church , which they of the church of rome assigne , as universality , antiquity , visibility , succession of pastors , unity in doctrine , and the coversion of nations , page , to of having recourse unto the scriptures in matters that concern religion , , , of relying either on fathers singly and severally considered , or on a generall councel , , , , that the apostles , as pen-men of the holy ghost , could not erre , of the easiness and plainness of the scriptures , , of the presence of christ in the sacrament of the lords supper , , to whether the church hath any infallible rule besides the scripture for the understanding of scripture , , to againe of the scriptures being easie to be understood , , whether the church can erre , or not , , to againe of the visibility of the church , , of the universality of the church , , to of the unity of the church in matters of faith , , of kings and queens being heads or governours and governesses of the church within their dominions , , of the ministers power to forgive sins , ( as 't is misprinted ) to of confessing sins to a ghostly father , , to of works of superogation , , to of free-will , , to of the possibility of keeping the commandements , , to of justification by faith alone , , to of merits , to whether justifying faith may be lost , to of reprobation , to of assurance of salvation , to whether every believer hath a peculiar angel to be his guardian , to of the angels praying for us , and knowing our thoughts , , , of praying to the angels , to whether the saints deceased know our affairs here below , , to of the saints deceased praying for us , , to of praying to the saints deceased , , to of confirmation , whether it be a sacrament properly so called , , to of communicating in one kinde , , to of the sacrifice of the masse , as they call it : or whether christ be truly and properly offered up and sacrificed in the eucharist , or lords supper , , to whether orders ( or rather ordination ) be a sacrament of like nature with baptisme and the lord supper , , to of vows of chastity , and of the marriage of ecclesiastical persons , , to of christs descending into hell , , to of purgatory , , to of extreme unction , , to of the saying of austine , evangelio non crederem , nisi me ecclesiae authoritas commoveret , i should not believe ( or should not have believed , crederem for credidissem ) the gospel , except the authority of the church did move ( or had moved , comoveret for commovisset ) me to it . , , &c. the contents of the second part of the rejoynder . of the doctrine and discipline of the church of england , page , of luthers doctrine , , to zuinglius vindicated from that which by the way is charged upon him , of calvines doctrine , , to of zuinglius his doctrine , , to of melancthons doctrine , , , . of andreas musculus his doctrine , . and in the addition . of the divisons that are among protestants , of that unity which is among them of the church of rome , , to of crimes charged upon protestants , and the testimonies alledged for proof of them , of luthers conference with the devil , , , whether zuinglius were an authour of war , and a disturber of peace , &c. , beza cleared of a foul aspersion cast upon him , , of luthers writing against king henry . , of the people of the reformed churches , whether they be so vitious and corrupt , as they are censured , , a vindication of calvin in respect of vild aspersions cast upon him , , mantuans testimony concerning rome , and the corrupt estate of it , , whether the doctrine of the church of rome be the the same still that it was at first , of prayers for the dead , , , of lent-fast , , of mingling water with wine in the lords supper , , , of diverse ceremonies , which the church of rome useth in baptisme , , of the necessity of infants baptisme , and whether they may be saved without it , , , of the several ecclesiastical orders which they have in the church of rome , , , of the pope and his supremacy , , , of service in an unknown tongue , , , of festivals , , of reliques , , of pictures and images , , to of the signe of the crosse , of luther , husse , and wickliffe holding some errours , and so others that oppose the church of rome , that some before berengarius , as namely bertram , did professedly impugne that reall presence of christ in the sacrament , which they of the church of rome maintain , , certamen reli giosum : or , a conference between the late king of england , and the late lord marquesse of worcester , concerning religion , at his majesties being at ragland-castle , . marquesse . sir , i hope if they catch us in the act , it will not be deemed in me an act of so high conspiracy , in regard that i enter the lists , leaning upon a doctor of your own church . to whom the king replyed as merrily , my lord , i know not whether i should have a better opinion of your lordship for the doctors sake , or a worse opinion of the doctor for your lordships sake ; for though you leane much upon his arme , yet he may lean more upon your judgment . marq. sir , it conduceth a little to the purpose we have in hand , to be a little serious in the thing you speak of : your majesty knows the grounds of my acquaintance with the doctor , and my obligation to him , which difference in opinion shall never mitigate in point of affection ; but i protest unto you , i could never gain the least ground of him yet , in perswading him from his principles . king. it may be your lordship hopes to meet with a weaker disputant of me . marq. not so , and if it please your majesty , but i think thus : that if it should please god to make me so happy an instrument of his churches good , as to be a means to incline your royall heart to imbrace the truth , i beleeve that he , and thousands such as he , would be soon brought to follow your majesty in the right way , who are so constant followers of your steps whilst you are in a wrong path : the oaths which they have taken , the relation which their hierarchy have to the crown , which must be no longer so , but whilst the government of the church and soules , stand as a reserve to the regiment of lives and fortunes , the preferment which they expect from your majesty , and the enjoyment of those preferments which they have already , which they must no longer enjoy , then whilst they are , or seem to be of your opinion , causeth them to smother their own knowledge , whilst their mouths are stopt with interest ; whereas if the strong tide of your majesties opinion were but once turn'd , all the ships in the river would soon turn head . hereupon the marquesse fell abruptly from his subject , and asked the king , sir , i pray tell me what is it that you want ? the king smiled a little at his sudden breaking off , and making such preposterous haste to aske that question , answered , king. my lord , i want an army , can you help me to one ? marq. yes , that i can ; and to such a one , as should your majesty commit your self to their fidelity , you should be a conquerour , fight as often as you please . king. my lord , such an army would do the businesse : i pray let me have it . marq. what if your majesty would not confide in it , when it should be presented unto you ? king. my lord , i would fain see it , and as fain confide in that , of which i had reason to be confident . marq. take gedeons three hundred men , and let the rest be gone . king. your lordship speaks mystically , will it please you to be plain a little ? marq. come , i see i must come nearer to you : sir , it is thus : god expected a work to be done by your hands , but you have not answered his expectation , nor his mercy towards you : when your enemies had more cities and garrisons , then you had private families to take your part ; when they had more cannons then you had muskets ; when the people crouded to heap treasures against you , whilst your majesties friends were fain here and there to make a gathering for you ; when they had navies at sea , whilst your majesty had not so much as a boat upon the river ; whilst the oddes in number against you was like a full crop against a gleaning ; then god wrought his miracle , in making your gleaning bigger then their vintage ; he put the power into your hand , and made you able to declare your self a true man to god , and gratefull to your friends : but like the man whom the prophet makes mention of , who bestowed great cost and paines upon his vincyard , and at last it brought forth nothing but wilde grapes ; so when god had done all these things for you , and expected that you should have given his church some respit to their oppressions , i heard say , you made vows that if god blest you but * that day with victory , you would not leave a catholike in your army ; for which i feare the lord is so angry with you , that ( i am afraid ) he will not give you another day wherein you may so much as trie your fortune : your majesty had forgot the monies which came unto you from unknown hands , and were brought unto you by unknown faces , when you promised you would never forsake your unknown friends ; you have forgotten the miraculous blessings of the almighty upon those beginnings , and how have you discountenanc'd , distrusted , dis-regarded , i , and disgraced the catholiques all along , and at last vowed an extirpation of them : doth not your majesty see clearly , how that in the two great battailes , the north and naseby , god shewed signes of his displeasure , when in the first your enemies were even at your mercy , confusion fell upon you , and you lost the day , like a man that should so wound his enemies , that he could scarce stand , and afterwards his owne sword should fly out of the hilt , and leave the strong and skilfull to the mercy of his falling enemies ; and in the second ( and i feare me the last battaile that e're you 'le fight ) whilst your men were crying victory , as i hear they had reason so to do , your sword broke in the aire , which made you a fugitive to your flying enemies : sir , i pray pardon my boldnesse , for it is gods cause that makes me so bold , and no inclination of my owne to be so , and give me leave to tell you , that god is angry with you , and will never be pleased , untill you have taken new resolutions concerning your religion : which i pray god direct you , or else you 'le fall from nought to worse , from thence to nothing . king. my lord , i cannot so much blame as pitty your zeal ; the soundnesse of religion is not to be tried by dint of sword , nor must we judge of her truthes by the prosperity of events , for then of all men christians would be most miserable ; we are not to be thought no followers of christ , by observations drawne from what is crosse or otherwise , but by taking up our crosse and following christ . neither do i remember my lord , that i made any such vow before the battaile of naseby concerning catholiques , but some satisfaction i did give my protestant subjects , who on the other side were perswaded that god blest us the worse for having so many papists in our army . marq. the difference is not great , i pray god forgive you , who have most reason to aske it . king. i think not so my lord. marq. who shall be judge ? king. i pray my lord , let us sit down , and let reason take her seat . marq. reason is no judge . king. but she may take her place . marq. not above our faith. king. but in our arguments . marq. i beseech your majesty to give me a reason why you are so much offended with our church ? king. truly my lord , i am much offended with your church , if you meane the church of rome , if it were for no other reason , but this , for that she hath foisted into her legend , so many ridiculous stories , as are able to make ( as much as in them lies ) christianitie it selfe a fable , whereas if they had not done this wrong unto the tradition of the primitive church , we then had left unto us such rare and unquestionable verities , as would have adorned , and not dawb'd the gospel , whereas now we know not , what is true , or false . marq. sir , if it be allowed to question , what the catholick church holds out for truth , because that which they hold forth unto us seemes ridiculous , and to picke and chuse verities according to our owne fancie , and reject as novelties and forgeries what we please , as impossibilites and fabulous ; the scriptures themselves may as well suffer by this kind of tolleration : for what more ridiculous then the dialogue betweene balaam and his ass , or that sampsons strength should be in his hair , or that he should slay a thousand men with the jaw-bone of an ass , the disputation betweene saint michael and the devill about the body of moses ; philip's being taken up in the air , and found at azotus , with a thousand the like strange , and to our apprehension ( if we looke upon them with carnall eyes ) vaine and ridiculous : but being they are recorded in scripture , which scripture we hold for truth , we admire , but never question them : so the fault may not be in the tradition of the church , but in the libertie which men assume to themselves to question the tradition . and i beseech your majestie , to consider the streaks that are drawn over the divine writ , as so many delenda's , by such bold hands as those : the testaments were not like the two tables , delivered into the hands of any moses , by the immediate hand of god , neither by the ministration of angels , but men inspired with the holy ghost writ , whose writings by the church were approved to be by inspiration , which inspirations were called scripture , which scriptures , most of them , as they are now received into our hands , were not received into the canon of the church , all , within three hundred years after christ ; why may not some bold spirits call all those scriptures ( which were afterwards acknowledged to be scripture , and were not before ) forgeries . nay have not some such ( as blind as bold ) done it already ? saint hierom was the first that ever pickt a hole in the scriptures , and cut out so many books out of the word of god , with the penknife of apocrypha ; ruffinus challengeth him for so doing , and tells him of the gap , that he hath opened for wild beasts to enter into this field of the church , and tread downe all ill corne . jerom gives his reasons , because they were not found in the originall copie , ( as if the same spirit which gave to those , whom it did inspire , the diversities of tongues , should it selfe be tied to one language ) but withall he acknowledgeth thus much of those books , which he had thus markt in the forehead , canonici sunt ad informandos mores , sed non ad confirmandam fidem : how poor a distinction this is , and how pernitious a president this was , i leave it to your majestie to judge : for after him luther takes the like boldness , and at once takes away the three gospels , of mark , luke , and john ; others take away the epistle to the hebrews , others the epistle of saint jude , others the second and third epistles of saint peter , others the epistle of saint james , others the whole book of the revelation . wherefore to permit what the church proposes to be questionable by particular men , is to bring down the church , the scriptures , and the heavens upon our heads . there was a church , before there was a scripture , which scripture ( as to us ) had not beene the word of god , if the church had not made it so , by teaching us to believe it . the preaching of the gospell was before the writing of the gospell , the divine truth that dispersed it selfe over the face of the whole earth , before it's divinitie was comprised within the canon of the scripture , was like that primaeva lux , which the world received before the light was gathered into the body of the sun : this body so glorious and comfortable is but the same light , which was before , we cannot make it another , though it be otherwise : and therefore though the church and the scripture , like the light that is concomitant and precedent to the sun , be distinct in tearms , yet they are but one and the same ; no man can see the sun , but by it's own light ; shut your eyes from this light , and you cannot behold the body of the sun : shut your eyes against one , and you are blind in both : he never had god to be his father , who had not the church to be his mother . if you admit sillogismes à priori , you will meet with many paralogismes à posteriori cry downe the churches , authoritie , and pull out the scriptures efficacie , give but the church the lie now and then , and you shall have enough will tell you the scripture is false here and there ; they who have set so little by the tradition of the church , have set by halfe the scriptures , and will at last throw all away : wherefore in a word , as to deny any part of the scripture , were to open a vein , so to question any thing which the church proposes , is to teare the seamelesse coat of christ , and to pierce his body . king. my lord , i see you are better provided with arguments then i am with memorie , to run through the series of your discourse ; satisfie me but in one thing , and i shall soone yeild to all that you have said , and that is concerning this catholick church you talke of , i know the creed tells us , that we must believe it , and christ tells us , that we must hear it , but neither tell us , that that is the church of rome . marq. gratious sir , the creed tells us , that it is the catholick church , and saint paul tells us in his epistle to the romans , that their faith was spread abroad through the whole world . king. that was the faith , which the romanes then believed , which is nothing to the roman faith which is now believed . marq. the roman faith then and now are the same . king. i deny that my lord. marq. when did they alter their faith ? king. that requires a librarie : neither is it requisite , that i tell you the time when , if the envious man sowes his tares , whilst the husband-man was asleep , and afterwards he awakes and sees the tares , are they not tares , because the husband-man knowes not when they were sown ? marq. and if it please your majestie ; in a thing that is so apparent , your similitude holds good , but the differences between us and the protestants are not so without dispute , as that it is yet granted by the major part of christians , that they are errours which we believe contrary to your tenents ; and therefore the similitude holds not , but i shall humbly intreat your majestie , to consider the proofs , which the learned cardinal peroone hath made concerning this particular , in his answer to your royall father his apologie to all christian princes , where he proves , how that all the tenents which are in controversie now between you and us , were practised in the church of christ , within the first three hundred years ; wherefore i think , it would be no injury to reason to require belief , that that which hath been so long continued in the church , and so universally received , and no time can be set down , when those tenents or ceremonies did arise , must needs be catholick for time and place , and apostolicall for institution , though we have no warrant from the scriptures , to believe them to be such . for the apostle saint paul commanded timothy to keep fast the things which he had delivered unto him , as well by word as by writ . wherefore if we will believe no tradition , we may come at last to believe no writings . king. that was your owne fault , wherefore i blame your church , for the way to make the scriptures not believed , were to adde unto them new inventions , and say they were scriptures . marq. if the church of christ had so mean esteeme then , as amongst some she hath now , certainly the former books received into her canon , would have been much prejudiced by the admittance of the latter ; wherefore if the church be questionable , then all is brought in question . king. my lord , you have not satisfied me , where this church is : and as concerning the cardinals book , i have seen it , and have read a part of it , but doe not remember , neither doe i believe , that he hath prov'd that which you say . marq. it may be the proofes were in that part of the book , which your majesty did not read : and as for my proving the roman church to be this church , by which we should be all guided , i thus shall doe my endeavour : that church whose doctrine is most catholick and universall , must be the catholick church : but the roman church is such . ergo. king. my lord , i deny your minor , the romane church is not most universall ; the grecian church is far more spreading ; and if it were not , it were no argument , for the church of the mahumetanes , is larger then both . marq. first , this is no argument , either for an english man , or a protestant , but for a grecian , or mahumetane : not for an english man , because he received his conversion from rome , and therefore he in reason should not look beyond rome , or the doctrine that rome practised then , when they converted england : nor for a protestant , because he is as far distant from the grecian church in matter of opinion , as from the romane ; and therefore he need not look for that which he hath no desire to find : besides , the greek church hath long agoe submitted to the church of rome , and there is no reason , that others should make arguments for her , who are not of her , when she stands in no competition her selfe ; besides , there is not in any place wherever the greek church is , or hath beene planted , where there are not roman catholicks ; but there are diverse countreys in christendome , where there is not one professour of the greek church ; neither is there a place in all the turks dominions , where there are not romane catholicks , nor in any part of the world , where there are not multitudes of romanes ; neither is there a protestant countrey in christendome , where there are not romane catholicks numberlesse , but not a protestant amongst the natives , neither of spaine or italy . shew me but one protestant countrey in the world , who ever deserted the romane faith , but they did it by rebellion , except england , and there the king and the bishops were the principall reformers : ( i pray god , they doe not both suffer for it . ) shew me but one reformed church , that is of the opinion of another : aske an english protestant , where was your religion before luther ? and he will tell you of hus and jerom of prague : search for their tenents , and you shall find them as far different from the english protestant , as they are from one another ; run to the waldenses for your religions antiquity , and you shall find as much difference in their articles , and ours , as can be between churches that are most opposite . come home to your owne countrey , and derive your descent from wickliffe , and search for his tenents in the booke of martyrs , and you shall find them quite contrary to ours , neither amongst any of your moderne protestants shall you find any other agreement , but in this one thing , that they all protest against the pope . shew me but any protestant countrey in the world , where reformation , as you call it , ever set her foot , where she was not as well attended with sacriledge , as usher'd by rebellion , and i shall lay my hand upon my mouth for ever . king. my lord , my lord , you are gone beyond the scope of your argument , which required you to prove the romane church more catholick then the greek , which you have not done ; you put me off with my being english , and not a grecian , whereas when we speak of the universality of a church , i think that any man who is belonging to the universe , is objectum rationis . and if that be the manner of your election , then i am sure most voices must carry it : for your alleaged submission of the greek church unto the roman , i believe it cannot be prov'd , but it may be the patriarch of constantinople , may submit unto the pope of rome , and yet the greek church may not submit unto the romane . marq. sir , it is no dishonour for the sun to make its progress from east to west , it is still the same sun , and the difference is onely in the shadowes , which are made to differ according to the varieties of shapes , that the severall substances are of ; east and west are two divisions , but the same day : neither can they be said or imagined to be greater , or more extending one or other , and the one may have the benefit of the suns light , though the other may have its glory ; and i believe , no man of sober judgment can say , that any church in the world is more generally spread over the face of the whole world , or that her glory shines in any place more conspicuously , then at this day in rome . king. my lord , if externall glory be the sun-shine of the gospel , then the church is there indeed ; but if internall sanctity , and inward holynesse be the essences of a church , then we may be as much to seek for such a church within the wals of rome , as any where else . marq. who shall be judge of that ? i pray observe the injustice and errours that will arise , if every man may be admitted to be his owne judge ; you of the church of england left your mother the church of rome , and mother to all the churches round about ; you forsook her , and set up a new church of your own , independent to her : there comes a new generation , and doth the like to you ; and a third generation , that is likely to do the like to that ; and the church falls and falls , untill it falls to all the pieces of independencie . it is a hard case for a part to fall away from the whole , and to be their owne judges . why should not kent fall away from england , and be their owne judges , as well as england fall away from christendome , and be their own judges ? why should not a parish in kent fall away from the whole county , and be their owne judges ? why should not one family fall away from the whole parish , and be their owne judges ? why should not one man fall away in his opinion from that family , and be his owne judge ? if you grant one , you must grant all ; and i feare me in doing one , you have done all . so that every man despiseth the church , whilst he is a church in himselfe ; rayles against popery , and is the greatest pope himselfe , despiseth the fathers , and will enthrone his own judgment above the wisdome of the ancient ; refuseth expositours , that he may have his own sence ; and if he can start up but some new opinions , he thinks himselfe as worthy a member of christianity , as if he were an apostle to some new found land . now sir , though some do take the church to be the scriptures , yet the scriptures cannot be the church , because the scriptures send us to the church , audi ecclesiam , dic ecclesiae : others take the elect to be the church , yet this cannot be , for we know not who are elect , and who are not , that which must be the church , must be a visible , an eminent societie of men , to whose authority in cases of appeale and matter of judgement , we are to acquiesce and subscribe . and i appeale to your royall heart , whether there be a church in the world , whom in these respects we ought to reverence and esteeme more then the church of rome ; and that the church of rome is externally glorious , it doth not follow , that therefore she is not internally holy ; for the kings daughters clothing was of wrought gold , as well as she was all glorious within ; and though she had never so many divine graces within her , yet she had honourable women without her , as her attendants : and for the question , whether this inward glory is to be so much sought for within the gates of rome , is the question , and not yet decided . king. my lord , i 'le deale as ingenuously with you as i can . when the romane monarch stretch'd forth his arms from east to west , he might make the bishops of romes oecumenacy as large as was his empire , and all the churches in the world were bound to follow her lawes and decretalls , because god hath made such emperours nursing fathers of his church , as it was prophesied by the divine esay ; alwayes provided , that the child be not pourtractured greater then the nurse , ( as hath been observed by the pride of your bishops of rome , ) but when the severall kingdoms of christendome shook off the romane yoke ; i see no reason why the bishop of rome should expect obedience from the clergie of other countries , any more then the arch-bishop of canterbury should expect obedience from the clergie of other kingdoms . and for your deriving your authority from saint peter ; i know no reason , why we may not as well derive our authority from simon zelotes , or joseph of arimathea , or from philip , of whose planting the gospell we have as good warrant , as you have for saint peter his planting the gospel in rome . but , my lord , i must tell you , that there are other objections to be made against your church , which more condemns her , if these were answered . marq. may it please your majestie , to give me leave to speak a word or two , to what i have said , and then i shall humbly beg your further objections . as to that of the christian kingdomes shaking off the roman yoke , and falling to pieces , which was so prophesied it should , yet the church should not doe so , because it is said it shall remaine in unitie : and for your majesties objection concerning simon zelotes , joseph of arimathea , &c. it is answered , that there were two conversions , the first of the brittains , the second of the saxons ; we onely require this justice from you , as you are english , not welch-men , for the church of england , involves all the brittains within her communion : for the brittains have not now any distinct church from the church of england . now if your majestie please , i expect your further objections . king. my lord , i have not done with you yet : though particular churches may fall away in their severall respects of obedience to one supreme authority , yet it follows not , that the church should be thereby divided , for as long as they agree in the unity of the same spirit , and the bond of peace , the church is still at unitie , as so many sheaves of corne are not unbound , because they are severed . many sheaves may belong to one field , to one man , and may be carryed to one barne , and be servient to the same table . unity may consist in this , as well as in being hudled up together in a rick with one cock-sheave above the rest . i have an hundred pieces in my pocket , i find them something heavie , i divide the summe , halfe in one pocket , and halfe in another : and subdivide them afterwards in two severall lesser pockets ; the moneys , is divided , but the summe is not broke , the hundred pounds is as whole as when it was together , because it belongs to the same man , and is in the same possession ; so though we divide our selves from rome , if neither of us divide our selves from christ , we agree in him , who is the center of all unitie , though we differ in matter of depending upon one another . but my lord of worcester , we are got into such a large field of discourse , that the greatest schollers of them all can sooner shew us the way in , then out of it ; therefore , before we goe too far , let us retire , lest we lose our selves ; and therefore , i pray my lord , satisfie me in these particulars : why doe you leave out the second commandement , and cut another in two ? why doe you with-hold the cup from the laytie ? why have you seven sacraments , when christ instituted but two ? why doe you abuse the world with such a fable as purgatory , and make ignorant fooles believe , you can fish soules from thence with silver hookes ? why doe you pray to saints , and worship images ? those are the offences which are given by your church of rome unto the church of christ ; of these things i would be satisfied . marq. sir , although the church be undefiled , yet she may not be spotlesse , to severall apprehensions : for the church is compared to the moon , that is full of spots ; but they are but spots of our fancying ; though the church be never so comly , yet she is described unto us to have black eye-browes , which may to some be as great an occasion of dislike , as they are to others foyles , which set her off more lovely . we must not make our fancies , judgements of condemnation to her , with whom christ so much was ravished . for your majesties objections , and first , as to that of leaving out the second commandment , and cutting another in two ; i beseech your majestie , who called them commandments ? who told you they were ten ? who told you which were first , and second ? &c. the scripture onely called them words : those words , but these : and these words were never divided in the scriptures into ten commandments , but two tables ; the church did all this , and might as well have named them twenty as ten commandments ; that which your majestie calls the second commandment , is but the explanation of the first , and is not razed out of the bible , but for brevitie sake in the manualls it is left out , as the rest of the commandment is left out concerning the sabbath , and others : wherefore the same church which gave them their name , their number , and their distinction , may in their breviats , leave out what she deems to be but exposition ; and deliver what she thinks for substance , without any such heavie charge as being blottable out of the booke of life , for diminishing the word of god. for withholding the cup from the laytie , where did christ either give , or command to be given , either the bread or the wine to any such ? drink ye all of this : but they were all apostles to whom he said so , there were neither lay-men or women there : if the church allowed them afterwards to receive it , either in one , or both kinds , they ought to be satisfied therewith accordingly , but not question the churches actions . she that could alter the sabbath into the lords day , and change the dipping of the baptised over head and eares in water , to a little sprinkling upon the face , ( by reason of some emergencies , and inconveniencies , occasioned by the difference of seasons , and countries ) may , upon the like occasion , accordingly dispose of the manner of her administration of her sacraments . neither was this done without great reason , the world had not wine in all her countries , but it had bread . wherefore it was thought for uniformity sake ( that they might not be unlike to one another , but all receive alike ) that they should onely receive the bread , which was to be had in every place , and not the cup , in regard that wine was not every where to be had . i wonder that any body should be so much offended at any such thing , for bread and wine doe signifie christ crucified ; i appeal to common reason , if a dead body doth not represent a passion as much as if we saw the bloud lie by it . if you grant the churches power in other matters , and rest satisfied therein , why do you boggle at this , especially when any priest , ( where wine is to be had ) if you desire it , he will give it you ? but if upon every mans call the church should fall to reforming upon every seeming fault , which may be but supposed to be found , the people would never stop untill they had made such a through reformation in all parts , as they have done in the greatest part of germany , where there is not a man to preach , or hear the gospell , to eat the bread , or drink the wine : you never pickt so many holes in our coates , as this licentiousnesse hath done in yours . for our seven sacraments , she that called the articles of our faith , the beatitudes , the graces , the virtues , called these , and might have called them if she had thought it meet . a sacrament is nothing else but what is done with a holy mind , and why sacrament , either in name , or number , should be confin'd to christs onely institution , i see no cause for it ; if i can prove that god did institute such a thing in paradise , ( as he did marriage ) shall not i call that a sacrament as well as what was instituted by christ , when he was upon the earth ? if christ institutes the order of giving , and receiving the holy ghost , shall not i call this the sacrament of orders ? if christ injoynes us all repentance , shall we not say repentance is a sacrament ? if christ blesseth little children , and saith , suffer them to come unto me , and forbid them not ; shall we not say that such confirmation is a sacrament ? truly i doe not understand their meaning ; they have taken away five , which five , either by god , or christ , or the holy ghost , ( who are all one ) were instituted ; and yet they say they are not sacraments , because they were not instituted by christ : and the two that are left , viz. baptisme , and the lords supper ; for the first , you hold it necessary to salvation ; and for the second , you do not admit the reall presence : so that of the two remaining , you have taken away the necessity of the one , and the reality of the other , so farwell all . now for purgatory , i do believe , we have as good ground for it out of this place of scripture , viz. he shall be purged , yet so as if it were by fire : as you can prove a hell out of this place of scripture , he shall be cast into utter darknesse , and into the lake that burneth with fire and brimstone , where shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth . neither can you make more exceptions to our inference out of this place of scripture , to prove purgatory , then the atheist ( if wits may be permitted to roame in such things , as these once setled , and believed generally ) will find ground enough to quarrell at your burning lake ; and the vaine philosopher , contradictions enough , in the description of the effects of those hellish torments , viz. weeping and gnashing of teeth : the one having its procedure from heat , the other from cold , which are meer contradictions , and therefore fabulous ; take heed we doe not take away hell , in removing of purgatory . you see not , how your laughing at purgatory hath caused such laughing at hell , and devils ; untill at last , you shall see them bid the heavens come down , and pluck the almighty out of his throne : if a text of scripture with the churches exposition be not sufficient for a man to rest , both his science and conscience upon : i know not where it will find a resting place , it may shoot at randome , but never take so right an ayme ; and for the silver hooke you talk'd of , i do not justifie the abuse of any , i know there is a great difference betweene the court of rome , and the church of rome ; and if these errours were in the church it selfe , yet the tares must not be hastily pluckt out of the field of the church , lest the wheat be pluckt up with it . now for our praying to saints , there is no body that prayes to any saints , otherwise then as we on earth desire the benefit of one anothers prayers . we do not believe that they can help us ( of themselves ) or that they have power to forgive sin , but we believe that they are nearer to god his favour , and more deare unto him : and therefore we believe , that he will heare them with , or for us , sooner then he will hear us when we pray upon our own account : as we desire the prayers of some good and holy man , ( whom we believe to be so ) hoping it will be a benefit unto us . all that can be said against it , is , that they do not hear us . i will not trouble your majestie with the schoolmens speculum creatoris , but i shall desire to be plaine : when there is joy in heaven over every sinner that repenteth ; do you think that the saints which are there , are ignorant of the occasion of that joy ? or do they rejoyce at they know not what ? if the saints in heaven do crie , how long lord , how long , holy and just , dost thou not avenge our bloud upon them , which dwell upon the earth : if they know that their bloud is not yet avenged , do they not know when a sinner is converted ? and if they know the time of conversion , do they not know , the time of prayer ? if abraham knew that there were such men as moses and the prophets , who was dead so many hundreds of years before their time , can we say , that they are ignorant ? think ye , that those ministring angels who are called intelligencers , give them no intelligence ? or that they gather nothing of intelligence by looking him in the face , who is the fulnesse of knowledge , and to all these the practice and opinion of so catholick a church ; god can onely forgive sins , christ can onely mediate , but saints , whether in heaven , or on the earth , may intercede for one another . lastly , for our worshipping of images : confounded be all they that worshipped them , for me , god is onely worthy to be worshipped ; but if i kneel before the picture of my saviour , i worship him kneeling before his picture ; the worship is in the heart , and not in the knee , and where the true god is in the intention , there can be no idolatrie . o sir , christian religion is not a protestation , but a gospel : it would better consist with unity , then opposition : we hold it a peece of popery to knock our owne breasts with the fists of constitution , whilst we hold it most evangelicall , to knock at our neighbours with a cunstables staffe : a pious care in a mother church , labours to educate her own daughter , and having fed her at her owne breasts , all the gratitude she returns her mother , is to call her whore , antichrist , babylon , and all the spitefull and vile names that can be imagined ; they forget that saying of the apostle st. james : if any man among you seeme to be religious , and bridleth not his tongue , but deceiveth his own heart , that mans religion is in vaine ; pure religion , and undefiled before god , and the father , is this : to visit the fatherlesse and widows , in their affliction , and to keep himselfe unspotted from the world . what should i say more , the scriptures are made a nose of wax , for every bold hand to wring it which way he pleaseth , they are rejected by private men , by whole books , the articles of our creed are said not to be of the apostles framing , the commandments not belonging to christians , impossible to be kept , the sacraments denied ; charity not onely grown cold , but quite starved , and they will be sav'd by meanes quite contrary to what the gospel ( which they seeme to professe ) sets down , viz. by faith without good works , onely believe and that 's enough , whereas the holy apostle st. james tells us , that faith profiteth nothing without good works — here the marquesse was going on , and his majestie interrupted him . king. my lord , you let a flood-gate of arguments out , against my naked breast , yet it doth not beare me any thing backwards ; you have spoken a great many things , that no way concerns us , but such as we find fault with as much as you ; and other things , to which i could easily give answer , if i could take but some of that time and leasure that you have taken to compose your arguments . it is not onely the picture of our saviour , but the pictures of saints which you both worship and adore , and maintaine it to be lawfull ; and not onely so , but the picture of god the father , like an old man , and many other things which i forbeare , because i feare , you have done your selfe more hurt then me good , in depriving your selfe of the rest , to which you are accustomed ; for whilst our arguments do multiplie our time lessens : to that of saint james , where it is said , that faith profiteth nothing without good works ; i hope the doctor here can tell you , that saint paul saith , that we are justified by faith , and not by the works of the law. marq. sir , i believe the doctor will neither tell your majestie , nor me , that faith can justifie without works . king. that question the doctor can soone decide , what say you to it doctor ? you must speak now . doctor . if it may please your majestie , it would be as great a disobedience to hold my peace , now i am commanded to speak , as it would have been a presumption in me to speak before i was commanded ; i am so far from thinking that either faith , without good works , or that good works without faith , can justifie : that i cannot believe that there is such a thing as either . no more then i can imagine , that there may be a tree bearing fruit , without a root : or that the sun can be up , before it be day : or that a fire can have no heat ; for although it be possible , that a man may do some good without faith , yet he cannot do good works without it ; for though we may naturally incline to some goodnesse , as flowers and plants naturally grow to perfection ; yet this good cannot be said to be wrought by us , but by the hand of faith ; and faith her selfe ( where she is truly so ) can no more stand still , then can the sun in the firmament , or refuse to let her light so shine before men , that they may see her good works , then the same sun can appeare in the same firmament , and dart no beams . and whilst faith and good works strive for the proprietie of justification ; i do believe , they both exclude a third , which hath more right to our justification then either . for that which we call justification by faith , is not properly justification ; but onely an apprehension of it : as that which we call justification , by good works , is not properly justification , but onely a declaration of it , to be so : exempli gratia : i receive a pardon , my hand that receiv's it , doth not justifie ; 't is put in execution , and read in open court , all this did not procure it me . doubtlesse there is a reward for the righteous , doubtlesse there is a god that judgeth the earth , wherefore upon this ground of beliefe , i work out my salvation as well as i can : and do all the good that lies in my power . i do good works . doubtlesse this man hath some reason for what he doth : it is because he hath store of faith , which believes , there is a god , and that that god will accept of his endeavours , wherefore to him alone who hath given us faith , and hath wrought all our good works in us can we properly attribute the tearme of justification : iustificatio apprehensiva , we may conceive and beare in our hearts : iustificatio declarativa , we may shew with our hands : but iustificatio effectiva , proper and effectuall justification none can lay claim unto , but christ alone , that as our sins were imputed unto christ , so his righteousnesse might be ours by imputation . king. doctor , i thank you , in this point i believe you have reconciled us both . doctor . may it please your majestie , if the venome were taken out , there is no wound in the churches body , but might soon be healed . marq. hereat the marquesse somewhat earnestly cryed , hold sir , you have said well in one respect , but there are two wayes of iustification in us : and two without us : christ is a cause of iustification by his grace and merits without us ; and so we are justified by baptisme , and we are justified by the gifts of god in us , viz. faith , hope , and charity . whereupon the king spake as quickly . king. but my lord , both justifications come from christ , according to your owne saying : that without us , by his grace and merit : that within us , by his gifts and favour ; therefore christ is all in all , in the matter of justification ; and therefore though there were a thousand wayes , and meanes to our justification , yet there is but one effectuall cause , and that is christ . marq. how is it then , that we are called by the apostle , cooperarii christo , fellow-workers together with christ ? king. the doctor hath told you how already : if you lie wallowing in sin , and christ helps you out , your reaching of him your hand is a working together with christ ; yet for all that , it cannot be said , that you helped yourselfe out of the ditch : for then there had been no need of christ . your apprehending the succour that came unto you , no way attributes the god have mercie to your selfe : no more then the declaring your selfe to be alive by action ; is the cause of setting you upon your leggs , so that we may divide this threefold justification , as peter divided his three tabernacles , here is one for moses , and one for elias : i pray let us have one for christ , and let that be the chiefe . marq. and reason good . king. i wish that all controversies betwixt you and us , were as well decided : i am fully satisfied in this point . doctor . may it please your majestie : a great many controversies between us and the papists might be soon decided , if the churches revenues ( which were every where taken away , more or lesse , where differences in religion in severall parts of the world , did arise in the church ) were not an obstacle of the re-union ; like the stone , which the crab cast into the oyster , which hindred it from ever shutting it selfe againe ; like the division , which happened between the greek and latine church . photinus intrudes himselfe into the patriarch-ship of constantinople over the head of ignatius , the lawfull patriarch thereof ; whom the pope preserved in his communion , and then the difference of the procession of the holy ghost , between those two churches , was fomented by the said photinus , lest the wound should heale too soon , and the patient should not be held long enough in cure , for the benefit of the chyrurgion . sacriledge hath brought more divisions then the nature of their causes have required : and the universities play with edged tools , whilst hungry stomacks run away with their meat ; wherefore since your majestie was pleased to discharge the watch , that i had set before the dore of my lips : i shall make bold to put your majestie in mind of holding my lord to the demand which your majestie once made unto his lordship , concerning the true church ; for if once that question were throughly determined , all controversies not onely between your majestie and his lordship , but also all the controversies that ever were started , would soon be decided at a short race end ; and without this , we take away the meanes of reconciliation . for i must confesse ingenuously ( yet under the highest correction ) that there is not a thing that i ever understood lesse , then that assertion , of the scriptures being judge of controversies , though in some sence i must , and will acknowledge it : but not as it is a book consisting of papers , words , and letters ; for as we commonly say in matters of civill differences , the law shall be the judge between us , we do not meane , that every man shall run unto the law books , or that any lawyer himselfe shall search his law-cases , and thereupon possesse himselfe of any thing that is in question between him and another , without a legall tryall and determination by lawfull judges , constituted to that same purpose : in like manner , saving knowledge and divine truths are the portion , that all gods children lay fast claime unto : yet they must not be their own carvers , though it is their own meat that is before them , whilst they have a mother at the table ; they must not slight all orders , constitutions , appeales , and rules of faith ; saving knowledge , and divine truths , are not to be wrested from the scripture by private hands , for then the scripture were of private interpretation : which is against the apostles rule . neither are those undefiled , incorruptible and immaculate inheritances , which are reserved for us in heaven , to be conveighed unto us by any privy-seales . for there is nothing more absurd , to my understanding , then to say , that the thing contested ( which is the true meaning of the scriptures ) shall be judge of the contestation : no way inferiour to that absurditie , which would follow , which would be this , if we should leave the deciding of the sence of the words of the law , to the preoccupated understanding of one of the advocates ; neither is this all the absurditie that doth arise upon this supposition : for if you grant this to one , you must grant it to any one , and to every one : if there were but two , how will you reconcile them both ? if you grant that this judicature must be in many , there are many manyes , which of the manyes will you have ? decide but that , and you satisfie all . for if you make the scripture the judge of controversie , you make the reader judge of the scripture : as a man consists of a soule and body , so the scripture consists of the letter and the sence ; if i make the dead letter my judge , i am the greatest , and simplest idolater in the world : it will tell me no more , then it told the indian emperour powhaton , who asking the jesuite , how he knew all that to be true which he had told him , and the jesuite answering him , that gods word did tell him so . the emperour asked him , where it was ? he shewed him his bible . the emperour , after that he had held it in his hands a pretty while , answered , it tells me nothing . but you will say , you can read , and so you will find the meaning out of the significant character ; and when you have done , as you apprehend it , so it must be ; and so the scripture is nothing else but your meaning : wherefore necessitie requires an externall judge , for determination of differences , besides the scriptures . and we can have no better recourses to any , then to such as the scripture it selfe calls upon us to heare , which is the church , which church would be found out . king. doctor , saint john in his first epistle tells us , that the holy scripture is that , to whose truth the spirit beareth witnesse . and john the evangelist tells us , that the scripture is that which gives a greater testimonie of christ , then john the baptist . saint luke tells us , that if we believe not the scripture , we would not believe though one were risen from the dead : and christ himselfe , who raised men from death to life , tells us ; they cannot believe his words , if they believe not in moses writings : saint peter tells us , that the holy scripture is surer then a voice from heaven : saint paul tells us ; that it is lively in operation , and whereby the spirits demonstrates his power ; and that , it is able to make a man wise to salvation ; able to save our soules ; and that it is sufficient too ) to make us believe in christ , to life everlasting , john . as in every seed , there is a spirit , which meeting with earth , heat , and moisture , grows to perfection : so the seed of the word , wherin gods holy spirit being sowen in the heart , inlivened by the heart of faith , and watered with the teares of repentance ) soon fructifies without any further circumstance . doctor . it doth so , but your majestie presupposes all this while , husband-men , and husbandry , barnes and threshing floors , winnowing and uniting these several grains into one loafe , before it can become childrens bread . all that your majestie hath said concerning the scriptures sufficiencie , is true , provided , that those scriptures be duly handled ; for as the law is sufficient to determine right , and keep all in peace and quietnesse , yet the execution of that sufficiencie , cannot he performed without courts and judges : so when we have granted the scriptures to be all that the most reverend estimation can attribute unto them , yet religion cannot be exercised , nor differences in religion reconciled , without a judge ; for as saint ierom tells us , who was no great friend to popes or bishops : si non una , exors quaedam , & imminens detur potestas , tot efficerentur in ecclesia schismata quot sacerdotes . wherefore i would faine find out that which the scripture bids me heare , audi ecclesiam : i would faine referre my selfe to that to which the scripture commands me to appeale , and tells me , that if i do not , i shall be a heathen and a publican , dic ecclesiae : which church saint paul in his first epistle calls the pillar and foundation of truth , of which the prophet ezekiel saith : i will place my sanctification in the midst of her for ever : and the prophet esay , that the lord would never forsake her , in whose light the people should walke , and kings in the brightnesse of her orient ; against which our saviour saith : the gates of hell shall not prevaile : with whom our saviour saith , he would be alwayes unto the end of the world . and from whom the spirit of truth should never depart . for although the psalmist tells us , that the word of the lord is clear , inlightning the eyes , yet the same prophet said to god : enlighten mine eyes , that i may see the marvels of thy law : and saint iohn tells us , that the booke of god hath seven seals , and it was not every one that was thought worthy to open it , onely the lambe . the disciples had been ignorant , if iesus had not opened the scriptures unto them . the eunuch could not understand them without an interpreter ; and saint peter tells us , that the scripture is not of private interpretation : and that in his brother pauls epistles there are many things hard to be understood , which ignorant and light-headed-men wrest to their owne perdition . wherefore though as saint chrysostom saith : omnia clara sunt & plana ex scriptur is divinis : quaecunque necessaria sunt , manifesta sunt : yet no man ever hath yet defined what are necessary , and what not . what points are fundamentall , and what are not fundamentall . necessary to salvation is one thing , and necessary for knowledge , as an improvement of our faith , is another thing : for the first , if a man keeps the commandments , and believes all the articles of the creed , he may be saved , though he never read a word of scripture ; but much more assuredly if he meditates upon gods word with the psalmist day and night . but if he meanes to walk by the rule of gods word , and to search the scriptures , he must lay hold upon the meanes that god hath ordained , whereby he may attaine unto the true understanding of them ; for as saint paul saith : god hath placed in the church apostles , prophets , evangelists , pastors and doctors , to the end we should be no more little children , blown about with every wind of doctrine ; therefore it is not for babes in understanding to take upon them to understand those things , wherein so great a prophet as the prophet david confessed the darknesse of his owne ignorance . and though it be true , the scripture is a river through which a lambe may wade , and an elephant may swim , yet it is to be supposed and understood , that the lambe must wade but onely through , where the river is foordable ; it doth not suppose the river to be all alike in depth , for such a river was never heard of ; but there may be places in the river , where the lambe may swim as well as the elephant , otherwise it is impossible that an elephant should swim in the same depth , where a lambe may wade , though in the same river he may ; neither is it the meaning of that place , that the child of god may wade through the scripture without directions , help , or judges , but that the meannest capacitie , qualified with a harmelesse innocence , and desirous to wade through that river of living waters to eternall life , may find so much of comfort , and heavenly knowledge there , easily to be obtained , that he may easily wade through to his eternall salvation ; and that there are also places in the same river , wherein the highest speculations may plunge themselves , in the deep mysteries of god. wherefore with pardon crav'd for my presumption , in holding your majestie in so tedious a discourse , as also , for my boldnesse in obtruding my opinion , which is except ( as incomparable hooker in his ecclesiasticall pollicy hath well observed ) the churches authority be required herein , as necessary hereunto we shall be so far from agreeing upon the true meaning of the scripture , that the outward letter sealed with the inward witnesse of the spirit ( being all hereticks have quoted scripture and pretended spirit ) will not be a warrant sufficient enough , for any private man to judge so much as the scripture to be scripture : or the gospell it selfe , to be the gospell of christ : this church being found out , and her authority allowed of , all controversies would be soone decided , and although we allow the scripture to be the lock upon the door , which is christ , yet we must allow the church to be the key , that must open it ; as saint ambrose in his . sermons calls the agreement of the apostles in the articles of our beliefe , clavis scripturae , one of whose articles is , i believe the holy catholick church . as the lion wants neither strength , nor courage , nor power , nor weapons , to seize upon his prey , yet he wants a nose to find it out : wherefore by naturall instinct , he takes to his assistance , the little jack-call , a quick sented beast , who runs before the lion , and having found out the prey , in his language gives the lion notice of it , who soberly ( untill such time as he fixes his eyes upon the bootie ) makes his advance , but once comming within view of it , with a more speed then the swiftest running can make , he jumps upon it , and seizes it . now to apply this to our purpose . christ crucified is the main substance of the gospell , according to the apostles saying , i desire to know nothing , but iesus , and him crucified ; this crucified christ is the nourishment of our soules , according to our saviours own words : ubi cadaver , ibi aquilae ; thereby drawing his disciples from the curious speculation of his body glorified , to the profitable meditation of his body crucified : it is the prey of the elect : the dead carkasse feedeth the eagles , christ crucified nourisheth his saints : according to saint iohns saying , except we eat the flesh of the son of man , and drink his bloud , we have no life in us ; him we must mastigate , and chew by faith : traject , and convey him into our hearts as nutriment , by meditation : and digest him by coalition , whereby we grow one with christ , and christ becomes one with us , according to that saying of tertullian , auditu devorandus est , intellectu ruminandus , fide digerendus . now for the true understanding of the scriptures , which is no other thing , then the finding out of iesus , and him crucified , who is the very life of the scriptures ; which body of divinity , is nourished with no other food , and all its veines fil'd with no other bloud : though this heavenly food ( the scripture ) have neither force nor power to seize upon its prey , but is endued with a lively spirit , able to overcome the greatest ignorance , yet there is a quick sented assistant called ecclesia , or church , which is derived from a verbe , which signifies to call , which must be the jack-call , to which this powerfull seeker after this prey must joyne it selfe , or else it will never be able to find it out ; and when we are called , we must go soberly to work , untill by this means we have attained unto the true understanding and sight thereof , and then , let the lion , like the eagle , maher-shalal hashbaz ( as the prophet esay cap. . v. . tells us , ) make hast to the prey , make speed to the spoile . saint paul confirmes the use of this etymologie writing to the corinthians , viz. to the saints called : and the ephesians cap. . he tells us , if ye would be in one body , and in one spirit , and of one mind , you must be as you are called in our hope of your vocation : and in his epistle of the colossians cap. . he tells us , that if we will have the peace of christ to rule in our hearts , that is it by which we are called in one selfe body , where we must allow a constitution or society of men called to that purpose , and whose calling it is to procure unto us this peace and unitie in the church , or we shall never find it . thus when dissention arose between paul and barnabas concerning circumcision , their disputations could effect nothing but heat , untill the apostles and elders met together , and determined the matter : there must be a society of men that can say , bene visum fuit nobis & spiritui sancto , or else matters of that nature will never be determined : which societie is there called the church , which church we are to find . king. i pray , my lord , what doe you meane by the holy catholick church , doe you meane the church of rome ? marq. i doe so . king. my thinks it should be inconsistent with it , to be both universall , and particular . marq. no more then it is inconsistent , for the generall of your army to be generall of all your officers and souldiers , and yet a particular man. by the word roman , we intend not the particular church of rome , but all the churches which adhere and are joyned in communion with the roman church , as by the jewish church , was not onely meant the church of judah onely , but of all the other tribes which had communion with her ; the word catholick is taken in three severall sences , formally , casually , and participatively : in the first sence , the societie of all the true particular churches , united in one selfe-same communion , is called catholick ; casually , the roman church is called catholick , for as much as she infuseth universalitie into all the whole body of the catholick church ; wherefore being a center and beginning of ecclesiasticall communion , infusing unitie , which is the form of universalitie , into the catholick church , she may be called catholick : participatively , because particular churches agree , and participate in doctrine and communion with the catholick . king. you have satisfied me why the church of rome ( in your sence ) may be called catholick , but you have not yet satisfied me , why other churches may not be called ( casually ) as much catholick as she : being the greek church hath infused as much universalitie into the whole body of the catholick church as she did , and was both center and circumference , as much as ever she was . marq. sir , as to this point , i shall refer your majestie to the learned reply , that the profound card. peroon , so respectfully and learnedly made to your royall father his apologie , wherein this point is largely and ( to my apprehension ) fully answered . but will your majestie either give or take , either let me shew you this church , or else doe your majestie shew it me . king. my lord , if you can shew it me , i shall not shut mine eyes against it ; but at this time , truly my lord , i can hardly hold them open . my lord , i pray will you set downe your mind in writing , and i will promise you it shall want no animadversion , and that i will give you my clear opinion concerning it . marq. o sir ! literae scriptae manent ; i doe not like , that what i speak hère to your majestie , i can promise my selfe , so much from your goodnesse , that no bad construction shall be made of what i speak . but if my writing should come into other folks hands , i may justly fear their comments : wherefore i desire to be excused . king. my lord , i hold it more convenient so to doe : i will promise you , that i will let no eyes but mine owne view your paper : and i will returne it to you againe by the doctor . marq. upon that condition i am contented : i have one request more unto your majestie : that you would make one prayer to god , to direct you in the right way : and that you would lay aside all prejudice , and selfe-interest , and that you will not so much fear the subject , as the superiour , who is over all , and then you cannot doe amisse . king. my lord , all this shall be done , by the grace of god. whereupon the marquesse called upon me to help him , so that he might kneel : and being upon his knees , he desired to kisse his majesties hand , which he did , saying : sir , i have not a thought in my heart , that tends not to the service of my god , and you : and if i could have resisted this motion of his spirit , i had desisted long ago , but i could not : wherefore on both my knees , i pray to his divine majestie , that he will not be wanting to his owne ordinance , but will direct your understanding to those things , which shall make you a happy king upon earth , and a saint in heaven ; and thereupon he fell a weeping , bidding me to light his majestie to his chamber . as the king was going , he said unto the marquesse : my lord , it is great pittie , that you should be in the wrong : whereat the marquesse soone replyed : it is greater pittie , that you should not be in the right . the king said : god direct us both : the marquesse said : amen , amen , i pray god. thus they both parted : and ( as i was lighting his majestie to his chamber , ) his majestie told me , that he did not think to have found the old man so ready at it , and that he believed , he was a long time putting on his armour : yet it was hardly proofe . to which i made answer , that i believe , his lordship had more reason to wonder , how his majestie ( so unprepared ) could withstand the on-set . the king ( being brought to his door , ) commanded me , that before i brought him his lordspips paper , i should peruse it , and give him my opinion of it . which i promised to obey , and so returned to the marquesse , whom i found in the dark upon his knees , whom i did not disturbe ; but when he rose , he said unto me : doctor , i will tell you what i was doing , i was giving god thanks , that he had preserved the use of my memory for so good a work , and imploring a blessing upon my endeavours . to which i made answer : my lord , no question but you think it a good work , or else you would not implore gods blessing upon it . whereupon my lord said : ah! doctor , i would to god you thought so too : and waiting upon him into his chamber , he further said unto me : doctor bayly , you know i am obliged not to speak unto you in this nature , yet i hope i may say thus much unto you , without any breach of promise , you may be an instrument of the greatest good that ever befell this nation . i say no more : good night to you . the third day after , he gave me this paper to deliver unto his majestie , which i did . the marquesse his paper to the king. it must be granted by all , that there must be ( alwayes ) in the world , one holy , catholick , and apostolique church : one , that it may be uniforme : holy , that it may be certaine : catholick , that it may be knowne : and apostolick , that it may succeed : this church must be either the romane , or the protestant , or else some other that is opposite to both . it cannot be any church which is opposite to both : because the church of england did not ( when she separated from the romane ) joyn her selfe to any : not to the grecian : for that holds as many doctrines contrary to the church of england , as doth the roman ; nor to any else , because she agrees with none , no reformed church under the sun , that is , or ever was , hath the same articles of beliefe , as hath the church of england . and from any other church , besides the romane , she never had a being : and with any other church besides the romane , she never had communion ; she cannot be that one , because she is but one : nor catholick , because she agrees not with any : nor apostolick , because she hath acknowledged such a fine and recovery , that has quite cut off the entaile which would have ( otherwise ) descended unto her from the apostles ; neither can she be holy , because she is none of all the other three . now if these attributes cannot belong unto the protestant religion , and do ( clearly ) belong unto the roman , then is the church of rome , the catholick church . and that it doth , i shall prove it by the marks , which god almighty hath given us , whereby we should know her . and the first is universality : all nations shall flow unto her , esa . . . and the psalmist : the heathen shall be thine inheritance , and the uttermost part of the earth for thy possession , psal . . . and our saviour matth. . . this gospell of the kingdome shall be preached in all the world , as a witnesse to all nations , &c. now i confesse , that this glory is belonging to all professors of the christian religion : yet amongst all those , who do professe the name of christ , i believe , your majestie will consent with me herein , that the romane church hath this forme of universality , not onely above all different and distinct professors of religion , but also beyond all religions of the world , turkes or heathens : and that there is no place in the world , where there are not romance catholicks ; which is manifestly wanting to all other religions , whatsoever : now i hope your majestie cannot say so of any protestant religion : neither that your majestie will call all those who protest against the church of rome , otherwise then protestants : but not protestant catholicks , or catholicks of the protestant religion , being they are not religated within the same communion , and fellowships : for then religion would consist in protestation rather then unity ; in nations falling off from one another , rather then all nations flowing to one another : neither is it a consideration altogether invalid , that the church of rome hath kept possession of the name ; all along other reformed churches , leaving her in possession of the name , and taking unto themselves new names according to their severall founders : except the church of england , ( who is now her selfe become like a chapter that is full of nothing else ) whose founder was such a one , whose name it may be they were unwilling to owne . for antiquity , if we should inquire after the old paths , which is the good way , and walke therein ; as the prophet jeremiah adviseth us : if we should take our saviours rule , ab initio autem , non fuit sic : if we should observe his saying , how the good seed was first sowed , and then the tares : if we should consider the pit from whence we were dug , and the rock from whence we were hewen , we shall find antiquity more applicatory to the church of rome , then any protestant church . but you will say , your religion is as ancient as ours ; having its procedure from christ , and his apostles : so say the lutheran protestants , with their doctrine of consubstantiation : and many other sorts of protestants , having other tenents , altogether contrary to what you hold : how shall we reconcile you ? so say all hereticks that ever were , how shall we confute them ? a part to set up themselmes against the whole , and by the power of the sword , to make themselves judges in their owne causes , is dealing , that were it your case , i am sure you would think it very hard , i wish you may never find it so . for visibility : our saviour compares his church to a citie placed on a hill , according unto the prophet davids prophesie , a tabernacle in the sun : it is likewise compared unto a candle in a candle-stick : not under a bushell : and saith our saviour , if they shall say unto you , behold , he is in the desart , go ye not forth ; behold , he is in secret places , believe it not ; forewarning us against obscure and invisible congregations : now i beseech your majestie , whether should i betake my selfe , to a church that was alwayes visible , and gloriously eminent ; or to a protestant church that was never eminent , and for the most part invisible ; shrowding their defection , under an apostolicall expression , of a woman in the revelation , who fled into the wildernesse for a thousand years ? as if an allegory , could wipe out so many clear texts of scripture , as are set down by our saviour , and the prophets , concerning the churches invisibility ? and i could not find any church in the world to whom that prophesie of esay might more fitly appertain , then to the church of rome : i have set watch-men upon the walls , which shall never hold their peace day nor night , which i am sure no protestant church can apply to her selfe . it is not enough to say , i maintaine the same faith and religion which the apostles taught , and therefore , i am of the true church , ancient , and visible enough ; because ( as i have said before ) every heretick will say as much : but if you cannot by these marks of the church , ( set down in scripture ) clear your selves to be the true church , you vainly appeale to the scriptures siding with you in any particular point : for what can be more absurd , then to appeale from scripture , ( setting things down clearly ) unto scripture setting down things more obscurely ? there is no particular point of doctrine in the holy scripture so manifestly set downe , as that concerning the church , and the markes thereof : nothing set down more copious and perspicuous then the visibility , perpetuitie , and amplitude of the church . so that saint augustin did not stick to say , that the scriptures were more clear about the church , then they were about christ . let him answer for it . he said so in his book , de unitate ecclesiae , and this ( he said ) was the reason : because , god ( in his wisdome ) would have the church to be described without any ambiguity , that all controversies about the church may be clearly decided : whereby questions about particular doctrines , may find determinations in her judgement : and that visibility might shew the way unto the most rude and ignorant : and i know not any church , to whom it may more justly be attributed , then to the church of rome : whose faith ( as in the beginning was spread through the whole world ) so ( all along ) and at this day , it is generally known among all nations . next to this , i prove the catholick church to be the romane ; because , a lawfull succession of pastors is required in every true church , according to the prophet esay his prophecie concerning her , viz. my spirit which is upon thee , and the words which i have put into thy mouth , shall not depart out of thy mouth , nor out of the mouth of thy seed , nor out of the mouth of thy seeds seed , from henceforth , for ever ; this succession i can find onely in the church of rome : this succession they onely can prove ; nons else offering to go about it . this succession saint augustin sayes , kept him in that church , viz. a succession of priests , from the very seat of peter the apostle , to the present bishop of his time . and optatus milevitanus reckons all the romane bishops from saint peter to syricius , who then was pope : and by this , he shewed and made it his argument , that the true church was not with the donatists : bidding them , to shew the originall of their chayre ; this no protestant did , or ever can doe : the romane church gave the english bishops commission to preach the doctrine of christ , as they have delivered it unto them ; but they never gave them any commission to preach against her religion : which bishops being turned out , for observing the depositum ( wherewith they were instructed ) and new bishops chosen in their room ( by her , who not contenting her selfe with being a nursing mother thereof , must needs be head of the child : and moderatrix in the same church , wherein by the apostles precept she is forbidden to speak ) the succession was broke off : the branch cut off from the body , becoming no part of the tree , fit for nothing but to be chopt into smaller pieces , and so fitted for the fire ; this proofe of succession the bishops of england , thought so necessary , for proving their church to be the true church , that they affirmed themselves to be consecrated by catholick bishops , their predecessors , which ( never proved ) argues the interruption , and affirming it , shews how that ( in their owne opinion the succession could not hold in the inferiour ministers ( as indeed it cannot ) for as there is a continued supply of embassadours in all places , yet the succession is in the royall race : so though all vacancies are replenished by ministers of the gospel , yet the succession of the authority was in the bishops , as descended ( to them ) from the apostles , according to our saviours rule : i will be with you alwayes unto the end of the world ; which affirmation of theirs , argues that their calling is sufficient without it : and in that they would faine derive it from the church of rome , it argues , that that is the true church : and yet they would forsake her , supposing her to have errors , when that reformation it selfe was but a supposition ; for seeing they hold that their church may erre , they can be certain of nothing : and whilst ( for errors sake ) they forsake the church of rome , the church of england ( in forsaking her ) may be in the greatest error of all : where there is neither succession , nor assurance , i must leave her to her selfe , and your majestie to judge . next : i prove the romane church , to be the true church , by her unity in doctrine : for so the apostle paul requires all the churches children to be of one mind . viz. i beseech you , that all speak one thing ; be ye knit together in one mind , and one judgement , cor. . endeavouring to keep the unitie of the spirit in the bond of peace , ephes . . . the multitude of them that believed , were of one heart , and of one soul , act. . . continue in one spirit and one mind , of one accord and one judgement , phil. . . phil. . . so our saviour prayeth that they may be one ; so joseph forewarned his brethren , that they should not fall out by the way , knowing that whilst they were with him , he could order them : when they came to their father , he could order them : but having no head , they should be apt to be dissentious . this unity i find no where but in the church of rome : agreeing in all things , which the church of rome hath determined for doctrine , whereas the protestant doctrine , like the heresie of simon magus , divided it selfe into severall sects , and to that of the donatists which were cut into small threds , in so much , that among the many religions which are lately sprung up , and the sub , sub , sub-divisions under them : each one ( pretending to be the true protestant ) excluding the other : and all of them together , no more likely to be bound up in the bond of peace , then a bundle of thornes , can expect binding with a rope of sand ; in vaine is their excuse , if non-disagreement in fundameatalls : for they dis-agree amongst themselves about the sacrament : for the lutherans hold consubstantiation : but the church of england no such matter . some , that christ descended into hell : others not . the church of england maintain their king to be the head of the church : the helvetians will acknowledge no such matter : the presbyterians will acknowledge no such matter ; the independent will acknowledge no such matter : concerning the government of the church by bishops , some protestants maintaine it to be jure divino : others , to be jure ecclesiastico , others no such matter . some think that the english translations of the bible in some places takes away , in other places addes , and other some places changes the meaning of the holy ghost , and some think it no such matter , or else the bishops would not have recommended it unto the people . lastly , they are so far from agreeing about the true meaning of the word of god , that they cannot agree upon what is the word of god : for lutherans , deny the second epistle of saint peter , the second and third epistle of saint john : the epistle to the hebr. the epistle of saint james , and saint jude , and the revelation ; the calvinists and the church of england , no such matter , they allow them . and i believe that these are fundamentalls ; if they cannot agree upon their principalls , how shall they agree upon the deductions thence ? if these be not fundamentall points , how come protestants , to fight against protestants , for the protestants religion ? the disagreement is not so amongst the romane catholicks : for all points of the romane religion , that have been defined by the church , in a generall councell , are agreed upon exactly , by all nations , tongues and people , uibicunque terrarum : but in those points which are not determined by the church , the church leaves every man to abound in his owne sense ; and therefore all the heat that is either between the thomists and the scolists : the dominicans , and the jesuits : either concerning the conception of our blessed lady , or the concurrence of grace , and free-will , &c. being points , wherein the church hath not interposed her decrees , is no more prejudicall or objectionall against the church of romes unitie , then the disputations in the schools of our universities are prejudiciall to the . articles of the church of england . but in each severall protestant dominion there are certain severall articles of beliefe , belonging to severall protestant dominions , in which severall agreements , not any one , agrees with any of all the rest ; neither is there any possibility they should : being there is no means acknowledged , nor power ordained , whereby they should be gathered together in one councell , whereby they might be of one heart , and of one soule : neither is there this unitie in any one particular dominion : as is in the dominion of the roman church ; for they are all in pieces amongst themselves , even in their owne severall dominions , practising disobedience to their superiours , they teach it to their inferiours . the greatest unitie the protestants have , is not in believing , but in not believing : in knowing , rather what they are against , then what they are for ; not so much in knowing what they would have , as in knowing what they would not have . but let these negative religions take heed they meet not with a negative salvation . neither can the conversion of nations be attributed to any other church then to the roman , which is another mark of the true church , according to the prophesies of esay cap. . . kings shall be thy nursing fathers , and queens thy nursing mothers . and esay . . thou shalt suck the milk of the gentiles , and the breasts of kings shall minister unto thee : and esay . . and thy gates shall be continually open , that men may bring to thee the riches of the gentiles , and that their kings may be brought . and the iles shall doe thee service . and the prophet david , i will give thee the heathen for thine inheritance , and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession , &c. now no protestant church ever converted any one nation , kingdome or people . many protestant people have fallen away from the church of rome , but this cannot be called conversion , but rather perversion : for the romane church may justly say of such , these have not converted nations from paganisme to christianity , which is the mark of the true church : these are they , which went forth from us , joh. . . certaine that went forth from us , act. . . these are certaine men who rise out of our selves , speaking perverse things , act. . . these were they who separated themselves , iude . which are marks of false and hereticall churches . but the romane church i find stretching forth her armes , from east to west , receiving and imbracing all within her communion ; for the first three hundred years , the church grew down-ward , like a strong building , whose foundations are first laid in the earth , whose stones are knit together in unity by the morter that was tempered with the blood of her ten persecutions . afterwards this building , hasting upwards , constantine the great emperour , submitting his neek unto the yoke of christ , subdued all christian churches to pope sylvester , then pope of rome , from which time to these our dayes the pope and his clergy hath possessed the outward and visible church as is confessed by napier , a learned protestant in his treatise upon the revelation pag. . and all along hath added kingdomes upon kingdoms to her communion : untill she had incorporated into her selfe , not onely europe , but asia , africa and america : as simon lythus , a protestant writer , affirmeth , viz. the jesuits have filled asia , africa and america with their idols ( as he calls them ) for the late conversions of the east and west-indies by the romans , if you read joan. petrus maffeus hist . indicarum , jos . acosta de natur . novi orbis : you shall find that no church in the world hath ever spread so farre and wide , as the church of rome . wherefore i hope in this respect ( also ) i may safely conclude that the church of rome most justly deserves to be called the catholick church . neither is it a vainer thing , to say , that the pope of rome cannot be head of the church , because christ himselfe is head thereof ; then it is for a man to say , that the king of england cannot be king of england , because god is king of all the earth , psal . . . as if the king could not be gods vice-gerent , and the peoples visible god : so the pope christs vicar or deputy , and the churches visible head . and let kings beware how they give way to such arguments as these , lest at the last such inferences be made upon themselves . as strange an inference is that , how that the church was not built upon peter , because it was built upon his confession ; as if it might not be built casually upon the one , and formally upon the other : as if both these could not stand together . as if the confession of peters faith might not be the cause why christ built his church upon his person ; as if christ did not as well ( personally ) tell him , tu es petrus : as ( significantly ) super hanc petram ( id est , super istam confessionem ) aedificabo ecclesiam . no lesse invalid is that objection of protestants against the oeconomacy of the bishop of rome , viz. that saying of greg. sometimes bishop of that sea , viz. he that intituled himself universall bishop , exalted himself like lucifer , above his brethren , and was a fore-runner of antichrist : as if there were no more meanings in the word universality than one : as if there were not a metaphoricall as well as a literall and grammaticall sense : as if saint gregory might not censure this title of universality in the grammaticall , and exclusive meaning , ( which being so taken , would have excluded all other bishops from their offices , essences , and proprieties which they held under christ ) thereby depriving them of the key of orders , and yet still keep the superiority , ( viz. of one bishop over another , and himself over all in a metaphoricall and transferent sense ) thereby still keeping the key of jurisdiction in his own hands ; and this not onely is , but must be the meaning of saint gregory ; for he thus explicates the matter himself , lib. . ind . . cp . . viz. the care of the church hath been committed to the prince of all the apostles , saint peter : and yet had saint peter called himselfe the universall apostle ; in the first sence ( seeing that christ jesus made other apostles as well as him ) he had been no apostle himself , but antichrist ; and yet this hindred not , but that the care and principality was committed unto peter : whereby you may plainly see , how he ascribes a head-ship over the church , whilst he denies the universality of episcopacy . wherefore , having shewed your majesty my church , i humble beg , that you will be pleased either to give me a few lines in answer hereunto , or else to shew me yours . the kings paper in answer to the marquesse . my lord : i have perused your paper , whereby i find , that it is no strange thing to see errour tryumph in antiquity , and flourish all those ensignes of universality , succession , unity , conversion of nations , &c. in the face of truth : and nothing was so familiar either with the iews , or gentiles , as to besmear the face of truth with spots of novelty : for this was ieremiahs case , ier. . . viz. as for the word which thou hast spoken unto us in the name of the lord , we will not hearken unto thee , but we will certainly doe whatsoever thing goeth forth out of our owne mouths : to burn incense unto the queen of heaven , and to powre out drink-offerings unto her as we have done , we , and our fathers , our kings and our princes in the cities of judah , and in the streets of jerusalem as we have done : there is antiquity , we and our fathers : there is succession , in the cities of judah and jerusalem : there is universalitie : so demetrius , urged antiquity and universality for his godde 〈…〉 : viz. that her temple should not be despised , 〈…〉 magnificence destroyed , whom all asia and the world worshipped . so symachus that wise senator , though a bitter enemie to the christians : servanda est inquit tot seculis fides , & sequendi sunt nobis parentes qui feliciter sequuti sunt suos : we must defend that religion which hath worne out so many ages , and follow our fathers steps , who have so happily followed theirs . so prudentius would have put back christianity it selfe , viz. nunc dogma nobis christianum nascitur post evolutos mille demum consules : now the christian doctrine begins to spring up after the revolution of a thousand consul-ships : but ezekiel reads us another lecture . ne obdurate cervices vestras ut patres vestri , cedite manum iehovae , ingredimini sanctuarium ejus , quod sanctificavit in seculum , & colite iehovam deum vestrum : be not stiff-necked as your fore fathers were , resist not the mighty god , enter into his sactuary which he hath consecrated for ever , and worship ye the lord your god. radbodus , king of phrygia , ( being about to be baptized ) asked the bishop , what was become of all his ancestors , who were dead without being baptized ? the bishop answered : that they were all in hell ; whereupon the king suddenly withdrew himselfe from the font , ( saying ) ibi profecto me illis comitem adjungam : thither will i go unto them : no lesse wise are they , who had rather erre with fathers and councels , then rectifie their understanding by the word of god , and square their faith according to its rules . our saviour christ saith , we must not so much hearken to what has been said by them of old time , mat. . . as to that which he shall tell you , where auditis dictum esse antiquis is exploded : and ego dico vobis is come in its place , which of them all can attribute that credit to be given unto him , as is to be given to saint paul. yet he would not have us to be followers of him more , then he is a follower of christ , cor. . . wherefore if you cry never so loud , sancta mater ecclesia , sancta mater ecclesia , the holy mother church , holy mother church as of old , they had nothing to say for themselves , but templum domini , templum domini , the temple of the lord , the temple of the lord , we will cry as loud againe with the prophet : quomodo facta est meretrix urbs fidelis ? how is the faith full city become a harlot ? if you vaunt never so much of your roman catholick church : we can tell you out of saint john , that she is become the synagogue of sathan : neither is it impossible , but that the house of prayers may be made a den of theeves : you call us hereticks ; we answer you with saint paul , act. . . after the way which you call heresie , so worship we the god of our fathers , believing all things which were written in the law and the prophets . i will grant you , that all those marks which you have set downe , are marks of the true church ; and i will grant you more , that they were belonging to the church of rome : but then you must grant me thus much , that they are as well belonging to any other chucch , who hold and maintaine that doctrine which the church of rome then maintained , when she wrought those conversions : and not at all to her , if she have changed her first love , and fallen from her old principles ; for it will do her no good to keep possession of the keyes , when the lock is changed : now to try whether she hath done so or no , there can be no better way , then by searching the scriptures ; for though i grant you that the catholick church is the white in that butt of earth at which we all must aime ; yet the scripture is the heart centre , or peg in the midst of that white that holds it up , from whence we must measure , especially when we are all in the white . we are all of us in gremio ecclesiae ; so that controversies cannot be decided by the catholick church , but by the scriptures , which is the thing by which the nearenesse unto truth must be decided ; for that which must determine truth must not be fallible : but whether you mean the consent of fathers , or the decrees of generall counsels , they both have erred ; i discover no fathers nakednesse ; but deplore their infirmities , that we should not trust in armes of flesh : tertullian was a montanist ; cyprian a rebaptist ; origen , an anthropomorphist ; heirom , a monoganist ; nazianzen , an angelist ; eusebius , an arrian ; saint augustine had written so many errors , as occasioned the writing of a whole booke of retractations : they have often times contradicted one another , and sometimes themselves . now for generall counsels : did not that concilium ariminense , conclude for the arrian heresie ? did not that concilium ephesinum , conclude for the eutichian heresie ? did not that concilium carthaginense , conclude it not lawfull for priests to marry ? was not athanasius condemned in concilio tyrioi ? was not eiconolatria established in concilio nicaeno secundo ? what should i say more ? when the apostles themselves , lesse obnoxious to error , either in life or doctrine , more to be preferred then any , or all the world besides ; one of them betraies his saviour , another denies him ; all forsake him . they thought christs kingdome to have been of this world ; and a promise onely unto the jewes , and not unto the gentiles ; and this after the resurrection . they wondered that the holy ghost should fall upon the gentiles . saint john twice worshipped the angel , and was rebuked for it , apoc. . . saint paul saw how peter walked not uprightly , according to the truth of the gospel , gal. . . not onely peter , but other of the apostles , were ignorant , how the word of god was to be preached unto the gentiles . but who then shall rowl away the stone from the mouth of the monument ? who shall expound the scriptures to us ? one puls one way , and another another : by whom shall we be directed ? scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus . you that cry up the fathers , the fathers so much ; shall hear how the fathers doe tell us that the scriptures are their owne interpreters . irenaeus , who was scholler to policarpus , that was schollar to saint iohn , lib. . cap. . thus saith , ostentiones quae sunt in scriptur is non possunt ostendi nisi ex ipsis scriptur is , the evidences which are in scripture cannot be manifested but out of the same scripture . clemens alexandrinus , nos ex ipsis de ipsis scriptur is , perfectè demonstrantes ex fide persuademus demonstrative : strom. li. . out of the scriptures themselves , from the same scriptures perfectly demonstrating , doe we draw demonstrative perswasions from faith . crysost . sacra scriptura seipsam exponit , & auditorem errare non sinit . basilius magnus , quae ambiguè & quae obscurè , videntur dici in quibusdam locis sacrae scripturae , ab i is quae in aliis locis aperta & perspicua sunt explicantur , hom : . in gen. those things which may seeme to be ambiguous and obscure in certaine places of the holy scripture , must be explicated from those places which else-where are plain and manifest . augustinus , ille qui cor habet quod precisum est iungat scripturae , & legat superiora vel inferiora & inveniet sensum . let him who hath a precise heart joyne it unto the scriptures : and let him observe what goes before , and that which follows after , and he shall find out the sense . gregorius saith ( ser. . de verbis domini . ) per scripturam loquitur deus omne quod vult : & voluntas dei sicut in testamento , sic in evangelio inquiratur . by scripture god speaks his whole mind ; and the will of god , as in the old testament so in the new , is to be found out . optatus contra parmenonem , lib. . num quis aequior arbiter veritatis divinae quam deus , aut ubi deus manifestius loquitur quam in verbo suo : is there a better judge of the divine verity then god himselfe ? or where doth god more manifestly declare himselfe then in his owne word ? what breath shall we believe then , but that which is the breath of god ; the holy scriptures ? for it seems all one to saint paul to say , dicit scriptura , the scripture saith : rom. . . and dicit deus the lord saith : rom. . . the scripture hath concluded all under sin , gal. . . for that which rom. . . he saith , god hath concluded all , &c. how shall we otherwise conclude then but with the apostle cor. . . have received not the spirit of the world , but the spirit which is of god , that we might know the things that are freely given unto us of god. they who know not this spirit , do deride it : but this spirit is hidden manna , apo. . . which god giveth them to eat who shall overcome ; it is the white stone wherein the new name is written , which no man knoweth but he that received it . wherefore we see the scripture is the rule by which all differences may be composed : it is the light wherein we must walke : the food of our souls : an antidote that expels any infection : the onely sword that kils the enemy : the onely plaster that can cure our wounds : and the onely documents that can be given towards the attainment of everlasting salvation . the marquesses reply to the kings paper . may it please your most excellent majesty . your majestie is pleased to wave all the marks of the true church ; and to make recourse unto the scriptures . i humbly take leave to aske your majesty what heretique that ever was did not doe so ? how shall the greatest heretique in the world , be confuted or censured ; if any man may be permitted to appeale to scriptures : margind with his own notes , senc'd with his owne meaning , and enlivened with his owne private spirit ? to what end were those marks so fully , both by the prophets , the apostles , and our saviour himselfe set downe , if we make no use of them ? to what use are land-marks set up , if marriners will not believe them to be such ? yet notwithstanding after that i have said , what i have to say in removall of certain obstacles that lie in the way , i shall lead your majesty to my church , through the full body of the scriptures , or not at all , and then i shall leave it to your royall heart to judge ( when you shall see that we have scripture on our side ) whether or no the interpretation thereof be likelier to be true , that hath been adjudged so by councels , renowned fathers , famous for sanctity and holinesse of life ; continued for the space of a thousand or twelve hundred years , by your owne confession , universally acknowledged ; or that such a one as luther ( his word shall be taken , either without scripture , or against it , with sic volo , and sic jubeo ; a man who confessed himselfe , that he received his doctrine from the devil ; or such a one as calvin and their associates , notoriously infamous in their lives and conversations , plain rebels to their moses and aaron , united to the same person ) should counter ballance all the worthies determinations of councels , and the continued practice , which so many ages produced . if your majestie meanes by the church all the professors of the gospel ; all that are christians , are so the true church ; then we are so in your owne sense , and you in ours : then none who believe in the blessed trinity , the articles of the creed ; none , who deny the scriptures to be the word of god , let them construe them as they please , can be hereticall , or of a wrong religion ; therefore we must contradistinguish them thus : and by the protestant church and religion , we must understand those opinions which the protestants hold contrary to the church of rome ; and by the romane , the opinions which they hold dissenting from the protestant ; and then we will see whether we have scripture for our religion or not ; and whether you have scripture for what you maintaine ; and whose opinions are most approved of by the primitive times , and fathers ; and what ground your late divines have built their new opinions upon ; and then i shall give you majestie an answer to the objection which you make against our church : viz. that she hath forsaken her first love , and fallen from the principles which she held , when she converted us to christianity . but first to the removall of those rubs in our way ; and then i shall shew as much reverence to the scripture as any protestant in the world ; and shall endeavour to shew your majesty that the scriptures are the basis or foundation upon which our church is built . your majesty was pleased to urge the errors of certaine fathers , to the prejudice of their authority ; which i conceive would have been so , had they been all montanists , rebaptists , all anthropomorphists , and all of them generally guilty of the faults , wherewith they were severally charged in the particulars : seeing that when we produce a father , we doe not intend to produce a man in whose mouth was never found guile : the infallibility being never attributed by us , otherwise then unto the church , not unto particular church-men : as your majesty hath most excellently observed , in the failings of the holy apostles , who erred after they had received the holy ghost , in so ample manner : but when they were all gathered together in councell , and could send about their edicts , with these capitall letters in the front , visum est spiritui sancto & nobis , acts . . then i hope your majesty cannot say , that it was possible for them to erre . so , though the fathers might erre in particulars , yet those particular errors would be swallowed up in a generall councel , and be no more considerable in respect of the whole , then so many heat-drops of error , can stand in competition with a cloud of witnesses , to the divine truth ; and be no more prejudicicall to their generall determinations , then so many exceptions , are prejudiciall to a generall rule . neither is a particular defection in any man any exception against his testimony , except it be in the thing wherein he is deficient ; for otherwise we should be of the nature of the flies , who onely prey upon corruption , leaving all the rest of the body that is whole unregarded . secondly , your majesty taxes generall councels for committing errors . if your majesty would be pleased to search into the times wherein those councels were called , your majesty shall find , that the church was then under persecution , and how that arrian emperours , rather made assemblies of divines , then called any generall councels ; and if we should suppose them to be generall and free councels , yet they could not be erroneous in any particular mans judgement , untill a like generall councell should have concluded the former to be erroneous ; ( except you will allow particulars to condemne generalls , and private men the whole church ) all generall councels , from the first unto the last that ever were , or shall be , makes but one church : and though in their intervals , there be no session of persons , yet there is perpetuall virtue in their decretals , to which every man ought to appeale for judgement , in point of controversie . now as it is a maxim in our law , nullum tempus occurrit regi : so it is a maxim in divinity , nullum tempus occurrit deo : ubi deus est , as he promised , i will be with you alwaies unto the end of the world ; that is with his church , in directing her chief officers , in all their consultations , relating either to the truth of her doctrine , or the manner of her discipline : wherefore if it should be granted , that the church had at any time determined amisse ; the church cannot be said to have erred , because you must not take the particular time for the catholick church ; because the church is as well catholick for time as territory ; except that you will make rectification an error . for as in civil affairs , if that we should take advantage of the parliaments nulling former acts ; and thereupon conclude , that we will be no more regulated by its lawes , we should breed confusion in the common-wealth ; for as they alter their laws , upon experience of present inconveniences ; so the councels change their decrees according to that further knowledge which the holy writ assures us , shall encrease in the latter daies ; provided that this knowledge be improved by means approved of , and not by every enthusiastick , that shall oppose himselfe against the whole church . if i recall my own words , it is no error , but an avoidance of error : so where the same power rectifies it selfe , though some things formerly have been decreed amisse , yet that cannot render the decrees of generall councels not binding , or incident to error , quoad ad nos ; though in themselves , and pro tempore , they may be so . as to your majesties objecting the errors of the holy apostles , and pen-men of the holy ghost ; and your inference thereupon , viz. that truth is no where to be found but in holy scripture ; under your majesties correction , i take this to be the greatest argument against the private spirit ( urged by your majesty ) its leading us into all truth , that could possibly be found out . for if such men ( as they ) indued with the holy ghost , inabled with the power of working miracles ; so sanctified in their callings , and enlightened in their understandings could erre : how can any man ( lesse qualified ) assume to himselfe a freedome from not erring , by the assistance of a private spirit ? lastly , as to your majesties quotations of so many fathers , for the scriptures easinesse and plainnesse to be understood . if the scriptures themselves doe tell us , that they are hard to be understood , so that the unlearned and unstable wrest them to their owne destruction : peter . . and if the scripture tells us , that the eunuch could not understand them except some man should guide him : as acts . . and if the scripture tells us , that christs owne disciples could not understand them , untill christ himselfe expounds them unto them , as luke , . and if the scriptures tell us , how the angel wept much , because no man was able either in heaven or earth to open the book sealed with seven seals , nor to look upon it : as apoc. . . then certainly all these sayings of theirs are either to be set to the errata's that are behind their books , or else we must look out some other meaning of their words , then what your majesty hath inferr'd from thence ; as thus , they were easie , id est , in aliquibus , but not in omnibus locis ; or thus , they were easie as to the attainment of particular salvation , but not as to the generall cognisance of all the divine mystery therein contained , requisite for the churches understanding , and by her alone , and her consultations and discusments ( guided by an extraordinary and promised assistance ) onely to be found out ; of which as to every ordinary man , this knowledge is not necessary , so hereof he is not capable . first , we hold the reall presence ; you deny it : we say his body is there : you say there is nothing but bare bread : we have scripture for it , mat. . . take , eat , this is my body , so luke . . this is my body which is given for you . you say that the bread which we must eat in the sacrament , is but dead bread ; christ saith that that bread is living bread : you say how can this man give us his flesh to eat ? we say that that was the objection of jews , and infidels , ( john . . ) not of christians and believers : you say it was spoken figuratively ; we say it was spoken really , re vera , or as we translate it indeed , john . . but as the jews did , so doe ye , first , murmur that christ should be bread , john. . . secondly , that that bread should be flesh , iohn . . and thirdly , that that flesh should be meat indeed , john . . untill at last you cry out with the unbelievers , this is a hard saying , who can heare it ? iohn . . had this been but a figure , certainly christ would have removed the doubt , when he saw them so offended at the reality , john. . . he would not have confirmed his saying , in terminis , with promise of a greater wonder , john . . you may as well deny his incarnation , his ascention , and ask , how could the man come down from heaven and goe up againe ? ( if incomprehensibility should be sufficient to occasion such scruples in your breasts ) and that which is worse then naught , you have made our saviours conclusion an argument against the premises ; for where our saviour tels them thus to argue according unto flesh and bloud , in these words , the flesh profiteth nothing ; and that if they will be enlivened in their understanding , they must have faith to believe it in these words , it is the spirit that quickneth , john . . they pervert our saviours meaning into a contrary sense , of their owne imagination : viz. the flesh profiteth nothing , that is to say , christs body is not in the sacrament : but in the spirit that quickneth , that is to say , we must onely believe that christ dyed for us , but not that his body is there : as if there were any need of so many inculcations , pressures , offences , mis-believings , of and in a thing that were no more but a bare memoriall of a thing ; being a thing nothing more usuall with the israelites : as the twelve stones which were erected as a sign of the children of israels passing over jordan : that when your children shall ask their fathers what is meant thereby , then ye shall answer them , &c. josh . . there would not have been so much difficulty in the belief , if there had not been more in the mysterie ; there would not have been so much offence taken at a memorandum , nor so much stumbling at a figure . the fathers are of this opinion , saint ignat. in ep. ad smir. saint justin . apol : . ad antonium : saint cyprian ser. . de lapsis . saint ambr. lib. . de sacram. saint remigius , &c. affirme the flesh of christ to be in the sacrament , and the same flesh which the word of god took in the virgins wombe . secondly , we hold that there is in the church an infallible rule for understanding of scripture , besides the scripture it selfe , this you deny : this we have scripture for , as rom. . . we must prophesie according to the rule of faith : we are bid to walke according to this rule : gal. . . we must encrease our faith , and preach the gospel , according to this rule : cor. . . this rule of faith , the holy scriptures call a form of doctrine : romans . . a thing made ready to our hands : . cor. . . that we may not measure our selves by our selves : cor. . . the depositions committed to the churches trust , tim. . . for avoiding of prophane and vain bablings and oppositions of sciences , and by this rule of faith , is not meant the holy scriptures ; for that cannot do it , as the apostle tells us , whilst there are unstable men who wrest this way and that way , to their owne destruction ; but it is the tradition of the church and her exposition , as it is delivered from hand to hand as most plainly appears , . tim. . . viz. the things which thou hast heard of us ( not received in writing from me or others ) among many witnesses , the same commit thou to faithfull men , who shall be able to teach it to others also . of this opinion are the fathers ; saint irenaeus . chap. . tertul : de praescr . and vincent . lir . in suo commentario saith , it is very needfull in regard of so many errors proceeding from misinterpretations of scripture , that the line of propheticall and apostolicall exposition , should be directed according to the rule of ecclesiasticall and catholike sense ; and saith tertullian prae . script . advers . haeres . chap. . we doe not admit our adversaries to dispute out of scripture till they can shew who their ancestors were , and from whom they received the scriptures : for the ordinary course of doctrine , requires that the first question should be , from whom , and by whom , and to whom , the form of christian religion was delivered ; otherwise prescribing against him as a stranger : for otherwise if a heathen should come by the bible , as the eunuch came by the prophesie of esay , and have no philip to interpret it unto him , he would find out a religion rather according to his owne fancy , then divine verity . in matters of faith , christ bids us to observe and doe whatsoever they bid us who sit in moses seat , mat. . . therefore surely there is something more to be observed then onely scripture ; will you not as well believe what you hear christ say , as what ye hear his ministers write ? you hear christ when you hear them , as well as you read christ when you read his word : he that heareth you heareth me : luke . . we say the scriptures are not easie to be understood ; you say they are : we have scripture for it , as is before manifested at large : the fathers say as much : saint irenaeus lib. . chap. . origen : contr . cels : and saint ambr. epist . . ad constant . calleth the scripture a sea and depth of propheticall riddles : and saint hier. in praefat : comment . in ephes : and saint aug : epist : . chap. . saith : the things of holy scripture which i know not , are more then those that i know : and saint denis , bishop of corinth , cited by eusebius , lib. . hist . eccless . . saith of the scriptures , that the matter thereof was far more profound then his wit could reach . we say that this church cannot erre : you say it can : we have scripture for what we say ; such scripture that will tell you that fools cannot erre therein : esaiah . . such scripture as will tell you , if you neglect to hear it , you shall be a heathen and a publican : mat. . . such scripture as will tell you , that this church shall be unto christ a glorious church , a church that shall be without spot or wrinkle : ephesians . . such a church as shall be enlivened for ever with his spirit : isaiah . . the fathers affirm the samme , saint aug : contra crescon : lib. . cap. . saint cypr : epist . . ad cornel. num : . saint irenaeus lib. . chap. . cum multis aliis . we say the church hath been alwaies visible ; you deny it : we have the scripture for it , mat. . , . the light of the world ; a city upon a hill cannot be hid : cor. . . isaiah . the fathers unanimously affirme the same ; origen : hom : . in math : that the church is full of light even from the east to the west : saint chrisost : hom : . in . of isaiah , that it is easier for the sun to be extinguished , then the church to be darkned : saint aug : tract : in joan : calls them blind , who doe not see so great a mountain : and saint cypr : de unitate ecclesiae . we held the perpetuall universality of the church , and that the church of rome is such a church : you deny it : we have scripture for it , psal . . . rom. . . the fathers affirm as much , saint cypr : ep . . writing to cornelius pope of rome , saith , whilst with you there is one mind and one voice , the whole church is confessed to be the roman church . saint aug : de unitate eccles . chap. . saith , who so communicates not with the whole corps of christendome , certaine it is that they are not in the holy catholike church . saint hier. in apol. ad ruffin . saith , that it is all one to say the roman faith , and the catholick . we hold the unity of the church to be necessary in all points of faith : you deny it : the severall articles of your protestant churches deny it : we have scripture for it , eph. . . one lord , one faith , one baptisme . acts . . cor. . . the fathers are of that opinion , saint aug : cont . ep . par. l. . chap. . saint cyp. lib. de unitate ecclesiae nu . . saint hyl. lib. ad constantium augustum . we hold that every minister of the church , especially the supreme ministers or head thereof , should be in a capacity of fungifying his office in preaching the gospel , administring the sacraments , baptizing , marrying , and not otherwise , this we have scripture for , heb. no man taketh this honour unto himselfe but he that is called of god , as aaron was : this you deny : and not onely so , but you so deny it , as that your church hath maintained and practised it a long time , for a woman to be head or supreme moderatrix in the church ; when you know that according to the word of god ( in this respect ) a woman is not onely forbid to be the head of the man , but to have a tongue in her head . tim. . , . cor. . . yet so hath this been denied by you , that many have been hang'd , drawn , and quartered , for not acknowledging it : the fathers are of our opinion herein , saint damascen . ser . . theod. hist . eccles . lib. . chap. . saint ignat. epist . ad philodolph . saint chrysost . hom. . de verbis isaiae . we say that christ gave commission to his disciples to forgive sins , you deny it ; and say , that god only can forgive sins : we have scripture for it , john . . whosesoever sins ye remit , they are remitted ; and whosesoever sinnes ye retain , they are retained : and john . . as my father hath sent me , even so send i you : and how was that ? viz. with so great power , as to forgive sinnes : mat. . . . where note , that saint matthew doth not set down , how that the people glorified god the father , who had given so great power unto god the son ; but that he had given so great power unto men , loco citato . the fathers are of our opinion , s. aug. tract . . in joan. saint chrys . de sacerdotio . l. . saint ambros . l. . de penitentia . st. cyril . l. . c. . saith , it is not absurd to say , that they should remit sinnes , who have in them the holy ghost : and saint basil . l. . cont . eunom . proved the holy ghost to be god , ( and so confuted his heresie ) because the holy ghost forgave sinnes by the apostles : and s. irenaeus , l. . c. . so s. greg. hom. . evang. we hold , that we ought to confesse our sinnes unto our ghostly father : this ye deny , saying , that ye ought not to confesse your sinnes but unto god alone , this we prove out of scripture : mat. . , . then went out jerusalem , and all judah , and were baptized of him in iordan , confessing their sinnes : this confession was no generall confession , but in particular ; as appears , acts . , . and many that believed , came and confessed , and shewed their deeds . the fathers affirm the same ; s. irenaeus , l. . c. . tert. lib. de poenitentia : where he reprehendeth some , who for humane shamefac'dnesse , neglected to goe to confession . saint ambr. sate to hear confession : amb. ex paulsino : s. clem. ep. de fratr . dom. origen l. . chrys . l. . de sacerd . s. ambr. orat . in muliere peccatrice , saith , confesse freely to the priest the hidden sins of thy soul . we hold , that men may doe works of supererogation , this you deny : this we prove by scripture , mat. . . viz. there be eunuches which have made themselves eunuches for the kingdome of heaven : he that is able to receive it , let him receive it . this is more then a commandment , as saint aug : observes upon the place , ser . lib. de temp : for of precepts it is not said , keep them , who is able , but keep them absolutely . the fathers are of this opinion : saint amb : lib. de viduis . orig : in c. . ad rom. euseb . . demonstrat . c. . saint chry : hom . . de act . paenit . saint greg. nicen . . moral : c. . we say , we have free-will , you deny it , we prove we have out of scripture , viz. cor. . he that standeth stedfast in his heart , having no necessity , but hath power over his own will , and hath so decreed in his heart that he will keep his virgin , doth well . deut. . . i have have set before you life and death , blessing and cursing , chuse life , that thou and thy seed may live : and christ himself said , o jerusalem , jerusalem , how oft would i have gathered thy children together , as a hen gathers her chickens , and ye would not ? where christ would , and they would not : there might have been a willingnesse as well as a willing , or else christ had wept in vain ; and to think that he did so , were to make him an impostor . the ancient fathers are of our opinion : euseb : caesar : de praep . l. . c. . saint hilde : trin : saint aug : l. . ad simp : q. . saint ambr : in luc : c. . saint chrys : hom : . in gen : irenaeus l. . c. . s. cyril : l. . in joan : in c. . &c. we hold it possible to keep the commandments ; you say it is impossible : we have scripture for it , luke . . and they were both righteous before god : walking in all the commandments and ordinances of the lord , blamelesse : and john . . his commandments are not grievous . the fathers are for us : orig : hom : . in josue : saint cyril : lib. . cont : julian : saint hyl : in psal . . saint hier : lib. . cont : pelag : saint basil : we say , faith cannot justifie without works : yee say good works are not absolutely necessary to salvation : we have scripture for what we say , cor. . . though i have all faith , and have no charity , i am nothing : and james . . by works a man is justified and not by faith onely . this opinion of yours saint aug : lib. de fide & oper : cap. . saith , was an old heresie , in the apostles time ; and in the preface of his comment : upon the . psal . he calls it the right way to hell and damnation : see orig : in . to the rom : s. hillar . chap. . in mat : s. amb : . ad heb : &c. we hold , good works to be meritorious ; you deny it : we have scripture for it , mat. . . he shall reward every man according to his works . mat. . . great is your reward in heaven . reward at the end , presupposes merit in the worke : the distinction of secundum , and propter opera ; is too nice to make such a division in the church . the fathers were of our opinion . s. amb : de apolog : david . cap. . s. hier : lib. . cont : pelag : s. aug : de spiritu & lit . cap. ult . and divers others . we hold , that faith once had , may be lost , if we have not care to preserve it : you say it cannot ; we have scripture for it , viz. luke . . they on the rock , are they , which when they hear , receive the word with joy : which , for a while believe , and in time of temptation fall away . so tim. . , . which some having put away , have made shipwrack of their faith . this is frequently affirmed amongst the fathers , see s. aug : de gratia , & lib. arbit . de correp . & gratia , & ad articulos . we hold , that god did never inevitably damn any man before he was born : or as you say , from all eternity ; you say , he did : we have scripture for what we say , wis : . . god made not death , neither hath he pleasure in the destruction of the living . tim. . . god our saviour , who will have all men to be saved . pet. . . the lord is not willing that any should die , but that all should come to repentance : and if you will not believe , when he saies so , believe him when he swears it : as i live , saith the lord , i doe not delight in the death of a sinner . the fathers are of our opinion , s. aug. lib. . civit. dei. tertul. orat. cap. . saint cypr. lib. . epist . . and saint amb. lib. . de cani & abel . we hold , that no man ought , infallibly , to assure himselfe of his salvation : you say he ought , the scripture saith we ought not , cor. . . s. paul was not assured , but that whilst he preached unto others , he himselfe might become a cast-away . rom. . . thou standest in the faith : be not high-minded , but fear , &c. least thou also maist be cut off . phil. . . worke out your salvation with fear and trembling . the fathers are of our opinion : amb : ser. . in psal . . s. basil . in constil . monast . chap. . s. hier : lib. . advers . pelagian : s. crysost . hom. . in joan. s. aug : in psal . . s. bernard ser. . de advent . and ser. . de sept. saith , who can say i am of the elect ? we say that every man hath an angel guardian ; you say he hath not ; we have scripture for it , viz. mat. . . take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones , for i say unto you , that in heaven , their angels doe alwaies behold the face of my father . acts . . s. peter knocking at the door , they say , it is his angel ; they believed this in the apostles time : the fathers believed it along . s. greg. dial. lib. . cap. . s. athanas . de communi essentia . s. chrys . hom. . in ep . ad colos . lib. . de sacer. greg. turonens . lib. de gloria martyr . s. aug. ep . ad probam cap. . and s. jer. upon these words , their angels , mat . . calls it a great dignity , which every one hath from his nativity . we say , the angels pray for us , knowing our thoughts , and deeds ; you deny it : we have scripture for it , zach. . , , , . then the angel of the lord , answered , and said , o lord of hosts , how long wilt thou not have mercy on jerusalem , and on the cities of judah , against whom thou hast had indignation , these threescore and ten years ? apoc. . . and the smoake of the incense of the prayers of the saints , ascended from the hand of the angel before the lord. this place was so understood by irenaeus , lib. . cap. . and s. hillary in psal . . tells us , this intercession of angels , gods nature needeth not , but our infirmities doe : so s. amb. lib. de viduis , victor . utic . lib. . de persecutione vandalorum . we hold it lawfull to pray unto them ; you not : we have scripture for it , gen. . . the angel which redeemed me from all evill , blesse these lads , &c. hosea . . he had power over the angel , and prevailed : he wept and made supplications unto them . saint augustine expounding these words of job . . have pitty upon me , o ye my friends , for the hand of the lord is upon me , saith , that holy job addressed himselfe to the angels . we hold , that the saints deceased , know what passeth here on earth ; you say they know not : we have scripture for it , luke . . where abraham knew that there were moses and the prophets books here on earth , which he himselfe had never seen when he was alive . the fathers say as much , euseb . ser. de ann. s. hier. in epit. paulae . s. maxim. ser. de s. agnete . we say , they pray for us ; you not : we have scripture for it , apoc. . . the twenty four elders fell downe before the lambe , having every one of them harpes , and golden viols , full of odours , which are the prayers of the saints . baruch . . o lord almighty , thou god of israel , hear now the prayers of the dead israelites . the fathers were of this opinion , s. aug. ser. . de verbis apost . s. hilar. in psal . . s. damas . lib. . de fide cap. . we hold that we may pray to them ; you not : we have scripture for it , luke . . father abraham have mercy on me , and send lazarus , &c. you bid us shew one proof , for the lawfulnesse hereof , when here are two saints pray'd unto in one verse : and though dives were in hell , yet abraham in heaven would not have expostulated with him so much , without a non nobis domine , if it had been in it selfe , a thing not lawfull : you will say it is a parable ; yet a jury of ten fathers , of the grand inquest , as theophil . tertul. clem. alex. s. chrys . s. jer. s. amb. s. aug. s. greg. euthem . and ven. beda , give their verdict , that it was a true history : but suppose it were a parable ; yet every parable is either true in the persons named , or else may be true in some others : the holy ghost tells no lies , nor fables , nor speaks not to us in parables , consisting either of impossibilities , or things improbable , job . . call now , if there be any that will answer thee , and to which of the saints wilt thou turne ? it had been a frivolous thing in eliphaz , to have asked job the question ; if invocation of saints had not been the practise of that time . the fathers affirme the same , s. diony . c. . s. athan. ser. de anunt . s. basil . orat. . in mat. s. chrys . hom. . ad popul . s. hier. pray'd to s. paula in epitaph . s. paulae . s. maximus to s. agnes , ser. de s. agnete . s. bern. to our blessed lady . we hold , confirmation necessary ; you not : we have scripture for it , acts . . peter and john prayed for them , that they might receive the holy ghost ( for as yet he was fallen upon none of them ; onely they were baptized in the name of the lord jesus ) then laid they their hands on them ; and they received the holy ghost : where we see the holy ghost was given in confirmation , which was not given in baptisme : also heb. . . therefore leaving the principles of the doctrine of christ , let us go on unto perfection , not laying againe the foundation of repentance from dead works , and of faith , towards god , of baptisme , and of laying on of hands . the fathers affirme the same . tert. lib. de resurrect . carn . s. pacian . lib. de bapt. s. amb. lib. de sac. s. hier. cont. lucif . s. cypr. lib. . ep. . speaking both of baptisme , and confirmation , saith , then they may be sanctified and be the sons of god , if they be borne in both sacraments . we hold it sufficient to communicate in one kind ; you not : we have scripture for it , john . . if any man eat of this bread , he shall live for ever . if everlasting life be sufficient , then is it also sufficient to communicate under one kind : so acts . . and they continued stedfastly in the apostles doctrine , and fellowship ( or communion ) and in breaking of bread and prayer : where is no mention of the cup , and yet they remained stedfast in the apostles doctrine , luke . . . . where christ communicated his two disciples under one kind . saint augustine and theophylact , lib. de consens . evang. cap. . expound this place of the blessed sacrament , s. chrys . hom. . oper . imperfecti . we hold , that christ offered up unto his father , in the sacrifice of the masse ( as an expiation for the sins of the people ) is a true and proper sacrifice ; this you deny : this we prove by scripture , viz. malach. . . from the rising of the sun , unto the going down of the same , my name shall be great among the gentiles : and in every place incense shall be offered to my name , and a pure offering : this could not be meant of the figurative offerings of the jewes , because it was spoken of the gentiles ; neither can it be understood , of the reall sacrifice of christ upon the crosse ; because that was done but in one place , and at one time , and then , and there , not among the gentiles neither : which could be no other , but the daily sacrifice of the masse ; which is , and ever was , from east to west , a pure and daily sacrifice , luke . . this is my body , which is given for you : not to you ; therefore a sacrifice . the fathers are of this opinion : s. clem. apost . const . lib. . cap. . who calleth it a reasonable , unbloudy , and mysticall sacrament , s. aug. lib. . cont. advers . leg . & proph . cap. . . calleth it a singular , and most excellent sacrifice . s. chrys . hom. in psal . . calleth it a pure and unbloudy host , a heavenly , and most reverend sacrifice . s. greg. nicen. orat. . de resurrect . we say that the sacrament of orders , confers grace upon those , on whom the hands of the presbytery are imposed ; you both deny it to be a sacrament , notwithstanding the holy ghost is given unto them thereby ; and also you deny , that it confers any inferiour grace at all upon them : we have scripture for what we hold , viz. tim. . . neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophesie , and with the laying on the hands of the presbytery , so tim. . . stir up the gift of god which is in thee , by the putting on my hands . s. aug. lib. . quaest . super num. s. cyp. ep. ad magnum . optatus milevit . the place beginneth , ne quis miretur . tertul. in prescript . the place beginneth edant origines . we hold , that the priest , and other religious persons who have vowed chastity to god , may not marry afterwards ; you deny , first , that it is lawfull to make any such vows : and secondly , that those who have made any such vowes , are not bound to keep them ; we have scripture for what we hold , deuteronomie . . when thou shalt vow a vow unto the lord thy god , thou shalt not slack to pay it : for the lord thy god will require it of thee . so tim. . , . but the younger widows refuse , for when they have begun to wax wanton , against the lord , they will marry , having damnation ; because they have cast off their first faith . what can be meant hereby , but the vow of chastity ? or by their first faith , but some promise made to christ , in that behalfe ? otherwise , marriage could not be damnable : so all the antient fathers have expounded it . saint aug. lib. de bona viduit . cap. . saint athanas . lib. de virginitat . saint epiph : heres . . saint hier. cont . jovin . lib. cap. . we say , christ descended into hell , and delivered thence the soules of the fathers ; ye deny it : we have scripture for it , viz. ephes . . . when he ascended up on high , he led captivity captive , &c. descending first , into the lower part of the earth . this lower part of the earth , could not be a grave ; for that was the upper part : nor could it have been the place of the damned ; for the devils would have been brought againe into heaven : more clearly , acts . . thou wilt not leave my soule in hell , neither wilt thou suffer thine holy one to see corruption : there is hell for his soule for a time ; and the grave for his body , for a while : plainer yet , pet. . , . being put to death in the flesh , but quickned by the spirit , by which also he went and preached unto the spirits in prison : this prison cannot be heaven , nor hell , as it is the place of the damned ; nor the grave , as it is the place of rest ; therefore it must be ( as saint aug. epist . . ad evod. saith ) some third place ; which third place , the fathers have called limbus patrum : also zachary . . as for thee also , by the bloud of thy covenant , i have sent forth thy prisoners out of the pit wherein is water : by this pit , could not be meant the place of the damned ; for they have no share in the covenant ; neither are they christs prisoners , but the devils ; neither could this pit be the grave ; because christs grave was a new pit , where never any was laid before . the fathers affirme as much ; saint hier. in . ad ephes . saint greg. lib. . moral . cap. . saint aug : in psal . . . ver . . we hold purgatory fire , where satisfaction shall be made for sinnes after death ; you deny it : we have scripture for it , cor. . . . the fire shall try every mans work of what sort it is , if any mans work shall be burnt he shall suffer losse ; but he himselfe shall be saved , yet so as by fire . * lastly , we hold extreme unction to be a sacrament ; you neither hold it to be a sacrament , neither doe you practice it , as a duty : we have scripture for it , james . . is any sick among you ? let him call the elders of the church , and let them pray over him , anointing him with oyle , in the name of the lord ; and the prayer of faith shall save the sick : and the lord shall raise him up ; and if he have committed sins , they shall be forgiven him : neither any , nor all the sacraments , were or could be more effectuall , mens good , nor more substantiall in matter , nor more exquisite in forme ; nor more punctuall in designation of its ministry : other sacraments being bounded within the limits of the soules onely good ; this extends it selfe to the good both of soule and body : he shall recover from his sicknesse , and his sins shall be forgiven him : and yet it is both left out in your practise , and acknowledgment . the fathers are on our side , orig. hom. . in levit. s. chrys . lib. . de sacerd. s. aug. in speculo & ser. . de temp . vener . bed. in . marke , and s. james , and many others . thus most sacred sir , we have no reason to wave the scriptures umpirage ; so that you will hear it speak in the mother language , and not produce it , as a witnesse on your side , when the producers tell us nothing , but their owne meaning , in a language unknowne to all the former ages , and then tell us , that she saith so , and they will have it so ; because , he that hath a bible and a sword , shall carry away the meaning from him that hath a bible , and ne're a sword : nor is it more blasphemy , to say , that the scripture is the churches off spring , because it is the word of god , then it is for me to say , i am the sonne of such a man , because god made me instrumentally ; i am so , and so was shee ; for as saith saint aug : evangelio non crederum , nisi me ecclesiae anthoritas commoveret . i should not believe the gospel it selfe , unlesse i were moved by the authority of the church . there was a church , before there was a scripture , take which testament you please . we grant you , that the scripture is the originall of all light : yet we see light , before we see the sun ; and we know there was a light , when there was no sun : the one is but the body of the other . we grant you the scriptures to be the celestiall globe , but we must not grant you that every one knows how to use it ; or that it is necessary or possible they should . we grant that the scripture is a light to our feet , and a lanthorne to our paths : then you must grant me that it is requisite that we have a guide , or else we may lose our way in the light , as well as in the darke . we grant you that it is the food of our souls , yet there must be some body that must divide , or break the bread . we grant you that it is the onely antidote against the infection of the devil , yet it is not every ones profession to be a compounder of the ingredients . we grant your majesty the scripture to be the only sword and buckler to defend a church from her ghostly enemies : yet i hope you will not have the glorious company of the apostles , and the goodly fellow ship of the prophets to exclude the noble army of martyrs , and the holy church , which through all the world doth acknowledge christ ; wherefore having shewne your majestie how much the scriptures are ours : i shall now consider your opinions apart from us , and see how they are yours ; and who sides with you , in your opinion , besides your selves : and first , i shall crave the boldnesse to begin with the protestants of the church of england . the church of england . whose religion , as it is in opposition to ours , consists altogether in denying ( for what she affirms , we affirme the same ) as the reall presence ; the infallibility , visibility , universality , and unity of the church ; confession and remission of sins ; free-will , and possibility of keeping the commandments , &c. all these things you deny , and you may as well deny the blessed trinity ( for we have no such word in scripture , onely inference ) then that which ye have already denyed ; and for which we have plaine scripture , fathers , councels , practise of the church : that which ye hold positive in your discipline , is more erroneous , then that which is negative in your doctrine : as your maintaining a woman to be head , supreame , or moderatrix in the church , who by the apostles rule is not to speak in the church ( or that a lay-man may be so ) what scripture , or fathers , or custome have ye for this ? or that a lay-man ( as your lay-chancellour ) should excommunicate and deliver up soules to sathan ? whereas matters of so weighty concernment , as delivering of mens soules into the devils hands should not be executed , and upon mature deliberation , and immergent occasions , and not by any , but those who have the undoubted authority ; lest otherwise , you make the authority it selfe to be doubted of . a strange religion , whose ministers are denyed the power of remitting sins ; whilst lay-men are admitted to the power of retaining them : and that upon every ordinary occasion , as non-payment of fees , and the like : whereas such practises as these have rendred the rod of aaron , no more formidable then a reed shaken with the wind ; so that you have brought it to this , that whilst such men as these were permitted to excommunicate for a threepeny matter , the people made not a three-peny matter of their excommunication . the church of saxony . now for the church of saxony , you shall find luther , a man not only obtruding new doctrine upon his disciples , without scripture , or contrary to scripture ; but also doctrine denying scripture , to be scripture , and vilipending those books of scripture , which were received into the canon , and acknowledged to be the word of god , in all ages . as , the book of eccles . saying , that it hath never a perfect sentence in it , and that the author thereof had neither boots nor spurs , but rid upon a long stick , or begging shooes , as he did when he was a fryar . c and the book of job , that the argument thereof , is a meer fiction ; invented onely , for the setting downe of a true and lively example of patience . d that it is a false opinion , and to be abolished , that there are four gospels ; and that the gospel of s. john is only true . e that the epistle of s. james is contentious , swelling , dry , strawy , and unworthy an apostolical spirit . f and that moses in his writings , shewes unpleasant , stopped and angry lips ; in which the word of grace is not , but of wrath , death and sin . g he calls him a goaler , executioner , and a cruell serjeant . h for his doctrine : he holds , a threefold divinity : or three kinds ; as there are three persons whereupon zwinglius taxes him for maning three gods , or three natures in the divinity . i he himselfe is angry with the word trinity , calling it a humane invention , and a thing that soundeth very coldly . k he justifies the arrians , and saith , they did very well in expelling the word ( homousion ) being a word that his soule hated . l he affirmed that christ was from all eternity , even according to his humane nature : taxed for it by zwing . in these words , how can christ then be said to be borne of a woman ? m he affirmes that , as christ dyed with great pain , so he seeems to have sustained pains in hell after death . n that the divinity of christ suffered , or else he were none of his christ . o that if the humane nature should only suffer for him , that christ were but a saviour of a vile account , and had need himselfe of another saviour . p luther held not onely consubstantiation , but also ( saith hospinian ) that the body and bloud of christ both is , and may be found , according to the substance , not only in the bread and wine of the eucharist : or in the hearts of the faithfull , but also in all creatures , in fire , water , or in the rope and halter wherewith desperate persons hang themselves . q he averreth , that the ten commandments belong not unto us , for god did not lead us , but the jewes forth of aegypt . r that faith , except it be without ( even the least ) good works , doth not justifie , and is no faith : whereof you may see him condemned and cited by s that we are equall in dignity and honour with saint paul , saint peter , or the blessed virgin mary , or all the saints . t that all the holinesse which they have used in fasting , and prayer , enduring labours , chastising their bodies , austerity and hardnesse of life , may be daily performed by a hog or a dog . u that in absence of a priest , a woman or a boy , or any christian may absolve . w that they onely communicate worthily , who have confused and erroneous consciences . x that a priest , especially in the new testament , is not made , but borne ; not consecrated , but created . y that the sacrament were true , though it were administred by the devil : see him baited for it by two of his fellow protestants . z that among christians no man can , or ought to be a magistrate ; but each one is to other equally subject : and that among christian men , none is superiour save one , and only christ : a that the husband , in case the wife refuse his bed ; may say unto her , if thou wilt not , another will ; if the mistresse will not , let the maid come . b that the magistrates duty is to put such a wife to death : and that if that the magistrate omit to doe so , the husband may imagine that his wife is stolne away by theeves , and slaine , and consider how to marry another . c that the adulterer may flie into another country ; and if he cannot contain , marry againe . d that polygamy is no more abrogated then the rest of moses law ; and that it is free , as being neither commanded , nor forbidden . e that it is no more in his power to be without a woman , then it is in his power to be no man : and that it is more necessary then to eat , drink , purge , or blow his nose . f i will give you the latine of another opinion of his , because they are his owne words ; but not any of my english shall be accessary to the transportation of such a blast into my native language : perinde faciunt qui continenter vivere instituunt , acsi qui excrementa vel lotium contra naturae impetum retinere velit : g luther saith , how can man prepare himselfe to good ? seeing it is not in his power to make his waies evill ; for god worketh the wicked work in the wicked . h but i pray you where have you this , or any of all this in scripture , nay what scripture have you for it ? that scripture should be no scripture , as hitherto he hath made a great part of it ; and zwingl . almost all the rest , denying all pauls epist : to be sacred : zwing . tom . . fol. . what councel , what fathers , what primitive , or sequent church ( usque ad ) ever taught or approved such doctrine as this ? and how are we cryed out upon for errors , notwithstanding we have all for our justification ? and yet this is the man that boasted , that christ was first published by him ; i and by all of you that he was the first reformer : this is he who calls himselfe a more excellent doctor then all those who are in the papacy . k this is he who thus brags of himselfe , viz. dr. martin luther will have it so , a papist and an asse are directly the same ; so is my will , such is my command ; my will is my reason . l this is he that tells you , i will have you to know , that i will not ( hereafter ) vouchsafe you the honour , as that i will suffer either you , or the very angels of heaven , to judge of my doctrine , &c. nor will i have my doctrine judged by any , no not by the angels themselves : for i being certaine thereof , will ( by it ) be judge both of you and the angels . m and lastly , this is he that gave the alarme to all christendome , of the errors , idolatries , superstitions and prophanenesse of the church of rome : but what scriptures have you for it , that you should not belive the scriptures ? what fathers have you , that you should not believe the church ? what custome have you , that you should not believe the fathers , rather then any private interpretation ? the promised holy ghost , alwaies ruling in the church , rather then the presumed private spirit in any particular man. the church of geneva . now for the church of geneva : calvin comming after him , is not contented to stop himselfe at luthers bounds ; but he goes further , and detracts not onely from the scripture , but from christ and god himselfe . for first , he maintaines , that three essences doe arise out of the holy trinity . a that the sonne hath his substance distinct from the father ; and that he is a distinct god , from the father . b he teacheth that the father can neither wholly , nor by parts , communicate his nature to christ ; but must withall be deprived thereof himselfe . c he denies that the sonne is begotten of the fathers substance and essence ; affirming that he is god of himselfe , not god of god : d he saies , that that dream of the absolute power of god , which the schoolmen have brought in , is execrable blasphemy . e he saith , that where it is said , that the father is greater then i , it hath been restrained to the humane nature of christ ; but i doe not doubt to extend it to him as god and man. f he severeth the person of the mediator from christs divine person ; maintaining with nestorius two persons in christ , the one humane , and the other divine . g that christs soule was subject to ignorance ; and that this was the onely difference betwixt us , and him : that our infirmities are of necessity , and this was voluntary . h that it is evident that ignorance was common to christ , with the angels . i and particulariseth wherein , viz. that he knew not the day of judgement ; k nor that the fig-tree was barren which he cursed , till he came near it . l he is not afraid to censure , certaine words of christ to be but a weak confutation , of what he sought to refute . m and saies , christ seems here not to reason solidly . n he tells us that this similitude of christ seemes to be harsh , and farre fetch'd , and ( a little after ) the similitude of sitting doth not hang together . o where christ inferred all things , therefore whatsoever you will , &c. calvin giveth it this glosse : it is a superfluous or vaine illation . p this metaphor of christ is somewhat harsh : q he saith , insomuch as christ should promise from god a reward to fasting , it was an improper speech . r he writeth of a saying of christ , that it seemes to be spoken improperly , and absurdly , in french sans raison . s he saith , that christ refused , and denyed , as much as lay in him , to performe the office of a mediator . t that he manifested his owne effeminatenesse , by his shunning of death . u he saith , that theeves , and malefactors , hasten to death with obstinate resolution ; despising it with haughty courage , others mildly suffer it : but what constancy , stoutnesse , or courage was there in the son of god , who was astonished , and in a manner , striken dead with fear of death ? how shamefull a tendernesse was it , to be so far tormented with fear of common death , as to melt in bloudy sweat , and not to be able to be comforted but by the sight of angels ? w and that the same vehemency took him from the present memory of the heavenly decree ; so that he forgot at that instant , that he was sent hither to be our redeemer . a this prayer of christ was not premeditate : but the force , and extremity of grief , wringed from him this hasty speech ; to which a correction was presently added , and a little before , he chastiseth , and recalleth that vow of his , which he had let suddainly slip . b thus doe we see christ to be on all sides so vexed , as being over-whelmed with desparation , he ceased to call upon god : which was as much as to renounce his salvation , and this ( saith he ) a little before , was not fained , or as a thing only acted upon a stage . c that christ in his soul suffered the terrible torments of a damned and forsaken man. d in the death of christ occurs a spectacle full of desperation . e in this spectacle there was nothing but matter of extreame despair . f it is no marvell if it be said that christ went downe into hell , since he suffered that death wherewith god in wrath striketh wicked doers . g that christ sitting at the right hand of his father , holds but a second degree with him in honour , and rule , and is but his vicar . h lastly , calvin holds it to be absurd , that christ should challenge to himselfe , the glory of his owne resurrection ; when the scripture , saith he , every where teacheth it to be the work of god the father . i that god is the author of all those things , which these popish judges would have to happen onely by his idle sufferance , instit . lib. cap. . sect. . that our sins are not onely by his commission , but decree , and will : . sect. , . & lib. . cap. . sect. , . which blasphemy is condemned by his famous brethren : fleming . lib. de univers . grat . p. . osiander euchir . controvers . p. . schaffm . de peccat . causis . p. . . sitzlinus disput . theol. de providentia dei , sect. . insomuch that the magistrates of berne , made it penall by their laws , for any man to preach , or read any of his books or doctrine : vide literas senat. bern. ad ministros , an. . this man strikes neither at the right hand , nor on the left , but at the king of israel himselfe ; who can thinke this mans mouth any slander , or his invections , a depravement , when he belches forth such blasphemies against the son of god , in whom the fulnesse of the god-head dwelt bodily ? or who could thinke this man fit to reforme a church , when nothing more required reformation then his owne errours ? but what scriptures or fathers is there for all this ? the doctrine of the zwinglians . zwinglius confesseth himselfe to have been instructed against the masse , by a certaine admonisher , which he knew not , whether it was black or white . k the same derided , as illusion by the learned protestants . l the same as luther's devil , largely set downe by himselfe . m he is taxed by calvin for depraving the scripture , for changing the word est , and putting in significat in his translation of the new testament : he saies , that these sayings , and the like , viz. if thou wilt enter into life , keep the commandments , &c. are but superfluous and hyperbolicall . o he denies , that originall sin can damne us ; calling it but a disease or contagion . p he maketh baptizing of infants , a thing indifferent ; which may be used or left off . q that princes may be deposed by the godly , if they be wicked , or goe contrary to the rule of christ . r he saith , that when we commit adultery , or murder , it is the work of god : being the mover , the author , or inciter , &c. god moveth the thiefe to kill , &c. he is forced to sin , &c. god hardned pharaoh , not speaking hyperbolically , but he truly , hardned him , though he had resisted . s for which he is particularly reprehended by the learned protestant , grawerus . t but where is there any scripture , or fathers or doctors of the church , that ever taught this doctrine before ? melancthons doctrine . for melancthon he taught that there are three divinities , as there are three persons . u for which he is reprehended by stancarus . w he affirmes polygamy , not to be against jus divinum : and adviseth hen. . unto it . x he teacheth peremptory resistance against magistrates . y he inableth the inferiour magistrate , to alter religion against the contrary edicts of the superiour . z so calvin , so beza , so goodman , so danaeus , so knox , so buch : so bancroft , so fenners , so scutcliff , so hottomanus , so ficlerus , so renekerus , all hold it lawfull , to depose , murder , or to arraigne their prince . call in forraigne ayd to assist them . bestow the crown at their pleasure . destroy them , either by peaceable practices , or open war. propose rewards to such : but where have they scriptures , or fathers , or times , that shewed the practise of such doings , before these latter times , and latter practices ? the doctrine of andreas musculus . as for andreas musculus , he was not afraid openly to teach , that the divine nature of christ , ( which is god ) died upon the crosse with his humane nature . neither did he desist ( publickly ) to professe and spread abroad this doctrine of the death of christs divinity . and that by the help of johannes islebius . thus far . c it is manifest , ( saith simlerus ) forth of the writings of brentius , myricus , and andreas musculus , that they make nothing of the ascention of christ , but a vanishing , or disappearing . what is this but making way for mahomet ? but what scriptures , or fathers , or times hath he wherein this doctrine was ever taught before ? d the divisions of protestants . if ye would but consider , how the lutherans are divided into antinomians , osiandrians , majorists , synergists , stancarians , amsdorfians , flaccians , substantiarians , accidentarians , adjaphorists , musculans of effingereans , vibiquilists , &c. so dissenting from , and persecuting one another , that they will not permit one another to live in the same town , in so much , that oecolampadius reckons up seventy seven changes , not onely in their explanations of scripture , but also in certaine imaginary phantsies . e or if we should consider the divisions that are between the old and new sacramentaries , the old , called zwinglians : the new , calvinists ; with us , puritans : in france , hugonots : in other places formalists , elsewhere familists : somewhere brownists : every where arminians , seekers , dippers , shakers , adamists . luther complaining of seven sects risen in two years ; f and we of new sects rising every day ; if we should consider the severall species of independency , how it hath brought religion to nothing , but confusion , we would conclude with saint angustine , that it is necessary , that ( rent and divided into small pieces ) we perish , who have preferred the swelling pride of our haughty stomacks , before the most holy band of catholick peace and unity . g whilst the catholicks have no jars undecided , no differences uncomposed ; having one common father , one conductor and adviser ; as sir edward sands confesseth . h none contend about the scripture , all consent and credit the fathers , adhere to the councels , submit to the holy sea of rome . and the divisions that are , are but humane dissentions , as is confessed by luther , i beza , k whitaker , l fulk m &c. thus religion , being at unity with it selfe , is the true speculum creatoris , or looking glasse of the creatour : wherein the full proportion of a deity may be seen : but once broken into pieces , it may represent divers faces , but no true proportion : and loseth at once both its value , and its virtue . i have thus presented your majesty , with a view of the cotholick religion , asserted by the fathers ; and the protestant religion asserted by their founders . i shall humbly desire your majesties further patience , that your majestie will be pleased to consider the lives and conversations of the one , and of the other : first the rare sanctity , and admired holinesse , which all ages and writers have ascribed unto these holy fathers . and the strange and unheard of blasphemies , vilenesse and wickednesse that are cast upon the other , not by any of their adversaries , but by themselves upon one another : if these testimonies had been by any of our side , i could not have expected credit , but being by protestants themselves , i cannot see how it should be denied . luther confesseth , saith the learned protestant hospinian , that he was taught by the devil , that the masse was naught , and overcome with the devils reasons , he abolisht it : a the same confessed by himselfe : b i ingeniously confesse ( saith luther ) that i cannot ( henceforth ) place zwinglius in the number of christians , c and further he affirmes that he had lost whole christ . d zwinglius ( saith schlusselburg ) after the manner of all hereticks was stricken with the spirit of giddinesse , and blindnesse ; deriving it from the etimologie of his name , in dutch , von dem schwindel . e gualterus calls zwinglius , the author of war , the disturber of peace , proud and cruell ; and instances in his strange attempt against the tygurines , his fellows , whom he forced by want , and famine , to follow his doctrine ; and that he dyed in armor , and in the warre . f and luther saith , he dyed like a thiefe , because he would compell others to his error . g and he saith further , that he denyed christ and is damn'd . h he tells us also , that the devill or the devills dam , used to appeare to carolose , and taught him the exposition of , this is my body . i as also that he possessed him corporally ; and that he was possessed with more devils then one . k neither would he have any man wonder that he calls him devill : for he saith he hath nothing to doe with him : but has onely relation to him , by whom he is obsest , who speaks by him . l the last apparition of the devill to him , which was three dayes before his death , is recorded by albert. m if you look into bezas epigrams , printed at paris , an. . you will find pretty passages concerning his boy andebers , and his wench candida ; and the businesse debated at large , concerning which sin is to be preferr'd ; and his chusing the boy at last . sclusselberg said , that peter martyr was a heretick , and dyed so . n nicolaus selneverus said , that oecolampadius , in his doctrine built upon the sand . o and ( saith luther ) emser : and oecolampadius , and such like , were hiddenly slain by those horrible blowes and shakings of the devill . p simlerus saith , that brentius miricus , and andrew musculus , in their writings , did nothing else but make way for the devill . q luther ( saith calvin ) was infected with many vices ; i would he had been more carefull in correcting his vices . r god , for the sin of pride , ( wherewith luther exalted himself ) took away his true spirit . s we have found ( saith oecalompadius ) in the faith and confession of luthers . articles , whereof some are more vaine then is fitting ; some lesse faithfull , and over-guilefully expounded ; others again are false , and reprobate ; but some there are which plainly dissent from the word of god , and the articles of christian faith . t thou o luther , saith zwinglius , corruptest and adulterest the scriptures , imitating therein the marcionists , and the arians . u in translating and expounding of scripture , luthers errors are many , and manifest . w zwinglius tells us , that luther affirms sometimes this , and sometimes that , of one and the same thing , that he is never at one with himself ; taxing him with inconstancy , and lightnesse in the word of god. a that he cares not what he saith , though he be found contradicting the oracles of god. b as sure as god is god , so sure , and devilish a lyer is luther . c luthers writings containe nothing , but railing and reproaches : insomuch that it maketh the protestant religion suspected , and hated . d he calls an anointed king , hen. . of england , a furious dolt , indued with an impudent and whorish face , without a vein of princely bloud in his whole body ; a lying sophist ; a damnable rotten worm , a basilisk , the progeny of an adder ; scurrilous lyer , covered with a title of a king ; a clown , a block-head ; foolish , wicked , and impudent henry : and saies , that he lies like a scurrilous knave : and thou liest in thy throat , foolish and sacrilegious king. e nor did he lesse raile at other princes ; as at the duke of brunswick , in his booke called wider hans worst , written purposely against him , as also against the bishop of mentz , one of the princes electors . f and against the princes of germany . g no marvaile that he saith , that he had eaten a peck or two of salt with the devill ; and that he knew the devill very well , and that the devill knew him againe . h no marvaile that he confessed of himselfe , that the devill sometimes passed through his brains . i no marvaile that he said , the devill did more frequently sleep with him , and cling to him closer , then his catharine . k no marvaile that he said that the devil walked with him in his bed chamber ; and that he had one or two wonderfull devils , by whom he was diligently and carefully served : and they no smal devils , but great ones ; yea , doctors of divinity , amongst the devils . l no marvaile that his fellow prot. could wonder how marvelously he bewrayed himselfe with his devils ; and that he could use such filthy words , so replenished with all the devils in hell. m no marvaile that they said that , never any man writ more filthily , more uncivilly , more lewdly , and beyond all bounds of christian modesty , then did luther . n no marvel that he is so taxed for his obscenity in his henzius anglicus , against king hen. the eight , for his beastlinesse in his hans worst against the jewes : for his filthy mentioning of hogs ; for his stincking repetition of turds and dunghils , in his schemhamphorise : but if you will hear of his master-piece , you mast read the book which he writ against the pope ; where he asks him , out of what mouth ( o pope ) dost thou speak , is it out of that from whence thy farts doe burst ? if it come thence , keep it to thy selfe : if it comes from that wherein thou powrest thy corisca wine , let the dog fill that with his excrements ; good asse doe not kick ; kick not my little pope : o my dear asse , doe not so : fie how this little pope hath bewrayed himselfe . o is this the way to win to his side ? or to gaine souls to christ ? or to reforme churches ? or to confute heresies ? it is observed , that saint paul in his epistles repeated the sacred name of jesus times , and it is the observation of the learned tygurin divines , that so many times luther hath used the name of devill in his bookes : and it is no marvaile that they burst out into this admiration ; how wonderfull is luther here , with his devils ! what impure words he useth , with how many devils doth he burst ? p nor marvail that zwinglius saith to him , we fill not our books with so many devils , nor doe we bring so many armies of devils against thee . q if you can expect to gather figgs from thorns , or grapes from thistles , then ye may expect words from a sanctified spirit , to proceed from such a mouth , else not . what should i say more ? melancthon tells us , that carolostadius was a barbarous fellow ; without wit , without learning , without common sense ; in whom was no signe of the holy ghost : but manifest tokens of impiety . r lastly , hutterus beza's owne fellow protestant , thus saies of him , and casts this dirt in his face , which is so shamelesse a testimony , that you must give me leave to throw a latine vail over it , viz. beza in fine libri , de absentia corporis christi in coena scribit ; candidae , sive amascae suae , culum , imo partem diversam , magis adhuc pudendam , mundiora esse , quam illorum ora , qui simpliciter verbis christi inherentes , credant se praesens christi corpus in coena sacra , ore suo accipere . s and another : beza , by his most filthy manners , was a disgrace to honest discipline ; who in sacrilegious verse published to the world , his detestable loves , his unlawfull carnall acts , whoredoms , and fowl adulteries : not content that himselfe onely should like a hog wallow in the durt of wicked lusts , but he must also pollute the ears of studious youth with his filth . t i could inlarge my paper to a volume of like instances in others , but these are the prime reformers of the protestant churches : and how the people edified under their doctrine ; these narratives from their owne mouths shall tell you . when we were seduced by the pope ( saith luther ) every man did willingly follow good works : and now every man neither saith , nor knoweth any thing , but how to get all to himselfe , by exactions , pillage , theft , lying , usury . u certainly , to speak the truth , there is many times found conscionable , and plainer dealing amongst most papists , then among many protestants . and if we look narrowly to the ages past , we shall find more godlinesse , devotion and zeal , ( though blind ) more love , one toward another , more fidelity and faithfulnesse , every way in them , then is now to be found in us . a if any man be desirous to see a great rabble of knaves , of persons turbulent , deceitfull , cosoners , usureis , let him goe to any city , where the gospel is purely preached , and he shall find them there by multitudes . for it is more manifest then the day light , that there were never among the ethnicks , turks , or infidels more unbridled , and unruly persons , with whom all virtue and honesty is quite extinct , then are amongst the professonrs of the gospel . b the children of them of the reformed gospel grow every day worse , more untractable , and dare commit such crimes , as men of former times were never subject to . c if you cast your eyes upon protestant doctours , you shall find that some of them moved through vaine glory , envious zeal , and a prejudicate opinion , disorder the true doctrine , disperse , and earnestly defend the false ; some of them without cause stir up contentions , and with inconsiderate spight defend them : many wrest their doctrines every way , of purpose to please their princes , and the people : by whose grace and favour they are maintained : they overthrow with their wicked life , all that they had formerly built with their true doctrine . d how could the people be better , when their ministers were so bad ? like lips , like lettice . i will conclude all with the learned protestant , zanchius , and then you will neither wonder at one or other ; i have read ( saith he ) the latine copy of the apology , and diligently read it over , not without choller , when i perceived what manner of writing , very many ( let me not say for the most part , but all ) doe use , in the churches of the reformed gospel , who would seeme ( notwithstanding ) to be pastors , doctors , and pillars of the church . the state of the question , that it may not be understood , we often , ( of set purpose ) over-cloud with darknesse : things which are manifest , we impudently deny : things false , we ( without shame ) avouch : things plainly impious , we propose as the first principles of faith : things orthodoxall , we condemne of heresie : scripture at our pleasure , we detort to our owne dreams : we boast of fathers , when we will follow nothing lesse then their doctrine : to deceive , to calumniate , to raile , is familiar with us : so as we may defend our cause , good or bad , by right or by wrong ; all other things we turne upside down : oh times , oh manners ! e it is no marvel that m. sutcliff , saies , that the protestant writers offered great violence to the scriptures , expounding them contrary both to antient fathers , history , and common reason . f it is no marvel that cambden tells us , that holland is a fruitfull province of heretiques : g it is no marvell that your royall father tells us , that both hungary , and bohemia , abound with infinite varieties of sects . h it is no marvell , that he said he could never see a bible well translated into english ; and that the worst of all was the geneva , whereunto were added notes , untrue , seditious , and savouring too much of dangerous , and traiterous conceits . i it is no marvel that he protested before the great god , that you should never find among the highland , or border-theeves , greater ingratitude , more lies , and vile perjuries , then with those phanatick spirits . k it is no marvel that m. bancroft said that the puritans of scotland , were published in a declaration by his majestie , to be unnaturall subjects , seditious , troublesome , and unquiet spirits , members of sathan , enemies to the king , and the common-wealth of their owne native country . l and lastly , because your church of england most followed calvins doctrine of any of the rest , i shall shew you what end he made , answerable to his beginning , and course of life , written by two knowne and approved protestant authors , viz. god in the rod of his fury , visiting calvin , did horribly punish him , before the fearfull hour of his unhappy death ; for he so struck this heretick with his mighty hand , that being in despair , and calling , upon the devill , he gave up his wicked soule , swearing cursing , and blaspheming , dying upon the disease of lyce and wormes , increasing in a most loathsome ulcer about his privie parts , so as none present could endure the stentch ; these things are objected unto calvin in publick writing , in which also horrible things are declared concerning his lasciviousnesse , his sundry abominable vices , and sodomiticall lusts , for which last he was by the magistrate ( at nayon ) under whom he lived branded on the shoulder with a hot borning iron ; and this is said of him by schlusberg . m she which is likewise confirmed by jo. herennius . n it may be your majestie may taxt me of bitternesse , or for the discovery of nakednesse . but i hope you will give me leave to look what staffe i leane upon when i am to looke down upon so great and terrible a precipice as hell , and to consider the rottennesse of the severall rounds of that ladder , which is proposed to me for my ascent unto heaven , and to forewarne others of the dangers i espie ; their owne words can be none of my railing : nor their owne accusations , my errour : except it be a fault , to take notice , of what is published , and make use of what i see : ex ore tuo was our saviours rule , and shall be mine . there hath not been used one catholick author throughout the accusation , and i take it to be the providenee of god , that they should be thus infatuated , as to accuse one another , that good men may take heed how they rely upon such mens judgements , in order to their eternall salvation . as to your majesties objection , that we of the church of rome fell away from our selves , and that you did not fall away from us , as also to the common saying of all protestants , bidding us to returne to our selves , and they will returne to us , we accept of their offer , we will doe so ; that is to say , we will hold our selves to the same doctrine , which the church of rome held , before she converted this nation to christianity , and then they cannot say , we fell away from them , or from our selves , whilst we maintaine the same doctrine we held before you were of us : that is to say , whilst we maintain'd the same doctrine that we maintained during the four first councels , acknowledged by most protestants , and during saint august , time concerning whom luther himself acknowledged , that after the sacred scriptures , there is no doctor of the church to be compared , a thereby excluding himself and all his associates from being preferr'd before him , concerning whom master field of the church writes , that saint aug. was the greatest father since the apostles . b concerning whom covel writes , that he did shine in learning above all that ever did , or will appear . c concerning whom jewell appeals , as to a true and orthodox doctor . d concerning whom mr. forrester . non. tessagraph . calls him the fathers monarch . e and concerning whom gomer acknowledges his opinion to be most pure . f concerning whom master whitaker doubts not , but that he was a protestant . g and lastly , concerning whom your royall father seemed to appeal , when he objected unto card. peron , that the face and exteriour form of the church was changed since his time , and far different to what it was in his dayes , wherefore we will take a view of what it was then , and see whether we lose or keep our ground , and whether it be the same which you acknowledged then to be so firm . our church believed then a true and reall presence , and the orall manducation of the body of christ , in the sacrament , as the prince of the sacramentarians acknowledged a in these words from the time of s. augustin , which was for the space of twelve hundred yeares , the opinion of corporall flesh , had already got the mastery . and in this quality she adored the eucarist , b with outward gestures and adoration , as the true and proper body of christ . then the church believed the body of christ to be in the sacrament c ; even besides the time that it was in use : and for this cause kept it after consecration , for domesticall communions d , to give to the sick e , to carry upon the sea f , to send into far provinces g . then she believed that communion under both kinds was not necessary for the sufficiency of participation , but that all the body , and all the bloud was taken in either kind : and for this cause , in domesticall communions , in communions for children , for sick persons by sea , and at the hour of death it was distributed under one kind , onely . h then the church believed i , that the eucharist was a true , full , and intire sacrifice ; not onely eucharisticall , but k propitiatory ; and offered it as well for the living l as the dead . the faithfull and devout people of the church then made pilgrimages to m the bodies of the martyrs n ; pray'd to the martyrs to pray to god for them o : celebrated their feasts p , reverenced their reliques in all honourable forms . and when they had received help from god , by the intercession of the said martyrs q , they hung up in the temples , and upon the altars , erected to their memory , images of those parts of their bodies that had been healed . the church then held r the apostolicall traditions , to be equall to the apostolicall writings ; and held for apostolicall traditions , all that the church of rome now embraceth under that title : she then offered prayers for the dead ſ , both publick and private , to the end to procure for them , ease and rest : and held this custome as a thing t necessary for the refreshment of their souls . the church then held the fast u of the forty dayes of lent for a custome , not free , but necessary , and of apostolicall tradition . and out of the time of pentecost fasted all the frydayes in the year in memory of the death of christ , except christmay-day fell on a fryday w , which she then excepted as an apostolicall tradition : the church then held x marriage after the vow of virginity to be a sin : and reputed y those , who married together after their vowes , not onely for adulterers , but also for incestuous persons . the church held then z mingling of water with wine in the sacrifice of the eucharist , for a thing necessary , and of divine , and apostolicall tradition . she held then a exorcismes , exsufflations , and renunciations , which are made in batisme , for sacred ceremonies , and of apostolicall tradition : she held then b , besides batisme and the eucharist , confirmation c , marriage d , orders , and extream unction , e for true and proper sacraments which the church f of rome now acknowledgeth : the church , in the ceremonies of baptisme , used then g oyl , h salt , i wax-lights , k exorcismes , l the signe of the cross , m the word ephata , and other that accompany it , none of them without reason , and excellent signification . the church held then n baptisme for infants of absolute necessity : and for this cause then permitted , o lay men to baptise in danger of death , the church used then holy water , consecrated by certain words and ceremonies : and made use of it both for baptisme , p and q against inchantments , and to make r exorcismes , and conjurations against evill spirits . the church held then divers degrees in the ecclesiasticall regiment , to wit , ſ bishops , priests , deacons , subdeacons , the acolite , exorcist , reader and porter consesecrated and blessed them with divers forms and ceremonies : and in the episcopall order acknowledged , divers seats of jurisdiction of positive right ; to wit , archbishops , primates , patriarchs , and h one supereminent ( by divine law ) which was the pope , without whom nothing could be decided , appertaining to the universall i church ; and the want of whose presence , either by himselfe , or his legats , or his confirmation , made all councels ( pretended to be universall ) unlawfull . in the church then the service was said throughout the east , in greek , and throughout the west k , as well in africa , as in europe , in latin : although that in none of the provinces ( except in italy , and the cities , where the romane colonies resided ) the latine tongue , was understood by the common people . she observed then the distinction of feasts * and ordinary dayes , the distinction of l ecclesiasticall and lay habits : the m reverence of sacred vessels , the custome of n shaming and o unction for the collation of orders ; the ceremony of the p priest , washing his hands at the altar , before the consecration of the mysteries . she then q pronounced a part of the service , at the altar with a low voice , made r processions with the reliques of martyrs s kissed them t , carried them in clothes of silke , and vessels of gold u , took and esteemed the dust from under their reliquaries : accompanied the dead to their sepulchres , with w wax tapers in sign of joy , for the certainty of their future resurrection . the church then had the picture of christ , and of his saints , both x out of churches , y and in them : and upon the very z altars , ( not to adore them with god like worship ) but by them , to reverence the souldiers and champions of christ . the faithfull then used the a sign of the crosse , in all their conversations b , painted it on the portal of all the houses of the faithfull c ; gave their blessing to the people with their hand , by the signe of the crosse d , imployed it to drive away evill spirits , e proposed in jerusalem the very crosse to be adored on good friday : finally , the church held then f that to the catholick church onely belongs the keeping of the apostolicall tradition , the authority of interpretation of scripture ; and the decision of controversies of faith ; and that out of the succession g of her communion , of h her doctrine i and her ministery , there was neither church , nor salvation . neither will i insist with you onely upon the word , then , but before , and before , and before that , even to the first age of all , will i shew you our doctrine of the reall presence , and holy sacrifice of the masse ; invocation of saints ; veneration of reliques and images , confession , and priestly absolution ; purgatory and prayer for the dead ; traditions , &c. in the fift age , or hundred of years , saint augustine was for the reall and corporall presence . a in the fourth age , saint ambrose . b in the third age saint cyprian . c in the second age , or hundred of years , s. irenaeus . d and in the first age e saint ignatius , martyr , and disciple of saint john the evangelist . concerning the honour and invocation of saints , in the fifth age we find saint augustine , f praying to the virgin mary , ond other saints . in the fourth age , we find greg. naz. praying to s. basil the great . g in the third age , we find s. origen , praying to father abraham . h in the second age , justin martyr . i and in the first age , in the liturgy of s. james the lesse . k for the use and veneration of holy reliques and images , and chiefly of the holy crosse ; in the fifth age , saint augustine . l in the fourth age athanasius . m in the third age origen . n in the second age st. justin martyr . o and in the first age s. ignatius . p concerning confession and absolutions : in the fifth age s. august . q in the fourth age s. basil . the great . r in the third age s. cypr. ſ in the second age tertull. t and in the first age s. clement . u now concerning purgatory , and prayer for the dead in the fifth age s. augustin . a in the fourth age s. ambrose . b in the third age s. cypr. c in the second age tertull. d and in the first age s. clement . e. concerning traditions in the fifth age s. aug. f in the fourth age s. basil . g in the third age s. epiphanins . h in the second age s. irenaeus . i and in the first age s. dennis . k now suppose that all these quotations be right . the saving of a soul , of your own soul , of the soul of a king , of the souls of so many kingdoms : and the gaining of that kingdome for a reward , ( which in comparison of these earthly ones ( for which you so often fight , so much strive , and labour so much for to obtain ) your tetrarchate would be a gain for you to lose it , so that you might but obtain that ) would be worth the search ; and when you have found them to be truly cited , i dare trust your judgement , that it will tell you , that we have not changed our countenance , nor fled our colours , nor fallen away , nor altered our religion , nor forsaken our first love , nor denyed our principles , nor brought novelties into the church , ( but that we doe antiquum obtinere ) whereby we should be forsaken of you , for forsaking our selves : but rather that we should win you unto us , by being still the same , we were when we won you first unto us , and were at the beginning . and is it for the honour of the english nation , famous for the first christian king , and the first christian emperour , to forsake her mother church , so renowned for antiquity , and to annex their religion as a codicell to an appeal of a company of protesters , against a decree at spira ? and to forsake so glorious a name as catholick , and to take a name upon them , wherein they had neither right nor interest ; and then to take measure of the scottish discipline for the new fashion of their souls , and to make to themselves posies of the weedings of that garden , into which christ himself came down a , upon which both the north and south-winds do blow b , in which is a well of living waters and streams from lebanon c : about which is an enclosure of brotherly affection d . will you forsake the rose of sharon , and the lillie of the vallies for such a nose-gay ? for i shall make it apparent unto your majesty , that the doctrines which protestants now hold , as in opposition unto us , were but so many condemned heresies , by the antient and orthodoxall fathers of the church , and never opposed by any of them : as for example , protestants hold that the church may erre ; this they had from the donatists , for which they were frequently reproved by st. augustin . e protestants deny unwritten traditions , and urge scripture onely . this they had from the arrians , who were condemned for it by st. epiphanius , and s. augustin , both f . protestants teach , that priests may marry ; this they had from vigilantius , who is condemned for it by st. hieronimus g . protestants deny prayer for the dead : this they had from arrius , for which he is condemned by saint august : and epiphanius both . d protestants deny invocation of saints : this they had from vigilantius , for which he was condemned by saint hieron . e protestants deny reverence to images : this they had from xenias , for which he is reproved by nicephorus . f protestants deny the reall presence : this they had from the carpenaites , who were , saith saint augustin , the first hereticks , that denied the reall presence : and that judas was the first suborner and maintainer of this heresie . g protestants deny confession of sins to a priest : so did the novatian hereticks , and the montanists , for which they are reproved by saint ambrose and saint hieron . h protestants say that they are justified by faith onely : this they had from the pseudo-apostles , for which they are comdemned by st. augustin . i lastly , as i have shewed your majesty , that your church , as it stands in opposition to ours , is but a congeries of so many heresies , to which i could easily make an enlargement : but that i fear , i have been too tedious already ; so i shall make it appeare , that our church as she stands in opposition unto yours , is true and right , even your selves being witnesses , and you shall find our doctrine among your owne doctors . first the greek church , whom you court to your side , as indeed they are protestants according to your vulgar reception , being you call all those protestants , who are or were in any opposition to the church of rome , though in their tenents otherwise , they never so much doe disagree . for the greek church with which you so often hit us in the teeth and take to be of your faction , she holds invocation of saints , adoration of images , transubstantiation , cōmunion in one kind for the sick , and many others . master parker confesseth , that luther crossed himselfe morning and evening , and is never seene to be painted praying , but before a crucifix . a as touching the invocation of saints ( saith luther ) i think with the whole christian church , and hold , that saints are to be honoured by us , and invocated b . i never denyed purgatory ( saith luther ) and yet i believe it , as i have often written and confessed c . if it is lawfull , ( saith luther , ) for the jews to have the picture of caesar upon their coins ; much more is it lawfull for christians to have in their churches crosses and images of mary d ; and lastly he maintained the reall presence . e but let us goe a little further , and consider what they held , whom ye call your predecessours , under whom ye shrowd your visibility , and on whom you look beyond luther , for your doctrines patronage , viz. first upon the hussites , who brake forth about the year . they held seven sacraments f . transubstantiation g , the popes primacy h , and the masse i , as fox in his acts and monuments acknowledgeth . let us goe further , and consider wickliffe , ( our owne countrey-man , ) who appeared about the year . he maintained holy water k , worship of reliques , and images l , intercession of the blessed virgin mary m , the rites and ceremonies of the masse n , all the seven sacraments o . moreover , he held opinions contrary , and condemned both by catholick and protestants , as that if a bishop or priest be in any mortal sin , his ordaining , consecrating , or baptizing is of no effect p . he condemned lawfull oaths with the anabaptists q . lastly he maintained that any ecclesiasticall ministers were not to have any temporall possessions r . this last opinion was such savory doctrine , that rather then some of those times would not hearken to that , they would listen to all ; as the greedy appetites to bishops lands , make some now adayes to hearken unto any thing , that cryers downe of bishops shall foment . to goe further yet to the waldenses , descended from the race of one waldo , a merchant of lions , who brake out about the year . these men held the reall presence ſ , for which they were reproved by calvin . these men extolled the merit of voluntary poverty ; they held transubstantiation t , and many other opinions which most protestants no way allow . u and lastly , i shall run your pedegree to the radix , and utmost derivation , that the best read herauld in the protestant genealogy , can run its linc , and that is to the waldenses , and to berengarius , who broacht his heresie in the year . and he held all the points of doctrine that we held , onely he differed from us in the point of transubstantiation . and for this cause they took him into the name and number of protestants and reformers , notwithstanding he presently afterwards recanted and died a catholick . so it ends , where it never had beginning . finally : if neither prescription of years possession , and continuance of our churches doctrine , nor our evidence out of the word of god , nor the fathers witnessings to that evidence : nor the decrees of councels : nor your owne acknowledgments , be sufficient to mollifie and turne your royall heart , there is no more means left for truth , or me , but i must leave it to god , in whose hand are the hearts of kings . an answer to the marquesse of worcester his reply to the kings paper . your majesty is pleased to wave all the markes of the true church , and to make recourse unto the scriptures . ans . . his majesty did not wave all the markes of the true church , assigned by the marquesse , but shewed them to be such as may ( without distinction and further explication ) belong to a false church . from ier. . . his majesty shewed that antiquity , succession and universality was alledged in defence of idolatry . that demetrius ( acts . ) alledged antiquity and universality for the worship of diana ; and that * symmachus alledged antiquity as a plea for all heathenish idolatry and superstition , page . that ezechiel bids , be not stiff-necked as your fore-fathers were , page ibid. these words ( the place being not cited ) i confesse , i cannot find , but there are those which are equivalent , ez. . . are yee polluted after the manner of your fathers ? and commit you whoredome after their abominations ? so the prophet zachary cries , be ye not as your fathers , zach. . . the like may be seen in other places . his majesty likewise alledgeth our saviour telling us , that we must not so much hearken to what was said by them of old time , as to that which he shall tell us , mat. . . &c. ( not as it is cited , . . ) pag. . it is strange therefore that the marquesse should say , that all the markes of the true church were waved by his majesty . as for the markes set down by the marquesse , our learned writers have over and over shewed the insufficiency of them , so that there is no need now to say much . first for universality , it is certaine that error may spread for a while more universally then truth . so did gentilisme for many ages , it overspread in a manner the whole world. onely in iudah was god known , psal . . . onely the people of the iewes had gods saving truth among them , all the world besides did lie in grosse ignorance , and damnable error , psal . . , . ioh. . . rom. . , . thess . . . eph. . , . acts . . & . . so for a while arrianisme did beare all the sway , in so much that as hierome observed , the world groaned , and wondered to see it selfe become an arrian . so also did pelagianisme , as bradwardine sometimes archbishop of canterbury complained . as in times past ( saith he ) against one true prophet there were prophets of baal , and the like , to whom an innumerable company of people did adhere : so also now in this cause , how many , o lord , doe with pelagius fight for free will against thy free-grace ? the whole world almost is gone into error after pelagius . and againe , the whole world almost goeth after him , and favoureth his errors , whiles all almost thinke that by the strength of free-will alone , they can eschew evill , and doe good . the scripture also hath foretold us that all the world should wonder after the beast . revel . . . and that the whore of babylon ( whereby that rome is meant , the scripture is so cleare , that even the romanists themselves are forced to confesse it ) should sit upon many waters , revel . . . and that by those waters are meant peoples , and multitudes , and nations , and tongues , v. . this note therefore , viz. universality , is farre from proving the church of rome to be the true church . as for the scriptures which the marquesse citeth , viz. esay . . psal . . . ( not as it is mis-printed . ) and mat. . ( not ) . these and the like places only shew that in the time of the gospell the church should not ( as before it was ) be confined to one nation , but should be extended unto all so that gentiles as well as jewes , as well one nation as another should have admittance into it , the middle wall of partition being now broken down , ephes . . . so that there is neither greeke nor iew , circumcision nor uncircumcision , barbarian , scythian , bond nor free , but christ is all , and in all . col. . . . for antiquity , it is true , the prophet ieremy bids , aske for the old paths , where is the good way , and walke therein . ier. . . and so we grant that primary antiquity is a sure note of truth , for error being a deviation and swerving from truth , it must needs be that truth is more ancient then error . but there is a secondary antiquity which is no argument of truth . for there is vetustas erroris , as cyprian observed long agoe , an antiquity of error . the woman of samaria could say , our fathers worshipped in this mountaine ; yet our saviour answered her , yee worship yee know not what . ioh. . . . and symmachus ( whom his majesty cited ) could bring in heathenish rome thus pleading antiquity , let me use those ceremonies , which mine ancestors have used . it 's too late , and too great an injury to reforme me now i am old . this plea , i dare say our adversaries themselves will not allow as used by symmachus ; and why then should we allow it , as they use it ? thirdly , for visibility , it is granted that ordinarily the church is visible , i. e. that there is a visible company of such as professe the truth , though the places cited by the marquesse doe not evince so much . he saith , david compares the church to a tabernacle in the sun. he meanes psal . . . where indeed according to the vulgar latine translation it is , he hath set his tabernacle in the sun : but * genebrard is forced to expound it by an hypallage thus , he hath set the sun in his tabernacle , that is , in the heavens . for ( as he confesseth ) the hebrew runs thus , he hath set a tabernacle for the sun in them . now what is this to the visibility of the church ? or how doth it concerne the church at all ? neither do i see , that ( as the marquesse alledgeth ) our saviour compares the church to a candle in a candlestick , not under a bushell , mat. . . but either ( as iansenius a romish writer doth expound it ) our saviour there spake of his apostles , who as a candle in a candlestick were to give light unto the dark world by the preaching of the gospel . or else in generall he shewed the duty of all , viz. that in their places and callings they ought to be a means to in-lighten others , especially by their good example . this sense is agreeable to that which follows immediately ver . . let your light so shine forth before men , &c. so when our saviour saith mat. . . if they shall say unto you , behold , he is in the desert , go not forth : behold , he is in the secret chambers , beleeve it not . it is nothing to the churches visibility , but onely he foreshews that many should come in his name , pretending themselves to be christ , and forewarnes to beware of them . these places alledged by the marquesse , are but little to the purpose , though ( as i said ) it is granted , that ordinarily the church ( i. e. the company of such as professe the truth ) is visible . yet neverthelesse we hold that sometimes through persecution , and prevalencie of error , the church may be so obscured , as to be scarcely visible . thus it was in elias his time , when he complained unto god , saying , the children of israel have forsaken thy covenant , throwne downe thine altars , and slaine thy prophets with the sword , and i , even i am * left , and they seeke my life to take it away . king. . . and what great visibility was there of the church , when both priests , and people , were conspired together against christ , to put him to death , and his disciples also generally forsook him , and fled from him . so when the heresie of arrius overspread all , so that such as were orthodox and sound in the faith , could scarce appear ; † hilarius , who lived in those times , saith , that mountains , and woods , and lakes , and prisons , and deep pits , were more safe then churches , and publick places of gods worship , these being all possessed by the arrians , and the true beleeving christians having onely the other to lurke and lie hid in . how visible also was the church like to be , when that should be fulfilled which is written revel . . , , . that as many as would not worship the beast , should be killed . and that all both great and small should be forced to receive a marke in their right hand , or in their foreheads . and that none should buy , or sell , save he that had the marke , or the name of the beast , or the number of his name . bellarmine himselfe saith , it is certaine that the persecution by antichrist shall be most grievous , and most notorious , so that all publick ceremonies of religion and sacrifices shall cease . * and againe , that in the time of antichrist the publike service of the church shall cease through the grievousnesse of persecution , and that antichrist shall interdict all divine worship , &c. . for succession of pastours , which the marquesse saith is required in a true church , and is onely to be found in the church of rome . we must distinguish of succession : there is a succession of persons , and a succession of doctrine ; the former succession without the latter is to no purpose . the priests that condemned christ had a personal succession , but that was worth nothing , they wanting doctrinall succession . they did personally succeed those that were before them , and they others , and so on till they came to aaron : but they could not shew the like succession of their doctrine . so neither can they of the church of rome shew that they hold the same faith which was delivered by the apostles ; and therefore though they can shew that their popes doe personally succeed one another from the very times of the apostles , it availes nothing . * bellarmine , though he struggle a little about it , yet cannot deny but that a succession of persons is to be found is the greek church , and therefore grants that it doth not necessarily follow , that where such succession is , there is also a true church . yea , he saith , that all those patriarchall churches had for a long time bishops , that were manifest heretiques , and that therefore the succession of ancient pastours was interrupted . what is this else but to confesse that a succession of pastours without a succession of the true doctrine is no mark of a true church . the ancient doctors of the church , t is true , have sometimes used this argument drawne from succession , to convince heretiques , but so as to shew that a succession of doctrine did concur with a succession of persons . yea they plainly shew , that it was succession of doctrine , which they did stand upon , and that without this they made no account of the other . a we must adhere unto those ( saith ireneus ) who keep the doctrine of the apostles . this succession of doctrine he calls the principall succession . so b ambrose , they doe not succeed peter , who have not the faith of peter . and c tertullian speaking of heretiques , saith , their doctrine being compared with the apostles doctrine , shewes that it was not received from the apostles , nor from any apostolicall teachers . and speaking of churches planted since the apostles times , he saith , that d they agreeing in the same faith , are neverthelesse accounted apostolicall for the consanguinity of doctrine . . for unity in doctrine ; by which the marquesse proves the roman church to be the true church : i answer , that unity without verity will not prove it , and the one is not alwayes necessarily accompanyed with the other . the words of the prophets declare good unto the king with one mouth , said the messenger to micaiah , king. . . they were about foure hundred prophets , ver . . and all of them did agree in one ; yet they prophecyed falsly for all that , there was a lying spirit in the mouth of all those prophets , how unanimous soever they were , ver . . neither is there such unity in the church of rome as is pretended . the difference betwixt the dominicans and the jesuits about gods decrees , the concurrence of his grace , and the determination of mans will ; this difference ( i say ) betwixt them is as great , and as important as any ( i think ) that is amongst protestants . neither doth it suffice to say ( as the marquesse doth ) that the church hath not determined any thing in these points , and therefore such difference about them is not against the churches unity . for if the popes authority be so great , and his judgement so infallible , as they pretend , why hath he not decided the controversie , and so put an end to the difference long ere this ? besides ( which the marquesse took no notice of ) they of the romane church differ much about the very head of it , the pope himselfe . for some will have him to be above a generall councell & others hold the councell to be above the pope : and this also was the determination both of the councell of constance , and of the councell of basill . finally , i grant , that unity in the truth is much to be desired , and so much the places cited by the marquesse doe prove , viz. cor. . . eph. . . acts . . phil. . . & . . yet we see that the apostle doth acknowledge the church of corinth a true church notwithstanding the differences and divisions that were in it , so that all dis-union of people is not enough to dischurch them . neither if the confessions of the reformed churches be considered , as they ought to be , wil the differences that are among them ( however particular persons be exorbitant ) be found so many , and so great ( though too many , and too great ; i grant ) as our adversaries of rome would make them . . and lastly , for the conversion of nations , which the marquesse also will have to be a marke of the true church , and thereby prove that the church of rome is it , and not the church of protestants ; i answer , that the scriptures which hee alledgeth , viz. esay . . and . . and psal . . . doe shew indeed , that in the time of the gospell the gentiles should be converted , and joyned to the church , which the scripture of the new testament , and experience also shewes to have been accomplished . but they doe not shew either that every true church must necessarily evidence it selfe to be a true church by working a conversion in infidels , or that every church that doth worke any conversion in that kind , must therefore be acknowledged to be a true church . the scribes and pharisees did make proselytes , and were very zealous in it , yet neverthelesse were guilty of grosse errors , which all were to beware of as most pernicious , mat. . . besides , there is a conversion as from unbeliefe to faith , so from misbeliefe to a right and found faith . and though protestants have done little or nothing it may be in the former kinde of conversion , so as to convert meer infidels , yet in the other kinde , viz. in converting mis-believers , they have done much . this the marquesse ( pag. . ) is pleased to call perversion rather then conversion ; but that must be judged by the consideration of the doctrines held by protestants . as for those conversions wrought in the indies by the romanists , we may well conceive that it was not so much the word preached by the jesuits , as the sword brandished by the spaniards , that did worke them . † franciscus de victoria ( a learned writer among the papists ) writing of the indians , saith he did not see , that the christian faith was so propounded and declared to them , as that under the guilt of a new sin they were bound to embrace it . he heard ( he sayes ) of no miracles , and signes that were wrought , nor of very good examples of life that were given , but on the contrary of many scandalous acts , and many impieties . whereupon he conceiveth , that christian religion was not so conveniently and properly preached to that barbarous people , as that they were bound to acquiesce in it , though he grants , that there were many religious , and other ecclesiasticall men , who both by life and example , and also by diligent preaching did sufficiently doe their indeavour , but that they were hindred by others , who minded other matters . thus i have as briefly as i could gone over the markes , which the marquesse assigneth of the true church , and that because he saith that his majesty did wave them all , whereas indeed his majesty did not wholly wave them , though as his occasions would not suffer him to return any answer at all to the marquesses reply , so neither would they ( it's likely ) permit him to answer the former paper so fully as otherwise he would have done . whereas the marquesse saith , that his majesty is pleased to make recourse unto the scriptures , this is surely the course that all ought to follow , that wil discusse matters of religion , they ought to have recourse to the scriptures , by which all such matters are to be tried and determined . to the law , and to the testimony ( saith the prophet esay ) if they speake not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . * augustine speaking of the donatists , bade let them shew their church onely by the canonicall bookes of the scriptures , professing that he would not have any to beleeve that he was in the true church , because of the commendation that optatus , ambrose , and many others did give of it . and againe , let us not heare ( saith he ) thus say i , thus sayest thou , but let us heare , thus saith the lord. — let those things be removed out of the way , which we alledge one against another , otherwise then from the bookes of canonicall scripture . — i will not have the holy church demonstrated by humane tokens , but by divine oracles . but saith the marquesse . what heretick that ever was , did not do so ? how shall the greatest heretick in the world be confuted or censured , if any man may be permitted to appeale to scriptures , margin'd with his own notes , sens'd with his owne meaning , and enlivened with his owne private spirit ? to what end were those markes so fully , both by the prophets , the apostles , and our saviour himselfe set down , if we make no use of them ? answ . . though hereticks make recourse unto scripture , it follows not that therefore this is not the course which ought to be followed , or that therefore they are hereticks that doe it . the marquesse himselfe did make recourse unto scripture in setting down the markes of the true church , and so also doth he in handling sundry points in controversie betwixt papists , and protestants . this course therefore , himselfe being judge , is not to be condemned : neither certainly is it , however hereticks may abuse it . though hereticks will alledge scripture in defence of their heresics , yet are they neverthelesse to be confuted by scripture . the sadduces thought by scripture to overthrow the resurrection , yet by scripture did our saviour convince them . mat. . . . yea when the devill himselfe did cite scripture , our saviour did not therefore dislike it , but made use of it for the resisting of satan , and the repelling of his temptation , mat. . , . . it 's true , none may appeal to scriptures margin'd with their own notes , sens'd with their own meaning , and enliven'd with their own private spirit . it 's to no purpose to alledge scripture , except that sense , in which it is alledged , may be made good by scripture . the jewish rabbin ( as master selden cites him ) saith well , all interpretation ( of scripture ) which is not grounded upon the scripture , is vaine . but what this makes against his majesties making recourse unto the scriptures , or against any mans taking that course in disputes of this nature , i doe not see . for that his majesty did so make recourse unto scripture , the marquesse doth not say , neither ought any man to be charged in this kind , except it can be proved that he is indeed guilty . . it doth not yet appear that the particulars before mentioned , viz. universality , antiquity , visibility , succession of pastours , unity in doctrine , and conversion of nations ; that these ( i say ) were set down either by our saviour , or his apostles , or the prophets , as marks of the true church , at least so as to make any thing for the marquesses purpose , viz. to prove the church of rome to be the true church . your majesty was pleased to urge the errours of certain fathers , to the prejudice of their authority . which i conceive would have been so , had they been all montanists , rebaptists , all anthropomorphists , and all of them generally guilty of the faults , wherewith they were soverally charged in the particulars : seeing that when we produce a father , we doe not intend to produce a man in whose mouth was never found guile ; the infallibility being never attributed by us otherwise then unto the church , not unto particular church men . as your majesty hath most excellently observed in the failings of the holy apostles , who erred after they had received the holy ghost in so ample manner . but when they were all gathered together in councell , and could send about their edicts with these capitall letters in the front , visum est sipritui sancto , & nobis , act. . . then i hope your majesty cannot say , that it was possible for them to erre . so though the fathers might erre in particulars ; yet those particular errours would be swallowed up in a generall councell , &c. here the marquesse grants , that the fathers singly and severally considered , may erre , but not if gathered together in a generall councell . but first , doth not this invalidate the authority of the fathers , when they are severally cited , as they are in this reply frequently by the marquesse ? indeed , here presently after he addes , neither is a particular defection in any man any exception against his testimony , except it be in the thing wherein he is deficient . but certainly if a man be liable to errour in one thing , he is so in another thing ; and therefore his bare testimony , except it have something to support it , is not sufficient to rely upon . the testimony of the lord is sure , saith david , psal . . . because he can neither deceive , nor be deceived . but man may , and therefore his testimony , as his , is not sure . no , let god be true , and every man a lyar , saith the apostle , rom. . . . for a generall councell , why it should necessarily be exempt from errour , i see nothing here alledged by the marquesse , except it be , that acts . . it seemed good to the holy ghost , and to us . but the inference made from that councell , wherein the apostles themselves did sit , and give sentence , to prove that no generall councell can erre , is no better than if one should argue , that a particular father or doctor is infallible , because a particular apostle was so in that which he either wrote or preached . for we must take heed of entertaining such a thought ( although the marquesses words do seem to imply so much ) as that each particular apostle might fall into errour , though all of them together could not . for how then should we be able to build our faith upon those scriptures , which were composed by particular apostles , and not by a whole councell of them ? it 's true , ( as his majesty observed , pag. . ) the apostles were ignorant , and erronious in some things , but not in any thing that they delivered unto people to believe , and obey , either by word , or writing ; for then ( as i said ) we could have no certainty of the scriptures , we could not be built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets , as believers are , ephes . . . but that generall councells may erre , austin made no question ; * who knowes not ( saith he ) that provinciall and nationall councells doe yeild to the authority of generall councells ; and that generall councells are often amended , the former by the latter , that being after found out , which before lay hid ? it is well known that the romanists reject the authority of the councels of constance , and basil , ( two generall councels ) when they determine the pope to be inferiour , and subject to a generall councell . indeed , generally the pontificians make little account of a councel , though otherwise never so generall , except it be confirmed by the pope . bellarmine makes it a clear case , and without all difficulty , that generall councells may erre , if the fathers of the councell define any thing , when as the legates of the pope dissent from them : or if the legates themselves do consent , but so as to go against the instructions which the pope gave them . and he further holds , that in case the legates had no certain instructions from the pope , the councell may erre , and that before the popes confirmation of it , the judgment of a generall councell is not infallible . the marquesse himself ( pag. . &c. ) doth seeme to assent unto his majesty , taxing generall councells for committing errours , but some passages he hath , which to me seeme very strange . if ( saith he ) we should suppose them to be generall , and free councels , yet they could not be erronious in any particular mans judgement , untill a like generall councell should have concluded the former to be erronious . by this assertion arrianisme being confirmed by the councell of ariminum , athanasius , and every particular man should have assented to it , untill another generall councell had determined against it ; but this is such a position , as ( i dare say ) our romish adversaries themselves will not allow . again , if it should be granted ( saith the marquesse ) that the church had at any time determined amisse , the church cannot be said to have erred , because you must not take the particular time for the catholike church , because the church is as well catholike for time , as territory ; except you will make rectification an errour . but when our adversaries of rome speak of the churches freedome from errour , they understand it of the church representative , a generall councel . * it is one and the same thing , ( saith bellarmine ) that the church cannot erre in determining matters of faith , and that bishops cannot erre . but severally they may erre , therefore being gathered together they shall be free from errour . so then , if a generall councell may erre at any one time , it is sufficient to overthrow their tenet , that the church cannot erre . that the church ( represented in a generall councell ) may after rectifie what before was amisse , and that also by the determination of a generall councell , is so farre from proving , that the church ( as they take it ) cannot erre , that on the contrary it proves , that it may erre . for though rectification be not errour , yet it doth presuppose errour . again , if i recall mine own words ( saith the marquesse ) it is no errour , but an avoidance of errour . so where the same power rectifies it self , though some things formerly have been decreed amisse , yet that cannot render the decrees of generall councels not binding , or incident to errour , quoad nos , though in themselves , & pro tempore , they may be so . i answer , it is without all doubt , that for one to recall his words , being erronious , is no errour , but a correcting of errour , yet this doth clearly shew a man to be subject to errour . and so if the church at one time in a generall councell may rectifie what at another time in a generall councell it had decreed amisse , it evidently appears , that the church in a generall councell may erre . for otherwise , what need of rectification were there , if there had been no errour ? and certainly , if the decrees of generall councells be erronious ( as the marquesse denies not but they may be ) they are not binding quoad nos , we are not bound to assent unto them , but rather to dissent from them : for we are not bound to embrace errour , but to embrace truth . prove all things , hold fast that which is good , saith the apostle , thes . . . by the marquesses reason the decree of the councell of ariminum , confirming the heresie of arrius , should for the time have been binding ; so that neither athanasius , nor any other , should have presumed to oppose it , or to dissent from it , untill another generall councell had declared against it . as to your majesties objecting the errours of the holy apostles , and pen-men of the holy ghost , and your inference thereupon , viz. that truth is no where to be found but in holy scripture : under your majesties correction i take this to be the greatest argument against the private spirit ( urged by your majesty ) its leading us into all truth , that could possibly be found out . for if such men ( as they ) indued with the holy ghost , innobled with the power of working miracles , so sanctified in their callings , and inlightned in their understandings , could erre : how can any man ( lesse qualified ) assume to himselfe a freedome from erring , by the assistance of a private spirit ? . his majesty was farre from thinking , that the apostles , as pen-men of the holy ghost , could erre . for then there were no room for that inference , that truth is no where to be found but in holy scripture . . his majesty spake not of any private spirit , but of the spirit of god leading us into all truth , alledging that of the apostle , cor. . . we have received not the spirit of the world , but the spirit which is of god , that we might know the things that are freely given unto us of god. it 's true , if any under pretence of the spirit goe contrary to the word , ( as too many doe ) whether they be particular persons , or generall councells that doe so , it is a private spirit , viz. their owne spirit that they are guided by . therefore saint iohn bids , believe not every spirit , but trie the spirits , whether they be of god , because many false prophets , ( many that falsly pretend the spirit ) are gone out into the world , iohn . . but whoever they be that goe according to the word , though they be particular and private persons , yet it is not their own particular and private spirit , but the spirit of god that doth guide them . the scripture was given by inspiration of god , tim. . . therefore it is gods spirit , and not mans , that doth speak in , and by the scriptures . lastly , as to your majesties quotation of so many fathers , for the scriptures easinesse , and plainnesse to be understand , if the scriptures themselves doe tell us , that they are hard to be understood , &c. . his majesty did not quote many fathers , nor any at all to prove that the scriptures are every where plain , and easie to be understood , but to shew that the scriptures are their own interpreters , which are his majesties words , pag. . to prove this , ( which is a most certain truth ) his majesty quoted indeed many fathers , as irenaeus , clemens alexandrinus , crysostome , basil , austine , gregory and optatus . the scriptures quoted by the marquesse make nothing against this , viz. pet. . . act. . . ( not , as it is mis-printed , . ) luke . . ( rather . ) apoc. . . where , not the angel , ( as the marquesse saith ) but iohn wept , because none was found worthy to open , and to read the book . neither doth it appear , that by the book there mentioned , is meant the scripture , as the marquesse seemeth to suppose . and so indeed many have thought , as the jesuit ribera telleth us , who yet neverthelesse professeth that he did not see how historically this could be . for this book was shut and sealed ( as he observes ) untill that time that iohn had this revelation , when as all the other apostles were deceived : so that the scripture ( if it were the book there spoken of ) was alwayes shut to peter and paul , and the other apostles . the other places ( i grant ) do shew that in the scriptures there are some things obscure and difficult , at least to some ; but this is nothing against the scriptures being their own interpreters . what is obscure in one place , must be cleared by some other place , or else without extraordinary revelation i see not how we should attain to the understanding of it . no need therefore to put those sayings of the fathers , cited by his majesty , among the errata's that are behind their books , as the marquesse speaketh , pag. . where he addes , or else we must look out some other meaning of their words than what your maj : hath inferred from thence ; as thus , they were easie in aliquibus locis , but not in omnibus locis : or thus , they were easie as to the attainment of particular salvation , but not as to the generall cognizance of all the divine mystery therein contained , &c. but this is nothing contrary to his majesties inference , which was only this , that the scriptures are their own interpreters , i. e. that scripture is to be interpreted by scripture , not that the scriptures are clear in all points , and in all places ; it sufficeth that ( which the marquesse himselfe doth seeme to yeild ) they are clear in those things which concern salvation : and this was austines determination , in those things ( saith he ) which are plainly set down in the scriptures , are found all those things , which concern faith , and good life . yea , so much the scripture doth testimony of it self , the testimony of the lord is sure , making wise the simple . psal . . . the entrance of thy words giveth light , it giveth understanding to the simple , psal . . . from a child thou hast known the scriptures , which are able to make thee wise unto salvation , &c. tim. . . first , we hold the reall presence , you deny it ; we say his body is there , you say there is nothing but bare bread : we have scripture for it , mat. . ( for . ) . take eat , this is my body . so luke . . this is my body which is given for you . here the marquesse comes to performe that which before he promised ( pag. , & . ) viz. to shew that in those points wherein they and we differ , the scriptures are on their side , and not on ours : and he begins with the controversie about the presence of christ in the sacrament of the lords supper , alledging those words , this is my body , as a clear proof of their opinion , viz. that after consecration there is no longer the substance of bread , but that the bread is transubstantiated , and turned into the substance of christs body . but doth it appear that those words , this is my body , are to be understood properly any more than those , gen. . . this is my covenant which ye shall keep between me and you , and thy seed after thee , every man-child among you shall be circumcised ? there circumcision is called gods covenant , whereas properly it was not the covenant it self , but the token of the covenant , as it is called immediately after , ver . . so exod. . . and in other places the lamb is called the lords . passeover , whereas properly it was not the passeover , but a token of the passeover , being slain , and eaten in remembrance of the lords passing over the houses of the israelites , when he saw the first-born of the aegyptians , exod. . . and thus also it 's said , cor. . . that the rock was christ . how could that be ? not in respect of substance , but in respect of signification ; the rock signified christ , was a type and a figure of christ . bellarmine ( i know ) doth indeavour to elude all these instances , as if the speeches were not figurative , but proper . to that place concerning circumcision he answereth , that both speeches are proper , viz. circumcision is the covenant , and circumcision is the token of the covenant . circumcision ( he saith ) was the token of the covenant , as the covenant is taken for gods promise : and it was also the covenant it self , as the covenant is taken for the instrument whereby the promise is applyed . but here bellarmine is contrary both to himself , and to reason . he is contrary to himselfe , for a little before he saith , that these words , circumcision is the token of the covenant , gen. . . are an explication of that which went before , ver . . viz. that circumcision is the covenant . now if the one be an explication of the other , then needs must the word covenant be taken alike in both . he is also contrary unto reason , for it is absurd to say , that a covenant doth properly signifie both a promise , and also an instrument , whereby the promise is applyed . as well may one say , that christs body doth properly signifie both his body , and also the sacrament of his body . a covenant , in the very nature of it , being properly taken , doth signifie a promise : and therefore the instrument , whereby it is applyed , cannot properly be the covenant , but onely the token , pledge , and assurance of it . it may as well be said , that a covenant may have two diverse and distinct natures , as that a covenant can be taken two diverse and distinct wayes , and yet be taken properly both the one way , and the other . to those words , it ( viz. the lamb ) is the lords passeover , exod. . . bellarmine answers , that the speech is not figurative , but proper . the lamb he saith was properly the lords passeover : and mark his reason , quia agnus immolabatur in memoriam illius transitus ; that is , because the lamb was slain ( or sacrificed ) in memory of that passeover , or passing over . now what greater absurdity can there be , then this , which here bellarmine doth fall into ? he alledgeth that as a reason of his assertion , which indeed doth quite overthrow it . for if the lamb were slaine , and sacrificed in memory of the lords passeover , or passing over , then was it not properly the passeover it self , but only a signe and memoriall of it . as for those words , cor. . . the rock was christ ; bellarmine saith , that not a materiall , but a spirituall work is there meant ; and that therefore , though the word rock be taken figuratively , yet the proposition it selfe , the spirituall rock was christ , is not figuratively , but properly taken . but it is evident , that the rock spoken of by the apostle , was a materiall rock , a rock of stone : for the apostle speaketh of a rock which the israelites drank of ; they drank of that rock , saith he . now that rock which the israelites drank of , was a materiall rock , a rock of stone , as moses doth shew , exod. . and numb . . austin never questioned this to be the meaning of the apostles words , after a sort ( saith he ) all things signifying , seeme to be instead of those things , which they signifie : as it is said by the apostle , the rocke was christ , because that rock , of which that is spoken , did indeed signifie christ . these words of that learned father are very remarkable , that onely for the understanding of that particular place of scripture , but also for the determining of the maine controversie betwixt us , and our romane adversaries . for he not onely saith , that the rock is said to have been christ , because it did signifie christ , supposing and taking it as granted , that the apostle spake of a materiall rock ; but also he saith , that after a sort all things signifying are instead of the things signified by them , and therefore are called by the same names . if our adversaries would minde this rule , they would soon see , that they have no cause to insist upon those words , this is my body , and to urge the proper sense of them . but for these words , the rock was christ , bellarmine argueth that a materiall rock is not there meant , because the apostle calleth it a spirituall rock . i answer , so the apostle there calleth manna spirituall meat , yet was manna a materiall thing , onely it had a spirituall signification . and so also was the rock a materiall rock , onely it 's called spirituall for the same reason . bellarmine objects , that a materiall rock did not follow the israelites , as the apostle saith that the rock did , which hee speakes of ; for they dranke ( saith he ) of that spirituall rock that followed them . i answer . the materiall rock may be said to have followed them , that is , to have satisfied their desire of water . thus ( as beza observes ) * photius a greek author doth expound it , and so also ( as pareus testifies ) lyra and dionysius , two romish expositors . bellarmine notes peter martyr , as thus expounding it , neither hath he any thing against this exposition , but only that the greek fathers , and erasmus interpret the word used by the apostle comitante , i. e. accompanying . but this is nothing , for they might meane accompanying in a metaphoricall sense , viz. in respect of satisfying the desire . againe , the rock may be said to have followed the israelites , in that the water flowing forth of the rock , did follow them . genebrard , a great man of the romish party , commenting upon those words , psal . . . he clave the rocks in the wildernesse , &c. saith that the septuagint , and the vulgar latine interpreter have it in the singular number , rock , because by the hebrew traditions there was but one rock , which was smitten , and so sent forth water , at severall times , and in severall places : and that this rock did remove with the israelites , and follow them in their travells through the wildernesse . and this , he saith , is agreable to that of the apostle , cor. . . but this is over rabbinicall , and therfore he addes , that the rock may be said to have followed the israelites , that is , that the water which flowed out of the rock did follow them , either in that they themselves by their own art , and industrie did derive and bring it to the place , where they camped ; or that it was effected by gods transmission and direction . bellarmine objects , that a little after the israelites did want water againe , as as we read num. . and therefore the water did not follow them . but that want of water spoken of num. . was not a little after , but a long time after the other mentioned exod. . for that in exodus was the israelites camped in rephidim , not long after they came out of egypt ; and the other was when they camped in kadesh , in the fourtieth yeare after they left egypt , as is noted in the hebrew chronicle called seder olam cap. . compare numbers . . . with . * genebrard in the place before cited , meetes with this objection , that bellarmine makes , and answers , that according to the rabbins both ancient , and moderne , that which is recorded num. . is meant of the same rock that is spoken of exod. . the water whereof ( they say ) did faile because of miriams death ( which happened there in kadesh ) untill upon the peoples murmuring againe it was drawn out of the same rock the second time . this conceit of the rabbines is far from pleasing me , onely i note how little force bellarmines objection was of with his own copartner genebrard . indeed this is enough to shew the vanity of the objection , that ( as genebrard notes ) the want of water in kadesh was . years after that in rephidim , and therefore was not ( as bellarmine sayes ) a little after . but though it had not been one halfe quarter of that time before the israelites wanted water againe , yet that is no argument why the apostle speaking of the rock that followed them , should not meane a materiall and visible rock ; for the materiall and visible rock , that is , the water that flowed from it , might follow the israelites , though but for while , even so long as they encamped in rephidim : neither doth the apostle say , that it followed them either perpetually , or for any long time , but onely that it followed them . but howsoever it be understood , that the rock followed them ( which i confesse is somewhat obscure ) how by the rock there should be meant christ , as the efficient cause giving them water to drinke ? for to drinke of the rock , is there expressed in the same phrase , as to drinke of the cup , cor. . . neither ( i thinke ) can one in any congruity be said to drinke of a man , that giveth him either water , or any thing else to drinke ; but onely to drinke either of the liquour , or ( metonymically ) of that wherein the liquour is contained . finally bellarmine himselfe doth acknowledge , that the materiall rock , which afforded the israelites water to drinke , was a figure of christ , and that the water proceeding from that rock , was a figure of christs blood ; onely he denies , that so much is meant by the apostle in those words , they dranke of the spirituall rock that followed them , and that rock was christ . but , i demand then , from what place of scripture , if not from those words of the apostle , can so much bee gathered ? * iansenius a learned romanist , is more candid and free then bellarmine ; for expounding the parable of the sower he saith that the word is ( as when it is said , the seed is the word of god , &c. luke . . ) is put for signifieth , as also there where it is said , and the rock was christ . and so also ( say we ) when 't is said , this is my body , the meaning is , this doth signifie my body , or , this is a signe , a token , a seal , a pledge of my body . the lord ( saith a austine ) doubted not to say , this is my body , when he gave the signe of his body . and again , speaking of those words , b except ye eat the flesh of the son of man , and drink his bloud , ye have no life in you , ioh. . . he saith , that christ seemeth to command some hainous act , or some grosse wickednesse : and that therefore it is a figurative speech , requiring us to communicate with the lords sufferings , and sweetly and profitably to keep in memory that his flesh was crucified , and wounded for us . and yet again , c he that is at enmity with christ ( saith he ) doth neither eat his flesh , nor drink his bloud , although to the condemnation of his presumption , he daily receive : the sacrament of so great a thing as well as others . these saying of austin doe sufficiently shew how he understood those words , this is my body , and how far he was from being of the now-romane faith concerning the presence of christ in the sacrament . indeed , these very words , this is my body , which our adversaries pretend to make so much for them , are most strong against them , and enough to throw down transubstantiation . for christ saying , this is my body , what is meant by the word this ? they of the church of rome cannot agree about it , but some say one thing , some another , only by no means they will have bread to be meant by it . for they very well know that so their transubstantiation were quite overthrown . but look into the scripture , and mind it well , and see if any thing else but bread can be meant by the word this. it 's said , mat. . . iesus took bread and blessed it , & brake it , and gave it to the disciples , and said , take , eat , this is my body . what is here meant by the word this ? what is it that christ calls his body ? that which he bade the disciples take and eate . and what was that ? that which he gave unto them . and what was that ? that which he brake . and what was that ? that which he blessed . and what was that ? that which he took . and what was that ? bread. for so expresly the evangelist tells us , that iesus took bread. so then it was bread that christ took , and bread that he blessed , and bread that he brake , and bread that he gave to the disciples , and bread that he bade them take and eat , and bread of which he spake , saying , this is my body . as if he should say , this bread which i have taken , and blessed , and broken , and given unto you to eat , even this bread is my body . now the word this relating unto bread , the speech must needs be figurative , and cannot be proper . for properly bread cannot be christs body , bread and christs body , being things of diverse and different natures , and so it being impossible that properly one should be the other . as when christ called herod a fox , and the pharisees serpents and vipers , the speeches are not proper , but figurative ; so is it when he called bread his body , it being no more possible that bread should be the body of christ in propriety of speech , then that a man should properly be a fox , a serpent , a viper . besides , doth not the apostle , cor. . speaking of the sacrament of the lords supper , continually call it bread , even after consecration ? indeed , to distinguish it from ordinary and common bread , he calls it this bread ; but yet still bread , the same in substance , though not the same in use , as before . and ( which is worthy to be observed ) thus the apostle calls it , viz. bread , when he sharply reproves the corinthians for their unworthy receiving of the sacrament , setting before them the grievousnesse of the sin , and the greatnesse of the danger that they did incur by it . now what had been more forcible and effectuall to this end , than for the apostle , if he had been of the romish faith , to have told them , that now it was not bread , though it seemed unto them to be so , but that the substance of the bread was gone , and instead thereof was come the very substance of christs body ? he saith indeed , that whoso eat that bread , and drink the cup of the lord unworthily , are guilty of the body and bloud of the lord : but that is , because that bread , and that cup , ( i. e. the wine in the cup ) are by the lords own institution signes and seales of the lords body and bloud ; so that the unworthy receiving of them is an indignity done to the things signified by them . but to return to the marquesse , he citeth sundry passages in iohn . where our saviour speakes of eating his flesh , and drinking his blood , calling himselfe bread , living bread , and affirming that his flesh is meat indeed , and his blood drinke indeed . but all this is farre from proving that reall presence of christ in the sacrament , which the marquesse doth contend for . for , . as iansenius ( not to name other of the marquesses own party ) hath unanswerably proved , christ in iohn . did not treat of the sacrament , but onely of the spirituall eating of his flesh , and the spirituall drinking of his blood by faith . . the words of our saviour iohn . if they must prove any transubstantiation at all , will sooner prove the transubstantiation of christs body into bread , then the transubstantiation of bread into christs body . i am the bread of life , saith he , iohn . . & . i am the living bread , &c. ver . . my flesh is meat indeed , &c. ver . . if these sayings bee taken properly , and without a figure , they will prove a conversion , not of bread into the body of christ , but of the body of christ into bread. and the argument that * bradwardine useth against the idols of the pagans , is by full proportion of as much force against our adversaries transubstantiation . perhaps ( saith he ) it is answered , that a materiall idoll after consecration rightly performed , is transubstantiated and turned into god. — this conversion ( viz. of the idoll into god ) is refelled , because it appears to every sense , all experience bearing witnesse , that there is the same materiall idoll that was before . therefore if there be any conversion made , it seemes rather that god is converted into the idoll , then that the idoll is converted into god. this argument , i say , doth as strongly militate against the opinion of the romanists concerning the reall presence . for it no lesse appears , to every sense , all experience bearing witnesse , that there 's the same materiall bread that was before . therefore if there be any conversion made , it seemes rather that christs body is converted into the bread , then that the bread is converted into christs body . the marquesse saith that we with the iewes and infidells say , how can this man give us his flesh to eate ? ioh. . . but we say no such thing . how should wee , if wee believe christ saying , except yee eate the flesh of the son of man , and drinke his blood , you have no life in you ? vers . . we know and acknowledge , that we must eate the flesh of christ , but yet spiritually , not ( as those unbelieving iewes imagined , being therein more like unto our adversaries ) carnally . for so our adversaries hold , that the wicked may eate the flesh of christ , and yet be never the better , but receive it to their condemnation : whereas the eating of christs flesh spoken of ioh. . is a thing that doth accompany salvation . † who so eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood , hath eternall life , &c. v. . but saith the marquesse , had this been but a figure , certainly christ would have removed the doubt , when he saw them so offended at the reality . joh. . . he would not have confirmed his saying in terminis , with promise of a greater wonder , joh. . . you may as well deny his incarnation , his ascension , and aske , how could the man come down from heaven , and goe up againe ? i answer , . a figure , viz. in speech , is not properly opposed to reality , but to propriety . the spirituall eating of christs flesh , is a reall , yet not a proper , but a figurative , a metaphoricall eating of it : when christ saith , i am the true vine , joh. . . there is a reality implied , as well as when he saith , my flesh is meate indeed , joh. . . yet no romanist ( i presume ) but will grant , that christ is a vine , not properly , but figuratively so called . true vine , that is , excellent , incorruptible and spirituall vine , as * iansenius out of euthymius doth expound it . so meate indeed , that is , excellent , incomparable and spirituall meate . . for those words of our saviour , iohn . . what and if ye shall see the son of man ascend up where he was before ? they make nothing for our adversaries , but rather against them . for our saviour in those words most probably intended to let the jewes see , that he did not speak of a carnall eating of his flesh , as they supposed , but of a spirituall eating of it . so austine understood those words , as iansenius notes , and judgeth that exposition most probable . and so the jesuite maldonate , who cites beda and rupertus as following the same exposition , confesseth that exposition more probable than any other that he met with . yea , that he had no author of that interpretation which he embraced , viz. what will ye doe when ye shall see me ascend into heaven ? how much more then will ye be offended ? how much lesse will ye then believe ? yet he saith that he did approve this rather then that of austine , though of all the rest most probable , because this did more oppose the sense of the calvinists , which to him ( he saith ) was a great argument of the probability of it . here see , and observe the disposition of a jesuit , what little reckoning he made of fathers , so he might but oppose calvinists . bellarmine also thinks this a very literall exposition , that christs meaning was to shew that they should have greater cause to doubt after his ascension then they had before . and this exposition he saith seems to be chrysostomes ; yet iansenius attributeth another exposition unto chrysostome , and maldonate confesseth that he found none to expound it in that manner . neither is this exposition agreeable to the letter . for it is equally inconceiveable , that christ being on earth , should give his flesh to many thousands to eat , if it be meant of carnall eating , as that he should doe it being in heaven . but bellarmine first hath another exposition of those words of our saviour , which here the marquesse seemeth to follow , viz. that our saviour would confirme one wonderfull thing by another no lesse wonderfull , if not more , he means the wonderfull eating of his flesh ( in their sense ) by his wonderfull ascension into heaven . and this exposition , he saith , doth confirm their opinion ; for that , if christ had not promised to give his true flesh in the sacrament , he needed not to prove his power by his ascension . i answer , it doth argue an extraordinary power in christ to give his flesh to eat , though there be no turning of the substance of the bread in the sacrament into the substance of his flesh . bellarmine indeed saith , it is no miracle ( such as the jewes required of christ , ioh : . , . ) that common bread should signifie christs body , or that christs body should be eaten by faith. but is this so ordinary and easie a matter , that common bread ( common for substance , though not for use ) should so signifie the body of christ , that by the due receiving of it , the very body of christ should be received , and so christ and the receiver be united together spiritually , even as bread , and he that eateth it , are united together corporally ? is all this nothing , except the bread be substantially changed and turned into christs body ? why then doth bellarmine elswhere tell us , that the fathers refer the wonderfull effects of baptisme ( for of that sacrament particularly doe almost all the fathers speak , which are cited by him ) to gods almighty power ? i am sure bellarmine would not have us believe for all this , that the substance of the water in baptisme is changed into any other substance . where our saviour tels them ( saith the marquesse ) thus to argue according to flesh and bloud , in these words , the flesh profiteth nothing , and that if they will be enlivened in their understanding , they must have faith to believe it in these words , it is the spirit that quickneth , john . . they pervert our saviours meaning into a contrary sense of their own imagination , viz. the flesh profiteth nothing , that is to say , christs body is not in the sacrament : but it is the spirit that quickneth , that is to say , we must onely believe that christ dyed for us , but not that his body is there . as if there were any need of so many inculcations , pressures , offences , mis-believings of , and in a thing that were no more but a bare memoriall of a thing , being a thing nothing more usuall with the israelites , as the . stones which were erected as a signe of the children of israels passing over iordan , &c. josh . . those words of our saviour , the flesh profiteth nothing , it is the spirit that quickneth , make also rather against our adversaries opinion , than for it . for as iansenius comments upon them , our saviour in those words signifies , that his flesh is to be eaten in spirituall manner , and not carnally : which is that which we hold and maintain against them of the church of rome . this exposition ( as the same iansenius observes ) doth both answer the murmuring of the jewes , and also agree with the sentence following , the words which i have spoken unto you , they are spirit , and they are life , that is , they are spirituall , and to be understood spiritually , and so they give life to those that hear them . thus ( he saith ) austine doth interpret this sentence ; and a little before he cites chrysostome , theophylact , and others , as understanding christs words in this sense . . to remove those offences , and mis-beleevings which the jewes had about the eating of christs flesh , which he spake of ( they understanding his words in a carnall sense ) there was need enough of so many inculcations and pressures , for we see , that after all those inculcations and pressures yet our adversaries will not be taken off from the like carnall conceit , as the offended and mis-beleeving jewes had . our adversaries would seeme indeed to be far from compliance with those jewes , because they doe not hold that christs flesh is to be eaten by bits , so as to be divided one piece from another ( as those jewes seeme to have imagined ) but that it is to be eaten , though corporally , yet in an invisible , and indivisible manner . but pope nicolas caused berengarius to recant his opinion , and to confesse , that not only the sacrament of christs body , but the very body it selfe is sensually held in the priests hands , and torne by the teeth of the faithfull . which expressions are as harsh as our adversaries can use , when they would set forth the grosnesse of that conceit which the jewes had about eating christs flesh . and indeed so harsh are those expressions in berengarius his recantation prescribed by the pope , that the glosse upon it is forced to say , except you rightly understand the words of berengarius , ( hee might have said of pope nicolas , who did prescribe them ) you will fall into a greater heresie , then he was in . and therefore you must referre all to the species ( or shewes ) themselves ; for we doe not make any parts of christs body . so then to free themselves from a capernaiticall manner of eating christs flesh , our adversaries hold , that neither christs body , nor bread , but onely the species , or shewes of bread , as quantity , colour , savour , and the like , meere accidents without a substance , are torne with the teeth , divided and broken . and is this properly to eate christs body ? or is not this eating of christs flesh as immaginable as that of the iewes ? whereas the marquesse speaketh of a bare memoriall ; . christ himselfe hath plainly taught us , that the sacrament is a memoriall of him , saying , doe this in remembrance of me . . we doe not say , that christ is barely remembred in the sacrament , but so remembred ; as also to be received , viz. by such as have faith whereby to receive him . for to receive christ , is to believe in him , as is cleare ioh. . . so that this receiving of christ , though it be a reall , yet it is not a corporall , but a spirituall receiving of him . after the scriptures , the marquesse cites some fathers , as ignatius epist . ad smyr . iustine apol. . cyprian ser. . de laps . ambros . l. . de sacram. and remigius ( the place where not noted ) who ( he saith ) affirme the flesh of christ to be in the sacrament , and the same flesh , which the word of god tooke in the virgins wombe . answ . the question is not whether christs flesh be in the sacrament , but how it is in it , concerning which these fathers , so farre as the marquesse doth shew , speake nothing : to say , that they speake of the same flesh , which the word of god tooke in the wombe of the virgin , is onely to shew that they speake of christs flesh properly so called , but it doth not shew that they speake of that flesh being properly in the sacrament . i know no flesh of christ properly so called , but that , which the word made flesh ( ioh. . ) tooke of the virgin mary : but though it be granted ( as it is ) that this flesh of christ is in the sacrament , yet still the question remaines whether this flesh of christ be properly , substantially , and corporally in the sacrament , viz. under the species , or shewes of bread , as our adversaries hold ; and to this question the marquesse doth not say that the fathers alledged by him , doe speake any thing : and therefore i might well let them passe without any further answer . but to consider them , and their testimonies more particularly . first , ignatius his words ( as they are cited by bellarmine ) are to this effect , they ( meaning certaine hereticks ) doe not admit eucharists , and oblations , because they doe not confesse the eucharist to be the flesh of our saviour , which did suffer for our sins , and which the father of his goodnesse did raise up . this testimony is nothing against us , who doe not deny the eucharist , that is , the bread in the eucharist to be the flesh of christ , onely wee say that it is not his flesh in a proper , but in a figurative sense , viz. ( as austine in the words before cited observes ) the thing signifying being called by the name of the thing signified . and this must be the meaning of ignatius ; for hee speakes , not of christs flesh being in the eucharist , but of the eucharist being christs flesh . whereby the eucharist can be meant nothing but the sacramentall bread , and that ( as i have before demonstrated ) by the confession of all cannot properly , but onely figuratively be christs flesh . bellarmine objects , that the hereticks spoken of by ignatius , denyed christ to have true flesh , holding that he was but seemingly borne , crucified , and raised againe . and therefore ( hee saith ) they did not deny the eucharist to signifie the flesh of christ , but onely to be the flesh of christ , lest they should be forced to admit that christ had true flesh . but ( say i ) how could those hereticks yeeld that eucharist doth signifie the flesh of christ , and yet deny that christ hath flesh ? for a thing must needs first be , before there can be truly any signification of it . men ( saith bellarmine ) may paint bodies , which indeed are not . but who will say that these pictures are representations of bodies , and not meere pictures ? and this is all that bellarmine could make out of ignatius . the next father is * iustine martyr , who saith that the bread in the sacrament , is not common bread , nor the cup a common cup. we say the same , they are not common , being sanctified , and set apart for a holy use . but doth this prove any transubstantiation ? our adversaries hold no substantiall change of the water in baptisme , and yet they will not say , that it is common water ; i am sure it is farre more justly to be accounted holy , than that which they use to call holy water . iustine also saith , that we are taught , that the food in the eucharist , by which being changed , our flesh and bloud is nourished , is the flesh and bloud of that iesus that was incarnate . but this was so far from proving transubstantiation , that indeed it overthrowes it : for in saying that we are nourished by the food , the bread and the wine in the sacrament , he saith in effect that the substance of that food , that bread and wine , doth still remaine ; for otherwise how should we be nourished by it ? christs body and bloud are not for our corporall nourishment , of which iustine speaketh ; neither can the bare species , or shewes of bread and wine afford any such nourishment . but ( saith bellarmine ) iustine writing an apology for christians , and their religion , was a prevaricatour , and made the christian faith most odious , by expressing himself so as he did , whereas he might have avoided all superstition , if he had believed that christ is not so in the sacrament , as that the bread is substantially changed , and turned into his body . i answer , that iustines expressions are agreeable to our saviours : . this is my body , and therefore no more apt to render the faith of christians odious than the other . neither was it much to be feared , that the heathens , to whom he wrote his apology , should not be able to understand the figure , whereby the signe is called that which it signifieth ; there was no need ( as bellarmine scoffingly speakes ) that for the understanding of this figure they should be conversant in the school of the calvinists . the next father cited by the marquesse is cyprian , who speaking of some , that in time of persecution denyed the faith , and yet presumed to receive the sacrament of the lords supper ; to let them see the hainousnesse of their presumption , he first alledged some places of scripture , as levit. . , . and cor. . . and . . and then he addes , all these things being despised and contemned , violence is offered to christs body and bloud ; and they now sinne against the lord more by their hands and mouth , then they did before when that they denyed him . but what is there in all this to shew cyprian held any such presence of christ in the sacrament , as they of the romish church maintaine ? yes ( saith bellarmine , for the marquesse onely points at places , but cites no words , much lesse drawes any argument from them ) cyprian did certainly beleeve christ to be so in the sacrament , or else he would never have so aggravated the unworthy receiving of the sacrament , as to make it a greater sinne than to deny christ before a persecutor . but this reason is over-weak . for first , cyprian being very rhetoricall , might a little hyperbolize in his expression . and . without any hyperbole at all the words may be made good , and yet no transubstantiation , nor any corporall presence of christ in the sacrament be supposed . for the sin of denying christ under persecution might be ( and most probably was ) of infirmity ; and the sinne of receiving the sacrament unworthily might be of presumption , and so more hainous in that respect than the other . in the same place cyprian also relates some miraculous punishments which were inflicted on some that unworthily received the sacrament : and hence also bellarmine infers that christ is corporally present in the sacrament , for that we doe not read ( he sayes ) of any such miracles shewed upon those who have unworthily medled with other signes . i answer , yes , we doe ; we read of nadab and abihu slain with fire from heaven , for offering incense with strange fire , levit. . and yet that incense , and the altar on which it was offered , were but types and figures . so the arke was but a signe of gods presence , and yet many thousands of the bethshemites were destroyed for looking into it , sam. . . so also was uzza for presuming to touch it , sam. . next to cyprian , the marquesse cites , ambrose lib. . de sacram. but no chapter is cited by him . bellarmine cites chap. , , and . now all that ambrose saith , chap. . as looking that way , is but this , that the sacraments of christians are more divine then those of the iewes . which we grant , not in respect of the thing signified , for iesus christ yesterday , and to day , and the same for ever , heb. . the same christ was signified by the jewish sacraments as by ours : but in respect of the manner of signifying , christ being more clearly signified by our sacraments , than he was by those which the jewes had . see cor. . . &c. but chap. . ambrose hath something that may seem to make more against us , viz. that before consecration it is bread , but when consecration commeth , then of bread it is made the flesh of christ . to this i answer , that these words doe not inferre any transubstantiation . by consecration , of bread is made christs flesh , but sacramentally , not substantially ; figuratively , not properly . and that ambrose in those words did intend no substantiall change of the bread , appears by his owne words in the same chapter . if ( saith he ) there was such force in the speech of the lord iesus , that things should begin to be that were not : how much more operative is it , that those things should be , which were , and should withall be changed into another thing ? therefore in the judgement of ambrose , the bread and wine in the sacrament , are what they were , viz. in respect of substance , yet by vertue of christs institution are changed , viz. in respect of signification . bellarmine , to evade this testimony , first sayes , that lanfrancus in his book against berengarius speaks of some copies of ambrose his workes , wherein those words were not , ut sint quae erant , that is , that those things should be which were . but no such copies either printed , or manuscript , it seems did bellarmine meet with ; for otherwise ( i doubt not ) he would have given us notice of them . again , with the same lanfrancus he answers , that those words are thus to be understood , that in respect of outward shew , the things which were , still are , but are changed in respect of inward substance . but how can a thing be said to be what it was , when as there is no substance of the thing remaining , but onely a shew and appearance of it ? in the last place bellarmine . addes of his own , that ambrose meant , if christ could make a thing of nothing , why can he not make a thing of something , not by annihilating the thing , but by changing it into that which is better ? but if a thing be changed substantially into another thing , how doth it remain what it was before ? but so the things doe , that ambrose speaks of . for bellarmines criticisme is poor in distinguishing betwixt , ut sint id , quod erant , that they should be that which they were , and ut sint quae erant , that the things should be that were , as if these words did not import that the same substances still remain , as well as the other when christ turned water into wine , can we say , that his word was operative , and powerfull , ut esset quod erat , & in aliud mutaretur , that that should be which was , and that withall , it should be changed into another thing ? i confesse i cannot see how the thing may be said truly and properly to be , which was , if it be substantially changed into some other thing . ambrose there a little after saith , tu ipse eras , sed eras vetus creatura : posteaquam consecratus es , nova creatura esse coepisti . thou thy self wast , but thou wast an old creature : after thou art consecrated , thou beginnest to be a new creature : which cannot be meant of any substantiall change in us . chap. . the same ambrose , ( if it were ambrose , for bellarmine is not very confident that ambrose was the author of those books , de sacramentis ) saith indeed , that before it is consecrated , it is bread , but when the words of christ are come , it is the body of christ . but that it is so the body of christ , as to be no longer bread he doth not affirme . that he was of another mind , appears by the words before alledged . and so much also may be gathered from that which he saith in this same chapter , viz. he that did eat manna , dyed : but whose eateth this body , shall have remission of sins , and shall live for ever . which cannot be understood of a corporall eating of christs body , but of a spirituall eating of it . bellarmine cites some other sayings of ambrose out of another work of his , viz. de iis , qui mysteriis initiantur , but they prove no more than these already cited , neither doth the marquesse refer us to them . yea , in that same work ambrose doth sufficiently declare himselfe against transubstantiation . for there he saith , it is truly the sacrament of christs flesh . and , after consecration , the body ( of christ ) is signified . and again , it is not therefore corporali food , but spirituall . whence also the apostle saith of the type of it , that our fathers did eat spirituall meat , and did drink spirituall drink , cor. . the last author remigius , is onely cited by the marquesse at large , neither doe i find him cited by bellarmine at all , and therefore untill we have some particular place cited out of him , it is in vain to trouble our selves about him ; besides , that his antiquity is not such , as that his authority should much be stood upon , being years after christ , as bellarmine sheweth in his book of ecclesiasticall writers . secondly , ( saith the marquesse ) we hold that there is in the church an infallible rule for understanding of scripture , besides the scripture it self . this you deny , this we have scripture for , as rom. . . we must prophecy according to the rule of faith. we are bid to walke according to this rule , gal. . . we must encrease our faith , and preach the gospell according to this rule , cor. . . this rule of faith the holy scriptures call a forme of doctrine , rom. . . a thing made ready to our hands , cor. . . that we may not measure our selves by our selves , cor. . . the depositions committed to the churches trust , tim. . . for avoiding of profane and vaine bablings , and oppositions of sciences , and by this rule of faith is not meant the holy scriptures ; for that cannot doe it , as the apostle tells us , whilst there are unstable men , who wrest this way and that way to their own destruction ; but it is the tradition of the church , as it is delivered from hand to hand , as most plainly appears , tim. . . the things which thou hast heard of us ( not received in writing from me or others ) among many witnesses , the same commit thou to faithfull men , who shall be able to teach it to others also . that there is any infallible rule for understanding of scripture , or any other rule of faith , besides the scripture , we do deny , and that by authority of the scripture it self . to the law , and to the testimony , if they speak not according to this word , it is because they have no light in them . isai . . . search the scriptures , for in them yee thinke to have eternall life , and they are they that testifie of mee . joh. . . these were more noble then they of thessalonica , in that they received the word with all readinesse of minde , and searched the scriptures , whether those things were so . acts . . all scripture is given by inspiration of god , and is profitable for doctrine , for reproofe , for correction , for instruction in righteousnesse , that the man of god may be perfect , thoroughly furnished unto all good workes , tim. . . . neither doe those places alledged by the marquesse make for the contrary . we must prophesie according to the rule of faith , saith the apostle rom. . . as the marquesse hath it , following therein the rhemists translation , as also their comment upon the place . but the word in the originall signifies rather proportion , then rule . and i see not but that by the proportion of saith may be understood the measure of saith , which is spoken of vers . . but be it granted , that proportion of faith is as much as rule of faith , where doth the apostle say , that this rule of faith is any other then the scripture it selfe ? the places before cited shew , that we are referred to the scripture , as the rule , whereby all doctrines are to be tried ; but no where doe i finde , that wee are referred to any unwritten tradition . sure i am our adversaries can evince no such thing from the words of the apostle , rom. . . except we must ( to use the marquesses expressions ) take them margin'd with their own notes , sens'd with their own meaning , and enlivened with their own private spirit . as for the rule mentioned , gal. . . it is no generall rule of faith , or of interpreting scripture , but a speciall rule , that in christ iesus neither circumcision availeth any thing , nor uncircumcision , but a new creature ; as is cleare by the context , ver . . as many as walke according to this rule , that is , ( as * oecumenius expounds it ) as many as are content with this rule , and this doctrine , that all things are made a new creature , and doe not subject themselves to the law. neither is the place , cor. . . to the purpose . for the apostle there speakes of a ruleby way of similitude ( as cardinall * cajetan doth well expound it ) viz. that as an architect , or the like chiefe workman , doth by rule divide the worke that is to be done , and appoint under-workemen where they shall imploy themselves , and how farre they shall reach : so god did as it were by rule appoint paul , where he should preach the gospell , and how farre his imployment should extend in that kinde . this plainly appeares to be the apostles meaning by the two verses immediately preceding , but we will not boast of things without our measure , but according to the measure of the rule , which god hath distributed unto us , a measure to reach even unto you . for we stretch not our selves beyond our measure , as though wee reached not unto you ; for we are come as farre as you also in preaching the gospell of christ . then he addes , not boasting of things without our measure , that is , of other mens labours , but having hope , when your faith is encreased , that we shall be enlarged by you , according to our rule abundantly , to preach the gospell in the regions beyond you , and not to boast in another mans line , of things made ready to our hand . all may plainly see , that here is nothing spoken of a rule of faith , or a rule for the understanding of the scripture . and therefore most impertinently is cor. . . cited , as if the apostle there did speak of a rule of faith made ready to their hands . and so also is that of not measuring our selves by our selves . cor. . . neither can our adversaries ever be able to prove that by the forme of doctrine mentioned rom. . . the apostle did meane any other doctrine , then what is contained in the scripture : or that any doctrine , but the doctrine of the scripture is meant by that which was committed to timotheus trust , tim. . . which the apostle there bids him keepe , avoiding profane , and vaine bablings , &c. though such as are unlearned , and unstable wrest the scriptures , &c. pet. . . yet the same apostle in the same epistle doth teach us to take heed to the scripture , as to a light shining in a darke place . pet. . . that the apostle spake of any unwritten tradition , as a rule whereby to interpret scriptures , tim. . . can never be made good : by the things , which timothy heard him , and was to commit to faithfull men , &c. hee meant nothing but the doctrine of the gospell , as the forementioned * cajetan doth truly interpret : and that doctrine , i presume , is no where to be found , but in the scripture . surely the apostle in the next chapter after tells timothy , that from a child hee had known the holy scriptures , which were able to make him wise unto salvation , thorough faith , which is in christ iesus . tim. . . after the scriptures , the marquesse cites the fathers as being of this opinion , viz. ireneus l. . c. . tertull. de praescript . and vincent . lirin . in suo commentario ( perhaps it should be commonitorio ) but it will not appeare , that the fathers held any rule of faith , and of interpreting the scripture , besides the scripture it selfe . his majesty ( as i noted before ) cited above twice as many fathers , as the marquesse here alledgeth , plainly testifying that the scriptures are their own interpreters , and that matters of faith are to be decided by them . i will adde a few more testimonies of the fathers to this purpose . a as wee doe not deny ( saith hierome ) those things which are written , so we refuse those things , which are not written . b i adore ( saith tertullian ) the fulnesse of the scripture . and againe , c let hermogenes ( saith hee ) shew that it is written . if it be not written , let him feare that woe appointed for those that either adde to the scripture , or detract from it . d wee doe cyprian no wrong ( saith austine ) when wee distinguish any of his writings from the canonicall authority of the divine scriptures . for not without cause is such a wholesome ecclesiasticall rule of vigilancy constituted , to which certaine bookes of the prophets and the apostles belong , which we may not at all dare to judge , and according to which wee may freely judge of other writings , whether they bee of beleevers , or of unbelievers . and againe , i am not bound ( saith hee ) by the authority of this epistle ( viz. of cyprian ) because i doe not account cyprians writings as canonicall , but i examine them by those that are canonicall , and that which is in them agreeable to the authority of the divine scriptures , i receive with his praise , and what is not agreeable , i refuse with his leave . for the fathers here cited by the marquesse , * irenaeus lib. . cap. . hath nothing that may seeme to make that way except this , where ( saith hee ) the gifts of the lord are placed , there wee ought to learne truth , of those with whom is that succession of the church , which is from the apostles , and that sound speech not to be reproved . for they keepe that faith of ours , which is in one god , that made all things , and increase that love , which is towards the son of god , who did such great things for us , and they without danger expound unto us the scriptures , neither blaspheming god , nor dishonoring the patriarcks , nor contemning the prophets . here irenaeus speakes of some , of whom truth was to be learnt , who kept the faith , and did expound the scriptures without danger : but hee doth not say , that they had any unwritten rule of faith , or any such rule , whereby to expound the scriptures . no ; for so irenaeus should not agree with himselfe , who saith ( as his majesty observed ) that the evidences , which are in the scriptures , cannot be manifested but by the scriptures themselves . adde hereunto another saying of the father very pertinent to the purpose . we have not known ( saith hee ) the dspensation of our salvation but by those , by whom the gospell came unto us : which gospell they preached , aad afterward by the will of god delivered unto us in the scriptures , as that which should be for the foundation and pillar of our faith. so much for irenaeus ; the marquesse cites the words of tertullian , and so of vincentius : tertullians words ( as he cites them ) are these , wee doe not admit our adversaries to dispute out of scripture , till they can shew , who their ancestors were , and from whom they received the scriptures . for the ordinary course of doctrine requires , that the first question should be , from whom , and by whom , and to whom the forme of christian religion was delivered , otherwise prescribing against him as a stranger . these words i cannot finde , nor any like unto them in the place cited , viz. de praescrip . cap. . elsewhere indeed in that booke i finde words like unto these , though not the same . however if wee should be tried by these words , i see not how they will conclude against us . for though the heretickes , with whom tertullian had to doe , might be convinced otherwise then by scripture , it followes not , that therefore this is not the ordinary way whereby to convince hereticks . thus christ convinced the sadduces that denied the resurrection , mat. . . &c. thus apollos convinced the jewes , who denied jesus to be the christ : acts . . and thus the apostles convinced those that urged circumcision , and the observing of the jewish law , acts . . &c. and thus both other fathers , and even tertullian himselfe doth usually dispute against heretickes , and confute them by the scriptures . but ( saith the marquesse ) if a heathen should come by the bible , as the eunuch came by the prophecy of esay , and have no philip to interpret it unto him , hee would find out a religion rather according to his own fancy , then divine verity . be it so , yet here is nothing to prove , that this philip , that is to interpret the bible , is not to fetch his interpretation from the bible it selfe , but from some unwritten tradition . i come to vincentius lirinensis , whose words produced by the marquesse , run thus , it is very needfull in regard of so many errors proceeding from mis-interpretations of scriptures , that the line of propheticall and apostolicall exposition should be directed according to the rule of the ecclesiasticall and catholike sense . but i see not , that in the opinion of vincentius , the rule of the ecclesiasticall and catholike sense is any other then the scripture . he insists much ( i am sure ) upon those words of the apostle , if wee , or an angell from heaven preach any other gospell unto you , then that which we have preached unto you , let him be accursed , gal. . . now , as was noted before out of irenaeus , the gospell , which the apostles preached , they delivered unto us in the scriptures , and that is the foundation and pillar of our faith. indeed , all that vincentius in his commonitory against heresies , aimes at , is this , that the faith once delivered to the saints ( as saint iude speaks ) might be preserved . to which end he descants well upon those words of the apostle : o timothy , keep that which is committed to thy trust , tim. . . that which is committed to thee , not that which is invented by thee ; that which thou hast received , not that which thou hast devised ; a matter nōt of wit , but of doctrine ; not of private usurpation , but of publick tradition ; a thing brought unto thee , not brought forth by thee , in which thou art not to be an author , but a keeper ; not an ordainer , but an observer ; not a leader , but a follower . that this depositum , or thing committed to timothy , was any unwritten tradition , and not the doctrine of the gospell contained in the scripture ; neither doth vincentius say , neither can it be proved . bellarmine himself is forced to confesse , that all things necessary for all , are written by the apostles : yea , and that those things which have the testimony of tradition ( he means unwritten tradition ) received in the whole church , are not usually such as concern most obscure questions . and how then should such tradition be the rule of faith , and of expounding the scriptures ? the marquesse saith , that in matters of faith christ bids us to observe , and doe whatsoever they bid us , who sit in moses seat , mat. . , . whence he infers , therefore surely there is something more to be observed then onely scripture : will you not as well believe what you hear christ say , as what you hear his ministers write ? you hear christ when you hear them , as well as you read christ when you read his word . he that heareth you heareth me , luk. . . thus the marquesse , but it was from our saviours meaning , that the people should doe simply , and absolutely , whatsoever the scribes and pharisees , who sate in moses seat , should enjoyn . our saviour meant nothing lesse , for expresly he bade beware of the leaven of the pharisees , mat. . . that is , of the doctrine of the pharisees , v. . our saviours meaning therefore was only this , that whiles the scribes and pharisees sitting in moses seat , did deliver the law and doctrine of moses , people should hear and obey , though otherwise they were most corrupt both in life & doctrine . the jesuite maldonate doth thus expound the place , as indeed it cannot with any probability be otherwise expounded . when christ ( saith he ) bids observe , and doe what the scribes and pharisees say , whiles they sit in moses seat , he speaks not of their doctrine , but of the doctrine of the law , and of moses . for it is as if he should say , all things , that the law , and moses shall say unto you , the scribes and pharisees rehearsing it , observe , and do ; but after their workes doe not . it 's true , christ doth tells us , that they that hear his ministers , hear him , but that is , when they speak as his ministers , when they speak his word , not their owne . as god said to the prophet ezekiel , thou shalt speak my words unto them , ezek. . . and to the prophet ieremy , speak unto them all that i command thee , ier. . . and so christ to his apostles , teaching them to observe all things that i have commanded you , mat. . . so then , we hear christ indeed , when we hear his word spoken by his ministers , as well as we read christ , when we read his word written in the scriptures . but that which we hear , must be tried by that which we read ; that which is spoken by ministers , by that which is written in the scriptures , as hath been shewed before by isai . . . ioh. . . act. . . we say ( saith the marquesse ) the scriptures are not easie to be understood , you say they are : we have scripture for it , as is before manifested at large . the fathers say as much , &c. we doe not say that the scriptures throughout in every part of them are easie to be understood , but that they are so in things necessary unto salvation . this hath been shewed before by the testimony both of the scripture it self , and of austine , as likewise that the places of scripture objected by the marquesse , doe make nothing against the easinesse of the scripture , either at all , or at least in this sense . neither are the fathers , here alledged by the marquesse , against it . irenaeus ( whose words the marquesse produceth not , but bellarmine doth ) saith onely that of those things which are contained in the scriptures , quaedam , some are such that we must commend unto god , meaning that we cannot perfectly know them . this is nothing repugnant to what we say . nor that which is said by origen ( whom the marquesse onely citeth at large , contra cels . but i find both the book and the words in bellarmine ) viz. that the scripture is multis locis obscura , in many places obscure ; of which , what protestant ( i marvell ) doth make any question ? so when ambrose , epist . . calleth the scripture a sea , and a depth of propheticall riddles : and hierom , praefat. comment . in ephes . saith , that he took great pains to understand the scripture : and austine , epist . . cap. . saith , that the things of holy scripture , which he knew not , were more than those he knew : and dionysius , b. of corinth , ( cited by eusebius , hist . l. . c. ) saith , that the matter of the scriptures was farre more profound then his wit could reach ; what is all this against protestants , who onely hold that the scriptures , in things that concern faith , and manners , are not so obscure , but that they ought to be read , or heard by all , and that all may profit by the reading or hearing of them ? and in this sense bellarmine yeildeth that chrysostome in diverse places doth affirme the scriptures to be plain and easie , viz. to shake off the lazinesse of many , who might , if they would , read the scriptures with much benefit . and besides , we hold , that where the scripture is obscure , the interpretation of it is to be fetched from the scripture it self , against which these fathers say nothing , but both diverse of these , and also diverse others ( as hath been shewed ) doe plainly avouch it . the marquesse proceeds , saying , we say that this church cannot erre , you say it can : we have scripture for what we say , such scripture that will tell you that fools cannot erre therein , esay . . such scripture that will tell you , if you neglect to hear it , you shall be a heathen , and a publican , mat. . . such scripture as will tell you , that this church shall be unto christ a glorious church , that shall be without spot or wrinkle , ephes . . . such a church as shall be enlivened for ever with his spirit , esay . . the fathers affirme the same , &c. concerning the churches erring , or not erring , we must distinguish of the church , and of errour . the church is either visible , which consisteth both of good and bad , which therefore is compared to a net , &c. mat. . . &c. or invisible , which consisteth onely of the elect , and true beleevers , the lord knoweth who are his , tim. . . men may know who professe themselves to be his , but who are indeed , only god knoweth . all the elect , they are the church , saith bernard . and to the same effect austine , the church consisteth of those that are good , who build upon the rock , not of those that build upon the sand. as for errour , it is either damnable , or not damnable . now it is granted , that the invisible church cannot erre damnably . for this is that church which christ speaketh of , and saith , that the gates of hell shall not prevail against it , mat. . . but for the church visible , whether our adversaries mean the church virtuall , whereby they understand the pope , or the church representative , that is , a generall councell , we hold that it may erre , and that damnably . the scriptures alledged are not against this assertion . that esai . . . speaks not of the church , but of a way , called there , the way of holinesse ; so sure and safe , that wayfaring men , though fooles , shall not erre therein . that mat. . . onely shewes that a member of the church , being justly admonished by the church , ought to submit to the admonition of it , or else is to be accounted as a publican or heathen . but this is farre from proving the churches infallibility . that ephes . . . shewes , not what the church is here in this world , but what it shall be hereafter in the world to come ; * it is not so to be understood ( saith austine ) as if the church were now so , but that it is prepared that it may be so . and accordingly † bede , in the kingdome of heaven the church shall be fully and perfectly without spot or wrinkle , &c. for when as the apostle did not only say that he might present it to himself , a church not having spot or wrinkle , but also added glorious ; he sufficiently signified when it shall be without spot or wrinkle . that esai . . . sheweth that god will give both his word and his spirit for ever unto his church , but it speaks of the invisible church , the elect and godly , such as turn from transgression , ver . . not of any outward visible church , which hath no such priviledge , but that it may erre , and so erre as to cease to be a church , as the example of the churches of asia , mentioned revel . . & . doth make manifest . for the fathers , the first , whom the marquesse citeth is austine , whom ( as before is shewed ) holdeth generall councells lyable to errour , and such , as that the former may be corrected by the latter . that therefore which he saith , * contra crescon . l. . c. . ( so , i presume it should be , not cap. . as it is in the marquesse his paper ) viz. that we hold the truth of the scriptures , when we doe that , which hath pleased the whole church , which the authority of the same scriptures doth commend : that ( i say ) must be understood , so farre forth as the scriptures doe commend the church , we do well , and conformably to the scriptures , in conforming to it . but i see not how austine himself could hold the church to be so commended in the scriptures , as that we must simply and absolutely doe what the church pleaseth . for then , what need of having one generall councell to be corrected and amended by another ? our adversaries themselves , when they please , make no scruple of waving and altering that which was generally held and practiced in the church . i let passe ( saith maldonate ) the opinion of austine , and of innocentius , which about . yeares did prevaile in the church that the eucharist is necessary even for infants . the thing is now declared by the church , both by the custome of many ages , and also by the decree of the councell of trent , that it is not onely not necessary for them , but also that it is not meet to be given unto them . cyprian , epist . . ( who is the next that the marquesse citeth ) speaketh indeed of the authority of the church , but how ? so as to censure and excommunicate those that deserve it , about that hee writes unto cornelius bishop of rome . but this is much short of proving the church to be infallible , and that it cannot erre . cyprian was far from ascribing so much to the church , when ( as 't is well known ) contrary to what the bishop of rome , and the church generally did hold , he held the re-baptizing of such as had been baptized by heretikes . though cyprian in this did erre , yet his very erring in this , shewes that hee thought the church , the generality of the visible church , not onely subject to error , but indeed to have erred . the last father , whom the marquesse here mentioneth ( for though hee say cum multis aliis , yet hee nameth no more ) is * irenaeus l. . c. . where he saith , it is not meet to seeke the truth among others , which it is easie to take of the church , seeing the apostles did lay in it , as in a rich depository , all things that concerne truth , that every one that will , may out of it receive the drinke of life . this indeed is gloriously spoken of the church , and not hyperbolically neither ; yet doth it not amount to this , that the church cannot erre . the holy scriptures , wherein all saving truth is contained , are committed to the church , and the doctine of salvation is ordinarily held forth in , and by the church ; but hence it doth not follow , that the church , that is , such as beare sway in it , is not subject to error . all that irenaeus saith of the church is no more , if so much as that of the apostle , tim. . . that the church is the pillar and ground of truth ; which place it may seeme strange that the marquesse pretermitteth . bellarmine disputing this point , brings in those words in the very first place , to prove that the church cannot erre . and whereas calvin answers , that the church is so styled by the apostle , because in it the scriptures are preserved and preached , he replies , that thus the church should rather be compared to a chest , then to a pillar . but this is a frivolous objection ; for the church doth not keepe the truth close and secret , as a thing is kept in a chest ; but so as to professe and publish it , and therefore is compared to a pillar , to which a thing is fastned , and so hangeth , that all may see it . but that those words of the apostle do not infer an infallibility of the church , and an exemption from errour , is cleare by this , that he speakes of a particular visible church , namely the church of ephesus : now that a particular visible church may erre , our adversaries will not deny , and that very church of ephesus there spoken of doth sufficiently demonstrate . the apostle therefore in those words doth rather shew the duty of the church then the dignity of it ; rather what it should be , then what it alwayes is . as when it is said mal. . . labia sacerdotis custodient scientiam , the priests lips shall keep knowledge , that is ( as our translations rightly render it ) should keepe . so the jesuite ribera doth expound it , shall keepe , that is ( saith he ) ought to keep . the marquesse here comes againe to the visibility of the church , and some other particulars before handled . that the church is alwayes visible , he proves by mat. . , . the light of the world ; a city upon a hill cannot be hid . but i have shewed before these words , yee are the light of the world , to be meant of the apostles , who ( as their own iansenius expounds it ) were a light unto the world by their preaching . so also * theophylact , they did not enlighten ( saith hee ) one nation , but the whole world . and the words following , a city set upon a hill cannot be hid , he shewes to have been spoken by way of instruction . christ ( saith hee ) doth instruct them to be carefull and accurate in the ordering of their life , as being to be seene of all . as if hee should say , doe not thinke , that you shall lie hid in a corner ; no , you shall be conspicuous . and therefore see that yee live unblameably , that so you may not give offence to others . this exposition sutes well with the admonition given vers . . let your light so shine forth before men , that they seeing your good workes may glorifie your father which is in heaven . the marquesse here further addes , cor. . . & isai . . i suppose it should be , isai . . . now the former of these two places is not to the purpose , viz. to prove a perpetuall visibility of the church . for how can that be inferred from those words of the apostle , if our gospell be hid , it is hid to them that are lost ? the apostle having said vers . . by manifestation of the truth commending our selves to every mans conscience in the sight of god , because ( as * oecumenius notes ) it might be objected , that the truth was not made manifest unto all , for that all did not believe , to prevent this objection the apostle addes , if our gospell be hid , &c. as if hee should say , it is not our fault , as if the gospell were not plainly enough preached by us , but it is their own fault , who perish through their owne blindnesse . that isai . . . is more to the purpose , though not enough neither . it is said that in the last dayes the mountaine of the lords house shall be established in the top of the mountaines , and shall be exalted above the hills , and all nations shall flow unto it . the prophet there sheweth , ( by metaphoricall expressions taken from mount sion , where the temple stood ) that by the preaching of the gospell , the church should be increased and exalted farre above what it was before . this prophesie was fulfilled by the bringing in of the gentiles : but the prophet doth not say , that in the times of the gospell the church should alwayes be so conspicuous and visible . neither doe the fathers here alledged by the marquesse , viz. origen , chrysostome , austine and cyprian , speake of the perpetuall condition of the church , but onely as it was in their time . i have proved before by scriptures , and fathers , and even by the acknowledgement of our adversaries , that the church is not perpetually visible . after the visibility of the church , the marquesse speaketh of the universality of it , saying that the universality of the church is perpetuall , and that the church of rome is such a church . for proofe hereof hee citeth , psal . . . rom. . . now the former place shewes that christ should have the heathen for his inheritance , and the ends of the earth for his possession ; and consequently that the church should not be confined ( as it was in the time of the law ) to one country , but should be extended farre and wide throughout the world. this also hath been fulfilled , and yet shall be : but hence it doth not follow , that the church is alwayes so universally extended throughout the world , but that sometimes errors and heresies doe so prevaile and overspread all , that the truth in comparison can finde no roome . see before page . the other place , viz. rom. . . testifies indeed that the church of rome was a true church , and famous throughout the world : but neither doth the apostle there say , neither ( so farre as i see ) can it in any congruity be said , that the church of rome either is , or was a church universally spread thorough the world. a part , and an eminent part of the church so universall it might be , but the whole universall church it could not be . the apostle there saith no more of the romanes , then he doth of the thessalonians , thess . . . yet ( i presume ) our adversaries will not therefore admit either the church of thessalonica to be universall , or ever since the apostles time to have continued sound and orthodox . and why then will they thinke to inforce so much from the apostles words for the church of rome ? to these two places of scripture the marquesse addeth the testimonies of three fathers , viz. cyprian , austine , and hierome . but for the first of these , his words are pitifully mistaken . they are these , dum apud vos una animus , & unae vox est , ecclesia omnis romana confessa est ; the marquesse renders it thus , whilst with you there is one minde , and one voyce , the whole church is confessed to be the roman church : whereas any that can understand latine , and wil minde the words , may see that they are to be rendred thus , whilest with you there is one minde , and one voyce , the whole roman church hath confessed . cyprian here wrote to cornelius bishop of rome , who together with others had before heathen persecutors confessed the faith . for this cyprian commends them , and saith that they so confessing as they did , and all being of one minde , and one voyce , the whole roman church did confesse . this makes indeed for the soundnesse of the roman church , as it was in cyprians time , but for the universality of it , as if it were the universall church , or a church universally diffused , it makes nothing . for austines words de unit . eccles . cap. . who so doth not communicate with the whole corps of christendome , certaine it is , that they are not in the holy catholick church , i see not what they are to the purpose . they cannot be so understood , as that all must necessarily communicate with all that are of the corps of christendome , that is , that professe themselves christians . for so all should be tied to communion with grosse and notorious heretikes . they must then be understood of communicating with all christians so farre forth as they are indeed christians : but what is this to prove either the perpetuall universality of the church , or that the church of rome is such a church ? austine wrote against the donatists , who confined the church to affrike , excluding all the world besides from being of the church . this is nothing against us , who doe not confine the church to any place whatsoever . the last father here cited is hierom , who ( as the marquesse telleth us ) saith , that it is all one to say the roman faith , and the catholike faith. but the marquesses quotation of the place where this is to be found in hierome , is too laxe , viz. in apol. ad ruffin . it should be adversus ruffin . but there are two apologies which hierome wrote against ruffin , and one of them divided into severall bookes ; it was meet therefore that the place should have been cited more particularly then it is . yet i think i have met with the place which the marquesse meaneth , which yet doth not speake so much as the marquesse supposeth . * ruffinus translating origens workes ( which had many grosse errors in them ) into latine , to justifie himselfe said , the latine reader shall finde nothing , that differs from our faith . hereupon hierome asked , what faith he meant by our faith ? whether that faith , which did flourish in the church of rome , or that , which was contained in the workes of origen ? if ( saith hee ) he shall answer , the roman faith then are we catholickes , who have translated nothing of origens error : but if origens blasphemy be his faith , whilest he chargeth me with inconstancy he proves himselfe an heretick . here indeed hierome implieth the roman faith , and the catholick faith , to have been then when he wrote one and the same , yet not simply , but so farre forth as did concerne the errors of origen . but how can any justly hence conclude , that in hieromes dialect it 's all one to say the roman faith , and the catholick faith ? as if in hieromes opinion the roman faith , and the catholick faith , in all points , and at all times must needs be the same . that hierome did not overvalue the church of rome is evident . for when the custome of that church was objected against something that hee held , hee rejected the authority of it with some disdaine , saying , if wee seek authority , the world is greater then the city . and againe , what doe you bringing the custome of one city ? from universality , the marquesse passeth to unity , saying that the unity of the church is necessary in all points of faith , and proving it first by scriptures , as ephes . . . acts . . and cor. . . then by fathers , as austine contra par. l. . c. . cypr. de unit . eccles . and hilar. ad constant. now this unity of the church hath been spoken of before , and it hath beene shewed how far it is requisite , as also how little cause they of the church of rome have either to applaud themselves for it , or to upbraide the reformed churches for want of it . there is one lord , one faith , one baptisme , faith the apostle , eph. . . well , suppose they of the roman-church have one faith , yet except they have the one faith , this , of which the apostle speaketh , what are they the better ? but indeed neither is their faith so one , as they pretend , there being many great and weighty points , wherein they differ one from another . see gerard loc . com . de eccles . sect. &c. on the other side ( as i have said before ) if the confessions of the reformed churches be look't upon rather then particular mens opinions , or perhaps expressions , there will no great difference in points of faith be found amongst them . acts . . here cited by the marquesse , is not to the purpose , as not speakking of unity of faith , but rather of affection , cor. . . the apostle exhorts them to unity , and that there might be no divisions among them ; but because there was not such unity , as was meet , but there were divisions among them , he doth not therefore say , that they were no true church : in a word , both the scriptures and the fathers are for the unity of the church in points of faith , and so are we ; that the severall articles of protestant churches deny this unity , the marquesse affirmeth , but doth not prove it . we hold ( faith the marquesse ) that every minister of the church , especially the supreme minister , or head thereof , should be in a capacity of fungifying his office in preaching the gospell , administring the sacrament , baptizing , marrying , and not otherwise . this we have scripture for , heb. no man taketh this honour unto himself , but he that is called of god , as aaron was . this you deny ; and not onely so , but you so deny it , as that your church hath maintained and practiced it a long time , for a woman to be head , or supreme moderatrix in the church ; when you know that according to the word of god ( in this respect ) a woman is not onely forbidden to be the head of the man , but to have a tongue in her head , tim. . . cor. . . yet so hath this been denyed by you , that many have beene hang'd , drawn and quarter'd for not acknowledging it . the fathers are of our opinion , &c. all this is but to strike at the title which hath beene given to our kings and queens , viz. supreme heads , or governours , and governesses of the church within their dominions . we know our adversaries have much stomack'd , and opposed this title , but we know no just cause that they have had for it . we never made kings or queens ministers of the church , so as to dispense the word , and sacraments , only we have attributed unto them this power , to look to , and have a care of the church , that the word be preached , and the sacraments administred by fit persons , and in a right manner . this is no more then belongs unto kings and queens , as both scriptures and fathers doe informe us . we see in the scriptures , that the good kings of iudah , as asia , iehoshaphat , hezekiah and iosiah , ( not to speak of david and solomon , who were prophets as well as kings , and so may be excepted against as extraordinary persons ) did put forth their power in ordering the affaires of the church , as well as of the civill state. asa put down idolatry , and caused the people to enter into covenant to serve the lord , chron. . iehoshaphat took away the high places , and the groves , and made the priests and levites to goe and teach the people , chron. . hezekiah reformed what had been amisse in matter of gods worship , caused the priests and levites to do their duty , and the passeover to be solemnly kept , chron. . & , & . so iosiah also destroyed idolatry , repaired the temple , and kept a most solemne passeover , causing both priests and people to performe their duty . austine acknowledgeth this power to belong unto kings . in this ( saith he ) kings , as they are commanded of god , doe serve god as kings , if in their kingdome they command good things , and forbid evill things , not only which belong unto humane society , but also which concerne divine religion . and the same father speaking of christian princes , makes their happiness to lie in this , that they make their power serviceable to gods majesty , in enlarging his worship , as much as they are able . this power also christian princes have exercised , and have not been taxed for it , as constantine , theodosius , &c. see mason de minist . anglic. lib. . cap. . the exercising therefore of this power which we ascribe to kings and queenes , is no taking that honour to themselves , which is spoken of heb. . . neither is it any teaching , or speaking in the church , which the apostle will not allow unto a woman , tim. . , . and cor. . . neither is this crosse to what the fathers , whom the marquesse citeth , say , which amounts to this , that ministers are to doe those things which belong unto ministers , and that in those things which concern their ministery , all , even kings and queens , are subject unto them . all this is nothing against kings and queens having a power over ministers , so as to see them perform the offices which belong unto them . and it may seeme strange that the marquesse should now so lately with so much eagernesse inveigh against that title , and power , given to that queen of happy memory , q. elizabeth , as most unmeet for her , when as * hart , a papist , stiffe enough , living in the queens time , by his conference with doctor rainolds , and doctor nowels book against dorman , was so convinced , that he confessed himself satisfied in this point , and acknowledged that we ascribe no more unto princes , then austine doth in the words before cited . we say , that christ gave commission to his disciples to forgive sinnes ; you deny it , and say , that god onely can forgive sins , we have scripture for it , joh. . . whosesoever sins ye remit , they are remitted : and whosesoever sins ye retain , they are retained . and joh. . . as my father hath sent me , even so send i you . and how was that ? viz. with so great power as to forgive sins , mat. . . . where note , that s. matthew doth not set downe , how that the people glorified god the father , who had given so great power unto god the son ; but that he had given so great power unto men , loc . cit . the fathers are of this opinion , &c. it is strange that the marquesse should say , that we deny that christ gave commission to his disciples to forgive sinnes : we confesse that the scripture is clear for it , that he did give them such a commission ; onely the question is , how the commission is to be understood , and what power it is that the disciples had , and so other ministers have to forgive sinnes ? it 's true , we hold that god only can forgive sins , and yet withall , that men may forgive sins . these are not contradictory , the one to the other , because ( as all logitians know ) except the propositions be understood of one and the same thing , in one and the same respect ; there is no contradiction . now when we say , that onely god can forgive sins , it is meant in one respect ; and when we say , that men may forgive sinnes , it is meant in another respect . as the sin is against god , so properly and authoritatively god alone can forgive it . and this god doth challenge unto himself as his prerogative , i , even i am he , that blotteth out thy transgressions , &c. isai . . . and therefore the scribes were right in this , who can forgive sins , but god onely ? mar. . . they were right in the doctrine , though wrong in the application : their position was good , that god only can forgive sins ; but their supposition was naught , that christ was but a meer man , and had not power to forgive sins , as he did . this ( saith * hilary ) troubles the scribes , that a man doth forgive sin ; for they took christ for a meer man. — it is true none can forgive sinne but god only : and therefore he that forgiveth , is god , because none forgiveth but god. the same also is clearly and fully acknowledged by gregory . whom amongst other fathers the marquesse alledgeth against us . he writing upon the second penitentiall psalme , that is , the . psalme , upon those words , thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin , he saith thus , thou , who alone sparest , who alone doest forgive sinnes . for who can forgive sinnes , but god onely ? and with these agreeth irenaeus , whom also the marquesse bringeth in as a witnesse on his side . he speaking of christs forgiving of sinnes , saith , that thereby he did declare who he was : for if none can forgive sinnes but onely god , and the lord ( christ ) did forgive them , then it is manifest , that he was the word of god , made the son of man , &c. and that as god he hath mercy on us , and doth forgive us our debts , which we owe unto god our maker . accordingly also ambrose , ( another of those fathers , whom the marquesse maketh to be of their opinion ) whereas ( saith he ) iewes say that onely god can forgive sinnes , they doe indeed confesse christ to be god , and by their judgement bewray their perfidiousnesse , &c. they have a testimony for christs divinity , they have no faith for their owne salvation : therefore great is the madnesse of the unbelieving people , that when as they confesse that it belongs onely unto god to forgive sinnes , yet they doe not beleeve god , when he forgiveth sins . so by this argument the same father proves the holy ghost to be god , because he forgiveth sins . for that none can forgive sinnes but onely god , as it is written , who can forgive sinnes , but only god ? thus ambrose cites that saying of the scribes as a most undoubted truth . how then have ministers power to forgive sins ? in that the word of reconciliation is committed unto them , cor. . . in that they are to preach remission of sinnes in christs name , luk. . . be it known unto you , that through this man ( viz. christ ) is preached unto you forgivenesse of sinnes , said paul , act. . . ambrose observes , that christ first said to his apostles , receive ye the holy ghost , and then , whose sins ye remit , they are remitted . whence he gathers , that it is the holy ghost that doth indeed forgive sins . men ( saith he ) doe onely afford their ministery for the forgivenesse of sinnes , they doe not exercise the authority of any power . neither doe they forgive sins in their name , but in the name of the father , and of the sonne , and of the holy ghost . lombard , called the master of the sentences , and of school-divinity , disputing this question , and shewing diverse opinions about it , determines thus , that god only doth remit , and retain sins , and that yet god hath given power to the church to bind and loose . but that god himself doth bind and loose one way , and the church another way . that god by himself alone doth forgive sinne , so as to clense the soul from staine , and to free it from the guilt of eternall death . that he hath not given this power to priests , to whom yet he hath given power to loose and bind , that is , to declare men to be loosed , or bound . whence our lord first by himselfe made the leper sound , and then sent him to the priests , that they might declare him to be clean . and hence he inferres , that a minister of the gospell hath such power in remitting or retaining sins , as the priest in the law had in clensing a leper . the priest was said to make the leper clean , or unclean , ( so the words are in the originall , levit. . ) when he did pronounce and declare him to be clean or unclean . so ministers remit , or retain sinnes , when they pronounce and declare that sins are remitted , or retained of god. and in this lombard followed hierome , who ( as his words cited by lombard doe shew ) by this very similitude of the leviticall priest , dealing with a leper , illustrates and sets forth the manner how a minister doth now remit , or retain sins . thus then i hope it may sufficiently appear , that in this point both scriptures and fathers are for us , and not against us , as the marquesse would have it . we hold , that we ought to confesse our sins unto our ghostly father ; this ye deny , saying , that ye ought not to confesse your sins but unto god alone . this we prove by scripture , mat. . , . then went out jerusalem , and all judea , and were baptized of him in jordan , confessing their sinnes . this confession was no generall confession , but in particular , as appeares , acts . , . and many that beleeved , came and confessed , and shewed their deeds . the fathers affirme the same , &c. for confession of sinnes , protestants doe not say , that they ought not to confesse to any but god onely , though they hold that ordinarily it sufficeth to confesse onely unto god , and that there is no necessity of confessing to any other ; whereas they of the church of rome will have it necessary for every one man to confesse unto a priest all his deadly sinnes , ( and such indeed are all sinnes whatsoever without the mercy of god in christ , rom. . . gal. . . ) which by diligent examination he can find out , together with all the severall circumstances , whereby they are aggravated . thus hath the councell of trent decreed it . and nothing will suffice to procure one , that is baptized , remission of sins , without this confession either in re , actually performed , or in voto , in desire , as bellarmine doth expound it . who also stickes not to say , that in all the scripture there seems not to be any promise of for givenesse of sinnes , made to those that confesse their sins unto god. which is a most impudent assertion . for david having said , i acknowledged my sinne unto thee , and mine iniquity have i not hid : i said i will confesse my transgressions unto the lord , and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sinne : he addes immediately , for this shall every one that is godly make his prayer unto thee , &c. psal . . , . besides * . aquinas and bonaventure , two prime schoolemen , hold that under the law it was not ( ordinarily ) required of people to confesse in particular unto a priest . bonaventure also cites austine , saying , oblatio sacrificiorum fuit confessio peccatorum , the offering of sacrifices , was the confession of sinnes ; whence hee inferreth , that therefore it seemes there was no other confessing of sinnes , but the offering of sacrifices . for those two places of scripture cited by the marquesse , neither they , nor any other doe speake of such a confession as they of the church of rome doe contend for . bellarmine holds that their sacramentall confession ( as they call it , viz. that confession which they make a part of the sacrament of penance ) was not instituted till after christs resurrection ; and therefore he sayes , it is no marvell , if ( as ambrose observes ) we reade of peters teares , but not of his confession . that the jewes therefore , when they were baptized of iohn , confessed their sinnes , mat. . , . is not enough to prove that confession , which we now dispute of , although it did appeare that the confession there spoken of , was a particular confession , which yet appeares not . cardinall cajetane saith it was but a generall confession . neither indeed in probability could it be any more ; for how should iohn have been able to heare such multitudes , as came unto him to be baptized ( ierusalem , and all iudea , and all the region round about iordan , mat. . . ) confesse all their sinnes in particular ? that it was no generall confession , but in particular , the marquesse saith appeares by acts . , . but if this confession spoken of acts . were in particular , doth it follow , that therefore the other mentioned , mat. . was so also ? i see no force at all in this consequence , the confessions being made by severall persons , at severall times , and upon severall occasions . * cajetan indeed doth parallell these two places together , but so as that he maketh them both to speake of a generall confession , or a confession onely of such sinnes as were publick and notorious . neither of them ( hee saith ) was a sacramentall confession , but onely a profession that they did repent of their life past . however , these places of scripture can make nothing for popish confession , which is injoyned , and forced , as without which ( they say ) salvation is not to be expected ; but this which the scriptures here speake of , was voluntary and free , the persons that confessed , did it of their own accord . the popish confession is auricular ( as it is called ) secret , in the eare of a priest ; this appeares to have been open and publick . the popish confession is a particular enumeration of all known sinnes ; this if it were of any particular sinnes at all ( as that mentioned acts . may seeme to have been ) yet onely of such as more especially did trouble their conscience , as may be collected from acts . . and in such a case to confesse not onely unto god , but also unto men , and especially unto ministers , protestants doe not condemne , but hold requisite ; onely they condemne that manner of confession , which in the church of rome is maintained and practised . and no marvell , seeing some of the roman church themselves have shewed a great dislike of it . beatus rhenanus , a man of great learning , and never ( that i know ) withdrawing from the communion of the church of rome , speakes of the romish confession as a thing but of late devised , and by himselfe little observed . hee cites also one grilerius , whom he calles a grave and holy divine , that was a long time preacher at strasburg , who ( hee saith ) did often testifie among his friends , that according to the late roman dictates , it is impossible to confesse , and thereupon did write a booke in the german tongue , which he intituled , of the disease of confession , then which disease ( saith rhenanus ) they that are troubled with it , deny that any is more grievous . for the fathers cited by the marquesse , the supposed clemens , whatsoever he say , need not much trouble us ; the epistles going under his name , are suspected , and scrupled at by bellarmine himselfe in his booke of ecclesiasticall writers : and therefore ( it seemes ) he thought it not meete to alledge his authority in this point , as the marquesse doth . origen also is cited li. . a strange citation ; i suppose it should be in levit. hom. . for thence bellarmine doth fetch a testimony to prove their confession . but when as chemnitius alledged something out of those homilies upon leviticus against popish traditions , ascribing them unto cyrill ( as also the rhemists doe , adding that some say they are origens ) bellarmine answers with disdaine , that those homilies are not cyrils , but origens , or some others hee could not tell whose , who did destroy the letter of the scripture , that he might establish mysticall senses out of his own head : and that therefore those homilies are of no great authority . but were the authority of those homilies never so great , and unquestionable , i see not how they make any thing for that confession , which our adversaries maintaine , and wee impugne . hom. . * origen ( or who ever was the author ) saith that if wee prevent satan , and accuse our selves , we shall escape the malice of satan , who is our adversary , and our accuser . but to whom we should accuse our selves , by confessing our sins , this author shews not . bellarmin indeed saith , that hee speakes of confessing unto a priest ; but in the words ( as bellarmine himselfe doth cite them ) there is neither priest , nor any other , to whom confession of sinne should be made , expressed . and farre more congruous it is to understand it so , that as satan doth accuse us unto god ( as he accused iob , though falsly , iob . and . and see revel . . . ) so we should prevent him by accusing our selves , and confessing our sinnes unto god also . indeed hom. . that author doth speake of confessing sinne unto a priest , but that is onely in some speciall case , when sinne doth lie so sore upon the conscience , that * a sinner doth wash his bed with his teares , and his teares are his meat day & night . in which case , no protestants ( that i know ) but hold it good and requisite to lay open the malady to such as are most likely to apply a remedy . thus also seemes that to be understood , which the marquesse bringeth out of paulinus writing the life of ambrose , ( for that is meant by the quotation , which is mis-printed , amb. ex paulsino ) viz. that ambrose sat to heare confession . paulinus saith of ambrose , that he would rejoyce with those that did rejoyce , and weep with those that wept . and that whensoever any came to confesse their sinnes unto him , hee would so weepe , as to constraine the party confessing to weepe also . the marquesse further citeth ambr. orat. in muliere peccatrice ; it should be , i presume , in mulierem peccdtricem ; but i finde no such peece among ambrose his workes . however , if ambrose any where doth say ( as hee is cited ) confesse freely to the priest the hidden sinnes of thy soule , yet it doth not appeare that hee doth require this otherwise then in the case before mentioned . irenaeus also is cited lib. . cap. . and tertull. lib. de poenitent . now these speak of publike confession , and so speake not to our adversaries purpose : the very word which they use for confession , viz. exomologesis , is commonly so used for that confession , which is publike . irenaeus speakes of some women , who had followed marcus an heretick , but when they were converted to the church , they confessed their wickednesse ; their sinne being open and scandalous , they made open and publike confession of it . it 's true , irenaeus saith that those women confessed how they had beene defiled by marcus , and how much they had loved him , which was more then any could have known but by their own confession . yet this hinders not , but that the confession was publike ; they first confessing publikely that which was publikely known , to shew the sincerity of their repentance the more , might proceede to confesse also that which was secret , yet was a concomitant of that which was publike , viz. their adhering unto the heretick . tertullian also clearly speakes of publike confession , that which was made inter patres atque conservos , amongst brethren and fellow-servants , so that the whole body would grieve for the paine of one member . * the body ( saith he ) cannot rejoyce at the paine of one member . it must needs , all sorrow with it , and labour together for a remedy . tertullian makes no mention of secret confession of sins , as † rhenanus observes , who conceiveth that secret confession did arise from publick confession , people of their owne accord confessing secret sinnes secretly , as they used to confesse open sins openly . for ( saith he ) we no where read that this ( secret confession ) was injoyned ; he means by the ancients . one father more there is , whom the marquesse here citeth , namely chrysostome , lib. . de sacerdot . so bellarmine having alledged something out of the former book of chrysostome , bids see also the third book . but ( no doubt ) if there had been any thing more for bellarmines purpose in the third book then in the second , he would have been so good , as to have set it before us . now the very words of chrysostome , as bellarm : cites out of lib. . de sacerd . do shew that he speaks not of a necessity lying upon all to confesse all their sinnes to a minister , but onely that christiani qui laborant , christians that are in a perplexed estate have need of this remedy . having thus shewed that the fathers testifie nothing for popish confession , i shall shew how they testifie against it . and to begin with him that was last mentioned , chrysostome is most copious in this kind . why art thou ashamed ( saith he ) and doest blush to confesse thy sinnes ? doest thou speak to a man , that he may upbraid thee ? doest thou confesse to thy fellow servant , that he may * insult over thee ? to thy lord , to him that hath a care of thee : to him that is kind , to the physitian thou doest shew thy wound . here he takes it for granted , that there is ( ordinarily ) no necessity of confessing to any but to god onely . so againe , art thou ashamed ( saith he ) to say that thou hast sinned ? confesse then daily in thy * prayr . for doe i say , confesse to thy fellow servant , who may reproach thee ? no , confesse unto god , who doth cure thee . diverse such sayings hath this father , most plain and pregnant for our purpose ; bellarmine with all his art and all his industry was not able to give a satisfactory answer to them . he saith that chrysostome spake onely of publick confession , not of private ; onely of that which is made in the open congregation , not of that which is made to a priest in secret . but it is evident that chrysostome speaks against the necessity of confessing to any but onely unto god. he bids confesse in thy soul . make confession in thy thought . let god onely see thee confessing . such confession as this , man hath nothing to do with either in publick or in private . bellarmine answers , that in these places chrysostome doth speak of confession , not as it hath reference to the priests absolution , but as it hath reference to shame and confusion : and in this latter respect he saith chrysostome doth well admonish , that it is not necessary to confesse unto man either in publique or in private , but that it sufficeth to confesse with sorrow and tears unto god onely . but here bellarmine ( a thing not unusuall with him ) doth contradict himself . for here he granteth that to confess only unto god is enough to work shame ; yet in another place he saith , that shame useth not to be feared in that confession , which is made onely unto god. and againe , shamefac'dnesse hath no place in that confession which is made onely unto god. these assertitions , as they agree not with the truth , see ezr. . . so neither do they agree with the answer that here bellarmine giveth unto chrysost : where as bellarm : saith , that chrysost : speaketh not of confession , as having reference to the priests absolution , it is easily granted , there being ( ordinarily ) no necessity of any such absolution . chrysostme willeth a man to confesse , though but in his heart , unto god , assuring him that thereby he shall obtain gods absolution : and what need then of any others absolution ? except in some speciall case , viz. for the quieting of a troubled conscience , and that one may the better enjoy the comfort of gods absolution . thus for chrysostme : austine also doth shew the no-necessity of confessing unto men , which still must be understood excepting some particular case , wherein it may be requisite . what have i to doe ( saith he ) with men , that they should hear my confessions , as if they could heal all my diseases ? bellarmine takes it in disdaine , that these words of austine should be alledged against their confession . this ( he saith ) is nothing else but to delude the simple : for that whosoever reads austines confessions cannot but know , that he speakes not of sacramentall confession , but of the confession of sinnes past , and forgiven by baptisme ; which confession was made to that end , that thereby the mercy of god might be seen , and praised . but austines words are of more force then thus to be evaded . we willingly grant that austine speaks not of sacramentall confession , there being indeed no such confession to be spoken of , as they call sacramentall ; no such , i say , truly so called ; and so much these very words of austine doe sufficiently testifie . for sacramentall confession ( as they call it ) is a confession necessarily to be made unto a priest , or else no remission of sin ( they say ) committed after baptisme can be obtained , but austine shewes that ordinarily confessing unto men is not necessary . neither is it so , that austine in his book of confessions doth only speak of his sins which he had committed before he was baptized . for in that tenth book , where he hath the words before cited , he speaketh of sinnes , which he was guilty of long after his baptisme , yea even then when he was writing his confessions . as namely , * impure dreames , and nocturnall pollutions ; as also excesse in eating . diverse other particulars doth he also confesse , saying that his life was full of such failings , and that all his hope was onely in gods exceeding great mercy . to this purpose also , † ambrose , who speaking of peter , saith , i find not what he spake , i find that he wept . and hence he infers , that tears may procure pardon of sin , though no verball confession be made of it . to this testimony of ambrose , bellarmine answers , that as then sacramentall confession was not instituted , and therefore 't is no marvell , if we doe not read of peters confession . and 't is very true that sacramentall confession neither then had , nor at all hath any divine institution . again bellarmine sayes , that tears ( of which ambrose speaketh ) containe a kind of confession in them . this indeed is true in respect of god , who knowes the heart and affection from whence tears proceed : and therefore david saith that the lord had heard the voice of his weeping , psal . . . which shewes , that as the tongue by speaking , so the eyes by weeping have a voice , which god doth hear . but what is this unto men , who by tears alone , without words , can understand little ? bellarmine grants that tears are sufficient in that confession , which is made unto god , who knoweth all things . well , and ambrose saith that tears may suffice to procure pardon ; and therefore no necessity of any other confession then what is made unto god only . thus also hilary is clear for the sufficiency of confession made onely unto god , saying that david teacheth us to confesse only unto him , who hath made the olive fruitfull . it 's true , the confession that david there ( viz. psal . . . ) speaks of , is the confession of praise and of thanksgiving ; but hilary understands it of the confession of sins , saying , that david does not say , i will confesse unto thee for ever and ever , as immediately before he said , i trust in the mercy of god for ever and ever ; but i will confesse unto thee for ever , or whiles he lived , in seculum , because onely in the time of this life here are sinnes to be confessed . so that however hilary did mistake davids meaning , through the ambiguity of the word confitebor , i. e. i will confesse , or i will give thanks , yet he clearly expresseth his own opinion , that it is sufficient to confesse unto god only . and this opinion was maintained by some in the roman church above a thousand years after christ . for peter lombard ( who was above years after christ ) disputing this point touching confession , confesseth , that some thought it sufficient to confesse onely unto god. this opinion was not accounted a heresie by the church of rome it self untill the time of pope innocent the third , about years after christ , when in the councell of lateran it was decreed necessary to confesse unto a priest , and not unto god only . and therefore bonaventure , who lived a little after that councell , speaking of those who held it sufficient to confesse only unto god , saith , that if any now were of that opinion , he were an heretick , because the contrary was determined in a generall councell , but before that determination that opinion was no heresie . thus then we see by the acknowledgment of the romish doctors themselves , that the necessity of sacramentall confession ( as they call it ) is not fetched either from scriptures , or fathers , but from pope innocent the third , and the councell that was in his time . to conclude this point touching confession , i will only adde one argument for confutation of the romish doctrine in this particular . such confession as they of the church of rome require , viz. a particular enumeration of all mortall sins , with all their severall aggravating circumstances , is not possible . and therefore neither is it of divine institution . bellarmine answers , that by this reason it is impossible to confesse unto god ; for that we hold , that confession made unto god must be intire , not of some sins onely , but of all . and if we say , that it is sufficient to confesse unto god all , so farre forth as we can come to the knowledge of them , adding that of david , psal . . . who can understand his errours ? lord cleanse me from my secret faults : bellarmine saith , that to confesse thus to a priest doth suffice also . but , i say , this answer will not satisfie ; for there is not the same reason of confessing unto god , and of confessing to a priest , as they require it . god knoweth all our sinnes before we confesse , farre better then we our selves doe ; onely we are to confesse unto him , to shew our selves humble and penitent . but our adversaries say , that particular confession must be made unto a priest , because otherwise he cannot tell how to judge , so as either to remit sinnes , or to retain them . now to this end it is not enough to confesse unto a priest all that one can find out , but it is necessary to confesse absolutely all that one is guilty of . for otherwise how shall the priest be able to judge of those sinnes which he knoweth not ? if he cannot judge of those sins which are confessed , except they be confessed ; then neither can he judge of those sins which are not confessed , because they are not confessed : there is the same reason for the one as for the other . if the priest can judge of those sins , that are not confessed , by those that are confessed , then may he also , by hearing the confession of one or two sins , judge of all the rest , though no confession be made of them . thus the confession which our adversaries contend for , is either not possible , or at least not necessary . after confession the marquesse comes to workes of supererogation , which they say a man may doe , viz. good works , more excellent then those , which the law of god doth require . and that a man may doe such workes , the marquesse proves , by mat. . . there be eunuches , that have made themselves eunuches for the kingdome of heaven : he that is able to receive it , let him receive it . this ( the marquesse saith ) is more then a commandement , as s. aug. observes upon the place , ser. lib. de temp . ( it should be serm. . de temp . ) for of precepts it is not said , keep them who is able , but keep them absolutely . i answer , it is true of generall precepts , such as concern all , they are to be kept absolutely by all ; but for speciall precepts , which concern only some , they are only to be kept by those whom they do concern . and so those words , he that is able to receive it , let him receive it , are a precept , but limited and restrained , viz. unto some certain persons , who otherwise can , without inconvenience , live a single life ; they are required to doe it , not as a thing simply necessary , but as necessary for them ; not as a thing wherein perfection doth consist , but as a means whereby the better to draw towards perfection , viz. to serve the lord without distraction , cor. . . neither doe the fathers ( whom the marquesse citeth ) hold any such works of supererogation , as the romanists plead for , viz. works more excellent and perfect then those which the law of god prescribeth . * ambrose seemes to speake more then the rest , and therefore it may be hee is put in the first place , though some that are cited , are more ancient then hee . they that have fulfilled the precept ( hee saith ) may say , wee are unprofitable servants , wee have done what our duty was to doe . this the virgin saith not , nor hee that sold his goods , viz. to give to the poore . thus ambrose ; but have not these words need of a favourable interpretation ? for will our adversaries themselves say , that there are any absolutely so perfect , as that they need not confesse unto god , that they are unprofitable servants ? what they will say i cannot tell , but sure i am that christs disciples , who were as perfect as any others , were not so perfect . for even to them did christ speake those words , when yee shall have done all these things , which are commanded you , say , wee are unprofitable servants , wee have done but what was our duty to doe . luke . . it may be our adversaries will say , true , when they had done all things commanded them , they were to say , we are unprofitable servants , &c. but not when they had done more then was commanded them . but did they so ? they left all indeed , and followed christ ; but did not christ call them to it , and command them to doe it ? in this therefore they did no more then their duty was to doe . we must distinguish therefore betwixt generall duties , and speciall duties . all were not bound to forsake all actually , as the apostles did , and to follow christ , because there was no generall precept for it ; but the apostles were bound to do it , because they had a speciall call and command from christ , that did oblige them to it . thus then ambroses words must be understood , that in respect of a generall precept obliging all to the thing done , some may be said to doe more then their duty was to doe , though simply and absolutely they did not more . for if it were more for gods glory to doe what they did , then not to doe it , they were bound to doe it . for else how did they love god with all their heart , and with all their soule , and with all their might ? as all are commanded to doe , deut. . . * origon is next cited , who saith that such as live in virginity , doe not that which is commanded , but above what is due . but the meaning is , that virginity is not a thing generally commanded , not a duty required of all ; yet to some , who have the gift , and are called of god to improve it to the greater advancement of his glory , it is a duty ; every one is bound to doe that , which doth make most for gods glory , that being the end for which wee ought doe whatsoever wee doe . cor. . . after origen followes eusebius , who saith , that in the church of god two kindes of life are instituted ; one exceeding our nature , and the common course of life , not seeking marriage , nor off-spring , nor substance , but addicted wholly to gods worship . and this is the manner of a perfect life in christianity . the other kinde of life is more remisse , and humane , which is intangled in modest wedlock , and procreation of children , &c. to such belongeth the second degree of piety . thus eusebius , who yet is far from asserting such workes of supererogation as are now disputed of . we grant , that to live unmarried so as thereby the better and the more freely to serve god , is a life of more perfection then to live married , and so to be entangled with the affaires of the world . but we deny , that they who so live unmarried , doe supererogate , i. e. that they not only do all that is commanded , but also over and above what is commanded . this neither doth eusebius say , neither can it be proved . next comes chrysostome , who may seeme to speake much , but indeed it is not much to the purpose . hee saith that many doe exceede the commandements . but how is that ? not in respect of the whole latitude of the commandements ; for ( as david testifies ) they are exceeding broad . psal . . . it is therefore onely in respect of some outward act , which is not directly and precisely commanded . and thus , chrysostome sayes that the heathens , many of them , did exceede the commandements ; and yet ( i presume ) our adversaries will not ascribe any extraordinary perfection to the heathens . the testimony then of chrysostome makes but little for their works of superetogation , except they will acknowledge such workes to have been done by heathens , many of which might forbear marriage ; so the vestall virgins did ; and this was according to chrysostomes manner of speech , to exceede the commandements , namely to go beyond that , thou shalt not commit adultery . but consider this ( and so any other ) commandement in the full extent of it , as forbidding all wanton lookes , and all unchast thoughts , mat. . . iob. . . and so neither the vestall nor the popall virgins will finde any great cause of boasting . the last father here cited , is gregory ( nicen. in the marquesses paper is to be blotted out , as superfluous , this here cited being not gregory nissen . but gregory sirnamed the great , bishop of rome ) who saith , the elect sometimes doe more then god hath vouchsafed to command . for bodily virginity is not commanded , but onely commended ; for if it were commanded , then marriage would be a fault . and yet many live in virginity , and so performe more then the commandement doth require of them . it is true , there is no precept directly commanding virginity , and in that respect they that live in virginity may be said to doe more then the commandement doth require of them . yet if any have the speciall gift given of god , and see it a meanes whereby the more to glorifie god , then by consequence the precept of loving god with all our heart , and with all our soule , and with all our might , deut. . . and of doing all to the glory of god , cor. . . these precepts ( i say ) in such a case doe require virginity . but ( alas ! ) what is all this that hath beene alledged both from scriptures and fathers , to prove workes of supererogation ? to prove that men may not onely doe all that is commanded , but also more then is commanded ? how will this consist with the scriptures , which tell us , there is not a just man upon earth that doth good , and sinneth not . eccles . . . in many things we offend all . jam. . . if god shall contend with us , wee cannot answer him one of a thousand , job . . and doe not the fathers concurre with the scriptures in this ? then are wee righteous ( saith a hierome ) when wee confesse our selves to be sinners . and againe , b so c leo , this is the true righteousnesse of those that are perfect , that they never presume themselves to be perfect . thus also d gregory the great , if god shall strictly examine us , what hope of salvation is there for us ? when as our evill deeds , are simply evill , but the good deeds , which we suppose wee have , cannot be simply good . and againe , e the saints know that all mans righteousnesse is found to be unrighteousnesse , if god doe strictly judge it . after workes of supererogation , the marquesse passeth to free-will , saying that they hold that wee have free-will , and that we deny it . but a question should be stated , before it be disputed ; we doe not deny , that we have free-will , though wee deny that our will is so free , now in the estate of corrupt nature , as that wee have of our selves , any ability to that which is truly good . * calvin allowes both the name of free-will , and also the thing it selfe , so it be rightly understood , viz. that the will of man is free , as freedome is opposed to coaction , the will is so free , as that it cannot be compelled or constrained . but that the will is free as to be able of it selfe to chuse either good or evill , this is it that he contends against ; and because many when they heare or read of free-will , understand it in this sense , this made him wish that the very word were abandoned , many being so apt to stumble at it . * chamier a famous protestant writer , shewes that our divines disputing against free-will , doe not simply deny it , but in this sense , that the will is equally propense and indifferent to good and evill . this is that , which they deny , and against which they bend their disputations . wee doe not make a question ( saith hee also ) whether the will be free ; this wee have often testified , and must still repeate it , because of the importunity of our adversaries . this then is that which we question , what and how much that liberty of the will can availe in respect of that which is good . and againe , wee have protested ( saith hee ) that wee hold free-will , though not such as the pelagians held , nor as the papists hold . thus then wee hold , that since the fall of adam , mans will is free to that which is evill , but to that which is good , it is not free , untill by the grace of christ it be made free . if the sonne shall make you free ( saith our saviour ) then yee shall be free indeed . joh. . . but not till then . how should they be free to that which is good , who are dead in trespasses and sinnes ? as by nature all are . eph. . . who are sold unto sinne ; as the apostle confesseth hee was so farre forth as hee was unregenerate , rom. . . and that in him , that is , in his flesh ( his corrupt nature ) no good dwelled . vers . . who are the servants of sinne , as all are before their conversion , romans . . in this respect luther might well intitle his booke ( as hee did ) of servile will , rather then of free-will , to shew that this free-will is by nature the servant of sinne . s. augustine in many places is as cleare , and expresse for this which wee hold , as can be imagined . for what good ( saith he ) can lost man worke , but so farre forth as hee is freed from that lost condition ? can hee by free-will ? no such matter . for man using free-will amisse , lost both himselfe and it . for as hee that killes himselfe , doth by living kill himselfe , but by killing himselfe hee ceaseth to live : so when by free-will man did sinne , sinne getting the victory , free-will was lost . for of whom a man is overcome , of the same hee is brought in bondage . ( pet. . . ) what , i pray , can be the freedome of one that is brought into bondage , except when it doth delight him to sinne ? and by this hee is free to sinne , who is the servant of sinne . wherefore hee shall not be free to doe righteously , unlesse being made free from sinne hee shall become the servant of righteousnesse . and presently after , but that freedome , which is to doe well , how shall man being in bondage , and sold under sinne have , except hee redeeme him , who hath said , if the sonne shall make you free , then you shall be free indeed ? before this begin to be done in man , how can any glory of free-will in a good worke , seeing hee is not yet free to doe well ? bellarmine brings in the first peece of this saying of austine , and answers , that free-will is lost , not in that it is quite abolished , but in that it is held captive by the devill ; as things are said to be lost , which in time of war are in the power of the enemy . but what is this but even to yeeld us that which wee contend for ? for if free-will bee so lost , as to bee held captive by satan , then surely the will , untill it be set free by christ , is not free in respect of that which is truly good , and accompanying salvation . this will ( saith austine ) which is free in things that are evill , because it is delighted in things that are evill , is therefore not free in things that are good , because it is not made free . and againe , without the grace of god the will cannot be free , seeing it is subject to lusts that doe overcome it , and bring it into bondage . and again , how dare miserable men be proud of free-will , before they are made free ? these , and many other sentences of this father , are so full for our purpose , that our divines might well professe ( as they doe ) that in this point they fully accord with austine . but i will adde the testimonies of some other fathers besides him . while sin reignes ( saith fulgentius ) a man hath free-will , but free without god , not free under god , that is , free from righteousnesse , not free under grace , and so most ill , and slavishly free , because not made free by the free gift of god shewing mercy . this he proves by rom. . . and addes , therefore he cannot serve righteousnesse , who is free from righteousnesse ; because so long as he is the servant of sinne , he is onely able to serve him . to the same effect also speaks bernard , by i know not what evill and wonderfull means ( saith he ) the will being changed by sinne , and made worse , doth bring a necessity upon it selfe , so that neither necessity , being voluntary , can excuse the will , nor the will , being inticed , can exclude necessity . for it is after a sort a voluntary necessity . — for it is the will , which when it was free , made it self the servant of sinne , by consenting unto sinne ; neverthelesse it is the will , which keeps it self under sin , by serving it willingly . he shewes how the will is free , being captivated by sin , so free as that it sinneth willingly , yet not so free , as that it can refrain from sin , seeing it hath made it selfe the servant of sinne , and hath brought upon it self a necessity of sinning . thus ( saith he ) the soul , after a wonderfull , and evill manner , under this voluntary and ill free necessity is both held in bondage , and also is free : in bondage , because of necessity , free , because of will. and which is more wonderfull , and more miserable , it is therefore guilty , because it is free , and therefore in bondage , because guilty , and so consequently therefore in bondage because free . he addes a little after , now there is no escape for miserable man , ( by his own free-will , or any power in himself ) whom ( as i have said ) both the will doth make inexcusable , and also necessity doth make incorrigible . elsewhere indeed bernard seems to make the wil perpetually , and of its own nature free from necessity , for that necessary and voluntary seeme to be contrary one to the other . but by necessity he means co-action and compulsion : for speaking of consent , he saith , it is not compelled , it is not extorted ; for it is of will , not of necessity . it neither denies it selfe , nor affords it selfe to any , but willingly . for if it could be compelled against its will , it were violent , and not voluntary . but where there is no will , there is no consent . for there is no consent , but voluntary . therefore where there is consent , there is will : and where there is will , there is freedom : and this is that which i think is called free-will . and againe , freedome from necessity ( saith he ) doth equally belong unto god , and to every reasonable creature , as well bad as good . it is not lost , nor diminished , either by sinne , or misery , it is not greater in the righteous , then in the sinner ; not more full in an angell , then in man. for as the consent of mans will , being by grace turned unto good , therefore makes a man freely good , and free in that which is good , because he is made voluntary , and not drawn against his will : so being freely devolved into evill , it makes a man neverthelesse free , and spontaneous in evill , being led by his own will , and not compelled and enforced by any other to be evill . thus we see how bernard doth agree with calvin in making the freedome of mans will to consist in a spontaneity , and a freedome from coaction ; and in holding that otherwise the will of man ( untill it be made free by grace ) is not free to that which is good , but necessitated unto sin , and enslaved by it . the freedome of the will then doth not consist in this , that it is free and indifferent to chuse either good or evil . for so god and the good angels should not be free , seeing they cannot will any thing but that which is good : neither should the devils , and damned souls be free , seeing they cannot will any thing but that which is evill . it is not therefore called free-will ( saith bradwardine ) because it can freely will , and nill any thing whatsoever ; but because it can freely will any thing that is its object to be willed , and nill any thing that is its object to be nilled . in vain therefore doth bellarmine pretend that our divines make man altogether voide of free-will , for that they hold , that if he have the help of grace he cannot doe ill ; and if he want it , he cannot doe well . but it doth not follow , that therefore they wholly deny free-will , it being rightly understood . for though man having the help of grace cannot doe ill , and wanting it cannot doe well ; yet both , in doing well , by the help of grace , and in doing ill , for want of it , his will is free , so as that he is not constrained , and forced either the one way or the other : even as both the good angels and the bad are free in that which they do , though the one cannot do ill , nor the other well . our adversaries make the will of man so free , as being incited by grace , to be able to act , or not to act , as he pleaseth . but how doth this agree with scripture ? who maketh thee to differ , and what hast thou , that thou hast not received ? cor. . . if a man could of himself , by the power of his free-will , embrace a good motion , and consent unto it , as well as refuse and reject it , then he may make himself to differ from another , and may have something that he hath not received . no man commeth unto me , except my father draw him , saith our saviour , ioh. . . * here is a great commendation of grace , ( saith austine ) none comes except he be drawn ; whom he drawes , and whom he drawes not , why he drawes this man , and drawes not that , doe not judge if thou wouldest not erre . the apostle tells us , that we are not sufficient of our selves to think any thing as of our selves , but all our sufficiency is of god , cor. . . by which words of the apostle bernard proves that it is not in the power of mans free will without the grace of god to consent unto a good motion , seeing he cannot of himself so much as think a good thought , which yet is lesse then to consent unto it . so by the same words bradwardine confutes those who hold , that if god prevent a man by knocking and inciting , then man of himself doth follow , by opening and consenting . but ( saith he , having cited the words of the apostle ) it is lesse to think , then to believe . and he doth well observe , that this doctrine ascribes that which is the better , and the greater unto man , and that which is the worse and the lesse unto god. for that without doubt it is better and more for our profit to open , then to knock , seeing that knocking without opening availes nothing , but is rather hurtfull . and citing a saying of * s. austine . viz. wee live more safe if wee give all to god , and doe not commit our selves in part to him , and in part to our selves ; hee addes , therefore to him doe i wholly commit my selfe with my whole devotion , and to his most acceptable grace doe i wholly submit my selfe . surely david , when hee prayed , vnite my heart to feare thy name , psal . . . was farre from meaning thus , that god should so move him to obedience as that hee might either obey , or not obey , as hee pleased . so when hee prayed , let mee not wander from thy commandements . psal . . . and , make mee to goe in the path of thy commandements . v. . were it not most absurd to understand it thus , let me not wander , except i will ; and make mee to goe , if i will ? so when god promiseth , i will put my spirit within you , and cause you to walke in my statutes , &c. ezek. . . and , i will put my fear in their hearts , that they shall not depart from mee . ier. . . it were most ridiculous to interpret it thus , i will cause you to walk in my statutes , if you will , and that you shall not depart from me , except you will. god promiseth ezek. . . to take away the stony heart , that is , the contumacy , stubbornesse and disobedience of the heart ; and to give a heart of flesh , that is , to make the heart soft , pliable and obedient . by this and other places of scripture bradwardine confutes those , who say , that god by his grace will convert a man , if he doe not put a barre in the way . * whatsoever ( saith hee ) this barre is said to be , none can take it away , but god ; and if hee will take it away , it is irresistibly taken away . whence the lord himselfe saith , i will have mercy on whom i will have mercy . exodus . and againe , i will take away the stony heart . ezek. . so the apostle , he hath mercy on whom hee will have mercy , &c. rom. . after these scriptures hee brings in that of austine , worthy to be written in letters of gold , this grace ( saith hee ) which by the bounty of god is secretly infused into the hearts of men , is refused by no hard heart . for therefore it is infused , that in the first place the hardnesse of the heart may bee taken away . i 'le onely adde one scripture more , with austines glosse upon it , to shew that man being stirred up by preventing grace , hath not by his own free will power to consent unto , and to doe that which is good , but it is god , who by his grace doth worke this in him . so the apostle plainly tells us . it is god , ( saith hee ) that worketh in you , both to will and to do of his good pleasure . phil. . . therefore ( saith † austine ) we will , but god doth worke this will in us : therefore wee worke , but god doth worke this worke in us of his good pleasure . this is expedient for us both to believe , and to speake : this is pious , this is true ; that so confession may bee humble , and submisse , and that all may be ascribed unto god. and thus i hope it may sufficiently appeare , that we have no cause to decline either the authority of the scriptures , or the testimonies of fathers , in this point concerning free-will . i come now to those scriptures , and fathers , which the marquesse doth alledge against us . three places of scripture are cited for proofe of free-will , such as our adversaries maintaine , and wee impugne . first , that cor. . . ( it is misprinted , cor. . ) hee that standeth stedfast in his heart , having no necessity , but hath power over his own will , and hath so decreed in his heart , that hee will keepe his virgin , doth well . but what is there here to prove free-will ? perhaps those words , hath power over his own will. but the apostle there speakes of a man , that hath a daughter marriageable , yet determines to keepe her unmarried : which the apostle approves , so that the man have no necessity , that is , no necessary cause of giving his daughter in marriage , but hath power over his owne will , that is , hath power to effect and accomplish that which hee willeth , so as no inconvenience to ensue upon it . after this manner doth * cajetan himselfe in his commentaries upon the place expound these wordes but hath power over his own will , viz. to accomplish it , in that the virgin doth consent to abstaine from marriage . for if shee should dissent , then the father should not have power of accomplishing his own will. thus cajetan ; now what is this to the controversie about free will ? though ( i know ) bellarmine also brings it in , as also another place as little to the purpose , namely that , cor. . . every man according as hee purposeth in his heart , so let him give , not grudgingly , or of necessity ; for god loveth a chearfull giver . men must give almes willingly and chearfully , therefore men have free will. it doth not follow ; no more then that because men must serve god with a perfect heart , and with a willing minde , chron. . . therefore of themselves by the power of free-will they are able to do it . the rhemists tacitely confesse these places to be impertinent to the point in hand , passing them over in their annotations , and making no use of them , as they are ready enough to doe , when they meet with any thing , which they thinke doth make for them . the next place is deut. . . ( not as it is printed . ) i have set before you life and death , blessing and cursing ; chuse life , that thou and thy seed may live . this place bellarmine presumes much upon , saying that hee sees not what can bee answered to it . and so the english papists , who translated the old testament at doway , in their notes upon the place say , what doctor can more plainly teach free-will in man , then this text of holy scripture ? but what is the reason of all this confidence ? because man is bidden to chuse life , doth it therefore follow , that of himselfe hee is free and able to doe it ? why ? so man is bidden to worke out his own salvation , phil. . . yet ( as the apostle addes immediately v. . ) it is god that doth worke in him both the will and the deed. man is bidden to come unto christ , isai . . . yet can hee not come , except the father draw him . ioh. . . man is bidden to arise from the dead , ephes . . . can he therefore being dead quicken himself ? surely the same apostle tells us in the same epistle , that it is god that doth quicken those that are dead in trespasses and sinnes . ephes . . . there is no more force in that place of deuteronomie , for proofe of free-will , then in any other place of scripture , which containeth in it precept , or exhortation . and indeed our adversaries doe pretend , that all such places are for them . and so did the pelagians of old object such places : but austine answers them , that though it 's true , god doth not command man to doe that which cannot bee done by him , yet hee commandeth us to doe what wee are not able to doe ( viz. of our selves , ) that wee may seeke unto him to make us able . thus the people of god do ; turne unto me , saith god , ioel . . turne thou us unto thee , say the people of god , lam. . . and by comparing places of scripture together we may finde , that what god doth require of his people , the same hee doth promise unto them . wash yee , make yee cleane , saith he , isai . . . but ezek. . . i will sprinkle cleane water upon you ( saith hee ) and you shall be cleane . so ezek. . . god commands saying , make you a new heart , and a new spirit : but ezek. . . hee promiseth this very thing , a new heart also will i give you , and a new spirit will i put with in you . and accordingly david prayed unto god to worke this in him , create in me a clean heart o lord , and renew a right spirit within me . psal . . . and that of austine is well known , give o lord what thou doest command , and then command what thou willest . besides , as bradwardine observed long agoe , impotency and inability to performe a duty , proceeding from a mans own fault , doth nothing excuse him either by the law of god , or man. a bankrupt may justly be required to pay his debt , though hee be not able to pay it . againe , gods precepts and exhortations are not in vaine , though man by the power of his own free-will be not able to doe what is required ; because god doth make those very precepts and exhortations meanes whereby to worke that in his elect , which hee doth require of them . when christ spake to lazarus being dead and buried , saying , lazarus come forth , joh. . this was not in vaine , though its certaine , a man that 's dead , and laid in the grave , hath no power of himselfe to come forth ; yet ( i say ) it was not in vaine , that christ spake so unto lazarus ; for together with his word hee sent forth his divine power , and so inabled lazarus to come forth , as hee required . so neither is it in vaine , that god doth command men to doe things , which of themselves they cannot doe , because he accompanying his word with his spirit , inables them to do what hee commands . verily , verily , i say unto you ( saith christ ) the houre is comming , and now is , when the dead shall heare the voyce of the son of god ; and they that heare , shall live . joh. . . our saviour there speakes of such as are spiritually dead , as appeares those words and now is , and he shewes , that his word is a powerfull and effectuall meanes ( viz. by the concurrence of his spirit ) to work the life of grace in them . the third and last place of scripture , which the marquesse citeth for free-will , is that mat. . . o ierusalem , ierusalem ; how often would i have gathered thy children together , as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings , and yee would not . but what doth this place prove ? that men have free-will so farre forth , as of themselves to resist and reject the offers of grace ; which wee nothing doubt of . but the question is , whether men have such a free-will , as that of themselves they can receive grace when it is offered . this is that which wee deny , neither doth the place alledged , make any thing for proofe of it . the marquesse saith , there might have been a willingnesse , as well as an unwillingnesse , ( so it should be , though it be printed , as well as a willing ) or else christ had wept in vaine : and to thinke that he did so , were to make him an impostor . i grant that there might have been a willingnesse , but not by the power of free-will , except made free by grace , it being god that doth worke both the will and the deed . phil. . . so the jewes , of whom christ complained , that they would not come unto him , ioh. . . might have come ; but yet of themselves they could not come , not except it were given unto them of god , ioh. . . not except hee did draw them . ioh. . . whereas the marquesse speakes of christs weeping , his minde was ( it seemes ) upon another place , viz. that luk. . , . where it is said , that christ drawing nigh to ierusalem , beheld it , and wept over it , saying , if thou hadst known , even thou , at least in this thy day , the things that belong unto thy peace : but now they are hid from thine eyes . but that christ wept , when he said , o ierusalem , ierusalem , how often would i have gathered thy children , &c. this we do not find , though the words be recorded both mat. . . and also luke . . but suppose that christ had wept , when he said , o ierusalem , ierusalem , &c. yet had not his weeping been in vaine , though ierusalem had no power of her selfe to doe that which there christ speaks of . for yet neverthelesse christ shewed his affection towards ierusalem , even as he did towards lazarus , when he wept over him as he lay over the grave . behold how he loved him , said the jewes , iohn . . yet it is without all question , that lazarus of himself could not have come out of the grave , except christ by his almighty power had raised him up . some perhaps may say , but why did christ complain of ierusalem for her unwillingnesse , if it were not in her power to be willing ? i answer , because both her unwillingnesse , and also her want of power to be willing was from her self ; it was her own fault , and therefore she was justly complained of , and reproved for it . but againe , some may say , ierusalem had sufficient grace whereby she might have been willing , or else christ would not have complained that she was unwilling . i answer , ierusalem had a sufficiency of the means of grace , which she ought to have made use of , and to have been wrought upon by , but would not , and therefore did christ complain of her . but ierusalem had not a sufficiency of the spirit of grace , without which she could not improve the means , as she should have done ; and yet neverthelesse , the complaint made of her was just : for god having given unto man , at first , grace sufficient to doe whatsoever he should require , and this grace being lost by mans own fault , eccles . . . god is not bound to restore it but when , and where he pleaseth ; and yet may justly require the obedience that is due unto him , and complain for want of it , as a man may justly demand his debt of a bankrupt , and complain of him for not paying it , though he be not able to pay it . * raimundus de sabunde , a popish author , is large in his expressions to this purpose , that man being now corrupt , and made quite contrary to what he was at first , cannot pay that which he oweth unto god ; cannot love , fear , honour , and obey god as he ought : and that yet neverthelesse the debt still remaines , this is still due unto god , and man is not excused , because though he be not able , yet he himselfe is the cause of his inability , and it is his owne fault that he is not able . after the allegation of these places of scriptures , the marquesse addes , that the ancient fathers are of their opinion , viz. in point of free-will , and he cites euseb . caesar . de praep . l. . c. . hil. de trinit . aug. l. . ad simpl. q. . ambr. in luk. . chrys . hom . . in gen. irenaeus , l. . c. . cyrill . in ioh. l. . c. . now for diverse of the antient fathers , and namely for austine , ( whom the marquesse alledgeth against us , and who indeed is chiefly to be looked at in this controversie , as having most occasion to declare himself in it , by reason of the pelagian heresie which arose in his time ) i have sufficiently shewed before how far they are from compliance with our adversaries . but to come to a particular examination of the authors and places that are cited . first eusebius , in the place mentioned , hath nothing at all ( that i can find ) about free-will , the whole chapter being de phoenicum theologiâ , about the divinity of the phoenicians . hilary is so cited , that there is no looking after him ; for he wrote twelve books of the trinity , and here he is onely cited , de trin. . of the trinity , but in which of the twelve books he saith any thing to this purpose , is not mentioned . as for austine , that which the marquesse ( i presume ) intended , is , lib. . ad simplic . quaest . . not q. . for there are but two questions answered in the first book ; in the second book indeed there are more then four questions , but nothing about free-will . in the first book , and second question , there is something that may seeme to make for the opinion of the marquesse , but much more is there , which doth indeed make against it ; indeed , so much , that though bellarmine cite diverse passages out of austine for proof of free-will , yet he was more cautious ( it seemes ) then to cite any thing out of that which austine wrote about it to simplicianus . let us hear what austine himself , in his retractations ( wherein he did review all his works ) saith concerning his books written to simplicianus , and concerning that very question ; in answer whereunto he hath much about free-will : in the solution of which question ( saith he ) mans free-will was much laboured for , but the grace of god did overcome . and this will clearly appear by perusing the book it selfe , and the question handled in it . the question is about the meaning of those words , iacob have i loved , and esau have i hated , and the rest that follow , rom. . now among other things that austine saith , there is this , which ( as i conceive ) the marquesse aimed at , esau was not willing , and did not run ; but if he had been willing , and had run , by the help of god he had obtained ; god would have given him both to will , and to run , except by contemning gods call he would be a reprobate . for god doth otherwise give us , that we may will , then he doth give us that which we have willed . for that we may will , god would have both to be his work , and ours : his by calling , ours by following when we are called . but that which we have willed , god alone doth give , that is , to be able to do well , and for ever to live happily . here , i confesse , austine doth seeme to shew himself a patron of free-will , and we could not easily judge otherwise of him , if we should look meerly upon these words , and take them as his positive sentence . but if we consider what austine saith both before , and after , we shall see that he spake thus rather by way of objection , then by way of determination . before these words he saith thus , a wheel doth not therefore run well , that it may be round , but because it is round . so no man doth therefore work well , that he may receive grace , but because he hath received it . austine therefore was not of that minde , that esau of himself , by his free-will , could have been willing , and have run ; or that any , when he is called , and incited by grace , can by the power of free-will follow , and obey , but it is grace that must work this in him . to this purpose againe before the words objected , if ( saith austine ) iacob did therefore believe , because he would , then god did not bestow faith on him , but he by willing did afford it unto himself , and so he had something which he received not . which is contrary to the words of the apostle , what hast thou , that thou hast not received ? cor. . . but a little after those words that seeme to make for free-will , austine expresseth himself more fully : for having cited that of the apostle , phil. . , . work out your own salvation with fear and trembling ; for it is god that worketh in you , both to will , and to doe of his good pleasure , he addes , the apostle there sufficiently shewes , that a good will it self is wrought in us by god. for if therefore only it be said , ( rom. . ) it is not of him that willeth , nor of him that runneth , but of god that sheweth mercy , because the will of man alone is not sufficient , that he may justly , and rightly , except it be helped by the mercy of god ; then by this reason it may be said . it is not of god that sheweth mercy , but of man that willeth , because the mercy of god alone is not sufficient , unlesse the consent of our will be ad ded . but that is manifest , that we will in vain , except god shew mercy . this i know not how it can be said , that god doth shew mercy in vain , except we be willing . for if god shew mercy , then we are willing ; seeing it belongs to that same mercy to make us willing . for it is god that worketh in us both to will , and to doe of his good pleasure . again a little after , having said by way of objection , free-will availeth much ; he answers , nay , it is indeed , but in those , that are sold under sinne ( as all are till they be fred by grace ) what doth it avail ? and againe , when those things delight us , whereby wee profit towards god , this is inspired , and given unto us by the grace of god , it is not gotten by our consent , industry , or the merits of our workes : because the consent of the will , the industry of indeavour , and workes fervent with charity , are all the gift of god. thus then it is most manifest , that in the place pointed at by the marquesse , austine was most farre from maintaining such a free-will , as we oppose . there is also a passage in austines second book to simplicianus , quaest . . which may seeme to make against us , viz. that to will any thing , is in the power of every one , but to be able to doe any thing , is not in the power of any . but let austine explain himself , and shew his own meaning ; and that he doth in his retractations ; that ( saith hee ) was spoken , because we doe not say , that any thing is in our power , but that which is done when wee will. where first , and chiefly is to will it selfe . for immediately without any distance of time the will it selfe is present , when wee will. but this power also to live well , wee receive from above , when the will is prepared of the lord. thus carefull was that good father to prevent the mistaking of his words , lest any should thinke that hee did ascribe any thing to the power of free-will , in that which is good . so much for austine ; the next father alledged is ambrose , who in the place cited , viz. in luk. . hath nothing above free-will , that i can finde . after him followes chrysostome , who indeed in the place , that is alledged , goes far in his expressions concerning free-will , as if god onely did afford meanes , and so leave it in the power of man to use them , or not , as hee pleaseth . if therefore i except against his testimony in this point , i have no meane men of the church of rome to beare mee out . i know * bellarmine seemes to take it as a matter of great advantage , that calvin stands not here so much upon chrysostome , as one that did too much extoll the power of free-will . but was this onely calvines judgement of chrysostome ? did not some of the romanists themselves also think thus of him ? † s. chrysostom ( saith alvarez a romish archbishop , and a great schoole-man ) sometimes doth wonderfully extoll the power of our free-will , speaking as it were hyperbolically , whiles hee strives to impugne the errors of the manichees , and of the gentiles , who held that man is still by nature ( as hee was first created of god ) or that by the violence of fate he is compelled to sinne . so also iansenius ( a romish bishop , to whom also alvarez doth referre us ) haveing mentioned something of euthymius , and theophylact , hee saith , that those passages were taken from chrysostome , and that except they be warily read , and understood , they may give occasion of falling into the error of pelagius , who held that the beginning of faith , and justification is from our selves , and the consummation from god , &c. chrysostome ( he saith ) meant well concerning the grace of god , yet he wrote many things against the manichees in commendation of free-will , attributing most things unto it without making any mention of gods grace ; which things he would not have written in that manner , if hee could have foreseene that pelagius his heresie would arise , which as then was not risen , or not known unto men . thus were see how these authors , though they excuse chrysostomes meaning , yet dislike his expression . but some amongst those of the roman church have gone further in their censure of chrysostome , as * alvarez relates , viz. that he held , that election , whereby we first accept those things , that are good , and resolve to doe them , is before the grace of god , and that then grace doth follow after , whereby we are helped , and god doth co-operate with us . to this pur-pose i finde tolet , a jesuite first , and afterwards a cardinall , cited by chamier , though i have not his booke now at hand to peruse . and this may suffice for answer to chrysostome , yea and to those other two fathers also , that follow , viz. irenaeus and cyrill , the latter of these being by name , and both of them implicitly excepted against by some of the romanists themselves , as appeares by what is cited in the margent , as also by the reasons alledged by alvarez , and iansenius , why chrysostome did exceede at least in his expressions , viz. because he was so earnest against the manichees and others , and knew nothing of the contrary errour of the pelagians , which reasons might transport the other fathers also . it is true ( saith alvarez ) that s. chrysostome , and other fathers , that wrote before the heresie of pelagius was risen up , did speake little of the grace of christ , and much for the confirming of the liberty of the will against the heresie of the manichees . he addes that austine also in his writings against the pelagians did observe this , and hee cites his words to this purpose . yea , hee shewes that austine in his retractations was faine to answer in like manner for himself , when as the pelagians did make use of his former writings against the manichees , thereby to maintaine their opinion concerning the power of free-will in opposition to the necessity and efficacy of gods grace . thus likewise iansenius saith , that after the pelagian heresie was risen , then austine spake more exactly , and more expresly of the grace of god. the jesuit * maldonate doth tell us , that ammonius , and cyrill , theophylact , and euthymius so expound that , no man commeth unto me except the father draw him , that they come too nigh the error of pelagius , viz. that all are not drawn , because all are not worthy , as if ( saith he ) before a man be drawn by grace unto grace , hee could deserve grace , which is to be worthy to be drawn . but though irenaeus , and cyrill be liable to these exceptions , yet i see nothing in the places cited by the marquesse , wherein they make against us . irenaeus saith thus , if it were not in us to doe these things , or not to do them , why did the apostle , and before him the lord himself counsell us to doe some things , and to abstaine from other things ? here irenaeus indeed sheweth that it is in us to doe , or not to doe , but hee doth not say that it is in nobis ex nobis , in us of our selves , by the power of our free-will to doe things truly good . he addes immediately , that man from the beginning is free , as god , after whose likenesse hee was made , is free . now this doth rather make against our adversaries then for them ; for it shewes , that the freedome of mans will doth not consist in this , that hee is free either to doe good , or to doe evill , seeing that god is not free in that manner , hee being onely free to doe good , but altogether uncapable of doing evill . so man being determined by grace to that , which is good , yet is free , because not constrained nor forced against his will , in the doing of it : and so on the other side hee is free in doing evill , though of himselfe without grace he can doe nothing but evill . as for the other fathers , viz. cyrill , that which hee saith in the place alledged , is this , wee cannot according to the doctrine of the church , and of the truth , by any meanes deny the free power of man , wich is called free-will . this is nothing against us , who doe not ( as hath beene shewed before ) simply deny free-will , but onely so as our adversaries of the church of rome doe maintaine it . to that which is in controversie betwixt us , and our adversaries , cyrill here saith nothing , and therefore his testimony is not to the purpose . and so much for free-will . in the next place , we hold it possible ( saith the marquesse ) to keepe the commandements ; you say it is impossible . wee have scripture for it . luke . . and they were both righteous before god , walking in all the commandements , and ordinances of the lord , blamelesse . and joh. . . his commandements are not grievous . for keeping the commandements we hold , not that it is simply impossible , but that according to that measure of grace , which god doth ordinarily bestow upon men here in this life , it is not possible to keep them , viz. so as not to be guilty of the breach of them . if a man could fully and perfectly keep the commandements , then he should be without sin ; for sinne is nothing else but a transgression of the law , as saint iohn defines it , iohn . . but the scripture shewes that no man in this life is so perfect as to be without sinne . there is not a just man upon earth that doth good , and sinneth not , saith solomon , eccles . . . if we say that we have no sinne , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us , saith saint iohn , john . . in many things we offend all , saith saint iames , iam. . . and christ hath taught all to pray for forgivenesse of sinnes , mat. . . which supposeth that all , even the best that live upon earth , have need of it , that they are guilty of sinnes , and so consequently come short of the full , and perfect keeping of gods commandements . bellarmine thinks to elude these places , by saying , that we cannot indeed live without veniall sinnes , but that veniall sinnes are not sinnes simply , but onely imperfectly , and in some respect ; and that they are not against the law , but only besides it . but first , veniall sinnes are against the law , as being transgressions of it ; for else they are no sinnes at all , that being the very nature of sinne , to be a transgression of the law , iohn . . . there are no sins so veniall , but that without the mercy of god in christ they are damnable . it being written , cursed is every one that continueth not in all things , that are written in the book of the law to doe them , gal. . . and thirdly , no man living upon earth is free from such sinnes , as that he is able to stand , if god shall enter into judgement with him . if thou lord shouldest mark iniquities , o lord who shall stand ? psal . . . enter not into judgement with thy servant ; for in thy fight shall no man living be justified , psal . . . the fathers here are on our side ; hierome having cited that of our saviour , out of the hearts of men proceed evill thoughts , adulteries , fornications , murders , thefts , covetousnesse , &c. addes , let him come forth , that can testifie that these things are not in his heart , and i will confesse that full and perfect righteousnesse may be in this mortall body . who is there ( saith leo ) so free from fault , that there is not in him that , which either justice may condemne , or mercy may pardon ? in no thing to sinne , is proper unto god , saith ambrose . he means that no man in this life can attain unto that perfection ; for so he addes presently after , he that bears about him flesh ( a mortall body ) is subject unto sinne . thus also austine , who is there ( saith he ) in this life so clean , but that he hath need to be made yet more and more clean ? and again , the church ( saith he ) in this life is so cleansed , not that they that are justified have no mainders of sinne in them , but that they have not any spot of criminall offence , nor any wrinkle of falshood . accordingly speaks gregory , in this life ( saith hee ) many are without criminall offences , but none can bee without sinne . and presently after hee sayes , that these sinnes , which none can be without , doe pollute the soule , though they doe not destroy it . bernard interprets that of saint iohn , he that is born of god sinneth not , iohn . . thus , he sinneth not , that is , he doth not continue in sinne . or thus , he sinneth not , that is , it is as much as if he did not sinne , because sinne is not imputed unto him . and elsewhere he expressely yeeldeth that gods commandements are more then any can fully and perfectly observe . the commander ( saith he ) was not ignorant , that the command did exceede mens strength , but he iudged it profitable , that they should be admonished of their insufficiency , and that they should know , to what perfection of righteousnesse they ought to endeavour as they are able ; therefore by commanding things impossible , he did not make men prevaricatours , but humble , that every mouth may be stopped , and all the world may be subject unto god : because by the workes of the law shall no flesh be justified before him . for receiving the commanment , and feeling a defect , wee shall cry towards heaven , and god will have mercy on us ; and we shall know in that day , that not by the workes of righteousnesse that we have done , but according to his mercy he hath saved us . thus also some of the church of rome , that have written since luthers time , have acknowledged , that none in this life are free from sinne , nor able to abide the judgement of god by their own righteousnesse , which is in effect to acknowledge that none doe perfectly keepe gods commandements . thus * ferus speaking of such as are justified , saith that they have indeed yet many sinnes , but no condemnation , because they are reputed clean for their faith in christ . † and againe , no man ( saith hee ) how holy soever , is free from sin , so long as hee lives in this world. therefore all have need to be purged daily . so also * genebrard , seeing ( saith hee ) that none is perfectly righteous before god , the fear of his just and pure judgement ought to affright all . that is his comment upon the words of david , enter not into judgement with thy servant o lord , &c. psal . . . now for those two places of scripture , which the marquesse alledgeth , they come farre short of proving that possibility of keeping gods commandements , which wee deny . as for that luk. . . it shewes indeed that zacharias and elizabeth had respect unto all gods commandements as all ought to have , psal . . . but it doth not shew , that they did perfectly keepe all gods commandements . hierome long agoe answered the pelagians objecting these very persons , and others spoken of in scripture as righteous , that they are called righteous , not that they were without fault , but because they were for most part vertuous . and i marvell how any can alledge the example of zacharias , as one that did perfectly keep the commandements , ( though i know bellarmine to this purpose doth alledge it ) when as in that very chapter , viz. luk. . is related how hee sinned in not believing the message , which by an angell god sent unto him , and how hee was punished , and became dumbe a long time for it . the other place , viz. ioh. . . only shews that the children of god do willingly and chearfully obey the will of god , not that they doe fully and perfectly obey it . i have rejoyced in the way of thy testimonies , saith david , psal . . . i will delight my selfe in thy statutes . v. . . the law of thy mouth is better unto me then thousands of gold and silver . v. . how sweet are thy words unto my taste ? yea sweeter then hony to my mouth . v. . more to be desired are they then gold , yea then much fine gold ; sweeter also then hony , and the hony combe , psal . . . yet presently hee addes , who can understand his errours ? cleanse thou me from secret faults . vers . . and elsewhere hee complaines , saying , mine iniquities have taken hold upon me , so that i am not able to looke up : they are more then the haires of my head . psal . . . and againe , iniquities prevaile against me . psal . . . and ( as before noted ) hee cryes out , enter not into judgement with thy servant , &c. psal . . . the history of his life recorded in scriptures evidently shewes , that though gods commandements were as little grievous unto him , as to any , yet hee came short of a full and perfect observance of them . the marquesse addes , the fathers are for us . orig. hom. . in ios . s. cyrill lib. . contra iulian. s. hil. in psal . . s. hieron . lib. . contra pelag. s. basil . but i have shewed already what little cause our adversaries have in this point to boast of the fathers , and that both hierome , whom the marquesse here citeth , and also diverse others assert the same that wee doe . to those before mentioned i may adde another of these here alledged against us , viz. † hilarie , who in psal . . saith that none living is without sinne , onely one ( viz. christ ) did no sinne , neither was guile found in his mouth . therefore when as * hilarie saith upon those words psalme . . thy commandement is exceeding broad , that it is no hard matter , if will be present , to obey gods commandement : hee speakes of such an obedience , not which is every way compleat and perfect , ( for then it should be easie to live without sinne ) but which god will accept , as hee will that which is sincere , though it be imperfect . otherwise even upon those very words * hilarie sheweth that man cannot perfectly obey gods commanments , saying , that they are so broad , that they infinitely exceede the shallownesse of mans knowledge . if mans knowledge cannot reach to the full extent of gods commandements , much lesse can his practice doe it . so that which hierome saith , though it may seeme to be against us , yet indeed it is not . god ( saith he ) hath commanded things possible . ( so the pelagian objected , hee answers ) this none doubts of . hee grants it ; but how ? no otherwise , for any thing i can see , then as wee doe grant it , viz. that god , if he please can give such a measure of grace unto men , as to inable them perfectly to doe all that is commanded . but * hierome immediately after shewes , that none either doth , or ever did so , and that therefore all are guilty before god , and stand in neede of his mercy . if ( saith hee ) thou canst shew any , that hath fulfilled all things required then thou canst shew one that doth not needs gods merey , shew that this hath been , or that it now is . so when cyrill saith that even that precept , thou shalt not covet , may be fulfilled by grace , hee doth not oppose us , nor wee him . for wee doubt not but god is able to give grace whereby to fulfill it ; but wee deny that any ( onely christ excepted ) ever had such grace as whereby to fulfill it . basil is cited at large , no place being noted where he saith any thing about this point ; onely in bellarmine i finde that upon those words take heed to thy selfe hee saith , that it is a wicked thing to say that the precepts of the spirit are impossible . which wee yeeld ; so farre forth as any have the spirit , they may performe them : but none have the spirit in such full measure as to be able fully to performe whatsoever is commanded . origen in the place cited , compares them to women , who say that they cannot keepe gods commandements . which must be understood of keeping them so as to have respect unto them , and to study and indeavour to keepe them . for otherwise if we speake of an exact and perfect keeping of the commandements , both men and women , even the best upon earth , are farre from it . for the flesh lusteth against the spirit , ( saith the apostle ) and the spirit against the flesh , and these are contrary the one to the other , so that you cannot do the things that you would . gal. . . wee hold ( saith the marquesse ) faith cannot justifie without workes . yee say , good workes are not absolutely necessary unto salvation . wee have scripture for what wee say . cor. . . though i have all faith , and have no charity , i am nothing . and james . . by workes a man is justified , and not by faith onely . answ . protestants in opposition to them of the church of rome hold that faith alone doth justifie , and that workes doe not concurre with faith unto justification . yet withall they hold that faith which doth justifie , is not alone without workes . * bellarmine confesseth that calvin hath these very words , it is faith alone that doth justifie , but yet faith which doth justifie , is not alone . as the heate of the sun alone is that which doth heate the earth , yet heate is not alone in the sun , but there is light also joyned with it . and hee addes that melancthon , brentius , chemnitius , and other protestants teach the same thing . therefore by bellarmines owne confession protestants are no enemies unto good workes . neither are they any whit injurious unto them in excluding them from having a share in justification , as the romanists are injurious unto faith in making workes copartners with it in that respect . we conclude ( saith s. paul ) that a man is justified by faith , without the deeds of the law. rom. . . and in the next chapter the apostle proves by the example of abraham that justification is by faith without workes . for what saith the scripture , abraham believed god and it was counted unto him for righteousnesse . rom. . . he confirmes it also by the words of david ; even as david also describes the blessednesse of the man , to whom god imputeth righteousnesse without workes , saying , blessed are they , whose iniquities are forgiven , &c. rom. . , , . mens workes are imperfect , and so is all that righteousnesse of man , that is inherent in him , as hath been shewed before : and therefore by his own workes , and his own righteousnesse can none be justified . by the deeds of the law shall no flesh be justified . rom. . . bellarmine would have the apostle , when hee excludes workes from justification , onely to understand such workes as are done by the meere knowledge of the law without grace . but this cannot be his meaning . for , . when david cried out , enter not into judgement with thy servant , o lord , for in thy sight shall no man living be justified , psal . . . hee shewes that workes , whatsoever they be , are unable to justifie a man in the sight of god. for it were most absurd and irrationall to imagine that david then doth onely deprecate gods entring into judgement with him in respect of the works , which hee did without the assistance of gods grace . . the apostle proves that justification is by faith without workes , by that of david , blessed is the man whose iniquities are forgiven , and whose sinnes are covered : blessed is the man to whom the lord will not impute sinne . rom. . , , . now the best man that is upon earth , hath need of this ; that his iniquities may be forgiven , his sinnes covered , and his transgressions not imputed unto him , seeing there is no man ( as i have shewed before ) but iniquities , sinnes and transgressions are found in him . therefore though a man be regenerate and sanctified , yet his workes are not such , as that he can be justified by them . . the apostle gal. . . proves that none can be justified by the deeds of the law , because it is written , cursed is every one that continueth not in all things that are written in the booke of the law to doe them . now no man though indued with grace , and that in great measure , doth continue in all things that the law requireth , as hath also been shewed before . therefore workes as well with grace , as without grace are unable to justifie . but when our adversaries speake of justification , they equivocate , making it indeed the same with sanctification . * dureus the jesuite calles this new divinity , to say , that by grace infused into us , wee get newnesse of life , and sanctification , but yet are not thereby justified . and hee askes what scripture doth teach us to distinguish justification from sanctification . truly , i thinke that these two , viz , justification and sanctification , are sufficiently distinguished , cor. . . but you are washed , but you are sanctified , but you are justified , in the name of the lord iesus , and by the spirit of our god. there the apostle shews that they were washed , viz. both from the staine of sinne by sanctification , which was wrought in them by the spirit of god infusing grace into them , and also from the guilt of sinne by justification , which they obtained by faith in the lord jesus . besides , the scripture opposeth justification to condemnation , and sheweth that to justifie is as much as to absolve and acquit from guilt , to account and pronounce righteous . prov. . . he that justifieth the wicked , and he that condemneth the just ; even they both are an abomination to the lord. there to justifie and to condemne are opposed-one to the other ; and to justifie is to repute just , not to make just ; for so it should be no abomination to justifie the wicked , but a very good worke . for hee which converteth a sinner from the errour of his way , shall save a soule from death , &c. iames . . so isai . . . they are taxed , who justifie the wicked for a reward . thus also god is said to justifie , isai . . . hee is neare that iustifieth mee , who will contend with me ? and rom. . , . who shall lay any thing to the charge of gods elect ? it is god that justifieth . who is he that condemneth ? it is christ that died , &c. but ( saith * bellarmine ) when god doth justifie the wicked , by declaring him just , he doth also make him just : because the judgement of god is according to truth . i answer , true it is , whom god doth justifie them also hee doth sanctifie , yet it doth not follow that these two , viz. to justifie , and to sanctifie are one and the same . david was a man truly sanctified , yet hee knew and acknowledged that his righteousnesse , whereby hee was sanctified , was not such , as that he could be justified by it , and therefore cried , enter not into judgement with thy servant , &c. psal . . . and , blessed is the man whose iniquity is forgiven , &c. psal . . , . yet is gods judgement neverthelesse according to truth , when hee accounteth those righteous , and imputeth no sinne unto them , who still have sinne in them , and so cannot be justified by their owne righteousnesse , because they whom god justifieth , by faith are united unto christ , as members of his body , and so christs righteousnesse is their righteousnesse , and though not in themselves , yet in christ they are compleatly righteous . he is called the lord our righteousnesse . ier. . . and sayes the apostle , in him yee are complete . col. . . wherefore hee desired to be found in him , not having his own righteousnesse , which is of the law , but that which is through the faith of christ , the righteousnesse , which is of god by faith . phil. . . and thus we hold that faith doth justifie , not formally , but instrumentally , not because of it selfe , but because of its object , viz. christ and his righteousnesse , which faith apprehendeth and applieth . for by faith wee receive christ . ioh. . . and christ doth dwell in our hearts by faith . ephes . . . diverse of the church of rome since the beginning of reformation , in this great point touching justification have inclined to us . ferus i cited before , saying that believers have yet much sinne , but no condemnation , because thorough faith in christ they are reputed cleane . cardinall contarenus his workes i have not , neither can i alledge him of mine own knowledge , but his words as i finde them cited by * another , are very full for our purpose . because ( saith hee ) wee come unto a twofold righteousnesse by faith , a righteousnesse inherent in us , &c. and the righteousnesse of christ given , and imputed to us , in that wee are ingraffed into christ , and put on christ , it remaines to inquire , whether of these we must rely upon , that wee may be justified before god , that is accounted holy and just . i doe altogether hold , that it is piously and christianly said , that wee ought to reply , as on a thing that is stable , and doth surely support us , on the righteousnesse of christ given unto us , and not on that holinesse and grace , which is inherent in us . for this righteousnesse of ours is but inchoated and imperfect ; which cannot preserve us so , but that in many things we offend , and sinne continually . therefore for this righteousnesse of ours wee cannot be accounted righteous and good in the sight of god , so as it should become the sonnes of god to be good and holy . but the righteousness of christ given unto us is true and perfect righteousnesse , which doth altogether please the eyes of god , in which there is nothing that may offend god , nothing which cannot fully please him . on this therefore alone , as sure and stable , must we rely , and for it alone must wee believe that wee are justified before god , that is , accounted and called iust . i see not why we should desire more in point of justification then this amounts to . pighius also a stout champion of the church of rome , is as full and expresse for that , which wee make the formall cause of justification , as any can be . it is cleare ( saith hee ) what sentence we should all have , if god would have dealt with us in strict judgement : if hee had not most mercifully succoured us in his son , and had not involved and wrapped us in his righteousnesse , wee having none of our own that will serve our turne . and againe , in him therefore are wee justified , not in our selves ; not with our own , but with his righteousnesse , which by reason of our communion with him is imputed unto us . being empty of our owne righteousnesse wee are taught to seeke righteousnesse out of our selves in him . † and againe , that our righteousnesse is placed in christs obedience , it is from hence , that wee being incorporated into him , it is reckoned as if it were ours , so that because of it we are accounted righteous . and immediately he adds , that as iacob being cloathed with the robes of his elder brother , obtained the blessing of his father : so we must be clothed with the righteousnesse of christ our elder brother , that god may bestow the blessing of justification upon us . * and againe , god doth justifie us ( saith he ) of his free-goodnes , whereby he doth embrace us in christ , whiles that he clothes us being ingraffed into him with christs innocency and righteousnesse ; which as it is alone true and perfect , able to indure the sight of god , so it alone must be presented for us at the tribunall of gods iudgement . this , and much more to this purpose hath pighius , and hee saith that hee could not dissemble that this prime part of christian doctrine was rather obscured , then illustrated by the schoolemen , with thorny questions and definitions , and therefore he was the more diligent in the handling of this point , shewing that none of the sons of adam can be justified before god by their own righteousnesse , and their own workes , but that all must rely onely on the righteousnesse of god in christ , and that by it alone they being destitute of a righteousnesse of their owne , are righteous before god. pighius is so plaine , and home in this point , that bellarmine doth censure him as erroneous in it . and yet so powerfull and prevalent it truth , that it extorted even from bellarmine himselfe this confession , that because of the uncertainty of a mans owne righteousnesse , and the danger of vaine glory it is most safe to repose all confidence only in gods mercy and goodnesse . by his own confession then it is most safe in matter of justification to renounce workes , and to flie onely to faith in the lord jesus . the ancient fathers also give testimony to this truth . hilarie hath these very words , fides sola iustificat , i. e. faith alone doth iustifie . † austine in effect sayes the same , when hee saith , our righteousnesse in this life is so great , that it consists rather in forgivenesse of sinnes , then in perfection of vertues . and so when hee saith , woe even to the landable life of men , if thou ( o lord ) laying aside mercy shall enter into the examination of it . to this purpose also is that which hee saith upon those words of david , enter not into judgement with thy servant o lord , &c. how right soever ( saith hee ) i thinke my selfe , thou bringest forth a rule out of thy treasure , and triest me by it , and i am found crooked . thus also * bernard , lord ( saith he ) i will make mention of thy righteousnesse onely ; for it also is mine , seeing that thou of god art made unto me righteousnesse . must i feare lest this one righteousnesse will not suffice us both ? no , it is not a short cloake , that cannot cover two . and againe , it is sufficient for mee unto all righteousnesse , to have him onely propitious , against whom onely i have sinned . not to sinne is gods righteousnesse , mans righteousnesse is gods indulgence . thus then in the point of justification wee have both scriptures and fathers : yea and divers papists also concurring with us . as for the two places of scripture alledged by the marquesse ; the former , viz. that corin. . . speaketh not of justifying faith , but of a faith of working miracles , as is cleare by the words themselves being fully cited . which run thus , though i have all faith , so that i could remove mountaines , and have not charity , i am nothing . * oecumenius upon the place notes that by faith there is not meant that faith , which is common to all believers , but a faith peculiar to such as had the gift of working miracles . and though † estius ( a learned romanist ) in his commentary upon the place seeke to draw it another way , yet commenting upon cor. . . hee saith that the greeke expositors doe rightly understand it of that faith , which is spoken of chap. . if i have all faith , &c. that is , of the faith of signes , and miracles , as they call it , which faith ( hee saith ) is not properly a sanctifying grace , but onely such a grace as is given for the benefit of others . the other place , viz. jam. . . doth seeme to make against us , but indeed it doth not . for s. iames saying that a man is justified by workes , and not by faith onely , meanes onely thus , as * cajetan himselfe doth expound it , that we are not justified by a barren faith , but by a faith , which is fruitfull in good workes . this appeares to be his meaning by his whole discourse from vers . . to the end of the chapter , wherein hee bends himselfe against those , who presume of such a faith as is without workes : and more specially , it may appeare by the verses immediately preceding , wherein hee saith , that abraham was justified by workes , when hee offered up isaac ; and that faith wrought with his workes , and by workes was faith made perfect : and the scripture was fulfilled , which saith , abraham believed god , and it was accounted unto him for righteousnesse . now this clearly shewes that abraham was justified by faith , and not by workes , onely his workes did shew , that his faith was a true justifying faith indeed , and not , as it is in many that pretend and professe faith , a vaine shew of faith , and a meere shadow of it . for that , which s. iames citeth , abraham believed god , and it was accounted unto him for righteousnesse , was , as appeares by the story in the booke of genesis , long before that abraham offered up isaac ; and by those very words saint paul proveth , rom. . that wee are justified by faith , and not by workes . therefore when s. iames saith that by abrahams offering up of isaac that scripture was fulfilled , the meaning is , that thereby it did appeare that it was truly said of abraham , that hee believed god , and it was counted unto him for righteousnesse , his readinesse in that worke to obey god , did demonstrate that hee believed god indeed , and that his faith was of a right stampe . thus also is it said , that by workes faith was made perfect , viz. even as the lord said unto paul , my strength is made perfect in weakenesse , cor. . . that is , gods strength doth exercise it selfe , and shew how great it is , in mans weaknesse . so abrahams workes did shew how great his faith was ; in this sense his workes did make his faith perfect , not that they did adde any thing unto it , no more then mans weaknesse doth adde unto gods strength . this opinion of yours ( saith the marquesse ) s. aug. de fide & oper . cap. . saith was an old heresie , in the apostles time : and in the preface of his comment upon the . psal . he calles it the right way to hell , and damnation . see origan . to the rom. s. hilar. chap. . in mat. s. ambr. . ad heb. answ . * austine de fid . & oper . c. . speakes nothing against our opinion , but something for it . that which hee speaketh by way of reproofe is against those , who so thinke that faith alone will suffice , as that they heede not to doe good workes , nor to order their life and conversation aright . but this is nothing to us , who are farre from holding such a faith as that sufficient . but in the same place austine hath this for our purpose , that when the apostle saith that a man is justified by faith without the workes of the law , hee did not intend that the workes of righteousnesse should be contemned , but that every one should know , that hee may be justified by faith , though the workes of the law did not goe before . for ( saith hee ) they follow a man being justified , they doe not goe before a man being to be justified . if ( as this father affirmeth ) a man must first be justified , before hee can doe good workes ; then good workes are no cause of justification , but an effect of it . for the other place of austine , which the marquesse alledgeth , there is none such , that i can finde , viz. no preface of his comment upon psal . . but in the comment it selfe i finde this , which makes for us . doest thou not heare the apostle , the just shall live by faith ? thy faith is thy righteousnesse . what origen saith on rom. . having not his workes now at hand , i cannot tell ; but i see what bellarmine cites out of him on rom. . and perhaps so it should have been in the marquesse his writing . however there is no doubt but bellarmine would have made use of it , if there had been any thing more for his purpose on rom. . now on rom. . origen saith , that whose believe christ , but doe not put off the old man with his deeds , their faith cannot be imputed unto them for righteousnesse . this wee doe easily assent unto , it being our professed opinion ( as hath beene shewed before by bellarmines owne confession ) that though faith alone doe justifie , yet if it be such a faith as is alone , and is not accompanied with good workes , it is not that faith , which doth justifie . as little is that of hilarie against us , the safety of the nations is all in faith ; and the life of all is in gods precepts . that faith , which alone doth justifie , is not so alone , but that there is joyned with it a care and indeavour to observe all gods precepts . of the same nature is that of † ambrose ( if ambrose were the author of those commentaries ) faith alone is not sufficient ; it is necessary that faith worke by love , and that men walke worthy of god. faith is not sufficient , but there must also be added a life answerable , and much care must be had , that faith be not idle . all this wee hold , that faith must not be idle , but operative , and working through love ; and such is the nature of true justifying faith , as the apostle teacheth , gal. . . but all this is nothing against justification by faith alone without workes , viz. as concurring unto justification . in the next place the marquesse pleades for the merit of good workes ; and that from mat. . . ( so it is printed , but it should be mat. . . ) hee shall reward every man according to his workes . and mat. . . great is your reward in heaven . reward at the end ( saith he ) presupposes merit in the worke : the distinction of secun dum , and propter opera , is too nice to make such a division in the church . answ . but that mens good workes doe not merit any reward at the hands of god , our saviour hath sufficiently shewed , saying , when yee have done all things , that are commanded you , say , wee are unprofitable servants , wee have done but what our duty was to do , luke . . if ( as † theophylact notes upon the place ) when wee have done all things that are commanded us , we must take heede of thinking highly of our selves : how much more ought wee to be farre from such presumption , when as wee are so farre from obeying all gods commandements ! besides , if we doe any thing that is good , wee doe it not of our selves , by our own strength , but it is god that doth inable us , and make us to doe it : and therefore properly wee cannot merit by it ; for wee are beholding unto god , and not god beholding unto us for it . i have laboured more abundantly then they all , yet not i , but the grace of god , that was with mee , saith the apostle , cor. . . againe , the reward which the godly receive in heaven , doth infinitly exceede their workes , and therefore cannot bee merited by them . the most that wee can doe , is to suffer for the name of christ ; yet the sufferings of this present life are not worthy to be compared with the glory that shall be revealed in us . rom. . . both these reasons doth bernard alledge against merits . the merits of men ( saith hee ) are not such as that because of them life eternall should be due unto them of right , or that god should doe them wrong if hee should not give it . for to say nothing of this , that all merits are gods gifts , and so man is rather indebted unto god for them , then god unto man ; what are all merits unto so great glory ? here bernard useth indeed the word merits , but so as that hee plainely denieth the thing , which our adversaries understand by it , and by a double argument confuteth their opinion . both these arguments also to this purpose , before bernard did fulgentius use , who speaking of eternall life , saith , it is not unjustly called grace , because not only god doth recompence his gifts with his gifts , but because the grace of gods retribution doth so abound , that it incomparably and ineffably exceedes all the merit of mans will and works , though it be good ; and such as god hath given . to this purpose hee cites rom. . . and cor. . . and gregorius magnus not onely useth these same arguments against the merits of good workes , but also hath that very distinction of secundum opera , and propter opera , which the marqnesse so much disdaineth . if ( saith gregorie ) the happinesse of the saints be mercy , and be not acquired by merits , where is that which is written , thou will render to every one according to his workes ? if it be rendered according to workes , how shall it be accounted mercy ? but it is one thing to render according to workes , and another thing to render , because of the workes themselves . in that there is a rendring according to workes , the quality of workes is considered , so as that whose workes are found to be good , his reward also shall be glorious . for unto that blessed life , in which wee live with god , and of god , no labour can be equall , no workes comparable , especially when as the apostle saith , the sufferings of this present time are not worthy of that glory , which shall be revealed in us . besides also in this respect it may be justly called mercy , because it is given for those workes , which none can attaine unto without the prevention of gods mercy . thus gregorie , who above a thousand yeeres agoe was bishop of rome , both argues for us , and also by a distinction answers that which is objected against us , viz. that god doth render to all according to their workes . and for the word reward , which the scripture often useth , it doth not presuppose merit ; for a reward may proceede from the bounty of the giver , not from the merit of the receiver . they that wrought but one houre in the vineyard , though they received a penny , as much as they that laboured all the day , though ( i say ) they received this as the reward of their labour , yet did they not merit it by their labour . this very parable doth prosper ( or who ever was the author of the booke de vocatione gentium , ) apply in this manner ; without doubt ( saith hee ) they that were sent into the vineyard at the eleventh houre , and were made equall with those that wrought the whole day , represent the condition of those whom to commend the excellency of grace gods goodnesse doth reward in the end of the day , and in the conclusion of life , not paying the price of labour , but powring out the riches of his bounty upon them , whom hee hath chosen without labour ; that so they also , who have indured much labour , and yet have received no more then they that were last , may understand , that they have received the gift of grace , not the reward ( viz. the deserved reward ) of their works . thus both scriptures and fathers are against the opinion of the church of rome as touching merits . i will adde to what hath beene already alledged , that of * bernard , thy merit is gods mercy . i am not altogether without merit , so long as hee is not without mercy . see what merit it is that hee builds upon , no merit of his own , but meerly gods mercy . and this was it that nehemiah did flie unto , even when hee recorded the good that hee had done , remember me o lord ( said hee ) concerning this , and ( what ? reward mee according to the greatnesse of my merit ? no , but ) spare mee according to the greatnesse of thy mercy . neh. . . * bernard to this purpose againe , it is enough unto merit , to know that merits are not sufficient . the romish doctrine of merits die not please ferus , a late member of that church , if thou wouldest keepe ( saith hee ) the grace and favour of god , make no mention of thy merits : for god will give all things out of mercy . * bellarmine himselfe , though hee disputed eagerly for merits , yet ( it seemes ) durst not rely on them , confessing ( as was shewed before ) that it is the safest course to put our whole trust meerely in gods mercy . but the marquesse saith that the fathers were of their opinion , citing ambr. de apol . david . cap. . hieron . lib. . contra pelag. aug. de spir. & lit . cap. ult . and first for ambrose in the place cited , it 's true , hee speakes merits ; but here wee must remember what one of their owne writers doth tell us , namely † estius , that the ancient divines did often use the word merit very largely , and not properly . and thus did ambrose use the word , saying , habet quis bona merita , one hath good merits , that is , good workes , which hee calles merits , because they doe impetrate or obtaine a reward , though not properly merit it , the ancients ( as estius observes ) using merit for impetration . but that ambrose there did not make good workes to be truly and properly meritorious , appeares by the words immediately following , habet & vitia , atque peccata ; hee hath also vices and sins . now surely those good workes , which have vices and sinnes mixed with them , cannot be properly meritorious : in that case there is great need to crave mercy , but no cause to plead merit . for hierome . lib. . contra pelag. i finde nothing at all , that doth so much as seeme to assert merits , except perhaps those words , here ( in this life ) is labour , and striving ; there ( in the life to come ) is the reward of labour , and vertue . but reward doth not alwayes presuppose merit , as i have shewed before . mercy , i am sure , and merit are inconsistent , and * hierome in that very book , which the marquesse citeth , plainly testifieth that there is no man , whose workes are so good , and his obedience so perfect , but that still hee hath need of gods mercy . and hee taxeth his adversarie ( pelagius i thinke ) as proud and pharisaicall for saying , that he doth worthily lift up his hands to god , and doth pray with a good conscience , who can say , thou , o lord , knowest , how holy , how innocent , how pure from all fraud , injury and rapine the hands are , that i spread forth unto thee ; how just , immaculate , and free from all lying the lips are , with which i powre forth prayers unto thee , that thou mayest have mercy on mee . hee tells him that david sung another song , saying , my wounds stinke and are corrupt because of my foolishnesse , psal . . . enter not into judgement with thy servant , for in thy sight shall no man living be justified . psal . . . and that esay lamented saying , woe is mee , for i am undone ; because i am a man of uncleane lips , &c. isal . . . * and hee askes him , how after all this swelling and boasting of himselfe , after all this confidence of his holinesse , hee could pretend to desire gods mercy ? for if hee were so holy , and innocent , so pure and perfect , then he had no neede to pray in that manner , viz. that god should have mercy on him . this and more to this purpose hath hierome in the place alledged , but whether this be for merits , or against them , is easie to judge . neither hath * austine in the place , which the marquesse citeth , any thing ( that i can see ) to prove good workes meritorious , but something to prove the contrary . for having cited many places of scripture , which shew that none is so righteous as to be without sinne , hee saith , hence it followeth , that it is necessary for every one to forgive , that hee may bee forgiven : and if hee have any righteousnesse , not to presume that he hath it of his own , but to ascribe it to gods grace ; and still to hunger and thirst for righteousness from god , who doth so work in his saints , whiles they are in this life , as that hee hath still something to adde to them that aske , and to pardon them that confesse . for that none living in this mortall body can be found so holy , but that still hee hath neede of pardon . and elsewhere he saith , god doth crowne his own gifts , not thy merits . the marquesse goes on , saying , we hold that faith once had may be lost , if wee have not care to preserve it , you say it cannot , we have scripture for it , viz. luke . . they on the rock are they , which when they heare , receive the word with joy , which for a while believe , and in time of temptation fall away . so tim. . , . which some having put away have made shipwracks of their faith. answ . we doe not hold that faith cannot be lost , though a man have no care to preserve it ; but that god will worke such a care in those , in whom hee hath wrought true justifying faith , that they shall never lose it . i will put my feare ( saith hee ) in their hearts , that they shall not depart from me . jer. . . christ prayed for peter , that his faith might not faile , luke . . and so he prayed both for him and others , even for all that belong unto him . i pray for them ( saith he ) i pray not for the world , but for them , which thou hast given me : for they are thine . joh. . . and vers . . holy father , keepe through thine own name , those whom thou hast given mee . so the apostle telleth us , that whom god did predestinate , them hee also called ( viz. according to his purpose , vers . . ) and whom hee called , them hee also justified ; and whom hee justified , them hee also glorified . rom. . . this clearly shewes , that all that are once justified , shall certainly be glorified , and consequently that justifying faith once had cannot be quite lost . againe , they that truly believe , are the sons of god. gal. . . now the servant abideth not in the house for ever : but the son abideth ever . joh. . . therefore true faith cannot be lost ; the children of god cannot fall away . and to this doe the fathers accord . cyprian is much to this purpose ; the strength of such as are truly faithfull , doth remaine unmoveable , and the integrity of those that feare god , and love him with the whole heart , doth continue stable and strong . and again , the lord , who is the protectour and defender of his people , doth not suffer wheat to be taken away out of his floore : onely chaffe can be separated from the church . and againe , let none thinke that the good can depart out of the church . the winde doth not carry away the wheat ; neither doth the storme overthrow the tree , that hath taken solid roote . the empty chaffe is tossed with the tempest : the weake trees are throwne down with the whirlewinde . this the apostle john doth curse , and smite , saying , they went out from us , but they were not of us ; for if they had been of us , they would no doubt have continued with us : but they went out , that they might be made manifest , that they were not all of us , joh. . . and to adde one testimony of his more , peter ( saith hee ) speaking for all , and answering in the name of the church , saith , lord to whom shall we goe ? thou hast the words of eternall life , ( joh. . . ) signifying that they who depart from christ , perish through their own fault : but that the church , which believeth in christ , and once holdeth that , which it hath knowne , doth never altogether depart from him ; and that they are the church , who doe abide in the house of god : but that they are not the planting of god the father , whom wee see not to be strengthened with the stability of wheat , but to be blowne away with the breath of the enemy like chaffe , that is to be dissipated . of whom john saith they went out from us , but they were not of us , &c. * austine also citing those words of s. iohn , saith , hee doth not say , that by going out they were made aliens , but that therefore they went out because they were aliens . againe , in that ( saith he ) thou departest , and fliest away , thou shewest thy selfe to be chaffe : they that are wheate , endure threshing . and upon those words of our saviour , if yee continue in my word , then you are my disciples indeed ; joh. . . hee saith thus , then they are indeed that which they are called , if they continue in that , for which they are so called . so againe , that is not indeed the body of christ ( saith hee ) which shall not be with him for ever . so * tertullian saith that such as fall away were never true believers , and true christians . hee saith , man sees the outside of every one , and thinkes what hee sees ; but god sees into the heart , and therefore knowes who are his ; and roots out every plant , that hee hath not planted . and let the chaffe of light faith ( saith hee ) flie away as much as it will with every blast of temptations , by so much will the heape of corne be the more cleane to be laid up in the lords garners . did not some of christs disciples , being offended , turne away ? yet the rest would not therefore leave him : but they that knew him to be the word of life , and sent of god , did continue with him to the end . — it is a lesse matter , if some did forsake his apostle , as phygellus , and hermogenes , and philetus , and hymenaeus . then hee cites that of s. iohn , they went out from us , but they were not of us , &c. thus also * gregory speaking of the holy ghost saith , that in respect of some vertues he alwayes abides in the hearts of the saints , but in respect of some hee comes so as to goe away , and goes away so as to come againe . for in respect of faith , hope and charity , and other good things , without which there is no comming to heaven , as humility , chastity , iustice and mercy , in respect of these hee never forsaketh the hearts of the upright . but in respect of prophecy , eloquence , and working of miracles sometimes hee is with the elect , sometimes hee withdrawes himselfe from them . this testimony of gregory is also cited by gratian , who from thence , and other testimonies of the fathers inferrs thus much , that charity once had ( and it is as true of faith ; for charity cannot be without it , but doth proceede from it , tim. . . ) cannot be lost . thus wee have not onely the scriptures , and fathers , but also the canon-law it selfe for us . those places , which the marquesse alledgeth to prove that faith may be lost , doe not speake of justifying faith , whereby one is ingraffed into christ , and made a member of his body , but either of an outward profession of the faith , that is , of the doctrine of faith , as that tim. . . where the apostle bids timothy hold faith ( i. e. the doctrine of faith ) and a good conscience ; and addes that some having put away a good conscience , concerning faith did make shipwrack that is , did forsake the doctrine of faith , and fall into heresie . such were hymenaeus and alexander , whom hee mentioneth vers . . and saith that he delivered them unto satan , that they might learne not to blaspheme . and that which hee there calleth faith , hee calleth truth , tim. . . where speaking of hymenaeus and philetus , hee saith , who concerning the truth have erred , saying , that the resurrection is past already . he addes that hereby they did overthrow the faith of some , that is , they did draw them from the faith , making them to embrace heresie . but that these seducers or seduced ones , were ever such believers , as that they were indued with justifying faith , the apostle doth not say , neither can it be proved ; tertullian was of another minde , as appeares by his words before cited . yea , so was s. iohn , whose words to this purpose both tertullian and other fathers ( as i have shewed ) have made use of , when hee saith , speaking of such as those , they went out from us , but they were not of us , &c. joh. . . or they speak of an historicall faith , whereby one doth assent unto the truth of the gospell , and is somewhat affected with it , but it doth not take roote in the heart , as it is said mat. . . yet hath hee not roote in himselfe : and therefore this is not such a faith , as wee speake of , when wee say , that faith cannot be lost , viz. a faith , whereby christ is received , and doth dwell in the heart . ioh. . . ephes . . . for all that faith , which is spoken of luke . . a man is but chaffe still , and not true wheat whatsoever hee seeme either to himselfe or others . they compared to the thorny ground , who for a while believe , are distinguished from such as have a good and honest heart , luke . . . therefore those temporary believers are no sound and sincere believers : their heart is not right with god , and therefore they are not stedfast in his covenant . psal . . . the marquesse addes , this is frequently affirmed by the fathers , viz. that faith may be lost ; but hee cites onely austine de grat . & lib. arb . de corrept . & grat . & ad articulos . now i have produced many testimonies of austine to the contrary , as also of diverse other fathers , who speake very home to our purpose . as for these places of austine alledged against us , the two first are justly to be waved . for onely the bookes are cited , but no chapters , whereas in the one booke there are . and . in the other . for the third place , it 's true that austine doth oftentimes in answer to the articles imposed upon him , deny that gods predestination is the cause of mans non-perseverance , as some did charge him to hold ; why any fall away hee , shewes the cause to be in themselves , not in god ; that it is not from gods worke , but from their owne will : that they are not thrust , that they may fall ; nor cast out , that they may depart . but that true justifying faith once had may be lost , hee sayes not any thing that way , but much against it in other places , as before is shewed . in the next place , wee hold ( saith the marquesse ) that god did never inevitably damne any man before hee was borne , or as you say from all eternity . you say hee did : wee have scripture for what wee say , wisd . . . god made not death , neither hath he pleasure in the destruction of the living . tim. . , . god our saviour , who will have all men to be saved , pet. . . the lord is not willing that any should die , but that all should come to repentance . and if you will not believe when hee saith so , believe him when hee sweares it , as i live , saith the lord , i doe not delight in the death of a sinner . ans . i doe not know any protestant , who saith that god did damne any man before hee was borne , or from all eternity . for how should that be ? damning being taken ( as usually it is ) for inflicting eternall punishment . for how can a man before hee hath any being , have eternall punishment inflicted upon him ? yet * bernard speaketh of his being damnatus antequam natus , damned before hee was borne . i suppose hee meant that before he came out of the wombe hee was in the estate of damnation by reason of the guilt of adams sinne imputed to him , and the corruption of nature inherent in him . how ever this is certaine , that ( as * bernard also saith ) predestination is before all times , even from all eternity . and bellarmine observes , that though the use of the schooles hath so prevailed , that they onely are said to be predestinate ; who are elected unto glory , and so in the scriptures predestination is not used but in that sense , yet austine doth call reprobation predestination to destruction . neither is there any question betwixt us , and them of the church of rome , but that reprobation as well as election is from all eternity . and therefore as wee doe not say any more then they , that god doth damne any man from eternity ; so they as well as wee doe say , that god doth reprobate many from eternity , even as many as hee doth not elect ; now the elect are but few in comparison , as our saviour tells us , saying , many are called , but few are chosen . mat. . . but some may , and indeed doe say , gods reprobation is not the cause of any mans damnation , but mans own sinne is the proper cause both of reprobation and damnation . but though this be asserted by some of our adversaries , yet others of that party will not approve of it . for reprobation ( saith bellarmine ) doth comprehend two acts , & c. for first god hath not a will of saving them ( viz. the reprobate ) and then he hath a will of damning them . and in respect of the former act there is no cause ( of reprobation ) on mans part . therefore mans sinne in bellarmines judgementi is not the cause of reprobation in respect of that act . now if god have not a will to save a man , it is not possible that hee should be saved : and if hee bee not saved , hee must bee being * damned . and therefore from that act of gods reprobation , which bellarmine confesseth to have no cause on mans part , there inevitable followes mans damnation , though damnation be neither inflicted on man , nor intended to be inflicted on him but for sinne . yet bellarmine in that which hee saith , is not so accurate as hee might be ; for non habere voluntatem salvandi , not to have a will to save a man , or not to will a mans salvation , is properly no act , but rather a negation of an act , and therefore indeed bellarmine calles it actum negativum a negative act ; but that ( as i said ) is indeed no act at all , but a meere negation of it . and therefore alvarez maketh the first act of reprobation to be a positive act , whereby gods will is not to admit some unto life eternall . it 's one thing not to have a will to save ; and another thing to have a will not to save ; the former is meerly negative , but the latter is positive . and hee proves that reprobation doth include a positive act , because the meere negative of not ordaining unto life eternall is even in respect of men and angells that onely may be , but never shall be . those god doth not will to save , and to glorifie , yet properly they are not the objects of gods reprobation . the same * alvarez saith that this positive act of reprobation , whereby gods will and pleasure from eternity was , not to admit some into his kingdome , was not conditionall , but absolute , and in order of nature before the fore-knowledge of the ill use of free-will . and this hee proves from hence , that the apostle rom. . having inferred from what hee had said of predestination and reprobation , therefore hee hath mercy on whom hee will have mercy , and whom hee will , hee hardeneth , presently brings in the complaint of those , who thinke it hard , that god should predestinate , and reprobate without having respect to merits , why then doth hee yet complaine ? for who hath resisted his will ? and hee answers , o man who art thou that repliest against god ? shall the thing formed say to him that formed it , why hast thou made mee thus ? hath not the potter power over the clay , of the same lumpe to make one vessell unto honour , and another unto dishonour ? now this answer and reproofe ( saith hee ) should have no place , if god did not before the fore-knowledge of the ill use of free-will reprobate some by an absolute and efficacious will. for the apostle might easily answer , that it depends upon the good or ill use of mans free-will , which god did fore-know , that some are reprobated , and not others . and hee cites * austine saying , many are not saved , not because they will not , but because god will not , which most clearly appeares in young infants . this same author also againe layes down this conclusion , † reprobation , whereby god determines , not to give eternall life to some , and to suffer them to sinne , is not conditionall , but absolute ; neither doth it presuppose in god the fore-knowledge , or fore-sight of the ill deserts of the reprobate , or of his perseverance in sinne unto the end of his life . * and againe , neither actuall sinne , nor originall , nor both together , fore-seene of god , were the meritorious cause , or motive of any ones reprobation , in respect of all the effects of it . † and hee takes aquinas to be resolute in this point , and hee cites him , saying , as predestination doth include a will to conferre grace , and glory , so reprobation doth include a will to suffer one to fall into sinne , and to inslict the punishment of damnation for sinne . hence alvarez inferres , that according to aquinas the permission of the first sinne for which a reprobate is damned , is the effect of reprobation . and hee addes that of this permission there is no cause in the reprobate . because before the permission of the first sinne , and before the first sinne , there is no other sinne ; for if there were , then it were not simply the first sinne ; or man should commit some other sinne before , which god did not permit , whereas no sinne can be committed but by gods permission . he cites also aquinas againe speaking thus , why god doth chuse some to glory , and reprobate others , there is no reason but onely gods will. and having cited that of the apostle rom. . the children being not yet borne , neither having done any good , or evill , that the purpose of god according to election might stand , not of workes , but of him that calleth , it was said unto her , the elder should serve the younger , as it is written , jacob have i loved , but esau have i hated ; having cited this ( i say ) hee addes that the apostle here ( both austine and aquinas avouching as much ) plainly signifies , that in the absolute election and reprobation of men , god did not looke at mens merits , or demerits , but of his own pleasure did chuse , and predestinate one to glory , and not predestinate another , but by an absolute will did determine to suffer him to sinne , and to be hardened , or to persevere in sinne to the end of his life , and to inflict eternall punishment upon him for sin . hee brings in also austine confuting those , who say , that esau and iacob being not yet borne , god did therefore hate the one , and love the other , because hee did foresee the workes that they would doe . who ( said austine ) can but wonder , that the apostle should not finde out this acute reason ; for hee did not see it , &c. no , but flies to this , hee saith to moses , i will have mercy on whom i will have mercy , &c. so then , it is not of him that willeth , nor of him that runneth , but of god that sheweth mercy . and that none of our romish adversaries may sleight austine in this point , alvarez about the beginning of his worke hath a disputation to shew what authority this fathers judgement is of in the point of grace , and predestination . hee shewes that not onely prosper , but also many bishops of rome did approve of austines doctrine concerning these points , and did determine it to be sound and good . and therefore in the testimony of austine , wee have many testimonies , and such as are irrefragable with those , with whom now wee have to doe . but let us heare what some other late writers of the church of rome doe say as to this point concerning reprobation . god from eternity ( saith cardinall * cajetan ) doth truly chuse some , and reprobate others , doth love some , and hate others , in that from eternity his will is to vouchsafe some the helpe of his grace , whereby to bring them to eternall glory ; and from eternity also his will is to leave some to themselves , and not to afford them that gracious help , which he hath decreed to afford the elect. and this is for god to hate , and to reprobate them ; with which yet it doth well stand , that none is damned but by his owne workes , because neither the sentence , nor execution of damnation is before that such reprobates doe sinne . so also † estius saith that the apostle rom. . doth teach , that * neither mens election nor their reprobation is from the merits of workes , but that god by the meere pleasure of his wil doth chuse some , and reprobate others . and againe upon those words , o man , who are thou that repliest against god , &c. hee saith that the apostles intent was to answer not so much the objection , as the cause of objecting . and that therefore he answers concerning the will of god electing , and reprobating , and denies that the reason of it is to be inquired by man , who is gods creature , and made by him : yea that by the example of a potter the apostle shewes , that god doth this out of the liberty of his will without any other reason . and he addes that thomas aquinas did also thus rightly expound the words of the apostle . * bradwardine , who intituled the book which hee wrote , of the cause of god , is not to be omitted ; hee saith , it 's true , god doth not eternally punish any without his fault going before temporally , and abiding eternally : yet god did not eternally reprobate any , because of sinne , as a cause antecedently moving gods will. what doe our divines say , even such as are of the more rigid sort , as concerning this high and abstruse point of reprobation , what ( i say ) doe they lay more then is said by these great and eminent doctours of the church of rome , and before them by austine , and before both him and them ( as both hee and they conceived ) by the apostle paul himselfe ? the decree of reprobation ( saith bishop davenant ) is not thus to be conceived , i will damne judas , whether he believe , or not believe , repent or not repent ; for this were contrary to the truth of the evangelicall promises : but thus , i am absolutely determined not to give unto judas that speciall grace , which would cause him to believe , and repent : and i am absolutely purposed to permit him to incurre his own demnation by his voluntary obstinacy , and finall impenitency . and againe , it must here first of all be considered , that reprobatio aeterna nihil ponit in reprobato ( that is , that eternall reprobation doth put nothing in the person that is reprobated ) it putteth onely in god a firme decree of permitting such persons to fall into finall sinne , and for it a firme decree of condemning them unto eternall punishment . so both hee and diverse other of our eng. lish divines that were at the synod of dort , being sent thither by king iames , as they hold that * reprobation , which is the denying of election , doth put in god an immutable will not to have mercy on such a person as is passed by , in respect of giving eternall life . and that foreseene unbeliefe is not the cause of non election . so withall they lay down this position , god doth damne none , nor appoint unto damnation , but in respect of sinne . so doctor † ames saith that it is too great a slander to say that according to our opinion god did immediately decree mens damnation , whether they be sinners , or no. our opinion ( saith hee ) is this , that god did not choose some ( as he did chuse others ) but did determine to let them abide in their sinnes , and for those sinnes to suffer the punishment of just damnation ; and that of this decree there is no cause to be found in those that are not elected , which is not as much to be found in those that are elected . thus also doctor twisse , we say , and say truly ( saith hee ) that many are appointed unto damnation before they are borne . — yet we doe not say , that any is appointed to suffer death but for sinne , nor that the decree it selfe in respect of the act of him that decreeth , doth any one moment goe before the foresight of sinne . i see nothing in these assertions of our divines , that hath any thing more horrid in it , then that is , which they of the church of rome before cited , doe assert , and yet some of these goe as high in the point of predestination ( i thinke ) as any others . a calvin himselfe , as hee saith , if wee cannot give a reason why god hath mercy on his own , but because so it pleaseth him : neither have we any cause why others are reprobated , but his will. b so he saith withall , if all by their condition be subject to condemnation , how can they , whom god doth predestinate unto destruction , complaine that he doth deale unjustly with them ? let all the sonnes of adam come , let them contend and dispute with their creator , because by his eternall providence , before they were borne , they were appointed to eternall misery . what will they be able to object against this plea , when god shall on the other side call them to areview of themselves ? if all be taken out of the corrupt masse , it is no wonder if they be subject to damnation . let them not therefore accuse god of iniquity , if by his eternall judgement they be appointed unto death , to which , whether they will or no , themselves doe see that they are led by their own nature of its own accord . c and againe , although by gods eternall providence man is cast into that calamity , which doth befall him , yet he takes the matter of it from himselfe , and not from god , seeing for no other reason is he so undone , but because he did degenerate from that purity wherein god created him , and made himselfe vitious , impure and perverse . d and againe , we affirme that none do perish but by their own desert . e and againe , the cause of our damnation is in our selves . thus calvin being heard speake for himselfe , it plainly appeares that hee by the decree of reprobation makes god the author of mans damnation no otherwise then diverse romanists themselves doe . and thus also beza , * this ( saith hee ) is the sum of pauls answer , although god appoint either to love , or to hatred whom he will , without any respect of their qualifications , yet he is free from all injustice , because betwixt gods eternall decree , and the execution of it , there are subordinate causes , whereby god doth bring the elect unto salvation , and doth justly damne the reprobate . for he saves the elect by mercy , and damnes the reprobate by induration ; so that they doe most foolishly , who confouned the decree of reprobation with damnation , seeing that the cause of damnation is manifest , to wit , sinne , but the will of god is the onely cause of reprobation . therefore god doth wrong to neither , because both deserve destruction . for mercy shewes that the elect were miserable , and therefore worthy because of sinne to be destroyed ; and induration presupposeth perversnesse , in which the reprobate are justly hardened . the like he hath also againe a little after . and whereas * beza saith that they doe not satisfie him , who by the lumpe which the apostle speakes of rom. . . doe understand mankinde being corrupt ; because . . that terme he thinkes doth not well agree to man being created , much lesse to him being already corrupted . and againe , if the apostle had some vessells were made unto honour , and some unto dishonour ; but seeing all vessels were fitted for dishonour ( all mankinde being corrupted ) the apostle would rather have said that some were left in that dishonour , and some translated from it unto honour . finally , except paul goe up to the highest step , the objection ( hee thinkes ) is not satisfied . for that still it will be demanded , whether that corruption came as it happened , or according to gods purpose ; and so the same difficulty will remaine still . therefore paul ( hee saith ) by that most elegant similitude did allude unto adams creation , and did ascend up even to gods eternall purpose , who before he did create mankinde , did of his meere will and pleasure determine to shew forth his glory in saving some through his mercy , and in destroying some by his just judgement . this is no more then * estius on rom. . doth subscribe unto . in this disputation ( saith hee ) the apostle doth not suppose the lumpe corrupt , although that which the apostle saith is true also of it according to austines opinion . for the scriptures often using the comparison of a lumpe , which the potter doth fasten as he pleaseth , speakes of the lumpe absolutely , not supposing any fault in it , but only considering the nature of it , whereby it is fit to be fastned into any worke of the potter . and therefore the apostle doth not say , that the potter of the same lumpe doth make one vessell unto honour , and leave another in dishonour : but that of the same lumpe he doth make unto dishonour . neither doth he say , that the thing formed doth not say to him that formed it , why hast thou left me in the corrupt lumpe ? but , why hast thou made me so ? that is , a dishonorable , and reprobate vessell . here wee see estius both approves of bezaes interpretation , and also makes use of his reason for the confirming of it . and hee addes that the apostle in that similitude of a lumpe , and a potter doth not allude to ier. . , but that rather there is a manifest allusion to isai . . . woe unto him that striveth with his maker : let the potsheard strive with the potsheards of the earth : shall the clay say to him that fashioneth it , what makest thou ? or thy worke , he hath no hands ? which words ( hee saith ) doe verily signifie thus much , that god of his meere pleasure doth so determine of mens estate either the one way , or the other , as a potter doth make of clay what worke hee pleaseth . and hitherto ( hee saith ) doth that belong , which followeth ( isai . . . ) woe unto him that saith unto his father , what begettest thou ? or to the woman , what hast thou brought forth ? for ( saith hee ) what hath man deserved , why his parents should ingender him such , or such ? and a little before by diverse arguments he confutes those , who thinke that the apostle speaking of † reprobation doth suppose the lumpe of mankinde infected with originall sinne . if ( saith he ) those things , which the apostle delivers in this chapter , be diligently considered , it will fully appeare , that as well reprobation as election is absolutely not of foreseene merits . for . when he saith , neither having done any good , or evill , he excludes as well the evill action of esau , as the good action of jacob , and consequently as well the ill merit of reprobation , as the good merit of election . . to that question , is there unrighteousnesse with god ? he doth not answer , that therefore there is not , because the whole lumpe is depraved by sinne , &c. but he answers so , as that he refers as well the reprobation of these , as the election of those , unto the sole will of god , and so represses the curious inquirer , o man , who art thou , &c. . that comparison of a potter of the same lumpe making one vessell unto honour , and another unto dishonour , doth exclude the supposition of a corrupt lumpe . for here verily is nothing supposed in the lumpe , but that it is indifferent , and may be fashioned both the one way , and the other . thus this learned papist goes as farre in the point both of election and of reprobation as any protestant ( that i know ) whatsoever . neither would he have us thinke that he goes alone ; for hee cites many , as lombard , hugo de s. victore , aquinas , cajetan , lyra , titleman , and pererius , as being of the same opinion with him , and interpreting the words of the apostle in the same manner . and this ( i suppose ) may suffice to vindicate the doctrine of protestants ( even such as goe highest in this point ) as touching reprobation . now for the scriptures objected against us , the first , viz. wis . . . is not canonicall . hierome brandes that booke called the the wisdome of solomon , as falsly intituled ; and saith , that it is no where to be found among the hebrewes ( to whom the oracles of god were committed , rom. . . ) and that the style doth smell of greeke eloquence , and that some ancient writers affirme it to be the worke of philo a jew . therefore ( saith he ) as the church doth read indeed the bookes of judith , tobie and the maccabees , but doth not receive them amongst the canonicall scriptures : so also doth it reade these two volumes ( viz. ecclesiasticus , and the wisdome of solomon ) for the edifying of the people , but not for the confirming of ecclesiasticall doctrines . but suppose it were canonicall , the place alledged is answered to our hand by one of the roman church , viz. alvarez : when it is said , god made not death , the meaning ( hee saith ) is , that god doth not primarily of it selfe intend the death of any but in respect of some other great good that is joyned with it . and againe , that place ( hee saith ) is expounded of death in respect of the cause , to wit , sinne . these expositions of the place doe free the doctrine of protestants from suffering any prejudice by it , were the authority of it greater then indeed it is . the next place is that , tim. . . who will have all men to be saved , &c. austine gives diverse interpretations of those words . first , thus , that the meaning is , that god will have all to be saved that are saved , and that none but such as hee will save , can bee saved . secondly , this that by all men are meant men of all sorts , how ever distinguished , kings and private persons , noble and ignoble , &c. this hee shewes to be agreeable both to the context , and also to the phrase of scripture , luke . . you tithe mint , and rue , and every herbe , i. e. every kinde of herbe . this latter exposition of the apostles words alvarez saith is also followed by fulgentius , beda , and anselme . the same alvarez relates two other interpretations , which austine gives of these words , viz. first this , god will have all men to be saved , that is , hee makes men to will , or desire that all may be saved , as the spirit is said to make intercession for us , rom. . . that is , makes us to make intercession or supplication , &c. * estius upon the place doth embrace this exposition before any other . vvho will have all men to be saved ] that is ( saith hee ) he willeth , and maketh godly men to desire the salvation of all . — though god will not save all , but onely the elect ; yet he will have all to be saved , to wit , by us , as much as in us lies , in that he commands us to seek the salvation of all , and this desire and indeavour he workes in us . — this exposition wee embrace rather then any of the rest . the other exposition which * alvarez relates , is , that the apostle speakes of gods antecedent will. thus ( hee saith ) austine doth expound it in diverse places , and for this exposition hee also cites damascene , prosper , theophylaot , oecumenius , aquinas , as also chrysostome and ambrose , and saith that it is common among the doctors . now in the next disputation hee tels us that gods antecedent will is that , which respects the object simply considered , and by it selfe : and that this will is called antecedent , not because it goes before the good , or ill use of our will , as some thinke , but because it goes before that will , whereby god respects the object considered with some adjunct , which is the consequent , and latter consideration of it . if ( saith hee ) the salvation of the reprobate be considered simply by it selfe , so god doth will it : but if it be considered , as it hath adjoyned the privation , or want of a greater good , to wit , the universall good of manifesting gods iustice in the reprobate , and of causing his mercy the more to shine forth in the elect , so god doth not will it . and in this respect were affirmed , that god by a consequent will doth not will that all shall be saved , but only such as are predestinate . now take any of all these foure explications of the apostles words , wherein hee saith , that god will have all men to be saved ( as for my part i like best either the second , or the last ) take any of them , i say , and the apostles words are nothing against that which protestants hold concerning reprobation . as for that of peter , that god is not willing that any should perish , pet. . . bellarmine himselfe expounds both it , and the former place , viz. tim. . . of that will of god , which divines call gods antecedent will. now what that antecedent will of god is we have seene even now out of alvarez : if bellarmine did understand it otherwise ( as alvarez notes that some did ) hee is confuted by alvarez in the place above cited . where hee also cites austine saying , many are not saved , not because they will not , but because god will not : which without all controversie is manifested in young children : whence he inferrs that the condition , which is included in gods antecedent will , whereby he will have all men to be saved , is not this , if they will , and if they doe not hinder it . and bellarmine himselfe also , though he say , it is most true , that all are not saved , because they will not : for if they would , god would not be wanting unto them . yet immediately hee addes , but none can have a will to be saved , except god by preventing and preparing the will , make him to will it . and why god doth not make all to will this , who hath knowne the mind of the lord ? and who hath been his counsellour ? ( rom. . . ) the last place of scripture , which the marquesse objecteth , is ezech. . . as i live , saith the lord , i delight not in the death of a sinner . now to this also we have alvarez to answer for us , viz. first that it is meant of spirituall death , which is by sinne . which god doth only permit , but doth not delight in it . and this explication hee saith , is confirmed by the words following , but rather that he be converted , and live . and if it be expounded of the second death , which is eternall damnation , the meaning , hee saith , is , that god will not inflict this upon any but for sinne . but though god will not inflict damnation upon the reprobate , but for sinne ; yet this same alvarez ( as i have shewed abundantly before ) and so other writers of the church of rome doe tell us , that god by his eternall decree of reprobation of his meere will , and pleasure , doth determine to suffer the reprobate to sinne , and so to damne them for it . and thus now i have made it appeare ( i hope ) sufficiently , that by the consent of the romanists themselves the scriptures alledged are not repugnant to the doctrine of protestants concerning reprobation : neither ( i thinke ) will the fathers , whom the marquesse citeth , be against it . the first of them is austine , who ( as hath before been shewed ) is as much for us as we neede desire . he is here produced against us , but so as that i know not easily how to finde what he saith . for onely li. . de civit. dei. is cited , but no chapter , whereas there are no lesse then . in that booke : this is a strange kinde of citing authors , but the fault may be in the printer , or in some other , and not in the marquesse . as for cyprian , who is next cited , i see not any thing in the place pointed at , which is to this purpose , except this , seeing it is written , god made not death , nor doth he rejoyce in the destruction of the living , surely he that would not have any to perish , desires that sinners may come to repentance , and that by repentance they may returne unto life againe . now that which cyprian here alledgeth , viz. god made not death , &c. i have shewed before by the testimony of hierome to be no canonicall scripture , nor of sufficient force to decide any point of controversie : as also that if it were , yet by the acknowledgement of alvarez it makes not against gods decree of reprobation , which wee maintaine . it hath also beene shewed before in what sense god would have none to perish , viz. by his antecedent will , with which yet will stand the decree of reprobation , as we hold it ; which likewise hath been shewed , and that from both bellarmine , and from alvarez also . and that god desires sinners may come to repentance , and so to life , protestants , ( that i know ) doe not deny , though they hold that god doth give ( and so from all eternity did purpose to give ) repentance unto some , and not to others , as hee pleaseth ; which i have also shewed to be acknowledged by bellarmine , alvarez , estius , and others of the church of rome . and it is most cleare by that of the apostle , if god peradventure will give them repentance , tim. . . and that , he hath mercy on whom he will have mercy , and whom he will , he hardneth . rom. . . the third and last father , who is here alledged , is ambrose de cain & abel lib. . but what chapter , ( whereas there are ten in that booke ) is not mentioned . now i finde that chap. . hath something , which probably was aimed at by the marquesse , viz. this , christ therefore offered the helpe of healing unto all , that whosoever perisheth , may ascribe the cause of his death to himselfe , who when he had a remedy , whereby he might escape , would not be cured . and that christs mercy towards all might be made manifest , in that they that perish , doe perish by their own negligence , but they that are saved , are freed according to christs sentence , who will have all men to be saved , and to come to the acknowledgement of the truth . now i know no protestant but hee will assent unto this , that whosoever perish , must ascribe the cause to themselves , and that they perish through their own default . i have before cited calvin asserting thus much , that none doe perish without their desert . but this assertion of his is very well consistent with his doctrine about reprobation , as i have shewed by the testimonies of diverse famous writers of the church of rome . and whereas ambrose saith , that such as perish , had a remedy , whereby they might escape , and that they therefore perish , because they would not be cured . no protestants , ( i suppose ) will deny , but that such as perish through unbeliefe , if they did believe , should be saved : but yet neverthelesse not protestants onely , but papists also ( as i have shewed ) doe hold , that god from all eternity did decree and purpose to give faith unto some , and not unto others , and that meerely of his own will and pleasure . and that therefore according to austine ( whose words are cited before ) the prime and supreme cause why some are not saved , is not because they will not , but because god will not . for that which ambrose hath in the last place , who will have all men to be saved , &c. enough hath beene said before to shew , that in the judgement of austine , and diverse romanists , it is nothing against the absolute decree of reprobation ; and so i have done with this point . in the next place the marquesse speakes of a mans assurance of his salvation , saying , that protestants hold that a man ought to assure himselfe of it ; and to prove the contrary , which they of the roman church doe hold , he alledgeth cor. . . saying , s. paul was not assured , but that whilest he preached to others , he himselfe might become a cast-away . and rom. . . thou standest in the faith : be not high minded , but feare , &c. lest thou also mayest be cut off . and phil. . . worke out your own salvation with fear and termbling . answ . concerning this point , protestants hold , . that a christian may be assured of his salvation . . that a christian ought to labour for this assurance . for the former of these positions wee have diverse places of scriptures . as first that famous place rom. . , , , , . who shall separate us from the love of christ ? shall tribulation , or distresse , or persecution , &c. nay in all these things we are more then conquerours through him that loved us . for i am perswaded , that neither death , nor life , nor angels , nor principalities , nor powers , nor things present , nor things to come , nor height , nor depth , nor any other creature , shall be able to separate us from the love of god , which is in christ jesus our lord. so also that cor. . . we know then if our earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved , we have a building of god , an house not made with hands , eternall in the heavens , and v. , , . therefore we are alwayes confident , knowing that whiles we are here in the body , we are absent from the lord. for we walke by faith , and not by sight . we are confident , i say , and willing rather to be absent from the body , and to be present with the lord. and that phil. . . to me to live is christ , and to die is gaine . and that tim. . . the lord shall deliver me from every evill work , and will preserve me to his heavenly kingdom . and in the same chapter v. , , . i am now ready to be offered , and my departure is at hand . i have fought a good fight , i have finished my course , i have kept the faith : henceforth is laid up for me the crown of righteousnesse , &c. so also s. peter , blessed be the god and father of our lord iesus christ , who according to his abundant mercy hath begotten us againe unto a lively hope , through the resurrection of iesus christ from the dead , unto an inheritance incorruptible and undefiled , and that fadeth not away , reserved in heaven for us . pet. . , . this hope , which believers have , or may have of salvation , is a lively hope ; it is a hope , that maketh not ashamed . rom. . . because they are sure to obtaine that which they hope for , and shall not be disappointed of it . hence it is also that believers rejoyce with joy unspeakable , and full of glory ; pet. . . because they know they shall receive the end of their faith , even the salvation of their soules . v. . wee have also fathers to testifie this truth ; there flourisheth with us ( saith cyprian ) the strength of hope , and the firmness of faith ; and amongst the very ruines of the decaying world the minde is raised up , and virtue is unmoveable , and patience is ever joyfull , and the soule is alwayes secure and confident of her god. and immediatly hee confirmes this by that of the prophet habakkuk , although the fig-three shall not blossome , &c. yet i will rejoyce in the lord , i will joy in the god of my salvation . hab. . , . so againe the same father , * what place is there here for anxiety and carefulnesse ? who in the midst of these things can be fearfull and sad , except he want hope and faith ? it is for him to fear death , that would not go unto christ : it is for him to be unwilling to go to christ , that doth not believe that he doth begin to reigne with christ . for it is written , the just shall live by faith . if thou beest just , and doest live by faith , if thou doest truly believe in god , seeing thou shalt be with christ , and art sure of gods promise , why doest thou not embrace this that thou art called unto christ , and art glad that thou art freed from the devill ? — god doth promise immortality and eternity to those that depart out of this life , and thou doubtest : this is not at all to know god : this is to offend christ , the lord and master of believers , with the sinne of unbeliefe : this is to be in the church , the house of faith , and yet to have no faith . here we see how earnest cyprian is to prove that christians may , yea ought to be confident against the feare of death , and that because they may and ought to be assured of the life to come . thus also * austine , i believe ( saith hee ) him that promiseth ; the saviour speaketh , the truth promiseth , he hath said unto me , he that heareth my words , and believeth him that sent me , hath eternall life , and is passed from death to life , and shall not come into condemnation . i have heard the words of my lord , i have believed . now whereas i was an unbeliever , i am made a believer , as he hath said , i am passed from death to life , i come not into condemnation , not by my presumption , but by his promise . to this purposes also † bernard , the sun of righteousnesse arising ( saith hee ) the mystery concerning the predestinate , and those that shall be made blessed , which was so long hid , beginnes after a sort to come up out of the depth of eternity , whiles every one being called by feare , and justified by love ( that is , by faith working through love , as hee said a little before ) doth assure himselfe that he is of the number of the blessed , knowing that whom he hath justified them he hath also glorified . for why ? hee heares that he is called , when he is moved with feare ; he perceives that he is justified , when he is filled with love : and shall he doubt of his being glorified ? and againe , thou hast o man ( saith hee ) the justifying spirit a revealer of this secret , and so testifying unto thy spirit , that thou also art the son of god. acknowledge the counsell of god in thy justification . — for thy present justification is both a revelation of gods counsell , and also a certaine preparation unto future glory . or truly predestination it selfe is rather a preparation , and justification is rather an appropinquation unto it . and againe , who is righteous , but he that doth requite gods love with love againe ? which is not done but when the spirit by faith doth reveale unto a man gods eternall purpose concerning his future salvation . which revelation surely is no other thing but the infusion of spirituall grace , by which the deeds of the flesh are mortified , and so a man is prepared for that kingdome , which flesh and blood do not possesse , receiving together by one spirit both this , that he is assured that he is loved , and also this , that hee doth love againe , that so he may not be ungratefull to him , of whom he is loved . thus both scriptures and fathers testifie that christians may be assured of their salvation . and that this assurance may be had , may be proved also by all that hath beene said before concerning the stability of faith once had , and the certainty of persevering in the estate of grace , if a man be once in it . for hence it followeth , that if a man can be assured that hee is in the estate of grace , hee may also be assured of his salvation . now that he may be assured of his being in the state of grace some of the romish church , and that since luthers time , have maintained , as namely catharinus , and the author of the booke called enchiridium coloniense , both which are mentioned in this respect by bellarmine . and because the councell of trent sess . . c. . doth seeme to determine the contrary , therefore eisingrenius hath written a whole booke to shew that the determination of the councell is not indeed against this , that a man may be assured that he hath true grace in him . the booke i have seene and read many yeeres agoe , though now i have it not ; and i remember he holds that a man may be as sure that hee hath true grace , and that his sinnes are forgiven , as hee is sure that twice two make foure , and that the whole is greater then a part , and as hee is sure of those things which hee sees with his eyes , and feeles with his hands . that a man may have this assurance of his present estate the scripture plainly shewes , ioh. . . we know that we are passed from death to life , because we love the brethren . whereupon sayes * austine , let none aske man , let every one returne unto his own heart , if there he can finde brotherly love let him be secure that he is passed from death to life . so rom. . . the spirit himselfe doth beare witnesse with our spirits , that we are the sonnes of god. upon which words † cajetan saith thus , by this testimony we see clearly , that we must believe that we are the sons of god. so also ioh. . . hereby we know that he ( viz. christ ) abideth in us , by the spirit which he hath given us . and cor. . . we have received the spirit of god , that we may know the things that are freely given unto us of god. bellarmine sayes this place is not meant of the knowledge of gods benefits , which belong unto this or that man in particular , but of the knowledge of those benefits , which god hath prepared for his elect , as the inheritance and glory of the kingdome of heaven . but if the apostle speakes onely of our knowing what good things god hath prepared in generall for the elect , what is this more then appertaines to the very devils ? for they know that god hath prepared heaven , and happinesse for the elect ; cajetan therefore is more ingenuous , expounding it of the holy ghost infused into the apostles , and causing them certainly to know the gifts of god , that were in them . the apostles ( saith hee ) had a certaine knowledge , that faith , hope , charity , and other gifts , were freely given unto them of god. to adde but one place more , viz. that ioh. . . these things have i written unto you that believe on the name of the son of god , that you may know that ye have eternall life . true ( sayes bellarmine ) the apostle saith indeed , these things i write unto you that believe , that you may know that you have eternall life : but hee doth not say , these things i write unto you , that you may know that you believe , as you ought to believe . but ( say i ) the apostle here did suppose that they that truly believe , may know that they doe so ; for otherwise how should they that believe , know that therefore they have life eternall , except they first know that they doe believe ? now for the scriptures objected against us , that cor. . . lest having preached to others , i my selfe should be a cast-away , cannot be so understood , as that paul was uncertaine either of his present justification , or of his future glorification ; for that will not consist with many other sayings of his before cited . the meaning therefore is onely this , that pauls care was that his preaching and his conversation might be suitable , and that the one might not confound the other . the word here rendred cast-away , and cor. . . reprobate , is neither here nor there taken in opposition to elect , but is as much as reproved , so the word properly doth import ; as without the privative particle it signifies approved , cor. . . that rom. . . thou standest by faith , be not high minded , but fear , is nothing against assurance of salvation , which doth well consist with feare , viz. such a feare as is opposit to high-mindednesse ; this feare making us keepe close unto god , and not to depart from him , ier. . . and whereas it is said rom. . . lest thou also mayst ( or as wee reade it , otherwise thou also shalt ) be cut off , it is spoken by the apostle to the church of rome , and serves well to shew that any particular visible church , even that of rome , may faile ; but from hence cannot be inferred , that a true believer may fall away , and perish . neither is the assurance of salvation infringed by that phil. . . worke out your own salvation with fear and trembling . for as for our working out of our salvation , it hinders not but that we may be assured of our salvation . we may be assured of that , which yet wee must use meanes to obtaine . ezekiah was assured that fifteene yeares should be added unto his life , because god by his prophet had told him so , isai . . . yet hee used meanes for his recovery , v. . and so no question but he did for the preservation of his life , by eating and drinking , and the like . paul also was assured , that both hee , and all in the ship with him should escape , because god by his angell had revealed it unto him , act. . , , . yet neverthelesse he saw it needfull to use meanes , whereby they might escape , acts . . and for those words , with feare and trembling , they doe not imply diffidence and doubting , but humility and lowlinesse of minde ; feare and trembling being here the same as romans . . viz. that which is opposit to pride and high-mindednesse . the apostle cor. . . saith that the corinthians received titus with fear and trembling , that is , with all humility and reverence . so we must worke out our own salvation with fear and trembling , that is with reverence and with godly feare , as is expressed heb. . . but this is no argument at all why wee may not be assured of our salvation ; no more then it followes that therefore the corinthians could not be assured of titus his love and good will towards them , and that be came unto them for their good , because they received him in that manner . david psal . . . bids serve the lord with feare , and rejoyce with trembling . therefore there may bee feare and trembling , and yet rejoycing too , and consequently assurance of gods love and favour ; for without assurance of it there can be no sound rejoycing in it . joy ( as ramundus de sabunde observes ) doth arise from this , that one knowes that he hath that which he hath , and not meerly from this that he hath it . now for the fathers here alleged by the marquess , viz. am. ser. . in psal . . basil . in constit . monast . cap. . hiero. li. . advers . pelag. chrys . hom . . in ioh. aug. in psal . . bern. ser. . de advent . & ser. . de sept. i answer , it 's true , ambrose saith , david desired that his reproach , which he suspected , might be taken away , either because he had thought in his heart , but had not done it ; and though it were abolished by repentance , yet he was fearfull lest perhaps the reproch of it did yet remaine ; and therefore he prayes god to take it away , who alone knows that which even he may be ignorant of that hath done it . but this doth not argue that a man cannot in ambroses judgement be assured of his salvation ; it onely shewes ( contrary to what the papists hold ) that a man cannot be justified and saved by his owne inherent righteousnesse , because though he be otherwise never so righteous , yet still there is some sinne in him , which hee knoweth not of ; according to that of the apostle ( which ambrose there citeth ) i know nothing by my selfe , yet am i not thereby justified , cor. . . the apostle denieth that hee was justified by that righteousnesse that was in him , though hee had the testimony of a good conscience to rejoyce in , cor. . . yet was hee neverthelesse assured that hee was justified , and should be saved through faith in christ jesus , as hath been proved before from rom. . . &c. and from other places . this was all that * ambrose meant , as appeares by his words immediately going before those objected ; the apostle ( hee saith ) explaines davids meaning , saying , i know nothing by my selfe , yet am i not thereby justified . he knew that he was a man , and did take heed to himselfe as he could , that he might not sin after his baptisme ; therefore he knew nothing by himselfe ; but because he was a man , he confessed himselfe a sinner , knowing that iesus alone is the true light , who did no sin , neither was guile found in his mouth , that he alone is justified ( i. e. perfectly just in himselfe ) who was truly without all sin . that which basil ( whose words i find in bellarmine , though otherwise i have him not to peruse ) saith , is directly to the same purpose , and imports no more then that of ambrose . we doe not understand ( saith he ) many things wherein we sin . therefore the apostle saith , i know nothing by my selfe , yet am i not thereby justified , that is , i sin in many things , and am not aware of it . for hierome , hee is too loosely cited both by the marquesse , and before him by bellarmine , there being eleven long chapters in that booke which is mentioned , but in which of them he saith any thing against us , they doe not tell us . however the words objected are these . there are righteous men , to whom it happeneth according to the work of the wicked : and there are wicked men , to whom it happeneth according to the worke of the righteous . this is said ( viz. eccles . . . ) because certaine judgement belongs only unto god. these words by search i finde in hierome ; but it plainly appeares , that his scope onely is to prove against the pelagians , that no man in this life is so righteous , as to be without sinne , which is not against us in this controversie , but for us in another , as hath beene shewed before . a little after those words hierome saith thus , what mortall man is not taken with some errour ? and that the righteous shall scarcely be saved ( pet. . . ) because in some things ( or rather indeed in all things ) he stands in needs of gods mercy . in the former chapter hierome brings in that of s. paul ; i know nothing by my selfe , &c. and saith , that though the apostle were not conscious to himselfe of sinne , yet hee did not justifie himselfe , because hee had read ( psal . . . ) who can understand his his faults ? thus then his testimony makes indeed against the perfection of a mans own righteousnesse ; but not against his assurance of salvation , which may well stand without the other . chrysostome in the place cited , comments upon that ioh. . . peter was grieved , because he said unto him the third time , lovest thou me ? and hee saith , that peter feared lest now hee thought himselfe to love christ , when hee did not ; as before he was deceived in thinking himselfe stout and constant , when it proved otherwise . but . though chrysostome so take the words of peter , as if he might then be mistaken in that opinion which hee had of himselfe : yet it does not follow that therefore hee should hold that a man cannot be assured that hee hath saving grace in him . . austine gives another , and a better reason , why peter was grieved that christ did aske him that question the third time , viz. because thereby christ ( as he thought ) seemed not to believe him ; not that hee suspected his owne heart , but hee feared that christ did suspect him , because he did aske him the same question thrice over . maldonate the jesuite cites theodorus heracleotes , as also thus expounding it , and saying , that therefore peter answered , lord , thou knowest all things , thou knowest that i love thee ; as if hee should have said , thou that knowest all things , canst not but know that it is true that i say : and therefore why doest thou aske mee so often , as if thou didst not believe me ? this exposition maldonate doth prefer before the other of chrysostome , which he also mentioneth , and saith , that peter saying , lord , thou knowest , did speak so , not so much out of modesty , as to confirme that which hee had said , ( viz. that he loved christ ) by christs own testimony . austine in psal . . hath nothing ( that i can see ) to the purpose ; i suppose it should be in psalme . from whence bellarmine doth produce this , i know that the righteousnesse of god doth remaine , whether my righteousnesse may remaine , i know not . for the apostle doth make me to feare , saying , let him that thinketh he standeth , take heede lest he fall . ( cor. . . ) i acknowledge these words of austine ; but that which followes immediately , shewes the meaning of them . therefore ( saith hee ) because i have no strength ( or stability ) in my selfe , neither have i hope of my selfe , my soule is troubled toward my selfe . wouldest thou not have it troubled ? doe not abide in thy selfe , but , say , unto thee , o lord , have i lift up my soule ( psal . . . ) heare this more plainly , doe not hope of thy selfe , but of thy god. for if thou doest hope of thy selfe , thy soule will be troubled towards thee , because it hath not yet found whereby it may be secure of thee . therefore because my soule is troubled towards me , what remaines but humility , that the soule doe not presume of it selfe ? thus it clearly appeares , that austine spake not against assurance of salvation , but onely against selfe confidence , and presumption . the last father alledged is bernard , who saith , this doth adde to the heape of care , and to the weight of feare , that when as it 's necessary to looke both to mine own , and my neighbours conscience , neither of them is sufficiently knowne unto me . both are an unsearchable depth , both are night unto me . but bernard onely meanes that it 's very hard for a man to know his owne heart , because of the deceitfulnesse of it , not but that by the spirit of god a man may know it so farre forth as to be assured of the truth of grace in him ; which hath beene proved before by bernards testimony in diverse places . so elsewhere hee saith indeed , who can say , i am of the elect , i am of those that are predestinate unto life , i am of the number of gods children ? who , i say , can say these things ? the scripture saying on the contrary , man knowes not whether he be worthy of love , or hatred . surely we have no certainty , but the confidence of hope doth comfort us , lest we should be tormented with the anxiety of doubting . but . bernard here builds upon a false ground , viz. that the scripture saith , no man knowes whether he be worthy of love or hatred , i. e. whether hee be in such an estate , as to be loved of god , or hated of him : whereas salomon eccles . . . ( which place he meaneth ) onely saith , no man knoweth love or hatred by all that is before them ; that is , by outward things which befall men , as prosperity and adversity , they cannot conclude either that god doth love , or that hee doth hate them : because ( as it followes immediately ) all things come alike to all , i. e. all outward things ; prosperity happens to the wicked , and adversity to the godly ; and therefore there is no judging of gods love , or hatred by these things : yet it followes not but that by other markes and trials a man may know whether god love him or no ; and so much bernard himselfe hath confessed , as i have shewed . . neither doth bernard here absolutely deny that any can know himselfe to of the number of those that shall be saved , onely he denies such a knowledge , so sure and certaine , as to exclude all care of obtaining salvation . for so hee addes immediately , therefore there are given certaine signes , and manifest tokens of salvation , that it may be without doubt that he is of the number of the elect , in whom those signes shall remaine . therefore , i say , whom god foreknew , them also he predestinated to be be conformed to the image of his son , that to whom he denies certainty , that they may be carefull , he yet affords confidence , that they may have comfort . i grant , that bernard presently after seemes to be very peremptory against a mans being assured of his perseverance , saying , what we are we may know , at lest in part : what we shall be , that is altogether impossible for us to know . but it hath beene proved before both by scriptures and fathers , that true justifying faith once had cannot bee wholy lost . and even bernard himselfe ( as before is shewed ) doth hold that a man may know assuredly that he is justified , and that therefore hee shall be glorified , because the apostle saith that whom god hath justified , them also he hath glorified , that is , will certainly glorifie , rom. . . and therefore here hee must be understood as intending only to prevent security , and a casting off all care for the future . for so immediately hee goes on , therefore let him that standeth take heed lest he fall : and let him continue and goe on in that , which is both a token of salvation , and an argument of predestination . thus then notwithstanding any thing contained either in the scriptures , or the fathers , which are alledged , the doctrine of protestants concerning assurance of salvation doth remaine firme and sure , viz. that a man may have this assurance . and if so , then surely ( which is the other position ) all ought to labour for this assurance , it being to be had , and well worth the labouring for that it may be had ; the scripture also requiring us to give diligence to make our calling , and our election sure , pet. . . to proceede , we say ( saith the marquesse ) that every man hath an angel guardian ; you say he hath not . we have scripture for it , viz. mat. . . take heed that ye despise not one of these little ones ; for i say unto you , that in heaven there angels do alwayes behold the face of my father . acts . . s. peter knocking at the door , they say , it is his angel. they believed this in the apostles time . the fathers believes it , &c. answ . for every ones having a peculiar angel to guard him , i know not any great controversie that there is betwixt protestants and them of the church of rome about it . bellarmine in all his three great volumes of controversies hath none of this that i doe finde . whether severall believers have severall angels for their guardians calvin neither affirmes , nor denies , instit . lib. . cap. . sect. . the rhemists on mat. . . say that he will needs doubt of it , but that he dares not deny it . the scripture is cleare for this , that the angels are appointed to guard the elect ; they are all ministering spirits , sent forth to minister for those that shall be heires of salvation , heb. . . the like is to be seene in other places , as psal . . . and . . but that every one hath his peculiar angell , this is not so cleare but that we may well doubt of it . yea , if it be so understood , that each believer hath onely one angell guarding him , it will not agree with that psal . . . he hath given his angels charge over thee , to keep thee , &c. nor with that gen. . , . where it is said that as iacob was returning out of mesopotamia into canaan , the angells of god met him ; and therefore hee called the name of the place mahanaim , that is , two campes , or two hosts , viz. that of his owne , and the other of the angels . in this therefore calvin might well be confident , as hee was , that every one of us hath not only one angell to care for us , but that they all with one consent to watch for our safety . this , hee saith , is to be held for certaine . neither durst the rhemists , or any others ( that i know ) quarrell with him about it . for those two places , which the marquesse alledgeth , they are neither of them sufficient to prove that every believer hath his peculiar angell . that mat. . . where our saviour speaking of believers , calles the angells their angels , doth evince no more then this , that believers have the angels to attend upon them . for there is no necessity to understand it so that each particular believer hath his particular angell ; no more then because it 's said , obey your guides ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) or governours , heb. . . therefore each one hath his peculiar guide or governour : or because it s said isai . . . i will give children to be there princes , therefore each severall person had his severall prince , or magistrate . the other place , viz. acts . . it is his angell , viz. peters , is more obscure , neither ( i confesse ) doe i well know how to understand it . some by angell there understand not a caelestiall spirit , but a messenger , as the geeke word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , whence the latine angelus , and the english angell is derived , doth primarily import . and they conceive this to be the meaning , that the damosell did not tell those within , that she heard peters voyce , but onely said , that peter was at the doore , and she constantly affirming this , they supposed that peter had sent some messenger , and that the damosell mistaking what he said , imagined that peter himselfe was there . but it is not probable but that the damosell would signifie that it was peters voyce , which she heard , the scripture expressely saying , v. . that she knew peters voyce . on the otherside , if a heavenly angell be there meant , it seemes to imply , that they supposed the angell that garded peter , and therefore is called his angel , to represent the person of peter , and to assume his voyce ; which conceit seemes very uncouth . however , if such an angell be there meant , yet onely this can be inferred from thence , that peter had his angell to guard him ; but it followes not , that therefore he had an angell proper and peculiar to himselfe , and that only one certaine angell was appointed his guardian . neither doe the fathers , that are cited , ( so far as i can see ) speake home to the point in question . gregory of whom mention is first made , is here so impertinently alledged , that i suppose there was some oversight in it . for hee speakes nothing at all of the angels guarding men , but onely of their being present at the celebration of the eucharist ; which is nothing to our present purpose . athanasius , who is mentioned next , saith onely that there are some supercaelestiall powers , qui apud homines permanent , that doe abide with men , and are hominum paedagogi , mens instructors or governours : but of particular angels belonging to particular men hee speakes nothing . chrysostome in one place , which the marquesse quoteth , speakes of the angels being present , when the eucharist is celebrated , and of their conveying to heaven the soules of such , as immediately before their death with a pure conscience received that sacrament ; which hee saith one told him , that saw it ; but to the question now agitated , i finde not that hee saith any thing in that place . indeed hom. . ( not as it is misquoted , hom. . ) in coloss . hee citeth , mat. . . and saith , every believer hath an angell : but this doth not necessarily import , that each believer hath his peculiar angell . what gregorious turonensis saith , ( whose testimony is the next ) wanting his works , i cannot yet examine . the next after him is austine , but he is mis-alledged , viz. epist . ad probam cap. . whereas there are but . chapters in that epistle , which is wholly about prayer , and hath nothing ( that i finde ) about angels . the last witnesse is hierome , who saith indeed , great is the dignity of soules , that every one from his birth hath an angell appointed to keepe him . but it doth not appeare , that he thought every one to have his peculiar angell . the contrary rather appeares by that which hee addes immediatly after , viz. that hereupon iohn revel . . & . was bidden to write to the angell of ephesus , thyatira , philadelphia , and the other foure cburches there mentioned . though hierome doe mis-interpret the angels there spoken of in the revelation , and therefore both hee , and some others of the ancients are in this rejected by ribera , yet thereby we may perceive , that he did not hold every one to have a peculiar angell , but one angell to be for a whole church . if it be said , that there by angell he meant angells , the singular number being put for the plurall , the same may be said concerning the other words which are objected . but enough of this point ; there is more controversie about those that follow . we say ( saith the marquesse ) the angells pray for us , knowing our thoughts , and deeds : you deny it . we have scipture for it , zach. . , , , . then the angell of the lord answered , and said , o lord of hostes , how long wilt thou not have mercy on ierusalem , and on the cities of iudah , against whom thou hast had indignation these threescore and ten yeares ? apoc. . . and the smoak of the incense of the prayers of the saints ascended from the hand of the angell before the lord. this place was so understood by irenaeus lib. . cap. . and s. hilary in psal . . tells us , this intercession of angels gods nature needeth not , but our infirmities doe . so s. ambrose lib. de viduis , victor utic . lib. . de persecut . vandal . answ . had the marquesse onely said , that the angels know our deedes , and pray for us , there had beene little cause to oppose : but whereas hee saith that they know our thoughts , that may not bee granted , the scripture making this gods prerogative . for thou , even thou onely knowest the hearts of all the children of men . kings . . † theophylact therefore upon luke . . saith that christ proved himselfe to be god by this , that ( as it is there said ) hee knew mens thoughts . and the same also is observed by * iansenius in his comment upon the place . for that in zach. . . some by the angell there spoken of understand christ , the angel ( or messenger ) of the covenant , as he is called mal. . . but others understand a created angell , viz. the angell that talked with the prophet zachary , and thence observe that the angels pray for the church . this seemes more probable by the words immediately following , and the lord answered the angell that talked with me , v. . in the other place , viz. revel . . . ribera telleth us , that many thinke the angell there mentioned to be christ . and though he dislike that exposition , yet it is more then probable by that which is said v. . there was given him much incense , that he should offer it with the prayers of all saints , &c. for what can we well understand by that incense , but christs merit and meditation , whereby the prayers of the saints are acceptable and well pleasing unto god ? for the fathers alledged , * irenaeus speaketh not either of this angell spoken of revel . . . or at all of angells praying for us . all that he saith is , that there is an altar in heaven , to which our prayers must be directed : and then hee cites iohn saying in the revelation , that the temple and tabernacle of god was opened : but this is nothing to the point in hand . hilary is truly cited , speaking of the intercession of angels , he saith , that not gods nature , but our infirmity doth stand in need of it . but ( as i said before ) i see not why wee should deny , that the angels pray for us ; for it doth not therefore sollow , that wee may pray to them ; which is the next point to be considered . yet i should have liked it better , if hilary had grounded himselfe upon that place of zachary , which the marquesse produced , then that hee should build upon the booke of tobit ( as also doth ambrose ser. . for i finde nothing this way in the place , which the marquesse quoteth ) that booke ( as hierome long agoe hath censured it ) being apocryphall , and of no authority for the determining of matters of this nature . what the last author saith , viz. victor vticensis , being not furnished with his booke , i cannot tell ; neither is there neede to inquire after him , hee being alledged for no more then hilarie , and hee asserting no more then ( i thinke ) may be granted . but from the angels praying for us the marquess passeth to our praying to the angells . we hold it lawfull ( saith hee ) to pray unto them : you not . we have scripture for it , gen. . . the angell which redeemed me from all evill , blesse these lads , &c. hos . . . he had power over the angell , and prevailed : he wept and made supplications unto them . s. austine expounding these words of job . . have pitty upon me , o yee my friends , for the hand of the lord is upon me , saith , that holy job addressed himself to the angels . answ . that it is lawfull to pray unto angels , protestants deny , and that justly , there being no ground , nor warrant for it in the scripture , but much against it . for the scripture every where teacheth and requireth us to pray unto god , and to none other . call upon me in the day of trouble . psal . . . after this manner therefore pray yee , our father , &c. mat. . . when yee pray say our father , &c. luke . . in the day of my trouble i will call upon thee . psal . . . as for me i will call upon god. psal . . . for this shall every one that is godly pray unto thee . psal . . . how shall they call upon him , in whom they have not believed ? rom. . . now wee both professe in the creed , and so are taught in the scripture , to believe onely in god. that your faith and hope might be in god. pet. . . ye believe in god , believe also in me . joh. . . viz. because christ , who there speakes , is god. prayer must proceede from the heart , and not from the lips onely . give eare unto my prayer , that goeth not out of fained lips . psal . . . vnto thee o lord doe i lift up my soule . psal . . . poure forth your hearts unto him . psal . . . hannah spake in her heart , &c. sam. . . now god only knoweth the heart , as was shewed before . the fathers were of this minde . a tertullian writing of prayer , and expounding the lords prayer , upon the first words of it saith , we pray unto god. and afterwards in the same book , b we commend our prayers unto god : neither does hee speake of praying unto any other . and elsewhere , c we call upon the eternall god ( saith he ) for the safety of the emperours . d and againe more fully to the purpose , these things i cannot pray for from any other , but from him , from whom i know i shall obtaine ; because he it is , who alone doth give them . so cyprian also writing of the lords prayer , all along supposeth , and taketh it for granted , that it is god to whom wee must pray . hee saith that to pray otherwise then christ hath taught us , is not only ignorance , but a sin also . now christ hath taught us to pray unto god onely . and cyprian saith , that wee must pray with the heart rather then with the voyce , because god heares not so much the voyce as the heart . hee saith that before prayer ( viz. in the congregation ) the people were required to lift up their hearts ; and they used to answer , wee lift them up unto the lord ; whereby they were admonished to thinke of nothing but the lord when they prayed . and taxing those that pray negligently , how doest thou request that god should heare thee , when as thou doest not hear thy self ? and some of the ancients have proved christ to be god by this very argument that hee is called upon , and prayed unto . if christ be onely man ( saith * novatian ) why is man called upon in prayers as mediatour , seeing that the invocation of a man is judged ineffectuall to afford salvation ? though novatian in some things proved an heretike , yet was hee not an heretike in this : yea † pamelius a romanist tells us , that he wrote this whiles , for any thing that appeares , he was a catholik . thus also that great hammer of the arians , athanasius , proved christ to be consubstantiall to the fathet , by that of the apostle , thess . . . now god himselfe , and our father , and the lord jesus christ direct our way unto you . for ( saith hee ) none would pray to receive from god and from the angels , or from any of the creatures . neither would any speake in this manner , god and an angell give unto thee . but the apostle askes of the father and of the son , because of the unity of their nature , and the uniforme manner of their giving . and immediately after hee answers that place which the marquesse alledgeth , viz. gen. . . the angel that reedemed me from all evill , blesse the lads , saying , jacob did not couple any of the created and naturall angels with god the creatour ; neither did he omit god that nourished him , and desire a blessing for his nephewes from an angell . but in that he spake expressely of the angell that redeemed him from all evill , he shewed sufficiently , that it was none of the created angells , but the son of the father , whom he in his prayers joyned with the father , by whom god doth redeem whom he pleaseth . for he knew him to be the * angell of the fathers great counsell , neither did he in his words expresse any other but him that doth blesse , and redeeme from evill . austine also in his booke of true religion , doth frequently assert that religious worship belongs not unto angells , but to god onely ; and consequently that angels are not to be prayed unto , prayer and invocation being ( as bellarmine confesseth ) a singular kinde of adoration . that ( saith * austine ) which the highest angell doth worship , is also to be worshipped by the lowest man. — let us believe that the best angels and the most excellent ministers of god desire this , that we together with themselves may worship only god , by whose contemplation they are blessed . — therefore we honour them with love , not with service . — rightly therefore is it written , that a man was forbidden by an angell to worship him , and was required only to worship god , under whom the angell was mans fellow-servant . — behold i worship only god , &c. which of the angells soever doth love this god , i am sure doth also love me . — therefore let religion binde us only to the almighty god. now for the two places of scripture , which the marquesse objecteth , one of them is already answered from athanasius . and the same answer also belongs to the other place , viz. hos . . . the angell there spoken of is not a created angell , but god himselfe , as appeares by the words immediately going before v. . he had power with god ; then followes v. . yea he had power over the angell , and prevailed ; he wept also , and made supplications unto him . this shewes that god and the angell there mentioned are one and the same . this which the prophet speaketh of iacobs making supplications to the angell , hath reference to that gen. . . i will not let thee go except thou blesse me , as hierome upon the place observeth . now if iacob would not desire a blessing for his nephewes from a created angell ( and wee have seene that in the judgement of athanasius hee would not ) then surely neither was it such an angell of whom he himselfe did seeke to be blessed . and hierome upon the words of hosea saith plainly that this angell is god. none of the fathers are here alledged against us , but onely austine , whom i have shewed to testifie abundantly for us . that which hee saith in the place quoted , is that iob seemeth to desire the angels to intreat for him , or else some of the saints . but pineda a jesuite doth not like this exposition , but calles it allegoricall , and expoundes it ( as it ought to be expounded ) of those friends of iob that disputed with him . if our adversaries shall reply , that though austine did not rightly expound the words of iob , yet however hee shewed it to be his opinion , that the angells might be prayed unto . i answer , first austine here maketh as well against them , as against us . for he speakes as much of iobs praying unto saints , as unto angells : now our adversaries hold ( as i shall shew more hereafter ) that in those times before christs comming the saints were not to be prayed unto . again , austine doth not say , that iob did pray either to saints or angels , but that hee desired , yea onely that hee seemeth to have desired , that they might pray for him . thirdly for one place , wherein austine speaketh obscurely and doubtfully for praying to angels , wee have many plaine and evident testimonies of his against it , as before i have shewed . lastly , austine himselfe hath taught us to believe neither him , nor any other further then they accord with the scriptures , but that we may , saving the reverence that is due unto them , dissent from them , when as they dissent from the truth . thus he saith , he did in respect of the writings of others , and so he would have others to doe in respect of his writings . from the angels the marquess passeth to the saints deceased , saying , we hold that the saints deceased know what passeth here on earth ; you say they know not : we have scripture for it . luke . . where abraham knew that there were moses and the prophets bookes here on earth , which he himselfe had never seene when he was alive . the fathers say as much , euseb . ser. de ann. s. hiero. in epit. paulae , s. max. ser. de agnete . answ . that the saints deceased doe not know the particular affaires of men here on earth , the scripture doth teach us , iob. . . his sonnes come to honour , and he knoweth it not , and they are brought low , but he perceiveth it not of them . there iob speakes indefinitely of a man departed out of this life ( whether he be saint , or no saint ) and sheweth , that he doth not so much as understand the estate of such as had most neare relation unto him : and how then shall we perswade our selves , that hee doth understand the estate of others ? and from those words isai . . . abraham is ignorant of us , and israel knoweth us not , austine doth inferre that the dead are not acquainted with the affaires of the living . if not our parents , ( saith hee ) what other dead persons know what we doe , or suffer ? if so great patriarkes ( abraham and jacob ) knew not how it fared with those that did descend from them , how doe the dead intermeddle in knowing and helping the affaires of those that are alive ? for my part , i thinke that place of esay not so pertinent to the purpose , but that the meaning of it is , that the people of israel were so degenerate , that abraham and israel ( if they knew what manner of persons they were ) would not own them , not acknowledge them for their posterity : yet however , austine sheweth what his opinion was concerning those that are deceased , viz. that they are ignorant of the things that are done here ; which is evident enough by those words of iob before cited . bellarmine sayes that gregory upon the place doth answer , that naturally the dead know not how it fares with the liking ; but that yet the saints , being glorified , doe see in god all things , quae nimirum ad ipsos pertinent , viz. which doe belong unto them . but gregory upon those words of iob saith thus , as they that are alive , know not where the soules of the dead are ; so they that are dead , know not how they live that are after them . indeed hee addes presently after , this yet is not to be thought of the holy soules , because they that see the brightnesse of almighty god , are by no meanes to be thought ignorant of any thing besides . therefore he understands iob as speaking onely of such dead persons , as are unholy , whereas indeed iobs words are indefinite , and indifferently to be understood of all that are dead , except by speciall revelation any thing done here below be made known unto them . thou destroyest the hope of man , v. . viz. his hope of continuing here in this life . thou changest his countenance , and sendest him away , v. . this holdes in respect of all : and then followes , his sonnes come to honour , and hee knoweth it not , &c. v. . so that the coherence of the words shews , that they are meant generally of all that are deceased . and that which gregory saith of the saints , that seeing god , in him they see all things , bellarmine himselfe ( it seemes ) did thinke too lavish , and therefore he limits it to all things which concerne them , or belong unto them . which limitation doth indeed mar his market ; for how doth it appeare , that it belongs unto the saints departed to understand particular occurrences here below , and namely all the prayers that any shall make unto them ? which is the scope , that they of the church of rome aime at , when they speake of the saints knowing things here on earth : but of that more ( god willing ) hereafter . but for the saints knowing our affaires , it was ( it seemes ) in the time of lombard ( above years after christ ) a point not much believed ; for lombard moving the question , saith onely this , it is not incredible that the soules of the saints enjoying the vision of god , doe understand humane and earthly affaires , so far as concernes their joy , and our helpe . hee doth not say , that this is certaine , but onely that it is not incredible . and bellarmine himselfe relating foure severall opinions about the manner how the saints know things here upon earth , of two of them , viz. that they know them by the relation of angels , or by being after a sort every where present , hee saith plainly , that neither of them doth satisfie , and gives convincing reasons for it . and for the other two opinions , viz. that the saints from the beginning of their blessednesse doe in god see all things that any way appertaine unto them : or that god doth then reveale things unto the saints , when any at any time doe pray unto them ; hee likes not the latter of these , because ( hee saith ) if the saints did neede a new revelation upon every occasion , the church would not so boldly say unto all the saints , pray for us , but would sometimes desire of god to reveale our prayers unto them : and for the other opinion , which remaines , hee sayes no more but onely that it is probable . so that wee see by our adversaries owne confession , they have no certainty of this , that the saints in heaven are particularly acquainted with things here on earth . some may say , that they are certaine that it is so , though they be uncertain how it comes to be so . i answer , indeed if the scripture did affirme that so it is , then wee might and ought to be assured of it , though wee could not see why it is so . but the scripture is so farre from affirming it , that it denies it , as i have shewed ; and therefore they that maintaine it , must both answer the scripture where it is denied , and also by scripture prove the contrary assertion , which they neither doe , nor can doe . that place cited by the marquesse , viz. luke . . is not of force to prove it . for . some romish expositors , and namely iansenius doth confesse that it is doubtfull whether that which is spoken of the rich man and lazarus , and so of abraham , be any more then a parable : and if it be a history , and a narration of a thing done , yet this ( hee saith ) must needs be confessed , that all things did not happen so as they are related . for that it is certaine that the rich man being in hell , did not speake with a tongue , nor with bodily eyes did see abraham , and lazarus in his bosome , nor did complaine of the scorching of his tongue , nor did desire water to cole it . therefore ( hee saith ) christ did accommodate himselfe to our capacity , and declare the things of the life to come after the manner of the things of this life , so that those things are to be understood allegorically and spiritually , whether it be a bare parable , or a true history . and for the words objected , he sheweth that they are more easie to be understood , if this part of scripture be taken not for a history , but onely for a parable . for then it may be said , that christ did feigne these things , which were not done indeed , onely to instruct and admonish those that are alive , that they should not think to excuse their impenitency by this , that they were never informed of the estate of the life to come by any that did returne from it . that men might not thinke thus , he saith , that christ did bring in the rich man , desiring abraham to send lazarus to his brethren , that so he might also bring in the answer of abraham , who was of great authority among the jewes , by which answer that conceit is reproved , and confuted . for abraham confuting that opinion of the common sort of people answered , if they heare not moses and the prophets , neither will they believe , although one should arise from the dead . thus then that place doth not evince , that abraham knew that the jewes had the writings of moses , and of the prophets . . suppose that part of scripture to be a history , and that abraham did indeed know that the writings of moses and the prophets were upon the earth , yet it doth not therefore follow that hee knew all the severall things done amongst men . what god would please to reveale , hee might know , but how much that is , who can tell ? yea the romanists themselves do hold that neither abraham , nor any other , during the time of the old testament , did understand the estate of men here alive . although the ground of this opinion of theirs be not good , viz. because as then they did not enjoy the blessednesse of the life to come , yet however this is sufficient to extort from them this place of luke , and to shew that they by their own principles can draw no argument from it for their purpose . for the fathers which the marquesse alledgeth , i can onely looke into hierome , as being destitute of both the other ; but i have here , and continually almost cause to complaine of the marquesses quotations , they being so wide , as here , and in many other places they are . for there are . chapters of this booke of hierome , that is mentioned , but in which of these chapters any thing to the purpose is to be found , is not expressed , yet with much adoe i finde that hierome seemeth to suppose that paula being dead knew this estate . but i finde in another place ( viz. adversus vigilantium cap. . ) that hierome makes the saints departed to be every where , and by consequence to know what is done any where . but * bellarmine likes not to build upon such a foundation , confessing that truly and properly to be every where , is a thing , that doth not belong either to the soules of men , or to the angels . from the knowledge , which the saints deceased are pretended to have of our affaires , the marquesse passeth to their praying for us . this hee proves by revel . . . the . elders fell downe before the lambe , having every one of them harpes , and golden vials , full of odours , which are the prayers of the saints . and by baruch . . o lord almighty , thou god of israel , heare now the prayers of the dead israelites . hee addes also the testimonies of aug. ser. . de verb. apostoli , hilar. in psal . . and damas . de fide l. . c. . ans . that the saints in heaven do not pray for us in particular , appeares by what hath beene proved already , viz. that our particular affaires are not knowne unto them . that they pray for us in generall , protestants doe not deny : about this wee doe not contend , saith amesius against bellarmine . and bellarmine himselfe cites the apology of the augustane confession granting thus much , that the saints in heaven doe pray for the church in generall . but for that place revel . . . i see not how it makes for the purpose . for neither doth it appeare , that the . elders there mentioned , are the saints departed ; nor , if they be , is it said , that they pray for the church here upon earth . indeed the rhemists upon the place say , hereby it is plaine , that the saints in heaven offer up the prayers of faithfull and holy persons in earth , &c. and hence they infer , that the protestants have no excuse of their errour , that the saints have no knowledge of our affaires , or desires . but there is no such thing , as they speake of , plaine by this place of scripture , except ( to use the marquesses words ) it be margin'd with their own notes , senc'd with their own meaning , and enlivened with their own private spirit . they take it for granted ( as the marquess also doth after them ) that the saints in heaven are meant by the . elders , and that the saints after mentioned , are the saints upon earth , whereas the former of these is so farre from being evident , that their own jesuite ribera doth tell us , that concerning the elders the opinion of the fathers , and of expositors is so various , that the more one reades them , the more uncertaine he shall be . and among other opinions hee faith that some by the . elders understand the whole church . this exposition indeed he dislikes upon this ground , that the foure beasts spoken of , are not comprehended in the . elders . but he enervates this reason himselfe , understanding by the . elders the most eminent among the saints in heaven , and by the foure beasts the foure evangelists , who yet are of the number of those eminent saints , and so the foure beasts are also part of the elders , onely ( hee saith ) they are mentioned apart by themselves , as being out of that number , because besides the excellencie which is common to them with others , they have some excellency which is proper and peculiar to themselves . by the thred of his own exposition it appeares , that his argument is of no force why the . elders may not signifie the whole church . and although hee make it to be without doubt , that the . elders doe offer up the prayers of other saints , viz. which are upon earth , yet when it is said , that the . elders had golden vialls full of odours , which are the prayers of the saints , revel . . . i see not but that by the saints there may be understood the . elders themselves as well as any others . if other saints be meant , distinct from the elders , master medes exposition seemes probable , that by the elders are meant ministers , and by the foure beasts the rest of gods people , and so here by the saints , whose prayers are offered up by ministers , who in the publike assemblies are the mouth of the people , and offer up their prayers unto god for them . but how ever it be , thus much may sufficiently appeare by what hath beene said , that the romanists can evince nothing from this scripture as to this point , that the saints in heaven doe understand the particular estate of men here upon earth , and pray for them . for the other place alledged , viz. baruch . . i give this answer , that the booke is not canonicall , the jewes , to whom were committed the oracles of god ( viz. the scriptures of the old testament ) rom. . . luke . . not owning it , as is observed by hierome , who therefore did let it passe , as himselfe testifieth . for the fathers that are cited , austine de verb. apost . ser. . hath nothing , that i see , to the purpose . neither hath hilary in psalme . any thing about the saints praying for us , but onely about the angels carrying the prayers of men unto god , which hee fetcheth from the booke of tobit , but to that i have spoken before . indeed in another place , viz. upon psalme . ( which bellarmine produceth ) hee saith that neither the guards of the saints , nor the munitions of angels are wanting unto us . but i see not how any more can be inferred from this , then that the saints doe in generall pray for us , which wee doe not deny . neither doe the words of damascen in the place quoted import more then thus , when he saith that the saints departed make intercessions for us , and that therefore they are to be honoured by us . this may well be understood of their praying in generall for us . a little before indeed hee hath that which doth not sound well , viz. that every good gift doth come downe from the father of lights by them ( viz. the saints departed ) to those that aske in faith without doubting . the scripture teacheth us no such thing concerning the saints , but attributeth this honour unto christ , that by him we obtaine of god whatsoever is good and needfull for us . he that spared not his own son , but delivered him up for us all , how shall he not with him also freely give us all things ? rom. . . but damascene , though a man famous in his generation , yet is of no great antiquity , being ( as bellarmine computes ) years after christ , and therefore his testimony is of the lesse force , besides that some of the romanists , namely sixtus senensis doth note him as in some point of faith erroneous , viz. about the proceeding of the holy ghost . but at length the marquesse comes to our praying to the saints , that being the marke aimed at a long time . wee hold ( saith hee ) that we may pray unto them ; you not : we have scripture for it , luke . . father abraham , have mercy on me , and send lazarus , &c. you bid us shew one proofe for the lawfulnesse hereof , when here are two saints prayed unto in one verse . and though dives were in hell , yet abraham in heaven would not have expostulated with him so much , without a non nobis domine , if it had beene it selfe a thing not lawfull . you will say , it is a parable : yet a jury of ten fathers , of the grand inquest , as theophil . tertull. clem. alex. s. chrys . s. ier. s. amb. s. august . s. greg. euthym. and ven. beda , give their verdict , that it was a true history . but suppose it were a parable , yet every parable is either true in the persons named , or else may be true in some others . the holy ghost tells us no lies , nor fables , nor speakes not to us in parables consisting either of impossibilities , or things improbable . job . . call now , if there be any that will answer thee , and to which of the saints wilt thou turne ? it had been a frivolous thing in eliphaz to have asked job the question , if invocation of saints had not beene the practice of that time . the fathers affirme the same , s. dionys . cap. . s. athan. ser. de annunt . s. basil . orat. de . martyr . s. chrys . hom. . ad pop. s. hierome prayed to paula in epitaph . s. paulae , s. maximus to s. agnes ser. de s. agnete , s. bern. to our blessed lady . answ . this point of praying to saints , the marquesse ( it seemes ) made great account of , in that he bestowed so many words about it : but the unlawfulnesse of this practice is cleare enough by that which i have said before about praying unto angels . for i have demonstrated both by authority of scriptures , and also by testimony of fathers , that prayer is to be made unto god onely . and if the saints doe not know our affaires here below ( as i have shewed that they doe not ) then it must needs be absurd and irrationall to pray unto them . yea , although we should but onely desire them to pray for us , as here we desire the prayers one of another . but whatever our adversaries sometimes may pretend , yet they are farre from contenting themselves with this liberty , though it be more then is allowed them . their praying unto the saints , is a worshipping of them , as i have shewed before by their own confession . bellarmine also tells us , that when they say , the saints are onely to be requested to pray for us , they doe not meane but that we may say , s. peter have mercy on me , save me , open an entrance into heaven for me : give me health of body , give me patience , courage , &c. so that we understand it thus , save me , and have mercy on me by praying for me : give me this or that by thy prayers and merits . but what is this , but to displace christ , and to set up saints in his roome ? their pope leo cited by their cassander , concerning this same point , hath taught a better lesson , saying , the saints have received , not given crownes : and by the fortitude of believers we have examples of patience , not gifts of righteousnesse . this cassander cites , shewing how ill it suites with the romish practice , which hee ( although a romanist ) complaines of as too exorbitant . bellarmine takes it very ill that calvine sayes they pray unto the virgin mary to command her sonne : with great indignation hee cries out , who of us doth say this ? why doth hee not prove it by some example ? but the forementioned cassander plainly shewes that calvin did not charge them in that manner without cause . for ( saith hee ) it is come to that passe , that christ now reigning in heaven is made subject to his mother , as they sing in some churches , pray the father , and command the son , o happy child ▪ bearing woman , who doest expiate wickednesse , by the authority of a mother command the redeemer . hee tells us also , that as ahasuerus told esther he would give her half of his kingdome , if she would aske it ; so some famous men among them say , that gods kingdome consisting of judgement and mercy , god hath indeed given halfe of his kingdome to the virgin mary , viz. that part which consisteth in mercy , reserving the other part unto himselfe , viz. that which consisteth of judgement . whereby they intimate , that who so desires mercy , must seeke to the virgin mary for it , otherwise hee can expect nothing but judgement . and ( as cassander also complaines ) all davids psalmes they as they call it , instead of lord putting in lady , and attributing that unto the virgin mary , which david attributeth unto god. as for example , lady , in thee have i put my trust . in the lady do i trust . save me o lady , for i have trusted in thee . to thee o lady have i lift up my soule . in thee o lady have i trusted , let me never be confounded . iudge me o lady , and discerne my cause . o lady , thou art our refuge in all our necessity . have mercy on me o lady , which art called the mother of mercy , and according to the bowels of thy mercies , cleanse me from all mine iniquities ; powre out thy grace upon me , and withold not thy wonted clemency from me . and so all along throughout all the psalmes it runs after this manner . may we not now most justly apply that to the romanists , which ambrose spake of the heathens ? they thinke themselves not guilty , who give the honour of gods name to the creature , and leaving the lord adore their fellow-servants ; as if there were any thing more , that might be reserved for god. now for the marquesses proofes , i marvell hee should stand so much upon that in luke . . for . chemnitius sayes well , wee will not learne how to pray , of the damned , whom god hath cast off , and who are in eternall despaire . and againe , let them pray as that rich man did , who would be heard , and helped as he was . . whereas the marquesse bringeth in a jury of ten fathers , to prove that this scripture is no parable , but a history , why should wee be any more moved in this case with their verdict , then iansenius a romanist was , who ( as i have shewed before ) thought it more probable , that it is no history , but a parable : or at least a history related after a parabolicall manner ? theophlylact also saith expressely that it is a parable , and censures them as voide of understanding , who take it for a history . his reason , i grant , is not good , viz. that as yet neither the just , nor the unjust doe receive their reward . and yet that assertion of his also is advantagious unto us in this point . for our adversaries hold ( as hath beene noted before ) that therefore in the time of the old testament there was no praying to the saints departed , because the saints then ( as they say ) were not in blisse , and so could not heare the prayers that should be made unto them . now theophylact held , that the saints in the time of the new testament are not in blisse untill the last judgement , and the same was the opinion of many other fathers . i know bellarmine doth indeavour to free both theophylact , and the rest , interpreting them as if they meant onely in respect of full and perfect blisse both in soule and body . but others of the roman church doe confesse , that it was their opinion , that the soules of the righteous doe not enjoy the beatificall vision untill the day of judgement . sixtus senensis doth cite irenaeus , iustine martyr , tertullian , origen , chrysostome , lactantius , ambrose , austine , theodoret , theophylact , bernard , and others , as being of this opinion : and therefore by our adversaries , owne principles they could not rightly hold the invocation of saints deceased . but to returne to that scripture , luke . iustine martyr ( as hee is cited by bellarmine , ) denies that it is a true history . chrysostome also saith plainly that it is a parable , hom. . de lazaro . and yet hee is one of the fathers , whom the marquesse alledgeth to the contrary . i know not what that meaneth , which the marquesse saith , every parable is either true in the persons named , or else may be true in some others . for we do not finde persons named in any parable besides this ; which is the maine , if not onely argument which is used to prove it a history rather then a parable : though iansenius did not thinke this to be a convincing argument ; and he shews two reasons why the poore man was named , and not the rich , viz. . to teach us that god regardes the poore that are righteous , more then the rich that are wicked . . because when one is commended , it is meete to name him , but not so when one is condemned . and both these reasons ( hee saith ) stand good , whether this narration be onely a parable , or a history . it is certaine , the holy ghost tells no lies , nor fables , &c. parables are not false , nor fabulous , yet * theophylact saith well , we must not take all things that are spokken in parables , as lawes and canons . so maldonate thought meete often to admonish this , as a thing most safe , that parables are not to be handled too strictly ; that they are often broken by handling ; and that here that doth happen , which is said in the proverbe , the too much wringing of the nose bringeth forth blood . the other place , viz. iob . . is very inconveniently alledged by the marquesse for invocation of saints deceased . bellarmine was more wary in citing it onely to prove , that angels , whom hee there understands by saints , may be invocated . these words ( saith he ) shew , that it was the custome then to call upon the holy angels for their patronage . but to say ( as the marquesse doth ) that it appears by these words , that they used then to call upon the saints departed , is contrary to the tenet of the romanists , who hold , that during the time of the old testament praying unto the deceased saints was not in use , because then the saints that departed out of this life ( as they hold ) did not goe to heaven , nor enjoy happinesse . but the truth is , those words iob . . call now , &c. and to which of the saints wilt thou turne ? make neither for the invocation of saints , nor of angels , the meaning of eliphaz being onely to convince iob that none is punished as he was except he were wicked ; and therefore he bids him shew any of the saints , if hee could , that was so punished as hee was . for this was the error of eliphaz and the other two friends of iob , that they thought iob could not be a godly man , because god did so afflict him . therefore god said his anger was kindled against them , because they had not spoken of him the thing that was right . iob. . . for the fathers , which are here objected , the first , viz. dionys . is cited cap. , but of what ? for hee wrote diverse bookes . but his testimony is of little worth , it being uncertaine who hee was , and when hee lived , and this being evident to all that have any the least taste of him , that hee was not ( as is pretended ) that dionysius that is mentioned acts . . which his fustian and bombast-stile doth sufficiently declare . the next is athanasius ; but i finde no such peece as ser. de annunt . either in his workes , as they are extant both in greeke and latine , nor in bellarmines index or catalogue of them , which he hath in his booke of ecclesiasticall writers ; if perhaps the marquesse meant * ser de sanctissimâ deiparâ , bellarmine in that same booke censures it as not belonging to athanasius , but to some other long after his time , and in some thing ( as it seemes ) not very sound . basil i have not to peruse , nor maximus . * chrysostome in the place quoted , viz. hom. . de pop. antioch . doth indeed seeme to speake for praying unto saints to pray for us . but wee must remember how hee is reckoned among them , who held that the saints departed are not yet in glory , and therefore if the romanists will have him speake agreably to this position , they must not have him for a patron in this cause touching the invocation of saints . and upon the same ground must they also let goe bernard , who is likewise noted for the same opinion ; though the truth is , hee lived in very corrupt times , and therefore it is no marvell if hee did draw some dreggs ; it is indeed a marvell , that hee was not more corrupted and infected then he was . there remaines onely hierome , who in the end of his epitaph or funerall oration concerning paula , addresseth his speech unto her , bidding her farwell , and helpe him with her prayers . but . i have shewed before , that bellarmine doth overthrow the foundation that hierome buildes upon , viz. that the saints departed are every where , and so can heare and understand whatsoever any stand in need of , and desire of them ; which bellarmine confesseth to be incompetible to any meere creature , as indeed it is , this being a property that belongs unto god only . . when the fathers sometimes speak in that manner to the saints deceased , their speeches proceeded rather from affection then from judgement , and are rhetoricall rather then theologicall expressions . as appeares by that of gregory nazianzen , who in his first oration against iulian speakes thus unto constantine , who was then dead , and heare o thou soule of the great constantine , if thou hast any sense ( or understanding ) of these things . where the greeke scholiast notes that nazianzen did imitate isocrates a heathen oratour ; this is spoken ( saith hee ) in imitation of isocrates , as if he should say , if thou hast any power to heare the things that are here spoken . and observe how nazianzen ( whom hierome calleth his master ) spake doubtfully , making it a question whether the saints departed doe understand things here upon earth . . austine ( who lived in the same time with hierome ) in his booke of true religion speaking of the saints deparred saith plainly , they are to be honoured for imitation , but not to be worshipped for religion . and in the last booke of that famous worke intituled of the city of god , in the tenth chapter of it , speaking of the martyrs , hee saith , that in the celebration of the eucharist they were mentioned in their place and order ( viz. to praise god for them , and to stir up others to the imitation of them ) but yet that they were not invocated , and that no prayers were put up unto them . this may suffice to shew how farre in this point they of the roman church are departed both from the rule of gods word , and also from the judgement and practice of the ancient fathers . we hold ( saith the marquesse ) confirmation necessary ; you not : we have scripture for it , acts . . peter and iohn prayed for them that they might receive the holy ghost ( for as yet he was falne upon none of them , onely they were baptized in the name of the lord iesus ) then laid they their hands on them , and they received the holy ghost . where we see the holy ghost was given in confirmation , which was not given in baptisme . also heb. . . therefore leaving the principles of the doctrine of christ , let us goe on unto perfection , not laying against the foundation of repentance from dead workes , and of faith toward god , of baptisme , and of laying on of hands , the fathers affirme the same , tertul. de resur . s. pacian . de bapt. s. amb. de sacr . s. hierome contra lucif . s , cypr. l. . ep. . speaking both of baptisme and confirmation saith , then they may be sanctified and be the sons of god , if they be borne in both sacraments . answ . concerning confirmation , the romanists make it a sacrament properly so called , of the same nature with baptisme , and the lords supper . the matter of this sacrament they make to be a certaine ointment compounded after a speciall manner , and consecrated by a bishop , wherewith the person to be confirmed , is anointed in the forehead in the forme of a crosse . the forme of the sacrament they make to consist in these words , i signe thee with the signe of the crosse , and confirme thee with the chrisme ( or ointment ) of salvation , in the name of the father , and of the sonne , and of the holy ghost . the effect of this sacrament they say is to confer true sanctifying grace , and that more abundantly then baptisme doth in respect of the strengthening of the soule against the assaults of satan . now this confirmation protestants deny to be a sacrament , as having no institution , nor any ground for it in the scripture . the author of the treatise intituled de unctione chrismatis , who goes under the name of cyprian , but appeares to have been some other , shewes that this anointing , which they use in confirmation , was taken up in imitation of that anointing which was used in the time of the law. bonaventure also ( who lived betwixt and yeares after christ ) held that confirmation was neither dispensed , nor instituted by christ . and if it were not of christs instituting , it can be no sacrament properly so called , onely christ ( as the councell of trents catechisme doth acknowledge ) being the author and ordainer of every sacrament . and therefore the councell of trent denounceth anathema against all those that shall deny any of the sacraments to have been of christs institution . for that acts . . . which the marquesse alledgeth , it is nothing to their confirmation . for . there was laying on of hands , but no anointing with chrisme , nor signing with the signe of the crosse . . the giving of the holy ghost there spoken of , was in respect of some extraordinary gifts of the holy ghost , as speaking with strange tongues , &c. as cajetan himselfe upon the place observeth ; and he solidly proveth it by this , that simon magus saw that the holy ghost was given by the laying on of the handes of the apostles . besides , acts . . ( which place bellarmine doth joyne with the other ) it is expressely said , when paul had laid his hands upon them , the holy ghost came on them , and they spake with tongues , and prophecied . that therefore , which the scripture speakes of the apostles laying handes on some that had beene baptized , and conferring the holy ghost upon them , is far from proving that the apostles did administer the sacrament of confirmation , there being neither the matter , nor the forme , nor the effect of that pretended sacrament . bonaventure saith plainly , the apostles did dispense neither the matter , nor the forme . and for the effect , we have had already cajetans confession , viz. that the effect of the apostles laying on of their hands was a sensible giving of the holy ghost , and therefore not that which they make the effect of confirmation . for the other place of scripture , viz. heb. . . what reason is there why by laying on of hands there mentioned , should be meant the sacrament of confirmation , which they will have to be administred with an ointment made of oile and balsome ; whereas that scripture speakes of no anointing ? why may not that laying on of hands be the same with that , tim. . . lay hands suddenly on no man ? viz. the laying on of hands used in the ordination of ministers : which also wee reade of tim. . . and tim. . . or that laying on of hands , which is mentioned acts . and . whereby ( as hath beene shewed ) the extraordinary and sensible gifts of the holy ghost were conferred upon believers ? thus * theophylact upon the place expounds it , of laying on of hands , whereby they received the holy ghost so as to foretell things to come , and to worke miracles . † cajetan also understands it in like manner , of that laying on of hands , which was peculiar to those primitive christians . for the fathers alledged , it is granted , that the fathers doe often speake of anointing , and that they speake of it as of a sacrament . but diverse things are to be considered ; . that the word sacrament is by ancient writers taken very largely . bellarmine confesseth that in the vulgar latine translation of the scriptures the word is used of many things that by the consent of all are no sacraments properly so called . so cassander saith that besides those seven which the church of rome accounteth sacraments , there are some other things used among them , which by a more large acception of the word are sometimes called sacraments . and that of those seven sacraments it is certaine the schoolemen themselves did not thinke them all to be alike properly called sacraments . and he instanceth in this very sacrament of confirmation , shewing that some of the schoolmen ( namely holcot ) did not take it for a sacrament of like nature with baptisme . the same author tells us , that one shall hardly finde any before peter lombard ( who was yeares after christ ) that did set downe a certaine and determinate number of the sacraments . but the councell of trent hath decreed , if any shall say , that the sacraments of the new testament were not all instituted by iesus christ our lord ; or that they are either more or lesse then seven , viz. baptisme , confirmation , eucharist , penance , extreme unction , order , and marriage ; or that any of these is not a sacrament truly and properly so called , let him be anathema . we may see therefore of what small standing the present roman faith is . . some of the fathers doe expressely tells us , that the anointing , which they used , hath no foundation in the scripture . basil speaking of it , askes , what written word hath taught it ? and so bellarmine confesseth that there is no institution of it in the scripture , and that they have it onely by tradition , which yet hee saith is most certaine , and no lesse to be believed then the written word it selfe . but we are bidden goe to the law , and to the testimony ; and are told , that if they speak not according to this word , it is because there is no light in them . isai . . . . the fathers so peake of their anointing , as that they seeme to make it onely an appendix of baptisme . wee came to the water ; thou wentest in ( saith ambrose ) then presently hee addes , thou wast anointed as a wrestler . so tertullian , being come out of that laver wee are anointed with the blessed anointing . i know pamelius makes that anointing there spoken of by tertullian distinct from that used in confirmation : but bellarmine cites those words as meant of confirmation . so those very words of cyprian , which the marquesse citeth , then they bee fully sanctified , and be the sonnes of god , if they be borne of both sacramments ; those very wordes , i say , doe argue that cyprian though he seeme to speak of two sacraments , yet indeed accounted them but one sacrament , in that he makes one and the same effect of both , viz. to be borne , whereas they of rome make birth onely the effect of baptisme , and strength the effect of confirmation . neither doth it follow that in cyprians judgement they are two distinct sacraments , because hee saith both sacraments . for so he might speak in respect of two severall signes , though both used in one and the same sacrament ; even as rabanus calleth the body and blood of christ two sacraments ; he means the consecrated bread and wine , which though they make but one sacrament , yet because they are two sacramentall signes , he calles them two sacraments . . whereas the fathers used to adde confirmation presently after baptisme , whether it were one of years , or an infant that was baptized , as is acknowledged by bellarmine , and other romanists : now they thinke it not meete to confirme children untill they come to the use of reason , and be able to confesse their faith . the catechisme set forth by the decree of the councell of trent , thinkes it requisite , that children be either twelve years old , or at least seven years old before they be confirmed . and * durantus tells us that a synod at millan did decree ( and that , hee sayes , piously and religiously ) that the sacrament of confirmation should be administred to none under seven years old . thus have they ( by their own confession ) departed from the judgment and practice of the ancient fathers themselves ; and why then should they presse us with it ? after confirmation the marquesse commeth to communicating in one kinde , which they hold sufficient . and he saith that they have scripture for it , viz. ioh. . . ( not . ) if any man eate of this bread , hee shall live for ever . whence hee inferrs , if everlasting life be sufficient , then it is also sufficient to communicate under one kinde . so acts . . they continued stedfastly in the apostles doctrine , and fellowship , and in breaking of bread , and prayer . where is no mention of the cup , and yet they remained stedfast in the apostles doctrine . so also luke . , . where christ communicated ( hee saith ) his two disciples under one kinde . he addes , that austine , theophylact , and chrysostome expound that place of the sacrament . answ . the scripture plainly shewes , that our saviour instituting the sacrament of his supper , took , and blessed , and gave the cup as well as the bread , and commanded that to be drunk as well as this to be eaten in remembrance of him . mat. . mar. . luke . cor. . and the apostle tells us , that , as oft as we eate this bread , and drinke the cup of the lord , we shew forth the lords death till he come . cor. . . and he bids v. . let a man examine himselfe , and so let him eate of that bread , and drinke of that cup. protestants therefore have good reason to hold it necessary to communicate in both kindes , and that it is utterly unlawfull to withhold the cup from people , as they in the church of rome do . our adversaries thinke to put off those words of our saviour , drinke yee all of this , by saying that christ spake so onely to the apostles , and therefore wee must not infer from them , that the common sort of people are to drinke of the cup in the sacrament . but . by this reason they may as well withhold the bread also from the people , and so deprive them of the whole sacrament . for when christ gave the bread , and bad take , eate , he spake onely to the apostles , as well as when hee gave the cup , and bad that all should drinke of it . . the apostle spake universally of all christians , requiring that having examined themselves they should not onely eate of the bread , but drinke of the cup also . all antiquity is here on our side . how doe we teach , or provoke them ( saith * cyprian ) to shed their blood in the confession of christ , if we deny them the blood of christ , when they are going to war-fare ? or how doe we make them meete for the cup of martyrdome , if we doe not first admit them to drinke the lords cup in the church by the right of communion ? thus spake cyprian ( and he spake in the name of a whole synod of affrick , as pamelius observes ) concerning such as though they had grossely offended , yet were judged meete to be admitted to the sacrament because of a persecution , which was ready to come upon them , that so they might be strengthened and prepared for it . this clearly shewes , that in cyprians time all that did communicate at all , did communicate in both kindes , and not in one onely . so also in another place , considering ( saith cyprian ) that they therefore daily drinke the cup of christs blood , that they also for christ may shed their blood . there is a decree of pope iulius recorded by gratian , wherein hee condemneth the practice of some , who used to give unto people the bread dipped for a full communion . this he saith is not consonant to the gospell , where we finde that the bread and the cup were given severally each by it selfe . much more , we may suppose , hee would have disliked that the bread alone , without any manner of participation of the cup , should have been administred . sure i am , the reason that hee alledgeth is every whit as much against this as against the other . so another pope . viz. gelasius ( as the same gratian relates ) hearing of some , that would onely receive the bread , but not the cup , bade that either they should receive the whole sacrament , or no part of it , because the division of one and the same mystery ( hee saith ) cannot be without great sacriledge . and whereas they speake of a concomitancy of the blood with the body , and so would have it sufficient to receive the bread onely , the glosse upon that canon is expressely against them , saying , that the bread hath reference onely to christs body , and the wine onely to his blood : and that therefore the sacrament is received in both kindes to signifie that christ assumed both body and soule , and that the participation of the sacrament is available both to soule and body . wherefore ( it saith ) if the sacrament should be received onely in one kinde ( in bread onely ) it would shew that it availes onely for the good of the one , viz. of the body , and not for the good of the other , viz. of the soule . not to multiply testimonies , * cassander in the very beginning of the article , wherein he treates of this point , ingenuously confesseth that the universall church of christ to this day doth , and the westerne or roman church for more then a thousand years after christ did ( especially in the solemne and ordinary dispensation of the sacrament ) exhibit both kindes , both bread and wine to all the members of christ ; which ( he saith ) is manifest by innumerable testimonies of ancient writers both greek and latine . and hee addes , that they were induced hereunto , first by the institution and example of christ , who did give this sacrament of his body and blood under two signes , viz. bread and wine , unto his disciples as representing the person of faithfull communicants . and because in the sacrament of the blood they believed that a peculiar vertue and grace is signified . so also for mysticall reasons of this institution , which are diversly assigned by the ancient writers . as to represent the memory of christs passion in the offering of his body , and the shedding of his blood , according to that of paul , as oft as yee eate this bread , and drinke the cup of the lord , yee shew forth the lords death till hee come . also to signifie full refreshing and nourishing which consists in meate and drinke , as christ saith , my flesh is meate indeed , and my blood is drinke indeed . likewise to shew the redemption and preservation of soule and body , that christs body may be understood to be given for the salvation of our body , and his blood for the salvation of our soule , which is in the blood. and so also to signifie that christ tooke both body and soule , that he might redeeme both . and therefore hee saith , it is not without good cause , that very many good men , even of the catholike profession , being conversant in the reading both of divine and ecelesiasicall writers , doe most earnestly desire to partake of the lords cup , and by all meanes strive that this saving sacrament of christs blood together with the sacrament of his body may againe use to be received according to the ancient custome of the universall church , which was continued for many ages . for the scriptures which the marquesse alledgeth , the first of them , viz. ioh. . . doth not concerne the sacrament , which is not treated of in that chapter , as i have noted before , and that according to the judgement of iansenius a romanist ; to whom may be added diverse others of the church of rome , who ( as bellarmine confesseth ) were of that opinion , viz. biel , cusanus , cajetan , tapper , and hesselius . and even bellarmine himselfe , and others , who hold that the sacrament is spoken of in ioh. . yet hold it not to be spoken of till after those words , which the marquesse citeth , in those words , which follow immediately after , vers . . and the bread , which i will give , is my flesh , which i will give for the life of the world ; in those words , i say , and the rest that follow almost to the end of the chapter , they say that our saviour speakes of the sacrament , but not in any of the former words of the chapter . and if the sacrament were spoken of in that chapter , those words v. . if any man eate of this bread , he shall live for ever , would not so much evince a sufficiency of communicating in one kinde , as the words a little after , viz. v. . verely , verely i say unto you , except you eate the flesh of the son of man , and drinke his blood , you have no life in you , would evince a necessity of communicating in both kindes . for if those words be understood of a sacramentall eating and drinking , it cannot be avoided but that by those very words , as it is necessary to eate of the bread in the sacrament , so is it to drinke of the cup also . for though by the forementioned concomitancy of the blood with the body , they say that when one kinde onely , viz. bread is received , the blood of christ is drunk as well as his body is eaten ; yet ( as iansenius well observes ) that outward act of taking the bread in the sacrament cannot be called drinking . it is rightly called eating ( saith hee ) because something is taken by way of meate : but how is it called drinking , when as nothing is received by way of drinke ? neither is it certaine that in the other two places , viz. acts . . and luke . . by breaking of bread is meant the sacrament of the lords supper . cajetan expounds the former place of ordinary bread , and the other place is expounded by iansenius after the same manner . neither is it true that bellarmine saith , that iansenius teacheth that christ by that example would shew the fruit and benefit of the sacrament received in one kinde . jansenius doth not speake of receiving the sacrament in one kinde ( though i know hee did approve of it ) but onely saith , that by the effect , that followed , the lord would commend unto us the vertue of the sacrament worthily received , to wit , that thereby our eyes are enlightned to know iesus . and whereas austine , and theophylact are said to understand that in luke . of the sacrament , iansenius tells us , that so many thinke , but that indeed they did rather make mention of the sacrament , because it was ( not here spoken of in luke , but ) mystically commended and insinuated by our saviour . but suppose that the sacrament were spoken of in those places , as probably it is in acts . because breaking of bread is there joyned with doctrine and prayer , yet there is no sufficient ground for communicating in one kinde . for the figure synecdoche , wherby the part is put for the whole , is not unusuall in the scripture . thus soule , which is but a part of man , is put for man. all the soules that came with jacob , &c. that is , all the persons . gen. . . so likewise flesh being a part of man , is used for man. i will not feare what flesh can doe unto me . psal . . . that is , what man can doe unto me , as it is expressed , vers . . so whereas david saith , in thy sight shall no man be justified , psal . . . paul hath it , there shall no flesh be iustified in his sight . rom. . . thus the whole celebration of the sacrament may be termed breaking of bread , because that is one , and that an eminent part of it . the marquesse goes on still concerning the same sacrament , but so as in the church of rome it is changed into a sacrifice . we hold ( saith hee ) that christ offered up unto his father , in the sacrifice of the masse ( as an expiation for the sinnes of the people ) is a true and proper sacrifice . this you deny : this we prove by scripture , viz. mal. . . from the rising of the sunne to the going downe of the same , my name shall be great among the gentiles : and in every place incense shall be offered to my name , and a pure offering . this could not be meant of the figurative offerings of the iewes ; because it was spoken of the gentiles : neither can it be understood of the reall sacrifice of christ upon the crosse ; because that was done but in one place , and at one time , and then , and there , not among the gentiles neither . which could be no other but the daily sacrifice of the masse ; which is , and ever was , from east , to west , a pure and daily sacrifice . luke . . this is my body , which is given for you , not to you : therefore a sacrifice . the fathers are of this opinion . answ . that christ is offered up in the eucharist a sacrifice truly and properly so called , protestants have good cause to deny . for the eucharist is a sacrament , to be received by us ; not a sacrifice , to be offered unto god. christ instituting the sacrament , gave it to his disciples ; hee did not offer up himselfe as then unto his father . the scripture tells us , that wee are sanctified through the offering of the body of iesus christ once for all . heb. . . and immediately after there it followes , that whereas the leviticall priests did often offer the same sacrifices , christ having offered one sacrifice for sinnes , for ever sate down on the right hand of god. and heb. . , , , . the apostle proves that christ was not to be offered often , because his offering was his suffering ; so that if hee should have been offered often , then he should also have suffered often . but ( saith he ) as it is appointed unto men to die once , &c. so christ was once offered , &c. bellarmine also averres , that unto a true sacrifice it is required , that the thing , which is offered unto god for a sacrifice , be plainly destroyed , that is , that it cease to be what it was before . so that if christ bee offered up in the eucharist , a true and proper sacrifice , then hee must be destroyed , hee must cease to be what he was before . whether or no it be blasphemy to affirme this of christ , let all judge . bellarmine indeed afterward indeavours to answer this argument ; let us see what he saith . the argument hee propounds thus , the sacrifice , that is offered , must be slaine . therefore if christ be sacrificed in every masse , he must every moment in a thousand places be cruelly slaine . to this hee answers thus , the sacrifice of the masse is a most true sacrifice , and yet doth not require the killing of that which is offered . for killing is only required in the offering of a thing that hath life , and which is offered in the forme of a thing that hath life , as when lambes , calves , birds , and the like are offered , whose destruction consists in death . but when the forme of the sacrifice is of a thing without life , as of bread , wine , frankincense , and the like , killing cannot be required , but only such a consuming of the thing as is agreeable to it . in the masse therefore christ is indeed offered , who is a thing having life ; and he is offered in the forme of a thing having life , in respect of representation , where onely a death representative is required , but not death indeed . but as he is a reall and properly so called sacrifice , he is offered in the forme of bread and wine , according to the order of melchisedech , and therefore in the forme of a thing without life . — wherefore the consuming of this sacrifice ought not to be killing , but eating . i have rehearsed his words at large , that so his answer may be seene at full . but though there be many wordes , which hee useth , yet it is somewhat hard to know what hee meaneth . certainly this is a very strange kinde of sacrifice , that he speaketh of . christ is offered up a sacrifice both in the forme of a thing that hath life , and also in the forme of a thing that is without life . and as hee is offered in the forme of a thing that hath life , hee is onely offered in respect of representation ; but as he is offered in the forme of a thing that is without life , hee is really and indeed offered . so that christ being offered in the forme of a thing that hath life , his death is represented ; but he being offered in the forme of a thing that is without life , his death is not represented , and much lesse is it really executed , and yet christ is so really and properly sacrificed . these things do but very unhandsomely hang together . but whereas hee saith , that the consuming of this sacrifice is the eating of it , i demand , is christs body so eaten , as that it ceaseth to be what it was before ? if it be not , ( as certainly it is not , christs body being now glorified , and so free from all mutation ) then is it not truly and properly sacrificed , bellarmine himselfe telling us ( as i have shewed before ) that whatsoever is truly and properly sacrificed , is so destroyed , as that it ceaseth to be what it was before . to talke here of consuming the species or forme of bread , so that it ceaseth to be what it was before , is nothing to the purpose ; for they maintaine , that the body and blood of the lord are that sacrifice , which is properly offered and sacrificed in the masse . and whereas bellarmine also speaketh of christs being offered in the forme of bread and wine , according to the order of melchisedech , i desire to know by whom christ is so offered ? for either by himselfe , or by the priest that saith masse . not by himselfe ; for here we speak of christs being offered in the eucharist , which is not administred by christ , hee being now in heaven . nor by the priest on earth , there being no priest after the order of melchisedech , but christ only . psal . . . heb. . , &c. and thus indeed there is no priest upon earth , that is properly so called ; and consequently there is no true and proper sacrifice to be offered . for every sacrifice presupposeth a priest to offer it ; and such as the sacrifice is , such also must the priest be ; hee must be a priest properly so called , if it be a sacrifice properly so called . but there is no such priest upon earth ; there being none ( as i have shewed ) after the order of melchisedech ; nor yet any after the order of aaron , for that order is abolished , as all the leviticall sacrifices are . and of any other order besides these we read not in the scripture . againe , in a sacrifice properly so called , it must be some sensible thing , ( as our adversaries themselves acknowledge ) that is offered . but christ is not sensible in the eucharist ; for by what sense is hee there discerned ? and therefore neither is hee there truly and properly sacrificed . neither was this doctrine ( viz. that christ is properly sacrificed in the eucharist ) received in the church of rome for more then years after christ , as appeares by the master of the sentences , * peter lombard , who propounds the question , whether that which the priest doth , be properly a sacrifice , and whether christ be sacrificed daily , or were only once sacrificed . and to this hee answers that , that which is offered and consecrated by the priest , is called a sacrifice , and an offering , because it it a memoriall , and representation of the true sacrifice , and holy immolation , that was made in the altar of the crosse . and christ died once on the crosse , and was there sacrificed in himselfe ; but he is daily sacrificed in the sacrament , because in the sacrament there is a remembrance of that which was done once . here we plainly see that he determines , that christ is not properly sacrificed in the sacrament , but improperly , in that his sacrificing of himselfe upon the crosse is remembred and represented in the sacrament , which is no more then the apostle saith , viz. that christs death is shewed forth in the sacrament , cor. . . and thus ambrose ( as lombard doth cite him ) although we offer daily , it is for the remembrance of his death . — we also offer now , but that which we doe , is a remembrance of the sacrifice which christ offered . to this purpose also he cites austine . now for the places alledged by the marquesse , the first , viz. mal. . . doth not particularly concerne the eucharist , but generally the spirituall worship and service , which the prophet foreshewed should be performed unto god in the time of the new testament , and which should not be confined and limited to one certaine place , and as the solemne worship and service of god in the time of the old testament was , but should be performed in every place , as well in one place as another . this is that which our saviour said to the woman of samaria , woman , believe me , the houre commeth , when ye shall neither in this mountaine , nor yet at ierusalem worship the father . — the houre commeth , and now is , when the true worshippers shall worship the father in spirit , and in truth , &c. joh. . , . s. paul also to the same purpose , i will therefore that men pray every where , lifting up holy hands , &c. tim. . . this is that incense and pure offering , which the prophet malachy said should be offered unto god in every place . this incense and pure offering are the prayers of the saints , revel . . . and all spirituall sacrifices , which christians offer acceptable unto god thorough iesus christ . pet. . . what is this to prove that christ is truly and properly sacrificed in the eucharist ? it is true , the * fathers sometimes apply that place of malachy to the sacrament of the eucharist ; but not as if christ were there in that sacrament truly and properly sacrificed , nor as if that place concerned this sacrament more then any other spirituall worship now to be performed under the new testament . irenaeus in one chapter applies it to the sacrament , and in the very next immediately after hee applies it to prayer . having cited the words of malachy , in every place incense is offered to my name , and a pure offering , immediately hee addes , now iohn in the revelation saith that incense are the prayers of the saints . so also * hierome in his commentary upon the words of malachy . now the lord directs his speech to the iewish priests who offer the blind , and the lame , and the sick for sacrifice , that they may know that spirituall sacrifices are to succeed carnall sacrifices . and that not the blood of buls , and goates , but incense , that is , the prayers of the saints are to be offered unto the lord ; and that not in one province of the world , iudea , nor in one city of iudea , hierusalem , but in every place is offered an offering , not impure , as was offered by the people of israel , but pure , as is offered in the ceremonies ( or services ) of christians . here it is very observable , that hierome writing professedly upon the place of the prophet , to shew the meaning of it , was so far from thinking it to be peculiarly meant of the eucharist , that hee doth not so much as mention that sacrament , otherwise then it is comprehended in those spirituall sacrifices , which hee saith are here spoken of : but as hee saith , that spirituall sacrifices in generall are here signified , so particularly hee applieth the words of the prophet unto prayer , saying that it is the incense which the prophet speaketh of . the other place of scripture , viz. luke . . is as little to the purpose , though bellarmine also doth alledge and urge it in the same manner , saying that christ did not say , vobis datur , frangitur , effunditur , sed pro vobis , is given , broken , shed to you , but for you . but what of this ? wee know and believe that christs body was given , and his blood shed for us on the crosse , in remembrance whereof according to christs institution wee receive the sacrament : but doth it therefore follow , that christ is properly offered and sacrificed in the sacrament ? the ground of this conceit is , that the word is in the present tense , datur , is given , not in the future , dabitur , shall be given . but this is too weake a foundation to build upon . for bellarmine cannot deny , but that in the scripture the present , or the preter tense is often put for the future . and well might it be so here , christ being now ready to be offered , he instituting the sacrament the same night that he was betrayed , cor. . . the night before hee suffered . and therefore cardinall * cajetan was much more ingenuous then cardinall bellarmine . for upon cor. . . he notes , that both the evangelists , and also paul relating the words of the institution of the sacrament of the lords supper , use the present tense is given , or broken , and is shed , because when christ did institute the sacrament , though his body was not yet crucified , nor his blood shed , yet the crucifying of his body , and the shedding of his blood was at hand , and in a manner present . yea , the time of christs suffering ( hee saith ) was then present , as being then begun . and therefore as when the day is begun , wee may signifie in the present tense whatsoever is done that day : so the day of christs passion being begun ( the jewes beginning the day at the evening ) all his passion might be signified by a word of the present tense . the present being taken gramatically not for an instant , but for a certaine time confusedly present . the ancient writers also have expounded the present tense ( used in the words of the institution ) by the future . heare christ himselfe ( saith * origen ) saying unto thee , this is my blood , which shall be shed , &c. so also † tertullian rehearseth christs words thus , this is my body , which shall be given for you . and even the vulgar latine translation , mat. . . & mar. . . hath it in the future tense , effundetur , and so luke . . fundetur , shall be shed : and cor. . . tradetur , shall be given . now for the fathers , whom the marquesse alledgeth as being of their opinion , i answer , the fathers indeed doe frequently use the word sacrifice , and offering , when they speake of the eucharist ; but it doth not therefore follow , that according to their opinion there is a true and proper sacrifice offered in the eucharist . for it is certaine that they doe also frequently use the same words , when they speake of those things which the romanists themselves acknowledge to be no sacrifices properly so called ; even as the scripture speaketh of the sacrifice of prayer , psal . . . of praise , heb. . . of almes , heb. . . of our own selves , rom. . . and where the fathers ( as the marquesse observeth ) call the eucharist an unbloodly sacrifice , they sufficiently shew that properly christ is not sacrificed in it . for ( as bellarmine himselfe doth tell us ) all sacrifices ( properly so called ) that the scriptures speake of , were to be destroyed , and that by staying , if they were things having life ; and if they were solid things without life , as fine floure , salt , and frankincense , they were to be destroyed by burning . besides i have shewed before , by the testimony of lombard , that the fathers sometimes expressely speake of christs being sacrificed in the eucharist , in that there is a commemoration and remembrance of the sacrifice which christ upon the crosse did offer for us . * bellarmine objects that baptisme doth represent the death of christ ; and yet none of the ancients doe ever call baptisme a sacrifice : and therefore the representation of christs death alone could not be the cause why they call the lords supper a sacifice . i answer , doubtlesse bellarmines reading was sufficient to informe him that diverse ancient writers call baptisme a sacrifice . oecumenius upon heb. . . saith , that the meaning of those words , there remaineth no more sacrifice for sinnes , is that there is no second baptisme to be expected . for by sacrifice ( hee saith ) is there meant the crosse ( christs sacrifice on the crosse ) and baptisme , wherein that sacrifice is represented . after the same manner , and almost the same words writeth theophylact upon that place to the hebrewes . * estius also upon the place saith that chrysostome and his followers by sacrifice there understand either baptisme , or rather the death of christ , as it doth operate in baptisme . † and melchior canus affirmes , that most of the ancients did call baptisme a sacrifice , saying that there remaines no sacrifice for sinne , because baptisme cannot be repeated . and he gives this reason why they spake so , viz. because in baptisme we die together with christ , and the sacrifice of the crosse by this sacrament is applyed unto us for full forgivenesse of sinnes . therefore ( saith he ) by a metaphore they called baptisme a sacrifice , and said that after baptisme there remaineth no sacrifice , because there is no second baptisme . thus then it may sufficiently appeare , that there is nothing either in the scriptures , or in the fathers , to prove that in the eucharist christ is offered up unto the father a sacrifice properly so called , but that both scriptures and fathers are against it . in the next place , vve say ( saith the marquesse ) that the sacrament or orders confers grace upon those , on whom the hands of the presbytery are imposed : you both deny it to be a sacrament , notwithstanding the holy ghost is given unto them thereby ; and also you deny that it confers any interior grace at all upon them . vve have scripture for what we hold , viz. tim. . . neglect not the gift that is in thee , which was given thee by prophecy , and with laying on the hands of the presbytery . so tim. . . stir up the gift of god which is in thee , by the putting on of my hands . s. aug. lib. . quaest. super num. s. cypr. epist . ad magnum . optat. milevit . the place beginneth , ne quis miretur . tertull. in praescript . the place beginneth , edant origines . answ . that orders ( or the * ordination of ministers ) is a sacrament truly and properly so called , of the same nature with baptisme and the lords supper , they of the church of rome do hold , and the councell of trent hath denounced anathema against such as deny it . † protestants on the other side , though they doe not deny but that the name of sacrament largely taken may be given to ordination , yet they deny that it is a sacrament in that sense as baptisme and the lords supper are sacraments . a sacrament properly so called ( as the name is attributed to baptisme and the lords supper ) is a signe and seale of the covenant of grace , confirming unto us that christ is ours , and we his ; that in him we are justified , and through him shall be saved . thus circumcision was a sacrament in the time of the old testament , a token of the covenant betwixt god and his people , gen. . . a seale of the righteousnesse of faith , rom. . . so now is baptisme , mat. . . acts . . and so the lords supper , cor. . , . but thus ordination is not a sacrament , not serving to signifie and seale the covenant of grace , as baptisme and the lords supper doe . * bellarmine saith , that calvin doth acknowledge ordination to be a true sacrament . but calvin so grants it to be a sacrament , as that he plainly shewes it to be no such sacrament as baptisme and the lords supper are . as for the true office of a presbyter ( or elder , saith hee ) which is commended unto us by the mouth of christ , i willingly account it a sacrament . for there is a ceremony , first taken from the scriptures , and then also such as paul doth testifie not to be empty and superfluous , but a faithfull token and pledge of spirituall grace . but presently after hee addes , christ hath promised the grace of the holy ghost , not for the expiating of sins , but for the right governing of the church . thus much also is yeelded by chemnitius ( whom yet bellarmine would make to dissent from calvin ) there is ( saith hee ) a promise added , that god will give grace , and gifts , whereby they who are lawfully called , may rightly , faithfully , and profitably performe and execute those things , which belong unto the ministery . joh. . receive the holy ghost . and afterwards againe , this serious prayer ( saith hee ) used in the ordination of ministers , because it builds upon gods precept and promise , is not in vaine . and this is that which paul saith , the gift , which is in thee by the laying on of hands . hee addes immediately , if ordination be thus understood , viz. of the ministery of the word and sacraments , the apology of the confession at auspurge hath long agoe declared what our churches hold , viz. that we are not unwilling to call order a sacrament . and there it is added , neither will we stick to call laying on of hands a sacrament . for we have shewed before that the word sacrament is of a large acception . thus chemnitius ; whereby it may appeare , that neither doth he dissent ( as bellarmine pretends he doth ) from melancthon , the author of the apology of the confession at auspurge , though i have not now liberty to consult that author . and thus also it appeares , that though protestants deny ordination to be a sacrament of the same nature with baptisme , and the supper of the lord , and that justifying and saving grace is either conferred , or confirmed by it ; yet they doe not deny but that it may be called a sacrament , and that some interiour grace is conferred by it , and that because of those very words of the apostle , which our adversaries stand upon , the gift that is in thee by the laying on of hands . but bellarmine will easily prove ( he saith ) that ordination is a true sacrament . for ( saith hee ) the grace that is promised unto it , is no common gift , as prophecy , or the gift of tongues , but justifying grace . and this he proves by that ioh. . receive yee the holy ghost . for that gift which may be in the ungodly , is never ( hee saith ) in the scriptures called absolutely the holy ghost . he addes also that the gift spoken of tim. . . viz. which was given to timothy in his ordination , was the spirit of love , and of power , and of a sound minde , as it followes vers . . i answer , the places alledged doe not prove that justifying grace is promised , or by promise annexed unto ordination . for . it is not true , that the gift , which may be in the wicked , is never in the scripture called the holy ghost . for acts . . it is said of some , that when paul laid his hands upon them , the holy ghost came on them : yet by the holy ghost there is meant such a gift of the holy ghost , as the wicked may receive , viz. the gift of tongues , and prophecy : for so immediately it followes , and they spake with tongues , and prophesied . . neither doth it appeare , that the apostle tim. . . doth explaine what he meant by the gift mentioned vers . . but having exhorted timothy to stir up the gift that was in him by laying on of hands , hee addes as a motive to inforce the exhortation , for god hath not given unto us the spirit of feare , but &c. as if hee should say , all true christians have received this spirit of god , and more especially all faithfull ministers : therefore stir up the gift that is in thee , &c. but the end of ordination is not the justification of the person ordained , but the edification of others for whom hee is ordained . hee gave some apostles , and some prophets , and some evangelists , and some pastours and teachers . ( why ? for what end ? ) for the perfecting of the saints , for the worke of the ministery , for the edifying of the body of christ . ephes . . , . so durandus an acute and learned schoolemen , saith that the sacrament of order is a spirituall medicine , yet not for him that is ordained , but for the people ; because by ordination a man is made a dispenser of the sacraments &c. for the fathers here objected , there is onely one , viz. cyprian , that i can punctually answer unto . hee in the place cited hath nothing ( that i finde ) about ordination . he speakes indeed there of imposition of hands for the receiving of the holy ghost ; but the imposition of hands there spoken of was not by way of ordination , but by way of confirmation , of which i have spoken before . for cyprian there speakes of laying hands upon all that had beene baptized by heretikes , when they did returne to the church , and not of laying hands upon such as did receive ordination . the marquesse himself in the point of confirmation alledged cyprians . epistle , and this which he now alledgeth is in respect of the former part of it , of the same subject with that , and the rest that follow , as pamelius noteth in the argument of the epistle . the other fathers are so cited , that there is no examining what they say , without more labour then the thing is worth , or reason doth require . austine is cited in his questions upon numbers , now there are questions upon that book , but which of them is meant , is not expressed . in like manner are optatus and tertullian cited , without any mention made of the booke , wherein optatus hath any thing to the purpose , whereas there are seven bookes , which hee wrote ; or of the chapter , in which tertullian de praescript . speaketh about ordination , whereas that booke of tertullian hath . chapters . neither doth bellarimne in this controversie about ordination alledge either tertullian , or optatus at all ; nor cyprian , but only in a worke , which himselfe confesseth to be none of cyprians : nor yet austine in that place , which the marquesse citeth . but how ever , it is granted , that the fathers sometimes call ordination a sacrament ; and so doe protestants too , as hath beene shewed ; though they deny it to be a sacrament of the same nature with baptisme and the lords supper ; and so much ( as i have shewed ) durandus himselfe doth acknowledge , making it to be a remedy provided for the spirituall welfare of others , and not of him that is ordained . to proceede , we hold ( saith the marquesse ) that the priest , and other religious persons , who have vowed chastity to god , may not marry afterwards . you deny first , that it is lawfull to make any such vowes : and secondly , that those who have made any such vows , are not bound to keepe them . we have scripture for what we hold , deut. . . when thou shalt vow a vow unto the lord thy god , thou shalt not slack to pay it : for the lord thy god will require it of thee . so tim. . , . but the younger widdowes refuse , for when they have begun to wax wanton against the lord , they will marry , having damnation , because they have cast off their first faith. what can be meant hereby but the vow of chastity ? or by their first faith , but some promise made to christ in that behalfe ? otherwise marriage could not be damnable . so all the ancient fathers have expounded it . s. aug. de bono viduit . cap. . s. athanas . de virginit . s. epiphan . haer . . s. hier. contra iovin . l. . c. . answ . one thing is here omitted by the marquesse , which yet we must observe , viz. that they of the church of rome hold that priests and clergy-men ( as they are called ) ought not to marry , and that they restraine them from marriage , causing them to vow against it . some of them hold this to be of divine institution ; bellarmine though he likes not that , yet makes it to be an apostolicall decree , which indeed amounts to as much . costerus the jesuite saith , it is the most holy custome of the roman church , agreeable to reason and the scriptures , and received from our ancestors , not to admit any to holy orders , but him that is unmarried , or that with the consent of his wife hath consecrated his chastity unto god. and the same author affirmes , that although a priest finne grievously if hee commit fornication , yet much more if hee marry . and therefore hee concludes , that priests are by no meanes to be suffered to marry : yet they may be suffered to commit fornication ; for so the glosse upon gratians decrees tells us , that it is commonly held , that one ought not to be deposed for simple fornication . and marke the reason , because ( sath hee ) very few are found without that fault . and so in another place , they say that now none is to be deposed for fornication , except he continue in it : and that because our bodies are now more fraile then they were in times past . how well doth this agree with the scripture , which saith that marriage is honourable in all , and the bed undefiled ; but whoremongers and adulterers god will judge ? heb. . . but saith bellarmine , if marriage be honorable in all , then in those that are neare allied , and in those that marry without the consent of their parents . i answer , marriage may be , and is honorable in all ; and yet not all kind of marriage . it is lawfull for any to marry , yet not to marry with any ; they that marry , must marry in the lord. cor. . . bellarmine himselfe approves of theophylacts exposition , viz. that marriage is honourable in all , that is , in all that are lawfully joyned together , whosoever they be : now such are all they , whom the scripture doth not exclude , as it doth not the clergy . gratian himselfe confesseth that it is but an ecclesiasticall law , that forbids priests to marry , and that before this prohibition their marriage was every where lawfull , and so in his time was accounted in the easterne church . yea hee saith , that many , whose fathers were priests , were promoted to be popes ; and that they were not to be thought borne of fornication , but of lawfull wedlock . * cassander also acknowledgeth it to have beene but a constitution of the church , and that though for a while it was expedient , yet afterwards it became a snare to many . he saith , that by the rigid and unseasonable exacting of this constitution , most grievous and abominable scandals are in the church . for that the causes , which moved them in former times to make that constitution , are not onely now ceased , but even turned quite contrary . that by this decree chastity and continency is so far from being confirmed , that thereby a window may seeme to be set open unto all kinde of lust and lewdnesse . and that it fares so now with some priests , that the society of their godly wives is not onely no hinderance , but it is a helpe and furtherance unto them in respect of their ecclesiasticall functions and imployments , as gregory nazianzen testifies of his parents . it remaines therefore ( he saith ) that henceforth this statute be released , and that according to the custome of the ancient church , and of the easterne churches unto this day , honest married men may be admitted to the ministery of the church , &c. there are weighty causes ( hee saith ) why this constitution should be released . and he cites panormitan ( a cardinall , and great canonist ) observing and admonishing , that experience shewes , that a quite contrary effect hath followed by that law of continency , when as now they doe not live spiritually , nor are pure , but defiled with unlawfull copulation , to their most great sinne , whereas with their own wives they might live chastly . that the church therefore ought to doe , as a good physician doth , who if he finde by experience , that the medicine doth more hurt then good , hee will prescribe it no longer . he goes further yet , and holds that not onely they , who were married before , may be ordained , and yet still keepe their conjugall society , but also that such as are allready ordained , may afterwards marry , and yet still continue their ministery ; though bellarmine doth call this an errour much more grievous then the other , that not onely before ordination , but even after ordination it is lawfull to marry . but surely both scripture and reason shewes this as lawfull as the other . and to returne to cassander , hee testifies that marrying after ordination is onely forbidden by humane statute ; and that ancient examples doe shew that such statutes are not precisely observed , but that when the necessity of the church doth require it , they are dispensed with ; and therefore so it ought to be now ( hee saith ) in this case , there being so great neede of it . and hee gives this reason why they that are ordained should be permitted to marry , because not onely no offence , but much benefit is to be expected by it . for that scarce one of a hundred is to be found , who doth wholly abstaine from women , and the people are so affected , that if a priest be a fornicatour , or keepe a concubine , they will either altogether condemne his ministery , or make lesse account of it , and will rather suffer a priest that is married , it being now known even to the people , that marriage is honorable in all , and that whore-mongers and adulterers god will judge . wherefore ( he saith ) if ever it were time to change an ancient custome , then certainly these times call for a change of this custome , though it be ancient , when as all most good and religious priests , acknowledging their weakenesse , and abhorring the filthinesse of continuall fornication , if they dare not doe it publikly , yet privately doe marry . hee concludes , that the matter being brought almost to this , that a priest must either be married , or have a concubine , every one must needs see , that though there be some inconvenience in this marriage , yet it is to be chosen as a lesse evill then the other . this was the judgement of cassander , a man of such note and eminency in his time , that two emperours , viz. ferdinand the first , and maximilian the second , made choyce of him above all , as a man most meete to compose ( if it might be ) the differences betwixt protestants and them of the church of rome . now whereas the marquesse saith , that protestants hold it unlawfull to make vowes of chastity ; it is true , such vowes of chastity as are made & maintained in the church of rome , which ( as hath beene shewed by the testimony of cassander ) prove snares , and occasions of much unchastity , such vowes ( i say ) protestants doe indeed , and that most justly , hold unlawfull . none ought to vow that which is not in his power to performe ; this is granted by all . now it is not in every ones power to live unmarried , nor in the power of any , but to whom god is pleased to give it . i would that all men were even as i my selfe , ( saith s. paul ) but every man hath his proper gift of god , one after this manner , and another after that . cor. . . and when the disciples said , if the cause of the man be so with his wife , it is good not to marry : our saviour answered , all men cannot receive this saying , but they to whom it is given . mat. , , . and againe v. . having said , there be eunuches , which have made themselves eunuches for the kingdome of heavens sake , hee addes immediately , he that is able to receive it , let him receive it . maldonate though hee would wrest the words another way , yet hee is forced to confesse that generally all do expound them thus , all are not able to performe that which you speake of , viz. to be without a wife : because all have not the gift of continence , but onely they to whom it is given . and though any see no necessity of marrying for the present , yet they know not what necessity there may be of it afterwards ; and therefore to vow against it must needes be rash and dangerous . the apostle bids , to avoide fornication , let every man have his own wife , and let every woman have her own husband , cor. . . and is it lawfull then for any to vow never to marry , when as they know not but that thereby they shall expose themselves to the danger of fornication ? even as they of the church of rome by their vowes doe , very few being free from fornication , as i have shewed before by the confession of cassander , and so of the glosse upon gratian. so also againe the apostle speaking to the unmarried , saith , if they cannot containe , let them marry ; for it is better to marry then to burne . cor. . . but the vowes of chastity which the romanists speake of , and contend for , presuppose that it is in any ones power to containe , and that there is no feare of such burning , as the apostle speaks of . and whereas the apostle would not have any under . years old to be chosen into the number of widdowes , though without any vow that wee reade of , tim. . . they of the church of rome allow as well young as old , of both sexes , to vow to live unmarried . estius himselfe upon the place saith , that the apostle requires that age , because in that there useth to be no danger of incontinency . but hee addes presently after , that in the apostles time they had no monasteries , or close places , to keepe women in , professing continency , that so they might not freely wander abroad unto men . i doe easily believe that there were indeed as then no such places , nor yet any such profession neither , excepting such widdowes as the apostle speakes of , of whom more anon . but withall i suppose , that although wandering abroad may be an occasion of defilement , as the example of dinah sheweth , yet walles and barres are not enough to preserve chastity . and howsoever this is nothing to those young priests , that vow chastity , and yet are not shut up in that manner as their nunnes are . that to be able to live a single life , is no common gift , and consequently that such a life is not to be so commonly vowed , as now it is in the church of rome , diverse of the fathers doe informe us , though some of them went too farre in this kinde . hilary speaking of those severall kindes of eunuches mentioned by our saviour , mat. . saith , that one is so by nature , viz. he that is borne so ; another so by necessity , viz. hee that is made so ; and the third so by will , viz. he that in hope of the heavenly kingdome hath determined to be so . and such ( hee saith ) christ would have us to be , if ( marke that ) yet wee be able . hierome , a man of excellent learning , and of great piety , of all the ancient fathers seemes most exorbitant , as concerning virginity ; surely in his writings against iovinian hee expresseth himselfe many times very harshly ; as thus , if it be good not to touch a woman ; then it is evill to touch a woman . and againe , what kinde of good , i pray you , is that , which hinders from praying ? so hee wrests the words of the apostle , as if he spake of ordinary prayer , taking no notice of fasting , which the apostle joynes with prayer , cor. . . the apostle ( hee saith ) elsewhere bids pray alwayes . if wee must pray alwayes , then wee must never doe the office of married persons . for whensoever i render due benevolence to my wife , i cannot pray . and in the same manner againe , if wee must pray alwayes , then wee must alwayes be free from marriage . and citing those words , woe to them that are with child . &c. mat. . . hee saith , not harlots and brothelhouses are here condemned , of whose condemnation there is no doubt ; but great bellies , and the crying of infants , and the fruits and effects of marriages . thus also doth hee wrest that spoken to our first parents , bee fruitfull and multiply , and replenish the earth . gen. . . marriage ( saith he ) doth replenish the earth ; but virginity doth replenish paradise . and he saith , that adam and eve before they had sinned , were virgins ; but after the fall , and out of paradise , they were married . whereas nothing is more cleare in the scripture then this , that god did joyne adam and eve together in marriage before the fall , when they were in paradise . diverse other such like inconvenient passages hee hath , being carried away with the heate of contention . yet even hierome himselfe in that very booke doth shew , that to live unmarried , is no ordinary matter , nor for every one to undertake . this ( saith hee ) is a hard matter , and all doe not receive it , but they to whom it is given . and againe , doe not feare lest all become virgins . virginity is a hard thing ; and therefore rare , because hard . — if all could be virgins , the lord would never say , let him that is able to receive it , receive it . neither would the apostle be so fearfull in perswading to virginity , saying , now concerning virgins i have no commandement of the lord. corinthians . . and in his commentary upon mat. . christ ( saith hee ) inferres , hee that is able to receive it , let him receive it ; that every one may consider his strength , whether he be able to performe those things that are required of unmarried persons . for virginity of it self is pleasing , and alluring any one unto it ; but mens strength is to be considered , that he that is able to receive it , may receive it . it 's true , hierome saith there a little before , that hee that askes it , and labours for it , may receive it : but that must be understood , if god see it to be for his glory , and our good . so is that to be interpreted , aske , and it shall be given unto you . mat. . . and so also that , what things soever yee desire , when yee pray , believe that yee receive them , and yee shall have them . mar. . . the lord will give grace , and glory , as the psalmist saith , psal . . . and so consequently he will give all things that have a necessary connexion with grace and glory ; such things may simply and absolutely be prayed for . but virginity is not of that nature , and therefore there can be no such assurance of obtaining it , although we pray for it . * gregory also saith , that those words of our saviour , all doe not receive this saying , shew that all are not capable of it ; and that it is a thing hard to be obtained . and hee saith , that they that are unmarried , are to be admonished to get into the haven of wedlock , if they endure the stormes of temptation so as to endanger their salvation . and that because it it written , it is better to marry , then to burne . indeed hee addes immediately , that it is no sinne for them to marry , if yet they have not vowed that which is better , hee meanes , to live unmarried . but the question is how such could lawfully vow a single life , not knowing how unmeete they should be for it . and how obligatory such a vow is , wee shall consider anon . but thus also * bernard complaining of the incontinency of the clergy in his time , i wish ( saith hee ) that they who are about to build a tower , would sit down , and count the cost , lest they prove unable to finish what they take in hand . i would that they who cannot containe , would be affraid rashly to professe perfection , and to give up their names to a single life . for it is a costly tower , and a great word , which all are not able to receive . now for the other charge against protestants , viz. that they hold , that such as have made vowes to live unmarried , are not bound to keepe them ; i answer , they hold indeed , that such vowes being made , and tending to the prejudice of a mans soule by exposing him to unavoidable danger of fornication without using the remedy of marriage , doe not binde , but are better broken then kept ; even as it had beene better that herod had broken his oath then that he should keepe it so as for his oathes sake to cause iohn baptist to be beheaded . that of the apostle holds good in respect of all , to avoide fornication , let every man have his own wife , and let every woman have her owne husband . cor. . . and that v. . if they cannot containe , let them marry : for it is better to marry then to burne . as therefore none ought simply and absolutely to vow a single life , so if they have vowed , they ought to repent of their rashnesse , and not to adde sin to sin by keeping their vow whatsoever follow upon it , but rather to marry then to burne with lust , or to commit fornication . the glosse upon gratian tells us , that in every vow , or oath , such generall conditions as these are understood , if god will , if i live , if i be able . and gratian himselfe cites that of isidore , in evill promises breake thy word ; in a dishonest vow change thy purpose ; that which thou hast unadvisedly vowed , doe not performe : it is a wicked promise , which is performed by wickednesse . the same words are also cited by lombard in his sentences . to this purpose also aquinas , he that voweth ( saith hee ) doth after a sort appoint a law unto himselfe , binding himselfe unto something , which in it selfe , and for most part is good . yet it may happen that in some case it is either simply evill , or unprofitable , or hinders a greater good , which is against the nature of that which falls under a vow , as appeares by what hath beene said before . and therefore it is necessary , that it be determined , that in such a case a vow is not to be kept . and so againe that angelicall doctour , as they stile him , if by observing a vow great and manifest grievance ensue , a man ought not to keepe such a vow . and * cyprian writing of some that had professed virginity , but were found to act contrary to their profession , upon that occasion gives this advice ; if they faithfully dedicate themselves to christ , let them continue honest and chast without any simulation ; and so being strong and stable , let them expect the reward of virginity . but if they will not , or cannot persevere , it is better that they marry , then that they fall into the fire by their offences . † bellarmine would have cyprian here onely to admonish such as have not vowed continency , rather to marry then to vow , if they have not a firme purpose to persevere . but the words of cyprian cannot without violence done unto them be otherwise understood then of those virgines , who did dedicate themselves to christ ( as hee speakes ) by professing continency . and so pamelius , though hee make some use of that other exposition of cyprians words , yet hee cannot but confesse that cyprian spake of those virgins that vowed chastity ; onely to mitigate the matter , he will have cyprian to speake of such as onely made a simple vow , and not a solemne vow , as they distinguish it . but this is nothing ; for the scripture speaking of the force of vowes , and requiring the performance of them , doth not use any such distinction , nor give any intimation , that a simple vow more then that which is solemne may be broken , if it be just and lawfull . a vow hath its power of binding , not from the solemnity of it , but from its nature , viz. that it is a promise made to god ; whether it be made solemnely or no , is not materiall ; though its true , the more solemne that it is , the greater is the scandall in the breaking of it , but the sin otherwise is the same , whether the vow be simple or solemne . * aquinas speaking of a simple vow , wherein no solemnity is used , saith , this vow is efficacious by divine right . and bonaventure cites this saying of clemens , a simple vow doth binde in respect of god , no lesse then a solemne vow . for the scriptures alledged against us , that deut. . . and so diverse other places doe indeed require those that make a vow , to performe it : but this cannot be understood of all vows whatsoever , but onely of lawfull vowes . for ( as i have shewed ) unlawfull vowes are not to be kept , but to be broken ; and i have also shewed , that vowes of chastity , when they prove snares , and hinderances of chastity , are unlawfull , and so consequently to be broken . there is more difficulty in the other place , viz. tim. . , . concerning which place also bellarmine saith that nothing can there be meant by first faith , but the vow of continency ; and that generally all ancient writers did so understand it . but it doth not appeare by any thing in the words of the apostle , that the widdowes , which hee speaketh of , did make any such vow ; although by entring into the number of widdowes , that were maintained by the publike charge of the church , and withall did service to the church , in attending the sick , and the like , they did in a sort professe that they intended to live unmarried . what neede was there for such widdowes to vow continency , when as none of them were to be under . years old ? tim. . . bellarmine tells us , that the apostle , saying , let not a widdow be chosen under threescore years old ; and , the yonger widdowes refuse , that is , doe not chuse them , doth not speak of admission unto the vow of continency , as if the yonger widdowes might not be allowed to vow it ; but hee speakes either of election unto a certaine office and order of deaconesse ; or ( which he thinkes more probable ) of admission into the number of those widdowes , which were maintained by the church . but there is scarce any thing sound in all this , save that it is true indeed , the apostle doth not speake of admission to the vow of continency , there being no such vowing in those times : but it is evident , that the apostle speakes of admission to a kinde of profession of continency . for therefore he bids refuse the yonger widdowes , because of their incontinency ; but the yonger widdowes ( saith he ) refuse : for when they have begun to wax wanton against christ , they will marry . tim. . . and vers . . i will therefore that the yonger women marry , &c. as if hee should say , let not such as are not likely to containe , be admitted among those who are to live unmarried . now these , it seemes , were such as both had a kinde of office in the church , were deaconesses , as phaebe is stilled rom. . . according to the originall ; and also had maintenance from the church . the former appeares by tim. . , . the latter by tim. . , . . so that whereas bellarmine would make severall expositions of these , they are to be joyned together to make one intire exposition . and in both these respects , viz. both in respect of the office , and in respect of the maintenance , though more especially ( it seemes ) in respect of the office , these widdowes were to remaine widdowes , and not to marry againe ; and that there might be little feare of their marrying the apostle would have the younger widdowes refused , and none admitted but such as were threescore years old , or more . but the greatest difficulty is , what is meant by the first faith , which the apostle saith the younger widdowes did cast off , and therefore had damnation , tim. . . it is true , the antient writers for most part expound it of a promise , or covenant of a single life ; but all that goe this way , doe not speake of any vow that was made : neither chrysostome , nor theophylact doth upon the place . yea , some of the antients shew that they understood the apostle as speaking of the christian faith , or the common faith , as it is called tit. . . sure i am , some of them make use of the apostles words , and apply them that way . hierome speaking of heretikes saith that they have cast off ( or made voide ) their first faith . so * vincentius lirinensis in his booke against heresies , saith , it is well knowne , how grievously the blessed apostle paul doth inveigh against those , who with wonderfull lightnesse are quickly removed from him that called them to the grace of christ , unto another gospell , which is not another : who heape up to themselves teachers after their own lusts , turning away their eares from the truth , being turned unto fables ; having damnation , because they have made void their first faith . bellarmine therefore was more curious and criticall , if not rather more captious and contentious , then tender and respective of the credit of these antient doctours , when he said , that faith here must be taken for covenant and vow ( yet there may be a covenant where there is no vow ) and cannot be taken for christian faith ; because christian faith is not rightly said to be made voide , but to be lost , or corrupted : but covenants and vowes are most properly said to be made voide . hierom and vincentius understood the propriety of words as well as bellarmine , who shewes himselfe * barbarous in these very words , wherein he so playes the critick ; yet they ( wee see ) thought it not improper to say , that heretikes make voide the faith , which is necessarily meant of the christian faith , and not of any vow or covenant . nether doe i see but that wee may as properly say , that faith , being meant of the christian faith , is made voide , as that the law is made voide , heb. . . or that the grace of god is made voide , gal. . . wee reade it in the former place despised , in the other place frustrate , but the greeke word in both places is the same with that in the epistle to timothy . and as the words will well beare this sense , viz. that it is the christian faith , which the apostle saith , some did cast off , or make void , so this sense is agreeable to the apostles expressions in other places of this epistle . holding faith and a good conscience , which some having put away , concerning faith have made shipwrack . tim. . . if they continue in faith . tim. . . some shall depart from the faith , tim. . . and in the very same chapter , in which are the words controverted , if any provide not for his own , &c. hee hath denied the faith , &c. * tim. . . so also in the other epistle to timothy ; who concerning the truth have erred , &c. and overthrow the faith of some . tim. . . men of corrupt minds , reprobate concerning the faith . tim. . . i have kept the faith . tim. . . in all these places faith is understood of christian faith : and therefore probably so is it in that other place , about which wee dispute . so that this may well be the meaning of the place , that they , of whom the apostle speakes , being censured of the church for their lightnesse and lasciviousnesse , and not able to beare the disgrace , did quite cast off the christian faith , which before they professed , and so exposed themselves unto damnation . i see nothing uncouth , nor incongruous in this exposition ; and it doth well agree with that which the apostle saith a little after , for some are allready turned after satan . tim. . . which words seeme to import a plaine and open renouncing of christ ; as on the other side to come after christ , is as much as to professe his name . mat. . . luke . . object . but may some say , the apostle reproves these of whom hee speakes , for that they begin to wax wanton against christ , and will marry , which argues , that they had vowed , or professed continency ; for else why might they not marry ? the wife is bound by the law so long as her husband liveth : but if her husband be dead , she is at liberty to be married to whom she will , only in the lord. cor. . . ans . i grant , that those widdowes , though they did not vow , yet by the very course of life which they entred upon , did professe continency , marriage and that course being inconsistent . and justly might they be reproved both for their rashnesse in taking upon them that profession , and for their lightnesse in falling off from it when there was no just cause for it . the apostle doth not simply condemne them for having a minde to marry , but because out of wantonnesse they would needs marry . and it might be called wantonnesse against christ , because they had addicted themselves to the service of christ in his church and members , which service they did desert by their wantonnesse . and in this sense , by their first faith may be meant the promise , either formall , or virtuall , which those widdowes did make unto the church , that they would remaine widdowes , and not marry ; which promise they breaking meerely out of wantonnesse , well might the apostle say that they had damnation for it . but all this proves not that it is sinfull and damnable for any that have vowed continency , afterwards to marry . though bellarmine will by no meanes endure that those words of the apostle , i will therefore that the younger widdowes marry , &c. tim. . . be understood of such as had professed continency , as if the apostle would have such to marry , if they could not containe . so also estius upon the place , who saith , that otherwise the apostle should cast them headlong into damnation . for if they have damnation , who have a will to marry ; how much more they that doe marry ? but though i thinke , that the apostles direct meaning was , that the younger widdowes should not be admitted into the number of those who were by their place and calling to professe continency , into which number hee would have none admitted under . years old ; yet estius his reason is not valid . for the apostle doth not say , that the younger widdowes being admitted into that number , and afterwards willing to marry , or actually marrying , therefore had damnation ; but because they would marry out of wantonnesse , and so out of wantonnesse make voide their first faith , viz. their promise of continency made to the church , if not their christian faith , which before they professed . notwithstanding which sentence , it followes not , but that if , not through wantonnesse , but through weaknesse , they were forced to marry , the apostle would have them to doe it , rather then to doe worse , viz. burne with lust , and commit fornication . for whereas the same authour saith , it is not better for such as have vowed contineney , to marry , then to burne , this is nothing else but a flat contradicting of the apostle ; or at least a contradicting of that rule , we must not distinguish , where the law doth not distinguish . and we finde in their own canons , that if widdows did professe continency , yet a snare was not to be cast upon them , to wit , as the glosse doth expound it , by separating them from their husbands , if they did marry , or by forbidding them precisely to marry . another canon also , which they have , injoynes no more but this , that if such as professe virginity , did afterwards marry , they should be ranked amongst those that did marry the second time , viz. after the death of the first yoke fellow : which marriage the scripture doth clearly allow , rom. . , . and cor. . . neither did any orthodox writer ever condemne it . their canon-law indeed debarres those that are twice married , from being priests , ( grounding upon the apostle , tim. . . and titus . . which places their owne cardinall cajetan doth yet interpret otherwise ) but yet grant that such doe not sinne . they grant also that if any marry after a simple vow of continency , the marriage doth stand good , and is not to be dissolved . for this they have a canon out of austine , which runs thus ; some say , that they that marry after a vow , are adulterers : but i say unto you , that they that divide such , doe sinne grievously . and another out of theodorus , thus ; if a man having a simple vow of virginity , joyne himselfe to a wife , let him not afterwards put her away ; but let him doe penance three yeares . and so estius confesseth , that we never reade in antient writers , that if widdowes , who vowed continency , did marry , their marriage was voide , and of none effect . for ( saith hee ) their vow was not solemne . but i have shewed before , that the distinction of simple and solemne vow hath no ground in scripture ; and that in respect of god , a simple vow doth binde as much as a solemne . and besides , if ( as they alledge , and cite some of the antients also for it ) one having vowed continency ( whether solemnely , or simply ) is married unto christ , and therefore may much lesse marry another , then one that is allready married to a mortall man , then surely the marriage of such should much rather be judged adultery , and be dissolved , then the marriage of those , who marry againe , when they are already married . yet bellarmine goes further , and acknowledgeth that many prime writers of the church of rome , as scotus , paludanus , and cajetane , and generally , as panormitan doth relate , all the canonists affirme , that onely by ecclesiasticall right marriage made after a solemne vow is of no force . and this opinion hee granteth to be probable . so then , by their own confessions it may appeare , that there is no law of god against it , but that such as have vowed continency , should marry if they be not able to performe what they have vowed . and this may suffice for this point . the marquesse goes on thus , we say , christ descended into hell , and delivered thence the soules of the fathers : yee deny it . wee have scripture for it , viz. ephes . . . when he ascended up on high , he led captivity captive , &c. descending first into the lower part of the earth . this lower part of the earth could not be a grave ; for that was the upper part : nor could it have beene the place of the damned ; for the devils would have beene brought againe into heaven . more clearly acts . . thou wilt not leave my soule in hell , neither wilt thou suffer thy holy one to see corruption . there is hell for his soule for a time , and the grave for his body for a while . plainer yet , pet. . , . being put to death in the flesh , but quickned by the spirit ; by which also hee went , and preached unto the spirits in prison . this prison cannot be heaven ; nor hell , as it is the place of the damned : nor the grave , as it is the place of rest . therefore it must be ( as s. aug. epist . . ad evod. saith ) some third place : which third place the fathers have called limbus patrum . also zach. . . as for thee also , by the blood of thy covenant , i have sent forth thy prisoners out of the pit , wherein is * no water . by this pit could not be meant the place of the damned ; for they have no share in the covenant ; neither are they christs prisoners , but the devils : neither could this pit be the grave , because christs grave was a new pit , where never any was laid before . the fathers affirm as much , s. hieron . in . ad ephes . s. greg. l. . moral . c. . s. aug. in psal . . . answ . that christ did descend into hell in that sense , as they of the church of some doe hold , viz. into a region of hell called limbus patrum , to deliver the faithfull thence , that lived and died under the old testament , this protestants deny ; and they have just cause to deny it . for the scripture doth not shew us any such hell as this , which they speake of , much lesse that christ did descend into it . . the faithfull that were before christ , did enjoy the benefit of him , as well as they that are since his comming . we believe ( said peter ) that through the grace of our lord jesus christ . wee shall be saved even as they . acts . . therefore they were saved by christ , as well as we now are saved by him : and consequently the faithfull then through christ did goe to heaven , as well as now they doe . . it is said of the faithfull of the old testament , that they confessed that they were strangers and pilgrims upon the earth . heb. . . and that they did seeke a country , v. . not an earthly country , but a better country , that is an heavenly ; and that god did prepare for them a city , v. . . abrahams bosome ( as the place is called , where the soules of the saints of the old testament were ) is so described in the scripture , as that it could be no such place as they call limbus patrum . for . the soule of lazarus was carried thither by angels ; and therefore it should rather be heaven then hell. . it was a place of comfort , luke . . but * austine could not finde ( hee saith ) with all his searching , where the scripture doth make hell to be any place of comfort ; and hee thought this a good argument why abrahams bosome could not be hell. . there was a great gulfe fixed betwixt the place where lazarus was , viz. abrahams bosome , and the place where the rich man was in torment , luke . . and hence also † austine inferreth , that abrahams bosome is no part , or member as it were of hell. this ( hee saith ) doth in his opinion sufficiently appeare by those words , betwixt us and you there is a great gulfe fixed . luke . . * bellarmine therefore doth abuse his reader , when he saith , that austine here may seeme to doubt whether abrahams bosome , where the soules of the fathers in times past were , was in hell , or some where else . iansenius is much more ingenuous , who confesseth that austine by disputing the point did gather , that abrahams bosome was no part of hell. and hee observes also that austine makes the faithfull that died since christ , to be in abrahams bosome , whereas their limbus patrum they hold to have beene onely for the faithfull that were before christ . neither is it true , which bellarmine saith , that austine elsewhere affirmeth abrahams bosome to have beene in hell. for austine in the place which bellarmine citeth , onely saith , if it seeme not absurdly to be believed ; so that where austine speakes doubtfully , there bellarmine makes him to determine ; and where hee doth determine , there bellarmine makes him to speake doubtfully . . that argument , which bellarmine useth to prove that now in the time of the new testament the soules of the godly goe to heaven , is also of force in respect of those in the time of the old testament . god ( saith hee ) is not more prone to punish , then he is to reward . therefore seeing the wicked are now in torments , it doth truly seeme equall and reasonable , that the righteous doe also now receive their rewards . and that the wicked now when they die , goe presently to the place of torments , he proves by that luke . where it is said , that the rich man immediately after his death was in torments . now by this reason the godly also that were before christ , went to heaven when they died , for that luke . shewes , that before christ , the wicked , when they died , went to the place of torment . . christ said unto the believing theife , this day shalt thou be with mee in paradise . now bellarmine approves of the exposition of theophylact , ambrose , bede , and others , who by paradise here understand the kingdome of heaven . and so is the word paradise taken ( as bellarmine also observes ) cor. . . compared with v. . by this then it appeares , that the soule of christ , when he died , went to heaven , and consequently to no such limbus , or part of hell , as they talke of . for the places of scripture , which the marquesse alledgeth , first that ephes . . , . doth not speake of limbus patrum . cajetane upon the place , by the lower parts of the earth understands the earth it selfe , which is the lower part of the world. and estius notes , that besides cajetane , other romanists also as catharinus , and arias doe embrace this exposition , and that aquinas doth not reject it . and ( as estius also observes ) the argument which the apostle useth in those words , this that hee ascended , what is it , but that he descended first into the lower parts of the earth , this argument , i say , doth much favour that exposition . this consequence is more easie ( saith estius ) if you understand the earth absolutely , then if any thing else : because christs ascension from earth to heaven is here understood . and ( say i ) before christ could ascend from earth to heaven , as hee did , it was necessary that hee should descend from heaven to earth , viz. by his incarnation : but there was no necessity of his descending to limbus patrum before his ascending into heaven ; for hee might well enough ascend thither , though he did never descend into the other place , suppose such a place to have beene . estius also notes that some expound there the lower parts of the earth to be the grave , which is called the heart of the earth , mat. . . and if by the lower parts of the earth , some certaine parts of it , which are lower then some other parts , are to be understood , then most meete it is to understand the grave , into which christ descended . it is strange that the marquesse saith , that the grave was the upper part , and yet a little after saith , christs grave was a new pit . if it were a pit , then was it not the upper part of the earth , but the lower part of it . ezech. . . by the neither parts of the earth are meant graves , as appeares vers . . so in the place objected , christs grave may be called the lower parts of the earth , that is , one of the lower parts ( as iudg. . . its said that iephtah was buried in the cities of gilead , that is , in one of the cities ) in opposition to the surface , or uppermost part of the earth , on which we live . finally , estius confesseth , that it is not certaine , that there by the lower parts of the earth , is meant a certaine region of hell , although hee thinke that exposition more probable then the other . but that it hath any such probability in it , his reasons doe not evince . for . it is not so , as he saith , that the lower parts of the earth doe most fitly signifie hell , either as they take it here for limbus patrum , or as usually it is taken for the place of torment . i have shewed out of ezech. . . how the phrase is otherwise used , viz. for the grave . neither doth it appeare that the words are taken in any other sense , psal . . . which place estius alledgeth ; they shall goe into the lower parts of the earth , that is , they shall be taken away out of the land of the living , as it followes immediately , they shall fall by the sword , &c. . christs descent into hell in that sense , which the romanists maintaine , did not ( as estius pretends ) goe a little before his ascension into heaven . neither ( which hee urgeth also ) doe those words , prove it , that hee might fill ( or fulfill ) all things . for those words ( as estius himselfe doth shew ) are diversely expounded . some understand it of christs fulfilling all things , that were written of him . others expound it thus , that hee might fill all kinds of men with spirituall gifts . and this sense doth well agree with that v. . hee gave gifts unto men : and with that v. . and he gave some apostles , and some prophets , &c. the other place which is next cited , viz. acts . . is indeed more cleare to shew that christs soule was for a while left in hell , but not in that hell which our adversaries speake of , viz. limbus patrum . for . some by hell there understand the hell of the damned . thus austine and fulgentius expound it , as bellarmine observes , who also cites for this exposition cyrill , ambrose , eusebius emissenus , and gregory nyssen . and therefore contrary to the opinion of other romanists , hee thinkes it probable , that christs soule did descend to all the parts of hell. but where doth the scripture shew that christ descended into any hell but one ? if therefore hee descended into the hell of the damned ( which yet i doe not say , nor believe that he did ) then not into that hell , which they call limbus patrum . . those words thou wilt not leave my soule in hell , as spoken by david psal . . and commented upon by peter acts . those words , i say , doe shew that hell there mentioned could neither be the hell of the damned , nor limbus patrum , or at least that there is no necessity to expound it of either . for . it is spoken of as a great benefit , a matter of joy and rejoycing , that christs soule was not left in hell. therefore my heart is glad , and my glory ( or tongue ) rejoyced , &c. for thou wilt not leave , &c. psal . . , . acts . , . but they that hold christs descending either into the hell of the damned , or into limbus patrum , make him to descend as a conquerour , one that went either to triumph over the devill in his owne place , as it were ; or to deliver the soules , that were in limbus . now why should it be accounted such a benefit , such a matter of joy and rejoycing , for one not to be left there , where hee is onely as a conquerour , and deliverer ? bellarmine answers , that it was a benefit to christs soule , that it was quickly joyned againe unto the body , even as it was evill to the soule to be separated from the body . and thus ( saith hee ) it was a benefit unto him to be delivered from hell , not in respect of the place , but in respect of separation from the body . but who seeth not , that by this reason christs soule might as well be in heaven , as either in limbus patrum , or the hell of the damned ? for though christs soule were in heaven , yet it was a benefit unto it to be delivered out of that estate of separation , which it was in . . those words , thou wilt not leave my soule in hell , were meant of christs resurrection , as s. peter telleth us , acts . . but christs resurrection , though it did presuppose his being in hell , either as hell is taken for the grave , or for the state of death , yet not as it is taken either for limbus patrum , or for the place of torment : christ might well enough rise againe , and yet never be in any such hell as one of these is , and the other is supposed to have beene . . s. peter shewes , that david in those words , thou wilt not leave my soule in hell , spake not of himselfe , but of christ ; for that the words being understood of david , were not true , but most true , as understood of christ . men and brethren , let mee freely speake unto you concerning the patriarch david , that hee is both dead and buried , and his sepulcher remaineth with us to this day . therefore being a prophet , &c. acts . , , . here by davids sepulcher remaning with them unto that day , hee meanes , that david was left in that hell of which he speakes , and so did not speake of himself , but of some other , viz. of christ , who was not left in it . thus also s. paul having cited the latter part of the verse , thou wilt not suffer thy holy one to see corruption , hee also to prove that this was meant of christ , and not of david , addes , for david after he had served his own generation by the will of god , fell asleepe and was laid with his fathers , and saw corruption : but he , whom god raised up , saw no corruption . acts . , , . david spake not of himselfe , but of christ , when hee said , thou wilt not suffer thy holy one to see corruption ; because david did see corruption , which christ did not see . so david spake not of himselfe , but of christ , when hee said , thou wilt not leave my soule in hell ; because davids soule was left in hell , where christs soule was not left . this is the apostles argument ; and herce it necessarily followes , that by hell cannot be meant either the place of torment , or yet limbus patrum : not the place of torment ; for davids soule was not left in that hell , it never came in it . nor yet can that limbus be meant ; for even the romanists themselves doe hold that it was quite emptied before that time that peter spake ; and therefore davids soule was not in it then , whereas yet peter signifies , that then it was in that hell , of which hee spake . by hell therefore must be meant either the grave , or the state of the dead . ruffinus in his exposition of the creed , observes that in his time the article of christs descending into hell was not in the creed of the roman church , and that the easterne churches had it not ; yet hee saith , that it seemes to he implied in that which is spoken of christs buriall . and it is observed , that in all the ancient creedes , that were within years after christ , except one which ruffinus followed , if the article of christs buriall were mentioned , then that of his descending into hell was omitted ; and if his descending into hell were mentioned , then his buriall is omitted , which argues , that the antients did take these two , viz. christs buriall and his descending into hell , to import but one thing , or to differ but very little , and therefore thought it sufficient to mention either the one , or the other . it is most evident that the hebrew word sheol , and so the greeke hades , which psal . . and acts . are rendred hell , are often taken for the grave . some of the romanists deny that sheol is ever so used , but genebrard , who was sometimes hebrew professour at paris , doth confesse that they are in an errour ; and there are many places of scripture to convince them . gen. . . if mischiefe befall him , &c. you shall bring down my gray haires with sorrow to sheol , i. e. the grave . for to what hell else should gray haires goe down ? so gen. . . and . and king. . . and iob. . . if i waite , sheol is mine house , that is , the grave , as appeares v. . i have said to corruption thou art my father ; and to the worme , thou art my mother , and sister . so psal . . . our bones lie scattered at the mouth of sheol , i. e. the grave . so genebrard upon the place expounds it juxta sepulchrum , i. e. by the grave , whereas the vulgar latine hath it secus infernum , neare hell. but what hell , except the grave , should dead mens bones lie scattered by ? so in many other places ; and in all these places the greeke version hath hades , so that bellarmine needed not to have made so strange a matter of it as hee doth , that henry stephen in his great thesaurus , should say that hades may be taken for the grave ; neither had he cause to say that stephen could finde no authour that did use the word in that sense . i have not now stephens thesaurus to looke into , but sure i am , that a man of farre lesse reading then stephen was of , might have alledged many examples to that purpose . and for the hebrew word sheol , genebrard and bellarmine pretend that the chaldie paraphrast , and the rabbines doe expound it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gehinnom , which signifies the place where the damned are in torment . but . if it were so , this were nothing to that limbus which they contend for . . neither is it true , that those authors doe usually so expound the word . for the chaldie paraphrast for the most part keepeth the hebrew word sheol it selfe , onely sometimes it is a little changed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 shiol : and many times doth hee use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kebura , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 keburta , that is , the grave , to expresse the hebrew sheol by ; or , which is the same in effect , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be keburta , or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. the house of the grave . as iob. . . and . . and . . and . psal . . . and . . and eccles . . . in all these places doth the chaldie pharaphrast render the hebrew word sheol the grave , or the house of the grave ; let any romanist shew that hee renders it so often by that word , which signifies the place of torment , though ( as i said before ) that were nothing to their limbus patrum . and thus also doe the rabbines interpret the word sheol , r. levi saith that sheol doth signifie the grave , and that therefore it is put for death , sam. . . so also r. nathan mordecai in his hebrew concordance saith , that the interpretation of sheol is the grave . aben ezra also saith the same in his commentary on gen. . . and moreover he taxeth the vulgar latine translatour for interpreting sheol there hell , supposing him to have meant the hell of the damned . kimchi likewise saith that those words psal . . . thou wilt not suffer thy holy one to see corruption , are but a repetition of that which went before , thou wilt not leave my soule in hell. which shewes that hee tooke sheol ( there rendred hell ) for the grave . it is true , sometimes the rabbines expound sheol by gehinnam , i. e. hell , the place of torment , but they doe not hold that to be the simple and genuine signification of the word ; as appeares by r. solomon on gen. . . who saith that sheol there , according to the literall exposition , is the grave , and that iacobs meaning was , that hee would goe mourning to the grave , and would not be comforted ; but that according to the mysticall exposition , by sheol there is meant gehinnam , the hell of the damned . so kimchi upon those words psal . . . the wicked shall be turned into hell , where the hebrew is sheol , interprets it , let the wicked be turned into the grave , and afterwards addes , that mystically there by sheol is understood gehinnam , the place of torment . obj. but they say that in these words , thou wilt not leave my soule in hell , the grave cannot be meant by hell , because the grave is not a place for the soule , but for the body . answ . the word soule is sometimes put for the body , or ( which is all one ) for man considered in respect of the body . as gen. . . all the soules that came with iacob into egypt , which came out of his loines , &c. there by soules are meant bodies , or persons in respect of their bodies ; for so generally both protestants and romanists doe hold , that not the soules properly , but the bodies of children doe proceede from the loines of their parents . yea , and sometimes by soule is meant the body , when the soule is departed out of it . as num. . . whosoever toucheth the dead body of any man , &c. there the word rendred dead body , is that which psal . . . and so usually elsewhere is rendred soule . * bellarmine to take away this answer , saith that there is great difference betwixt the hebrew word nephesh and the greeke psyche , both which are rendred soule . for nephesh ( hee saith ) is a most generall word , and without any trope doth signifie both soule , and living creature , yea and the body also . but the greeke psyche ( he saith ) and so the latine anima , is not so generall , as without a trope to signifie the whole living creature . and therefore in * leviticus ( he saith ) one part is not put for another , viz. the soule for the body , but there is the word that usually signifies the body it selfe : or the whole is put for the part , that is , the living creature for the body . but in acts . is used the word psyche , which doth signifie the soule onely . thus bellarmine ; but a pitty it is to see how a learned man , rather then hee will submit to truth , doth plunge himselfe into absurdity , yea more absurdities then one . but to passe by the rest , this is most grosse , that bellarmine doth so distinguish betwixt nephesh and psyche , as if the former sometimes did signifie the whole living creature , or the body onely , but not so the latter ; when as in these very places of leviticus , which bellarmine doth speake of , viz. levit. . . and . as in the hebrew the word nephesh , so in the greeke the word psyche is used ; and therefore it is apparently false , that the greeke word psyche doth signifie the soule onely . yea , but saith bellarmine , when even nephesh is opposed to flesh , it cannot be taken for flesh . now here soule is opposed to flesh , his soule was not left in hell , neither his flesh did see corruption . acts . . and therefore here by no meanes can signifie a dead body . i answer , that in those words acts . . there is no opposition betwixt soule and flesh , no more then there is an opposition betwixt leave and forsake in those words heb. . . i will not leave thee , nor forsake thee . so then notwithstanding any thing that is objected , in those words , thou wilt not leave my soule in hell , by hell may be meant the grave , and by soule the body . but if the word soule be taken properly , then by hell is to be understood the power of death , or the state of the dead . and thus doe romish writers sometimes expound the word hell. as iansenius upon those words prov. . . hell and destruction are before the lord , notes that by hell and destruction is signified the state of the dead , not onely of the damned , as wee usually conceive when we heare those words , but the state of all in generall , that are departed out of this life . so genebrard expounds that psalme . . thou hast brought up my soule from sheol , from hell , as the vulgar latine reades it , he expounds it , i say , thus , thou hast delivered me from the state of the dead . so likewise the same author upon psal . . ( or . ) . saith , hell doth signifie the whole state of the dead . thus generally all that die , whether they be godly , or wicked , are said as in respect of the body to goe to the grave , so in respect of the soule to descend into hell. this is the law of humane necessity , ( saith hilary ) that when mens bodies are buried , their soules descend into hell ; which descent the lord to prove himselfe true man , did not refuse . the words also of s. peter doe confirme this exposition , viz. that hell , in which christs soule was , but was not left , is the state of the dead , or the power of death ; whom god hath raised up , having loosed the paines of death , because it was not possible that hee should be holden of it . for david speaketh concerning him , &c. acts . . &c. to prove that christ could not be held by death ( be still kept under the power of it ) peter alledgeth the words of david concerning christ , thou wilt not leave my soule in hell. therefore christs not being left in hell signifies nothing else , but t is not being left under the power of death : and consequently his being in hell importeth nothing else but his being under the power of death , under which hee was kept for a while , viz. untill his resurrection . and this may suffice for answer to the objection from acts . . the next place objected is pet. . , . of which place i marvell that the marquesse should say that it is yet plainer then either of the former . austine being consulted by evodius about the meaning of that place , confesseth that it did exceedingly puzzle him , and that hee durst not affirme any thing about it . and the jesuite lorinus in his commentary upon it , calles it difficillimum locum , a most difficult place , and rehearses ten severall expositions of it . and so estius also upon the place saith , this place in the judgement almost of all interpreters is most difficult , and is so diversly expounded , that john lorinus doth reckon up nine interpretations of it , to which hee addes his own for the tenth ; and yet he hath not touched all neither . and both he and lorinus note that only arias montanus did thinke the place easie to be understood , but withall that his exposition of it is such , as that others will not easily embrace it . for , as they relate , arias by the spirits in prison doth understand those eight persons , that were shut up in the arke , which was a kinde of prison unto them . bellarmine also upon occasion of this controversie about limbus patrum , and christs descending into hell , treating of this place of peter , saith that it hath alwayes beene accounted a most obscure place . some have thought that by prison in those words of peter is meant hell , the place of torment , and that christ went and preached there , and that such , as did then believe were delivered . and thus * hilary seemes to have understood it , who saith , that the apostle peter doth testifie , that when christ descended into hell , exhortation was preachde also to those that were in the prison , who had sometimes beene incredulous in the dayes of noah . for this opinion hilary is taxed ( though not named ) by bede , as estius observes , who yet indeavours to excuse hilary , as not meaning by this prison the hell of the damned , but purgatory ; and in that sense * estius himselfe also doth understand the words of peter , viz. that by the spirits in prison are meant the soules of those that were in paine and torment for the expiating of their sinnes , untill that christ came , and preached deliverance unto them . but of purgatory i shall speake hereafter ; in the meane time so much is obtained , that if the place be meant of purgatory , then not of limbus patrum , for that place ( as they describe it ) did much differ from purgatory , as being a place ( they say ) in which was no paine or torment . but it may seeme strange that the marquesse should alledge austine epist . . as holding that by the prison , which peter speaketh of , is meant limbus patrum , when as indeed austine in that epistle is much against it . for besides what i have before cited out of that epistle , hee saith that christ by the beatificall presence of his divinity did never depart from those just persons that were in abrahams bosome , ( which the marquesse saith , is the same place with that called limbus patrum ) and therefore hee did not finde what christ did for them , when hee descended into hell. and having considered what hee could of the words of peter , hee rather thought that they did not speake of hell at all . and therefore by the spirits in prison hee conceived to be meant men , that lived in the dayes of noah , whose soules were in their mortall bodies , as in a prison ; to which men , hee saith , christ by his spirit in noah did preach , though they yet neverthelesse would not believe . bellarmine and estius and others doe acknowledge this to have beene the opinion of austine in that epistle concerning the words of peter . and bellarmine also doth confesse , that this of austine doth differ but little from bezaes exposition of the place , viz. that by the spirits in prison are meant the soules of men , which were now , when peter wrote of them , in prison , that is , in hell , to which men christ by his divine spirit in noah did preach , when they were alive upon earth . and surely any that are impartiall , will judge this exposition in that , wherein it differs from austines , the more probable : and yet bellarmine , to shew his partiality , saith that hee would not have refuted austines exposition , if austine himselfe had beene altogether pleased with it . austines exposition is embraced not onely by bede , whom bellarmine onely mentions as herein following austine , but also by aquinas , and others , as estius observes , who also addes that hesselius ( a romish authour ) doth understand the place much after the same manner . and , as lorinus doth relate , diegus paiva , one that wrote in defence of the councell of trent , doth directly expound the words of peter as beza doth , though hee would not have it thought that paiva did receive his exposition from beza . but against both austines and bezaes exposition it is objected first , that the spirit by which christ went and preached to the spirits in prison , pet. . , . is opposed to the flesh ; and therefore must signifie christs soule , and not his divine nature . i answer , that christs divine nature is most fitly understood there by the word spirit , even as by the word flesh is to be understood not onely his body , but his whole humane nature , in respect of which nature christ was put to death , and was quickned by his divine nature . thus doth oecumenius expound it , put to death in the nature of flesh , that is , the humane nature , and raised againe by the power of the divine nature . and why should this exposition seeme strange , when as flesh is put for christs humane nature , ioh. . . the word was made flesh . and so also rom. . . and . . and therefore on the other side the word spirit may well denote christs divine nature . for this exposition estius also cites austine , and athanasius as alledged by bede . and he doth well observe , that this sense agrees with that which is said of christ , cor. . . for though he was crucified through weakenesse , yet hee liveth by the power of god. besides , if wee should reade quickened in the spirit , and by spirit understand christs soule , it would follow , that christs soule was sometime dead . this was austines argument against that exposition , as is observed by bellarmine . who saith that the argument doth not conclude ; for that often in the scripture that is said to be quickned , which is not put to death . but his answer is not satisfactory . for though it is true , that in the scripture to quicken or to make alive is sometimes no more then to preserve and keepe alive ; as sam. . . and sam. . . where both in the originall , and in the vulgar latine the word used doth signifie to make alive . yet neverthelesse nothing in scripture is said to be made , that is , kept alive , but that which is obnoxious unto death , and may die : but christs soule , and generally the soules of men are of an immortall nature , and doe not die , when the body dyeth . besides , what great matter was it ( as estius observes ) if when christs body died , his soule did remaine alive ; when as even in the worst men that are , the soule doth not die , as being by nature immortall ? and therefore hee saith it is better understood thus , christ was quickned in the spirit , that is , hee was made a quickning spirit , viz. when hee rose from death unto life immortall . and hee cites that cor. . . the first man adam was made a living soule ; the last adam was made a quickning spirit . but that sense will not well suite the words of peter , which doe not shew what christ is made being risen againe , but in what respect and by what meanes hee did rise againe , viz. by the spirit , that is , by his divine nature , as in the flesh , that is , his humane nature hee was put to death . but againe it is objected , that s. peter saith christ went and preached to the spirits in prisons ; therefore it is meant of the soule , not of his divine nature , in which respect it cannot be said but improperly that hee went. i answer , there is no necessity to take it properly in the words of peter , more then in the words of paul , ephes . . . when hee saith that christ came and preached peace unto the ephesians ; which must be meant of comming and preaching by the apostle ; for otherwise christ in his owne person did not come and preach unto them . and thus estius notes it to be expounded by ambrose , the interlineary glosse , aquinas , lyra , and cajetane . it is objected againe , that by spirits in prison cannot be understood living men , except s. peter should on purpose speake improperly and obscurely . i answer , according to bezaes exposition , ( which in his particular doth differ from austines , and is the more probable ) not living men , but the soules of men separated from their bodies , are termed spirits in prison , as being in the prison of hell when peter wrote of them ; though they were not so , but were joyned to their bodies , and so both soules and bodies joyned together were living men , when christ preached unto them . but bellarmine further objects that pet. . . where it is said , that the gospell was preached to the dead , which hee will have so understood , as that men being dead , and departed out of this life , the gospell was preached unto them . but the true and genuine meaning of the words rather is this , that the gospell was preached to them , that are now dead ; though they were not dead , but alive when the gospell was preached unto them . even as in the verse immediately going before it is said , that christ will judge both the quick and the dead , that is , those that are now alive , or shall be alive at christs comming ; and those that are now dead , or shall be dead at christs comming ; who yet shall not be judged whiles they are dead , but they shall be raised up , and made alive , and so be judged . as therefore peter calles them dead , because so they are now , and were , when hee wrote of them , though they shall not be dead , but alive , when they shall be judged . so for the same reason hee calles them dead , to whom the gospell was preached , though when the gospell was preached unto them they were alive , and not dead . and in like manner hee calles them spirits in prison , to whom christ went and preached , because so they were when hee wrote , though they were not so when christ went and preached unto them . but bellarmine chargeth beza with being so bold as to change the text , because where they reade , the spirits that were in prison , hee reades , the spirits that are in prison . but , as beslarmine himselfe could not but confesse , in the originall there is neither that were , nor that are , but the words are ( as our translatours render them ) the spirits in prison ; so that either the words that were , or that are , may be understood , as the sense will beare . estius confesseth that some ( i suppose , he meanes some not protestants ) understand , that are : but hee holds it better to understand , that were , as the verbe is of the pretertense , preached . but this reason is of no moment . for if because the word preached hath reference to the time past , therefore it must be meant of the spirits that were in prison , when christ preached unto them : by the same reason when it is said that christ shall judge both the quick and the dead , because shall judge doth respect the time to come , therefore also it must be meant of those that shall be dead , when christ shall judge them . but this doth not follow ; and so neither doth the other . and thus , i hope , it may appear , that those words of peter make nothing for limbus patrum . the fourth and last place of scripture , which is alledged by the marquesse is zach. . . where the pit that is spoken of , hee saith , cannot be the place of the damned , nor the grave . but what then ? must it therefore be limbus patrum ? it doth not follow ; for by the pit there may be something else meant then either the place of the damned , or the grave , or limbus patrum , viz. the babylonish captivity , as the rabbines upon the place expound it . bellarmine citing calvin for this exposition saith , that it hath no probability , because immediatly before there is a prophecy of christ , rejoyce greatly o daughter of sion , behold thy king commeth unto thee , &c. therefore ( saith he ) how should these things cohere , if the captivity of babylon were spoken of ? i answer , well enough ; the prophet having told them of christs comming unto them , might well presently after speak of their deliverance out of captivity , as a great benefit which they had allready obtained through christ ( in whom all the promises are yea , and in him amen , cor. . . ) and whereby they might be assured of far greater benefit by him , even of deliverance from the captivity of sinne and satan . estius in his exposition of the hard places of scripture , treating of this place , saith indeed that many understand it of christs descending into hell , and delivering thence the soules of the just ; but withall hee tells us , that it is diversly expounded , and that one exposition is , that christ by the merit of his passion did free all the elect , who were held captive under the power of the devill . and thus ( hee saith ) the pit , wherein is no water , is the captivity of mankinde , in which so long as it is held , it is empty of the water of divine grace . diverse romanists doe cite hierome as interpreting this place of the prophet zachary , of limbus patrum , and of christs descending thither : but they that peruse hieromes owne words , will finde , that hee neither speakes of christs descending , nor of limbus patrum ; and that indeed hee meant onely that which estius expresseth . hee giveth , the sense of the prophets words thus ; by the blood of thy passion , thou through thy clemency hast delivered those , who were held bound in the prison of hell , in which there is no mercy . and hee addes a little after , that the rich man spoken of luke . was in that pit , which was so void of all water of comfort , that hee desired lazarus might but dip the tip of his finger in water to coole his tongue . here it is evident , that hierome by the pit without water understands the hell of the damned , which is without all comfort , though the marquesse say that place cannot here be meant . now whereas hierome saith that christ by his passion did deliver those that were bound in that prison , i suppose hee did not meane , that any being once in hell , as that rich man that he mentioneth , were afterwards delivered out of it ; himself seemes to exclude that sence , when hee saith , that in that prison there is no mercy , viz. to be obtained : but his meaning was , that such , as by reason of sinne were in the state of damnation , christ did deliver by his passion . but thus neither this place of zachary , nor any other place of scripture doth prove a limbus patrum , or that christ descended into hell in that sense as they of the church of rome maintaine . for the fathers , whom the marquesse citeth , austine in psal . . . hath nothing about limbus patrum , or christs descending into hell ; and i have shewed before that he gathered by the scripture , that abrahams bosome , was no such limbus , as the romanists imagine : yea , that hee held the saints that died before christs incarnation to have alwayes enjoyed the beatificall presence of christs divinity , which is point blanke contrary to their opinion . hierome , i grant , in ephes . . . seemeth to speake for them , where hee saith , by the lower parts of the earth is understood hell , to which our lord and saviour descended , that he might victoriously carry with him to heaven the soules of the saints , which were kept there . whereupon also after his resurrection many bodies of the just were seene in the holy city . but hieromes meaning might be onely this , that christ by the vertue and efficacy of his death , did deliver the soules of all saints ( whether before or after his comming ) from hell , which otherwise by reason of sinne was the place that did belong unto them . thus a little before upon those words , when hee ascended up on high , hee led captivity captive , hierome doth expresse himselfe , saying , wee , who now believe in christ , were taken captive by the devill , and were delivered over to his officers . therefore our lord iesus christ came , bringing with him the vessels of captivity , and preached remission to those that were taken , and deliverance to those that were bound ; and delivered us from the chaines , and fetters of our enemies . and having deliver'd us , and by a new captivity brought us out of our old captivity , he carried us with him into heaven . hee cannot here meane , that we were actually in hell , and then from thence , delivered , and carried up with christ into heaven . but his meaning must needs be this , that whereas sinne had brought us under condemnation , so that nothing but hell did remaine for us , christ by his death delivered us , and made a way for us into heaven , into which otherwise wee could finde no entrance . after the same manner very well may the other words be understood so as to import no such place as they call limbus patrum . however hee meant , yet it appeares sufficiently by the words of austine before cited , that the opinion of limbus patrum was not generally received in that time wherein hierome lived , austine and hee being contemporaries . the other father yet remaining , is gregory , but there is no such place as that mentioned , viz. li. . mor. ca. . for that booke hath onely . chapters in it : yet i finde bellarmine also to cite gregory after the very same manner , yea and to bid us also see cap. . but the words , which bellarmine citeth as out of cap. . are indeed in cap. . viz. whiles our master and redeemer penetrating the cloysters of hell , did bring out from thence the soules of the elect , hee suffers not us to goe thither , from whence by descending hee did deliver others . these words of gregory might admit of the same exposition with those of hierome before spoken of , but that in the next chapter he is more plaine saying , the former saints could indure adversity , but yet they could not be delivered from hell , when they died , because hee was not yet come , who should descend thither without sinne , that hee might deliver those , who were held there by reason of sinne . but the reason that gregory here giveth , is too weake ; for though christ were not then come in the flesh , yet his death was as effectuall to those , that believed in him , then , as after his comming , as i have proved before . neither is the gound or occasion of these words of gregory good ; for hee buildes or comments upon that of iob . . if i waite , sheol ( hell , as gregory understands it ) is mine house . but i have shewed before , that sheol doth not properly signifie hell , as either wee , or our adversaries usually take the word , but the grave , or the state of the dead . and so the chaldie paraphrast there for sheol hath that which signifieth the house of the grave . this appeares to be the meaning in that place by that which followes immediately after , v. . i have said to corruption , thou art my father , to the worme , thou art my mother and sister . if our adversaries wil yet stand upon the authority of gregory , i answer , that we are not tied to the authority of any in this kinde , further then they concur with the scripture : and if we were , yet austines authority were to be preferred , as being years more antient then gregory ; but of this point enough . from limbus patrum wee must now passe to purgatory , to which the marquesse doth next leade us . we hold ( saith hee ) purgatory fire , where satisfaction shall be made for sinnes after death : you deny it . we have scripture for it , cor. . , . the fire shall try every mans worke , of what sort it is ; if any mans worke shall be burnt , hee shall suffer losse , but hee himselfe shall be saved , yet so as by fire . s. aug. so interprets this place upon psal . . also s. ambrose upon cor. . and ser . . in psal . . s. hier. l. . c. . advers . ioan. s. greg. l. . dial . c. . origen hom. . in cap. . exod. if there be any such place as purgatory , it doth much more concerne us then limbus patrum , which they hold to have been made void , and of no use long agoe , but this they pretend to continue still , and to be of as much force as ever it was . but we finde nothing in scripture to prove any such place , or any such fire , as that of purgatory , wherein they that have not fully satisfied for their sinnes in this life , must lie , and frie , untill they have made full satisfaction , and then be taken out , and conveyed to heaven . for thereore they call the place purgatory , and the fire purgatory fire , because ( they say ) in that place , by that fire the soules are purged , which were not fully purged in this life , that being so purged , they may have entrance into heaven . but how doth this agree with the scripture ? that tells us , that the blood of iesus christ cleanseth us from all sinne ; ioh. . . and that if any man sinne , wee have an advocate with the father , iesus christ the righteous ; and he is the propitiation for our sinnes . ioh. . , . it is onely christ , who by his blood doth satisfie for our sinnes , and so purge us from them ; we cannot doe it by any thing , which we either doe or suffer in this life , much lesse is it to be done by us hereafter when we are dead . god doth indeed afflict his children here in this world , thereby to purge them ; by this shall the iniquity of jacob be purged , and this is all the fruit to take away his sinne . isai . . . but this affliction is onely castigatory , not satisfactory . when we are judged , we are chastened of the lord , that we should not be condemned with the world. cor. . . after this life is ended , there remaines no more affliction for the godly , for any thing that we can finde in scripture . wee know , that if our earthly house of this tabernacle were dissolved , we have a building of god , a house not made with hands , eternall in the heavens . — therefore we are alwayes confident , knowing that whiles wee are at home in the body , wee are absent from the lord. for we walke by faith , and not by sight . we are confident , i say , willing rather to be absent from the body , and to be present with the lord. cor. . , , , . the apostle speakes there not peculiarly of himselfe , or such eminent ones as he was , but generally of all believers , as appeares by those words , for we walke by faith , and not by sight ; which is as true of every believer , as it was of paul. now if the faithfull , when they depart out of this tabernacle , the body , goe to their house prepared for them in heaven , and are present with the lord , and enjoy the sight of him ; then surely there is no such thing as purgatory , to keepe them , i know not how long absent from god , in paine and torment . and so the scripture tells us , that they that die in the lord , are blessed , and rest from their labours . revel . . . but how are they blessed , and how doe they rest from their labours , if yet after they are dead , they must endure purgatory , the paines whereof , they say , are most grievous , and such as that no paines here in this life are to be compared with them ? yea , some hold that the least paine in purgatory , is greater then the greatest paine that is in this life . and whereas dominicus à soto thought that none did continue in purgatory above ten years , bellarmine confutes this by the custome of their church praying for those that were known to be dead a hundred or two hundred yeares before . which argues , that ( as they suppose ) soules may continue so long in purgatory . yea , he cites bede , who lived about years agoe , telling of one , to whom was shewed the paines of purgatory , and it was told him , that all the soules in purgatory should be delivered and saved in the day of judgement , &c. whence he infers , that according to bede some now dead ( yea that were dead many hundred years agoe ) must abide in purgatory untill the day of judgement . and will any call such blessed ? will any say that such rest from their labours ? in a word , the scripture tels us but of two places appointed for such as depart out of this life , the one a place of comfort , and the other a place of torment ; and withall it tells us , that betwixt these two places there is such a great gulfe fixed , that they that are in the one , cannot passe unto the other . luke . , . neither doe wee want the testimonies of the antient fathers for the asserting of this truth , which we maintaine . cyprian saith , that though the godly and the wicked fare alike here , yet when this life is ended , then their estates doe much differ . we are contained ( saith hee ) for a while both good and bad in one house ; whatsoever doth happen within the house , we suffer alike , untill this temporall life being ended , we are divided to the habitations either of eternall death , or of immortality . hee makes no third place distinct from those of immortality , and of everlasting death ; neither doth hee make any stay after the end of this life , but that such as escape the habitation of endlesse death , doe immediately passe to the habitation of immortality . so the same father againe . the kingdome now is very neare at hand , &c. now after earthly things follow heavenly , after small things great , after fading things eternall . what place is there here for anxiety and carefulnesse ? who can now be fearfull , and sad , but he that hath neither hope , nor faith ? for it is for him to feare death , who is not willing to goe to christ : and it is for him to be unwilling to goe to christ , who doth not believe that he beginnes to reigne with christ . for it is written , that the just doth live by faith . if thou beest just , if thou doest live by faith , if thou doest indeed believe in god ; why being to be with christ , and being sure of the lords promise , doest thou not embrace this , that thou art called unto christ ; and reioyce that thou art freed from the devill ? thus in a time of mortality did cyprian comfort and encourage christians against the feare of death . but how will all this consist with purgatory ? how is the kingdome of god so nigh at hand ? how doe things heavenly and eternall succeede things earthly and fading , if after this life the soules of christians may continue many hundred years perhaps in the flames of purgatory before they can get to heaven ? might not this well make every one to feare death , and to tremble at the approach of it ? might not a christian at his death well cry out with the heathen emperour , o poore soule , whither art thou now going ? but * cyprian goes on , and citing that of simeon , lord now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace ; for mine eyes have seene thy salvation , he addes , that then the servants of god have peace , then they have free and calme quietnesse , when being taken out of the tempests of this world , we arrive at the haven of eternall rest and security , when as this death being past we come to immortality . and so againe , god doth promise immortality and eternity unto thee , when thou goest out of the world ; and doest thou doubt ? this is not at all to know god : this is to offend christ the lord and master of believers , with the sinne of unbeliefe ; this is to be in the church , the house of faith , and yet to have no faith. how profitable it is to goe out of the world , christ himselfe , the master of our salvation and welfare doth shew , who when his disciples were sorrowfull , because he said he was to leave them , said , if you had loved me , you would rejoyce because i goe to the father , ( joh. . . ) teaching us , that we should rather rejoyce then be sorry , when they depart out of the world , whom we love , who are dear unto us . thus also hierome writing to paula to comfort her concerning the death of her daughter blaesilla , saith , let the dead be lamented , but such an one whom the place of torment doth receive , whom hell doth devoure , for whose punishment the everlasting fire doth burne . we , whose departure a troupe of angels doth accompany , whom christ doth come to meet , are more grieved ( or , as some reade gravemur , let us be more grieved ) if we abide longer in this tabernacle of death : because so long as we abide here , we are as pilgrimes absent from the lord. let that desire possesse us , woe is me , that my pilgrimage is prolonged , &c. austine plainly saith , that the catholike faith by divine authority doth believe the first place to be the kingdome of heaven ; the second to be hell , where every apostate , or such us are aliens from the faith of christ , doe suffer everlasting punishments ; a third place we are altogether ignorant of , yea we finde in the holy scriptures , that there is no such place . bellarmine answers that austine there speakes of those places , which are everlasting . which indeed is true ; for he speakes of heaven , and of hell ( the place of torment ) which are everlasting places for those to abide in , that are in them . but withall hee saith that there is no third place , viz. for those that depart out of this life . besides , how can the romanists yeeld that there is no everlasting place besides heaven , and hell , viz. gehenna ( which is the word that austine useth ) the hell of the damned ? when as they hold a limbus infantium , an everlasting place for infants to abide in , that die without baptisme : which place they make to be distinct both from heaven , and from the place of torment . for there ( they say ) such children as die unbaptized , suffer the punishment of losse , whereby the place differs from heaven ; but not the punishment of sense , whereby it differs from the hell of the damned . but * bellarmine proves that austine , or whosoever was the authour of the booke called hypognosticon , did not deny that there is a third place to abide in for a time after this life , because the catholike faith doth teach , that besides heaven and hell there was before christs death abrahams bosome , where the soules of the holy fathers did abide . i answer , that abrahams bosome was any such limbus patrum as the romanists imagine , was no part of austines creede , as i have shewed before out of austines undoubted writings . and therefore erasmus ( though bellarmine unjustly carpe at him for it ) might well write purgatory in the margent over against those words , a third place we are altogether ignorant of ; signifying that purgatory is a third place , of which the catholike faith is ignorant . but what neede is there to alledge particular fathers , when as the bishop of rochester , who was beheaded in the reigne of henry the eighth for maintaining the popes supremacy , in his booke against luther ( as hee is cited by polydore vergill , who was an agent here in england for the pope in the time of henry . ) when as ( i say ) that authour confesseth , that purgatory is never or very seldome mentioned by the antient writers ; and that the grecians to this day doe not believe that there is any such thing as purgatory . now for the place of scripture , which the marquesse saith they have for purgatory , viz. cor. . , . first it is to be observed , that whereas bellarmine doth alledge diverse other places besides this for proofe of purgatory , the marquesse waves all the other , and mentiones onely this , conceiving it ( as it seemes ) more plaine and pregnant then the rest . yet , . bellarmine tells us , and bids us marke it , that this is one of the most obscure places of all the scripture : though withall hee saith , it is one of the most usefull places , because from thence they have ( as hee supposeth ) a foundation both for purgatory , and for veniall sinnes . but ( as hath beene observed before out of austine ) the scripture is cleare in those things , which concerne faith ; and therefore we must not build pointes of faith upon obscure places . now so obscure is this place , viz. cor. . , . that bellarmine spendes a long chapter meerely in the explication of it . and yet when all is done , nothing can be made of it for purgatory . for bellarmine confutes those that thinke purgatory to be meant by the fire mentioned , v. . the fire shall try every mans worke of what sort it is : and he proves , that the fire there mentioned , is the fire of gods severe and just judgement , which is not a purging and afflicting , but a proving and examining fire . so that bellarmine doth take away one halfe of the marquesses quotation ; and indeed the whole quotation . for though bellarmine would have those words v. . he himselfe shall be saved , yet so as by fire , to be understood of purgatory ; yet who seeth not , that it is absurd to take the word fire otherwise there then v. . and therefore estius upon the place saith , that it is evident , that one and the same fire is meant in both verses . which fire hee will have to be that , which shall burne up the world at the last day . so also bellarmine notes some to understand it ; as some of the tribulations of this life : and some of everlasting fire . all these expositions bellarmine relates , and confutes , as justly he may , that being indeed the true exposition , which hee embraceth , but doth not extend farre enough , viz. that by fire is meant gods severe and just judgement , whereby the workes of all must be tried , as it were by fire ; though the apostle there speake peculiarly of ministers , and of their doctrine : and so as it were by fire shall they be saved , that adhere to the foundation christ , though their workes be found like wood , hay and stubble , vaine and unprofitable , so that they suffer losse in that respect , as having no reward nor benefit of those workes . now whereas the marquesse saith , that austine interprets this place of purgatory , in his commentary upon psal . . i answer , it is true , austine there doth cite or rather glance at this place , and expound it as meant de emendatorio igne , of a purging fire , and saith that this fire is more grievous then any thing that a man can suffer in this life . but besides what hath beene cited before out of austine ( if hypognosticon , be his , which bellarmine thinkes not , though hee saith , the work is learned and profitable , and done by some antient authour ) but besides that , i say , austine in his most elaborate peece , de civit. dei , handling this place of the apostle , shewes himselfe altogether unresolved whether there be any purgatory fire after this life is ended . whether ( saith he ) they finde the fire of transitory tribulation burning up those secular affections , which yet do not bring damnation , there only ( in the other world ) or both there and here , or therefore here that they may not find them there , i do not gainesay , because perhaps it is true . here we see austine taking the point into consideration , had no more then a perhaps , hee was farre from being assured of that which they call purgatory . bollarmine pointing at that place of austine , but not citing the words , saith that austine there doth onely doubt whether purgatory fire be the same in substance with hell-fire , of which it is said , mat. . depart into everlasting fire . but it was his policy to conceale austines words ; for all that have any view of them , must needs see , that he doubts whether there be any purgatory fire in the world to come . so the same father in his enchiridion , ( which it seemes , he wrote when he was old ) speakes as doubtfully as may be of purgatory . that there is some such thing also after this life , is not incredible ; and whether it be so , may be inquired . but whether it be found , or lie hid , that some faithfull ones are so much the later or the sooner saved by a certaine purgatory fire , by how much they did more or lesse love these good things that perish ; yet not any such , as of whom it is said , that they shall not possesse gods kingdome . here hee makes it a question whether it be so , or no , and the most that hee saith is , that it is not incredible , which is farre from asserting it as a thing that ought to be believed . bellarmine saith that austine here only doubts , whether after this life soules be burnt with the fire of griefe for the losse of temporall things , as here they use to be when they are forced to want things , which they most desire . but besides that the words of austine ( which here also bellarmine did prudently omit ) doe plainly refuse this glosse , there is no sense at all ( that i can see ) in it . for how should soules after this life grieve for the losse of temporall things ? is there any use of temporall things after this life is ended ? how then should austine make it a question , whether soules in the other world are grieved , and even burnt with griefe for the losse of these things , which could doe them no good , if they had them ? but againe , in the preceding chapter of the same book austine treating of this place , cor. . , , . saith , that the fire , which the apostle speaketh of , must so be understood , as that both passe through it , both he that up●● the foundation buildes gold , and silver , and pretious stones , and hee that buildes wood , hay , and stubble ; and this hee clearly proves by the words of the apostle . now this doth quite exclude purgatory from being the fire there mentioned . for they will not have purgatory to touch him that buildes gold , and silver , and pretious stones , but onely him that buildes wood , and hay , and stubble . austine therefore makes this fire that the apostle writes of , to be tribulation , and saith , that a man is said to be saved , yet as it were by fire , because the losse of those things , which hee loloved , doth burne him with griefe , yet nor subvert , nor consume him , because he is strongly fixed upon the foundation . and this may suffice for austines testimony , which is objected against us . the next is ambrose , who indeed saith that the apostle in those words , yet so as by fire , doth shew that such a man shall be saved , yet so as that he shall suffer the paines of fire , that being purged by fire he may be saved , and not as they that are perfidious , be for ever tormented with everlasting fire . here hee interprets the apostle indeed as speaking of a purgatory fire ; but yet it doth not appeare that he meant it of a purgatory after this life . for notwithstanding any thing that i yet see to the contrary , hee may be understood of the fire of affliction , with which god doth purge his people here , that so they may not perish hereafter , cor. . . the same authour ( if yet the same ; for many thinke that those commentaries upon paules epistles , are not ambroses , and that not without cause , as bellarmine judgeth ) in the other place that is pointed at , as by the marquesse , so also by bellarmine , viz. serm. . in psal . . toucheth upon the words of the apostle cor. . but how our adversaries can gaine any thing by him , i cannot see . take heed ( saith hee ) thou doe not bring with thee wood , or stubble , which the fire may burne up , 〈◊〉 gods judgement . take heed lest being approved in one or two things , thou bring that , which in more workes doth offend . if any ones worke shall be burnt , he shall suffer losse , yet he also may be saved by fire . whence it is gathered , that the same man is in part saved , and in part condemned . here ambrose himselfe sufficiently shewes , that hee speakes of the fire of gods judgement , whereof hee makes expresse mention . neither can he meane any such purgatory as our adversaries plead for , seeing hee speakes of that which shall befall a man at the last judgement ; for immediately before hee brings in that of the apostle cor. . . we must all appeare before the judgement seate of christ , &c. and then addes that before cited , take heed thou bring not with thee unto gods iudgement wood , stubble , &c. now when the day of judgement commeth , then our adversaries hold that purgatory ceaseth . bellarmine notes this as an errour in origen , that hee extends the time of purgatory beyond the resurrection . so much therefore for ambrose . after him is cited hierome lib. . cap. . advers . joan. i suppose it is meant of iohn bishop of jerusalem , to whom epiphanius wrote an epistle , admonishing him to beware of the errour of origen , which ( it seemes ) hee suspected him to be guilty of ; this epistle being written by ephiphanius in geeke , hierome translated into latine , and so it is inserted among the epistles of hierome , being the epistle . then hierome himselfe wrote a long epistle , which is the . to pammachius about the errours of this iohn of jerusalem , which epistle is divided into chapters . and after that another about the same subject to theophilus , which containes but three chapters . therefore the marquesse here must meane the epistle to pammachius , which yet chapt. . hath nothing at all about purgatory . bellarmine cites nothing out of hierome , against iohn of jerusalem , but something out of him against the pelagians , viz. this , if origen say , that no reasonable creatures shall be destroyed , and give repentance to the devill , what is that to us , who say that the devill , and his angels , and all the wicked and ungodly do perish for ever , and that christians , if they be prevented in sin , shall be saved after punishment ? here indeed hierome seemes to make some christians after this life to suffer punishment , and yet to be saved . but if hee doe speake of punishment to be endured after this life ( which is not cleare and certaine , though , i confesse , it is probable by those words , if they be prevented in sin ) yet he seemes withall to have held that some even after the day of judgement shall be punished , yet so as to be saved , which bellarmine ( as i have shewed ) noted as an errour in origen ; and therefore hierome in this ( as it seemes ) following origen , doth dissent as well from romanists as from protestants . now that hierome was of that opinion , may appeare by that which hee saith a little before in the same chapter . that which thou puttest in the chapter following ( saith he to his adversary ) that the unjust and sinners shall not be spared in the day of judgement , but shall be burnt with everlasting fire ; who can endure , that thou shouldest interdict gods mercy , and before the day of judgement iudge of the iudges sentence ? for thou sayest , that it is written in psal . . let the sinners faile from the earth , and the unjust , that they be no more . — he doth not say , that they shall be burnt with everlasting fire , but that they faile from the earth , and oease to be unjust . for it is one thing for them to cease from sin , and from iniquity ; and another thing for them to perish for ever , and to be burnt with everlasting fire . hierome seemes not to be so cleare in the other words for this , that some are punished after this life , and yet saved ; as hee is in these words for this , that some shall be punished after the day of judgement , so as thereby to cease from sinne and iniquity ( to be purged from it ) but not so as to perish for ever and to be burnt with everlasting fire . our adversaries therefore ( so farre as i can see ) must relinquish hieromes testimony , who either saith nothing at all for them , or more then they would have . after hierome is cited gregory lib. . dial . cap. . it is true , gregory there saith , that for some light faults we are to believe that there is a purgatory fire before the ( last ) judgement . but marke . gregory there immediately before cites many places of scripture , as ioh. . . isai . . . with cor. . . eccles . . . by which places hee saith it is certaine , that such as every one is when he goeth out of this world , such shall he be when he comes to iudgement . see then if these places of scripture be not more cleare against purgatory , then that which hee after alledgeth , is for it . he alledgeth that mat. . where it is said , that hee that sinneth against the holy ghost , shall not forgiven , neither in this world , nor in the world to come . from whence he gathers , that some sinnes are forgiven in this world , and some in the world to come . but . how will this stand with that which he said before ? for if some sinnes not forgiven in this world , may be forgiven in the world to come , how shall every one be found at the last judgement such as hee is when he dieth ? . the collection from that place of matthew , is not good . for those words , neither in this world , nor in the world to come , import neither more nor lesse then never , as s. marke expresseth it , he that shall blaspheme against the holy ghost , hath never forgivenesse . mark. . . theophylact expounds it thus , he shall not be forgiven neither in this world , nor in the world to come , that is , hee shall be punished both in this world , and in the world to come . and so also ( as iansenius confesseth ) it is expounded by chrysostome . some observe that neither in this world , nor in the world to come , is a hebraisme for never . bellarmine saith that this is false ; but hee was not so conversant in the jewish writings , as to be fit to give sentence in this case . drusius , who was better skill'd in that kinde , citeth the scholiast upon ben sira saying thus , they that are of an intemperate tongue , cannot be cured , neither in this world , nor in the world to come . besides iansenius saith that this conduplication , neither in this world , nor &c. doth signifie that as this sinne shall not be forgiven in this world , because of the enormity of it ; so much lesse shall it be forgiven in the world to come , which is not a time of grace , as this present world is . if it be not a time of grace , how then can sinnes be pardoned in that world , which here were not pardoned ? we grant , that sinnes may be said to be forgiven in the world to come , yet onely such sinnes as are forgiven in this world , the forgivenesse of which sinnes shall be declared and made manifest in the day of judgement . bellarmine himselfe saith that every one is examined , and receiveth his sentence when hee dieth , and then some begin to be punished , and some to be rewarded : and yet neverthelesse these things are said to be done in the last iudgement , because then they shall be done most manifestly before all the world , to the greater honour of the godly , and the greater shame of the wicked . even so though sinnes are forgiven in this world , or not at all , yet they are said to be forgiven in the world to come , because in the last judgement it shall be made manifest to all the world that they are forgiven . . gregory grants a purgatory after this life onely for some small and light sinnes , as idle talking , immoderate laughing , &c. but they of the church of rome doe now hold , that mortall sinnes ( as they call them ) in respect of the punishment are sometimes remitted not here in this world , but in the world to come . . gregory in that same place saith that the fire which the apostle speakes of cor. . , . may be understood of the fire of tribulation , which is endured in this life . what doe our adversaries now gaine by gregory ? hee takes away one principall place , that they build upon for purgatory : he alledgeth many places , from which by his own confession so much is evinced as indeed cannot consist with purgatory : hee builds upon a place , which both in the judgement of other fathers professedly commenting upon it , and also by diverse reasons appeares to make nothing for purgatory : and concerning that purgatory , which he doth hold , he comes short of the opinion of our adversaries ; all which things considered , they can get little by his testimony . the next and last father objected against us is origen , whose testimonie , if it were most cleare for a purgatory after this life , yet it were of small force , he being censured ( as i have shewed before ) by bellarmine as erroneous in this point , holding that there shall be a purgatory even after the day of judgement . yet bellarmine also thought good to make use of his testimony , viz. this , he that is saved , is saved by fire ; that if perhaps he have any lead mixed with him , the fire may melt and consume it , that so all may be made pure gold. thus i confesse , origen writes in the place , which the marquesse citeth . and so also in the same place hee hath these words , which though bellarmine doth not alledge , yet some have thought to make for purgatory , and so they do as much as the other . all must come to the fire , all must come to the fornace . where in the margent it is noted ( by genebrard , i suppose , who was the overseer of that edition ) that origen speakes of purgatory . but it may easily appeare to any that looke into origen , that neither in these words , nor in the other before cited , purgatory is meant by that fire and fornace whith he speakes of , but affliction . as the fornace ( saith hee ) doth try gold , so doth affliction the righteous . and speaking of peter he saith , he was not so great , nor such an one as that he had no mixture of lead in him . he had some , though but a little ; and therefore the lord said unto him , why didst thou doubt , o thou of little faith ? and then immediately follow the words which bellarmine alledgeth , and the marquesse ( i presume ) aimeth at , therefore he that is saved , is saved by fire , &c. what is this to the romish purgatory ? i am confident , they will not say , that peter had neede of this purgatory , yet hee had of that which origen speakes of , and so all whosoever they be , it being affliction , by which here in this life even the best are tried and also purified . and thus much for purgatory ; in the last place comes extreme unction . lastly , ( saith the marquesse ) we hold extreme vnction to be a sacrament : you neither hold it to be a sacrament , neither do you practise it as a duty . we have scripture for it ; jam. . . is any sick among you , let him call for the elders of the church ; and let them pray over him , anointing him in the name of the lord. and the prayer of faith shall save the sick , and the lord shall raise him up ; and if he have committed sins , they shall be forgiven him . neither any , nor all the sacraments were , or could be more effectuall to mens good , nor more substantiall in matter , nor more exquisite in forme , nor more punctuall in the designation of its ministery : other sacraments being bounded within the limits of the soules onely good ; this extends it selfe to the good both of soule and body . he shall recover from his sicknesse , and his sinnes shall be forgiven him . and yet it is both left out in your practice , and acknowledgement . the fathers are on our side ; orig. hom . . in levit. chrys . l. . de sacerd. aug. in speculo , & ser. . de temp . vener . bed. in . mir. & s. iames ; and many others . as for extreme unction , as they call it , that is , the anointing of the sick with oyl , as the manner is in the church of rome , protestants do not acknowledge it to be either a sacrament , or a duty , because they see no ground in scripture either for the one , or for the other . the scripture indeed in two places , viz. that which the marquesse citeth , and mar. . . doth speak of anointing the sick with oyle : but that anointing was extraordinary , peculiar to those times , when there was , as other extraordinary gifts bestowed upon men , so , the gift of healing , which is mentioned , mat. . , . and cor. . , . in which places of scripture this gift is ranked with casting out devills , speaking with strange tongues , and working of miracles . and so mark . . it is said of the apostles , they cast out many devils , and anointed with oyle many that were sick , and healed them . it is plain , that this anointing with oyle was of like nature with casting out of devils , that is , that it was a miraculous cure wrought by the apostles . and that in saint iames was of the same kinde with this in saint mark , as i shall shew anon . but now the gift of healing in that manner being ceased , we say that the ceremony is to cease also , and not to be used . the marquesse insisteth much upon the words of saint iames , as being very clear and full to prove both that this anointing is a duty , and also that it is a sacrament . and so the romanists must hold , because the councell of trent hath determined , that the holy anointing of the sick was instituted by christ our lord , as a sacrament of the new testament truly and properly so called ; and that this sacrament is insinuated in mark , but commended to the faithfull , and promulgated by james the apostle , and the lords brother . and who soever shall gain say this , the councell doth pronounce them accursed . but there being two places of scripture , which mention this anointing with oyle , it may seem strange that the marquesse should alledge only the one , and wholly wave the other : wee shall see ( i hope ) by and by that this is as much as to quit both places , they being both to one and the same purpose . the councell of trent ( we see ) thought good to make use of both , yet so as to lay the more weight upon that in iames , saying only that the sacrament of anointing is insinuated in the other . and so bellarmine doth mainly build upon the words of iames , yet so as that he will have the words of saint mark to contain in them a figure and adumbration of this sacrament , which they call extreme unction . let us take what they grant , viz. that the anointing mentioned mar. . was not properly sacramentall . so much the marquesse tacitely doth acknowledge , and bellarmine expresly , citing for this opinion ruardus , iansenius , dominicus à soto , and others , yea confirming it by diverse arguments . . because that anointing , which the apostles used , was referred onely or chiefly to the cure of the body , as is manifest by the words of saint mark ; but sacraments directly concern the soul , and the body only by accident . . the apostles as then were not priests ; and therefore could not administer sacraments . though they did baptize , yet ( he saith ) that is nothing , because it is not so of the essence of baptisme , as it is of extreme unction , that he should be a priest that doth administer it . . the apostles did promiscuously anoint all that were diseased , the blinde , and the lame , &c. but the sacrament of unction ( they hold ) is only for those that lie sick , and are like to die . . the apostles did not enquire whether they whom they did anoint were baptized , or no , and it is altogether probable , that many were anointed by them , that were meer infidels . but neither extreme unction , nor any other sacrament , ( they say ) belongs unto those that are not baptized . by these reasons bellarmine proveth that the anoynting , which we read of mar. . was not the sacrament of extreme unction . now if this sacrament be not meant in mar. . neither is it in iam . for by the testimony both of antient writers , and also of modern romanists , the anointing which saint iames speaketh of , is the same with that which saint mark mentioneth . beda upon the words of saint iames , anointing him with oyle , &c. doth parallel that place with the other , mar. . saying , we read in the gospel , that thus did the apostles . thus also theophylact upon the words of saint mark saith , that the apostles anointed with oyle , only mark doth relate ; which also iames the lords brother doth say , is any among you sick , let him , &c. iansenius confesseth that these authours , beda and theophylact , doe testifie that the anointing spoken of mar. . is such as saint iames doth mention in his epistle , and this he saith is evident by their words , which he citeth . bellarmine doth attribute this opinion ( viz. that the same anointing is meant both mar. . and jam. . to waldensis , and alphonsus de castro , two late writers ( though one of them was a good while before luther ) both very zealous in defence of the church of rome ; yet i confesse , that in alphonsus where he speaks of extreme unction , i doe not find mar. . mentioned . maldonate upon mar. . is most vehement for this , that the same anointing is spoken of there , and jam. . and takes it very ill that any of their authours should hold otherwise , and should say , and write , that the anointing which the apostles used , was not sacramentall for the healing of the soule , but rather medicinall for the curing of the body , and that the sacrament of extreme unction , is not treated of in mar. . where then ( saith he ) is this sacrament , if it be not here ? very good ; — ubi yet bellarmine by unanswerable reasons hath proved that no such sacrament is here , viz. mar. . and therefore by maldonates own inference it is no where , viz. in no place of scripture to bee found . maldonate objecteth , that the anointing mar. . could not be medicinall , because it was used for the healing of all diseases ; and because the apostles were not to use medicines , seeing it was not physick , but the gospel , which they professed . but this is of no force ; for they whom maldonate opposeth , acknowledge that the oile , which the apostles anointed with , did not naturally cure the diseased , nor was used as a naturall medicine ; and they prove it by maldonates own argument , because naturally one medicine cannot cure all diseases . but they say , that by christs institution upon this anointing with oile , the sick were healed . maldonate would take away this answer , saying , that there was no need of any sign , seeing that the cure which was wrought would work beliefe ; and that the using of oil , would rather hinder faith ; for that thereby people might think that the cure was wrought by the naturall vertue of the oile , and not by divine power . but the reason , which himselfe alledgeth , would hold off people from any such conceit , viz. because they might see that all manner of diseases were healed with one and the same oile , and that therefore it could not be by the naturall vertue of it . besides , that immediately upon the anointing with oile , the sick were healed , whereas naturally some time would have been spent before the cure was wrought ; yet was not the anointing with oile superfluous , no more then the laying on of hands , which was used both for the healing of the sick , mar. . . and also for the giving of the holy ghost , acts . . though naturally that ceremony had as little vertue in that kinde as the other . thus then whiles some of our adversaries say , that extreme unction is not that which saint mark treateth of ; and others of them say , that saint mark , and saint iames doe both speake of one and the same unction , and that if extreme unction be not spoken of mark. . we know not where to finde it in the scripture ; betwixt them both wee may safely conclude , that this sacrament of theirs hath no firme foundation . but because the marquesse onely , and others mainly build upon the words of s. iames , this is to be added , that cardinall cajetane in his commentary upon iames doth not only parallel him with marke , but also doth both say and prove that he doth not speake of the sacrament of éxtreme unction . because . the text doth not say , is any sick unto death ? but absolutely , is any sick ? whereas extreme unction , as they use it in the church of rome , is onely for those of whose life there is no hope . . the effect of s. iames his anointing is the raising up ( the bodily amendment ) of the sick ; neither is any thing spoken but conditionally of the forgivenesse of sinnes . whereas extreme unction ( as the forme of it doth shew ) tends directly to the remission of sinnes . . iames bids send for many elders to one sick person , both to pray for him , and to anoint him , which is different from the manner of extreme unction . thus wee see how many of our adversaries by consequence , and some of them directly grant , that there is nothing in the scripture for that extreme unction , which they use , and maintaine to be a sacrament . now for the humane testimonies , which the marquesse alledgeth , the first is origens , who in the place mentioned hath nothing to the purpose . he cites indeed the words of s. iames , which speake of anointing with oile , but it is not in respect of unction , but in respect of confession of sinne that hee doth cite-them . after him is cited austine in speculo ; but there being . chapters of that booke , which of them is meant , wee cannot tell . neither is it much worth the inquiry ; for erasmus shewes that booke to be none of austines , in that the authour inserts some verses out of boetius , who was long after austine ; besides other reasons , which hee giveth ; yet bellarmine asserting austine to be the authour of the booke , takes no notice of the reasons alledged against it , though hee confesse that some doe doubt of it . in the other place of austine , which is pointed at , i finde indeed , that hee doth cite the words of s. iames , but yet so as that our adversaries gaine litle by it . for hee referreth those words of anointing with oile , &c. unto bodily health ; and so inveigheth against those that by charmes , and spels , and the like superstitious and ungodly practices bring upon themselves manifold miseries . now bodily health is a thing , which the romanists have no respect unto in their unction , but use it directly for the good of the soule , even as they doe baptisme , and the lords supper . and this also takes off the testimony of chrysostome , who shewing what benefit people have by ministers , or ( as hee calles them ) priests , saith that parents cannot prevent so much as the bodily destruction of their children , nor keepe off a disease when it seizeth on them ; but these doe often preserve people alive , when they are even ready to die ; and sometimes mitigate their paine ; and sometimes keepe them from being ill at all , not onely by the helpe of their doctrine , and admonition , but also of their prayers . and then hee cites that iam. . is any sick among you ? let him send for the elders , &c. all this is nothing to the romish unction ; for besides that chrysostome doth not at all speake of priests anointing , but of their teaching , admonishing , and praying , and in this respect doth bring in the words of s. iames ; besides this , i say , it is directly a corporall benefit , which hee insisteth on , as freedome from sicknesse , mitigation of paine , deliverance from death ; and therefore that which hee saith , makes nothing for extreme unction , which they of the church of rome say , was instituted of god to this end , that wee departing out of this mortall life , may have a more ready way to heaven . and therefore they call it the sacrament of such as goe out of this world. what is this sacrament then concerned in the words of chrysostome , who speakes onely of preserving life and health here in this world ? in the last place venerable bede is alledged . but . hee is against them in this ( as i have shewed before ) that he makes marke and iames to speake both of one and the same thing ; whereas diverse of them both say and prove , that marke doth not speake of sacramentall unction . . by elders bede understandeth elders in respect of age . and hee saith expressely , and alledgeth also pope innocentius for it , that not onely presbyters , but also all christians may use this oile and anoint with it , when either they , or any belonging unto them have neede . which is enough to prove that he doth not make this unction a sacrament , as they of the church of rome doe . for ( saith bellarmine ) it is of the essence of the sacrament of extreme unction , that the minister of it be a priest : and if a lay man doe anoint any , it is of no force . yea the councell of trent sayes , if any one shall say , that not only a priest is the proper minister of extreme vnction , let him be anathema . what doe they say to bede then , and to innocentius whom bede citeth ? they answer , that innocentius and bede speak not of him that is to administer the unction , but of him that is to receive it . but this is a very violent and forced interpretation , and such as bedes words will not admit . for hee having said , it is the custome of the church , that they that are weak should be anointed by presbyters with consecrated oile , and by prayer accompanying it be made whole : immediately after he adds , neither only presbyters , but also ( as pope innocentius writeth ) all christians may use this oile by anointing with it either in their own , or in their friends necessity . it is manifest , that bede here speaketh of christians using the oile not so as to be anointed , but so as to anoint with it , and that both themselves and others , as they saw cause . . bede also ( as appeares by his words even now cited ) makes this anointing with oile , which ( he saith ) the church did use in his time , to have reference to the body , and the health of it ; neither doth he speak any thing of any spirituall effect , that it should have upon the soule . and thus also it appeares , that he doth not speake of the sacrament of extreme vnction . * cassander also confesseth , that in the church of rome they have now departed from antiquity . . in this , that in more antient times they did not use ( as now they do ) to defer this anointing , untill life were even in extreme danger , and there was no hope of recovery . . in this , that antiently they used after this anointing , if there were danger , to receive the sacrament of christs body and blood ; whereas now they have no such custome . yea , the carechisme of the councell of trent saith , that before extreme vnction , the sacrament of penance and of the eucharist is to be administred ; and that this is the perpetuall custome of the catholike church ; which is directly contrary to that which cassander affirmeth . but this ( i hope ) may be enough to shew that the romish sacrament of extreme vnction hath no support either from the scriptures , or from the antient fathers . the marquesse having waded thorough all the forementioned parts of controversie , and ( as he supposeth ) proved the scriptures to be on their side , now sings as it were an epinicion , or a song of victory , saying , thus , most sacred sir , we have no reason to wave the scriptures umpirage ; so that you will hear it speak in the mother language , &c. but how litle the scriptures umpirage doth favour them of the church of rome , let the reader judge by what hath been said on both sides , the scripture being understood in that sense , which it selfe doth make out , and to which also the antient fathers and doctors have subscribed , which ( i suppose ) the marquesse doth mean by the scriptures mother-language . as for the church of rome , it hath long shewed it selfe the scriptures step-mother , keeping it shut up in an unknown tongue , or not permitting christians the liberty to make use of it , excepting such as can obtain a speciall dispensation for it ; yea in many things going directly contrary to the scripture , and even in a manner casting off the authority of it . here presently after the marquesse brings in the saying of austine , evangelio non crederem , nisi me ecclesiae authoritas commoveret , i should not beleeve the gospel it selfe , unlesse i were moved by the authority of the church ; as if , were it not for the authority of the church , the scripture were of no force , neither could deserve any credit . so the romanists do frequently pervert those words of austine ; but austines meaning was only this , that the churches authority by way of introduction was a means to bring him to beleeve the gospel , by propounding and commending the gospel unto him , as a thing to be beleeved , whereas otherwise he should not have given heed to it , nor taken notice of it ; not as if he did finally rest in the authority of the church , and resolve his faith into it . no ; for ( as i have shewed before ) he would have the church it selfe sought in the scripture , and proved by it . had not the woman of samaria told those , among whom she lived , of christ , they had not come to the knowledge of him , much lesse to beleeve in him ; yet having heard christ himselfe , they did not rest in the testimony of the woman , but said unto her , now we beleeve not because of thy saying ; for we have heard him our selves , and know that this is indeed the christ , and the saviour of the world . joh. . . so should not the church hold out unto us the scriptures , we should not know , much lesse beleeve them ; but at length ( god by his spirit opening our understandings that we may understand the scriptures , luke . . ) we come to be convinced by the scriptures themselves , that they are the oracles of god , and of divine authority . melchior canus , a learned writer of the church of rome , holds that the formall reason of our faith is not the authority of the church , that is , that the last resolution of our faith is not into the churches testimony . and he saith , that he could not dissemble their errour , who hold that our faith is to be reduced thither , as to the utmost cause of beleeving . for the confuting of this errour , he saith belongs that ioh. . now we beleeve not because of thy saying , for we our selves have heard him , and know , &c. the same authour averres , that the authority of the church is not a reason by it selfe moving to beleeve , but only a cause ( or meanes ) without which we should not beleeve , viz. because ( as he addes ) the church doth propound unto us that the scripture is the word of god , and except the church did so propound it , we should never ( ordinarily ) come to beleeve it ; yet we doe not therefore beleeve the scripture to be gods word , because the church doth say it , but because god doth reveal it . if the church ( saith he ) doth make way for us to know such sacred books , we must not therefore rest there , but we must goe further , and must relye on gods solid truth . and then he brings in that very speech of austine , and shewes what he meant by it . hereby is understood ( saith he ) what austine meant , when he said , i should not beleeve the gospell , except the authority of the church did move me . and again , by the catholikes i had beleeved the gospell . for austine had to doe with the manichees , who without dispute would have a certain gospell of theirs beleeved , and so would establish the faith of the manichees . austine therefore askes them what they would doe , if they did light upon a man , who did not beleeve so much as the gospell ; what kind of perswasion they would use to bring him to their opinion . he affirmes , that himselfe could not be otherwise brought to embrace the gospell , but that the authority of the church did overcome him . he doth not therefore teach , that the faith of the gospell is grounded upon the churches authority , but only that there is no certain way , whereby either infidels , or novices in the faith , may have entrance to the holy books , but one and the same consent of the catholike church . this he himselfe hath sufficiently explicated in the fourth chapter of that epistle , and in his book to honoratus concerning the benefit of beleeving . i have thus largely cited the words of this learned romanist , because no protestant can speak more clearly , and more fully to the purpose . that which the marquesse after addeth , is nothing against us , viz. that there was a church , before there was any scripture ; that though the scripture be a light , yet we have need of some to guide us ; though it be the food of our soules , yet there must be some to administer it unto us ; though it be an antidote against the infection of the devill , yet it is not for every one to be a compounder of the ingredients ; that though it be the onely sword and buckler to defend the church from her ghostly enemies , yet this doth not exclude the noble army of martyrs , and the holy church , which through all the world doth acknowledg christ . all this , i say , is nothing at all against us , who do so assert the authority of the scripture , as that we doe not evacuate the churches ministery . timothy must preach ; but it is the word ( viz. of god contained in the scriptures ) which he must preach . tim. . . if any man speak ( for the instructing of others ) he must speak as the oracles of god. pet. . . he must confirm that , which he doth speak , by the scriptures . and so on the other side they that hear , must take heed how , and what they hear . luke . . mark . . they must not beleeve every spirit , but must try the spirits , whether they be of god. john . . they must to the law , and to the testimony ; for that if any speak not according to this word , it is because they have no light in them . isai . . they must search the scriptures diligently , to see whether the things delivered unto them be so , or no. acts . . of the chvrch of england . the second part of the rejoynder to the marquess of worcester's reply majestie' 's answer to the said marquesse's plea for the romish religion . the marquesse saith , that he will now consider the opinions of protestants apart from them of the church of rome , and begin with the church of england . the religion of this church , he saith , as it is in opposition to theirs , consists wholly in denying , ( for that what she affirms , they affirm the same ) as , the real presence , the infallibility , visibility , universality , and unity of the church , confession and remission of sinnes , free-will , possibility of keeping the commandments , &c. and you may as well ( saith he ) deny the blessed trinity ( for we have no such word in scripture , only inference ) as that which you have already denied , for which we have plain scripture , &c. but , . it is not altogether so , that what the church of england doth affirm , the same they of the church of rome do affirm also . for the church of england , art . doth affirm ( alleadging the authority of the apostle for proof thereof ) that concupiscence hath of it self the nature of sinne even in the regenerate , which the romanists deny ; the councel of trent accurseth those that hold this doctrine . . in what sense we deny the real presence , and the other particulars here mentined , i have shewed before ; as also what little cause they have to boast , that either scripture or fathers do make for those assertions of theirs wherein we dissent from them . that which the marquesse after addeth of a womans being head , supreme , or moderatrix in the church , i have likewise spoken to sufficiently before . that a lay-man should excommunicate , and that upon every ordinary occasion , as non-payment of fees , and the like , for which the marquesse taxeth this church , i am content that it passe among the errata's of our church , as he was pleased to speak ( though without cause ) concerning some passages in the fathers , as i have noted before . it is our doctrine , and not our discipline , that i endeavour to defend . after the church of england , the marquesse commeth to the church of saxony , and so passeth to the church of geneva , as he pretendeth ; but yet indeed he speaketh only of two particular persons relating to those churches , viz. luther and calvin , as if whatsoever were held by them , were to be imputed to those churches to which they did relate : which surely is not fair dealing ; much lesse , that all protestants should stand charged with all their sayings , were they indeed such as the misconstruction of adversaries would make them . we honour these , and many more , as men eminently active in that great work of reforming the church ; yet do we not ascribe an infallibility unto them , as the romanists do unto their popes : we do not say of them , as bellarmine doth of the pope , that if they should command vices , and forbid vertues , we were bound to believe vices to be good , and vertues to be evil . no , we know the apostle bids us prove all things , and hold fast that which is good . thess . . . but let us see what it is that the marquesse doth say , and first of luther . . he chargeth luther as saying of the book of ecclesiastes , that it hath never a perfect sentence in it , and that the author thereof had neither boots nor spurs , but rid upon a long stick , or in begging shooes , as he did when he was a friar . the places which the marquesse citeth for proof of this , i cannot examine , they not being in luthers works , of that edition at least , which i have liberty to peruse . but therein i find that luther doth comment upon the book of ecclesiastes , and doth speak after a far other manner of it , saying , that it is a book worthy that all should be much versed in it ; and that all , and especially magistrates , should be well acquainted with it . . he taxeth luther for saying of the book of job , that the argument thereof is a meer fiction , invented only for the setting down of a true and lively example of patience . if luther did say thus ( which is more also then i can find ) though i am far from being of his mind ; for i suppose , that if there had not indeed been such a man as job in the history of him is described , the prophet ezekiel , and s. james would not have mentioned him as they do , ezek. . , . jam. . . yet that most famous doctor amongst the jewes , moses maimonides , shewes that some were of this opinion , that there never was such a man as job , and that the history of him is but a parable . and this opinion himself inclines unto , though ( i confesse ) his reason is of small force , viz. because they that hold otherwise , cannot agree about the time in which job lived . . luther ( as is alleadged against him ) saith , that it is a false opinion , and to be abolished , that there are four gospels ; and that the gospel of s. john is only true . neither can i find any such thing as this in luther , that the gospels written by the other three evangelists , matthew , marke , and luke , are not as true as that written by john. but i finde that which doth sufficiently evince the contrary , viz. that luther in the fifth volume of his works , hath annotations upon the first seventeen chapters of st. matthews gospel ; and that in his notes upon the first chapter , he divers times calls both matthew and luke evangelists , or publishers of the gospel . . luther ( as the marquesse alledgeth ) saith of the epistle of s. james , that it is contentious , swelling , dry , strawy , and unworthy an apostolical spirit . thus also divers other romanists have charged luther , as campian , duraeus , breerley , and silvester petrasancta ; yet the words which they mention are not to be found in luthers works . but ( say the romanists ) they were in them , though afterward they were left out . i answer , then , it seems if there were any such words , they were not approved . duraeus confesseth that those words are not in luthers works set forth either at wittemberge , or at strasburge , but onely in those set forth at jena ; which argues that if there were any such words , they found but little approbation . mr. breerley saith , that the later editions of luthers works at wittemberge were corrupted by the zuinglians and others . but surely if luthers works were corrupted , and that in the editions of wittemberge , it must be by others , and not by the zuinglians . for is it likely , that the zuinglians , who were such adversaries unto luther , that mr. breerly , and after him the marquesse doth frequently alledge them against luther , is it likely ( i say ) that they should corrupt luthers works in that kinde , so as indeed to purge them from that which was amisse in them ? and if they would do luther this favour , yet how should they do it at wittemberge , where ( i suppose ) not the zuinglians , but the lutherans did bear sway , and would have the chief hand in setting forth luthers works in that place ? and for that first edition of luthers works at jena , though ( it seems ) luther did speak lesse honorably of st. james his epistle , as i confesse i find him to speak elsewhere in his works , yet not so basely as his adversaries of rome do charge him . gerhard , a great lutheran , saith that luther indeed in his preface to s. james his epistle , in the first edition of the german bible , did say that this epistle is not of like worth with the epistles of paul and peter , and that it is strawie , if it be compared with those epistles . but that he no where tearms it contentious , swelling , dry ; nor yet simply , but onely comparatively strawie . and that after the year . in no edition of luthers works it is so called , but the contrary rather is to be found , to wit , that luther did commend this epistle ( though some of the ancients did reject it ) and account it good and profitable . it seems then , that luther himself did retract that , which hee had written concerning the epistle of s. james , his censure of it having been too bad , though yet not so bad as the romanists would make it : and although this doth not justifie luther ( as i do not desire to defend him , or any man in that wherein he is to be condemned ) yet it might make his opposers the more mild , that eusebius and hierome of old do shew , that the authority of this epistle was some while doubted of ; and cardinal cajetane , luthers contemporarie , did somewhat scruple at it ; and so did he also argue against the authority of the epistle to the hebrews . some also say , that erasmus censures this epistle of james , as not savouring of apostolical authority . but in that edition which i have of erasmus his notes upon the new testament , i finde no such censure , but that he would not have us contend about the * author , but to i● brace the matter , acknowledging the holy ghost to be the author of it . this advice is worthy to be followed by protestants as well as papists . . luther is taxed for saying , that moses in his writings sheweth unpleasant , stopped and angry lips , in which the word of grace is not , but of wrath , death and sinne . and that hee calls him a gapler , executioner , and a cruel serjeant . this doth mr. breerley object against luther , and i grant that luther indeed hath those words , tom . . in psal . . but he speaks of moses onely as contradistinct to christ , as a meer law-giver . for the law was given by moses , but grace and truth came by jesus christ , joh. . . so moses his ministration was the ministration of death , cor. . . and the ministration of condemnation , v. . the law simply considered , doth convince of sinne , and condemn for sinne . for by the law is the knowledge of sinne , rom. . . and it saith , cursed is every one that continueth not in all things which are written in the book of the law to do them , gal. . . now no man doth , or can perform this , and therefore ( saith the apostle there ) as many as are of the works of the law , are under the curse . and so the law worketh wrath , rom. . . this is not through any fault of the law , but by reason of sinne , which is a transgression of the law , joh. . . and so makes liable to the curse and condemnation , which by the law belongs to those that transgresse . the law ( saith ambrose ) is not wrath , but it worketh wrath , that is , punishment to him that sinneth , in that it doth not pardon sin , but revenge it . and again , the glory of moses his countenance ( saith he ) had not the fruit of glory , in that it did not profit any , but rather hurt , though not through its own fault , but through the fault of those that sinne . this is spoken of the law , as it stands in opposition to the gospel , wherein reconciliation and salvation through christ is set forth . and in this sense only did luther speak of moses , as himself expresly sheweth . . the marquesse addes , that for luther's doctrine , he holds a threefold divinity , or three kinds , as there are three persons . for proof of this , only zuinglius is cited . but luther and he being such adversaries , their testimonies one against the other are of small force . had any such thing been in luthers writings , the romanists themselves ( i doubt not ) would have found it out , and not have referred us only to zuinglius for it . luther on genes . . doth expressely speak of three persons , but one divinity , as being the same in all the three persons . . that luther is angry with the word trinity , calling it a humane invention , and a thing that soundeth very coldly . the place alledged i have not opportunity to examine : but thus much i say , that luther believing the thing , viz. that there are three divine persons , ( as i have shewed immediately before ) i see not why he should dislike the word trinity . . that he justistifies the arrians , and saith , they did very well in expelling the word ( homousion ) being a word that his soule hated . thus also duraeus , and before him campian , and before them both bellarmine chargeth luther with saying , that his soule did hate the word homousion , which the orthodox fathers used , to shew against the arrians the consubstantiality of the son with the father . but they wrong luther , as their manner is : for he doth not say , that his soul did hate that word ; but that if his soul did hate it , and he would not use it , yet he should not be a heretick , so that he did hold the thing signified by the word , which the fathers in the nicene councel did determine by the scriptures . he speaks thus in respect of the papists , who will not be content with scripture-terms , but will invent terms of their own to pervert the sense of scriptures . as latomus ( against whom he writes ) would not call concupiscence sinne , as the apostle cals it , but a punishment of sinne . hereupon luther ( i think ) went too far concerning the word homousion , though not so far as his romish adversaries do charge him . he saith that this word used in confutation of the arrians is not to be objected against him : for that many , and those most excellent men did not receive it , and that hierome wished it were abolished . and that although the arrians did erre in the faith , yet they did well however to require , that a profane and new word might not be used in rules of faith : for that the sincerity of scripture is to be preserved , and man is not to presume to speak either more clearly , or more sincerely then god hath spoken . i confesse that luther in this seemeth to me to exceed , as men are apt to do in favour of that cause which they prosecute . but yet it appears that he was sound in the faith , and did not comply with the arrians , who opposed the word homousion , not so much for the new invention , as for the signification of it . mr. breerly , who hath also this charge against luther , ( as indeed he hath most of that which the marquesse objecteth against protestant divines ) cites luther against latomus , in the edition of wittembergh . and saith , that the latter editions are altered and corrupted by luthers scholars , as he had shewed ( he saith ) the like before , viz. concerning that place , where luther ( they say ) did speak so reprochfully of s. james his epistle . but , . this is not like the other : for here he saith , luthers works were altered by his scholars ; but there he saith , they were altered by his adversaries . . as i have shewed the other to be improbable , so also is this . for luther died anno . so that the edition which was anno . was five years after luthers death ; and surely by that time luthers scholars had leisure enough to make such an alteration , as mr. breerly speaks of , in luthers works , if they had been so minded . i cannot therefore but take this as a trick of mr. breerley's , when he saw campians quotation of luther confuted by dr. whitaker , to pretend some former edition of luthers works , as having it so as campian alleadged . and this is the more apparent , in that dureus professedly taking upon him the defence of campian against dr. whitaker , never so much as takes notice of that which the doctor saith against campian for falsifying the words of luther , so far was he from knowing of that pretended edition anno . which should have it ( forsooth ) just so as campian quoted it . . luther ( as the marquesse telleth us ) affirmed , that christ was from all eternity , even according to his humane nature . for proof hereof onely zuinglius is cited . but ( as i noted before ) zuinglius his testimony is not sufficient to make good a charge against luther . let luthers words be produced , and then it will appeare that he is justly charged . . he affirms ( saith the marquesse ) that as christ died with great pain , so he seems to have sustained paines in hell after death . indeed i finde such words in luther on plal. . and i acknowledge it to be a grosse errour , so far am i from defending him in it . but withall this i finde , that luther was nothing confident in that particular . for he addes immediately , that he would so understand the words of peter act. . . until he were better informed . that the divinity of christ suffered , or else he were none of his christ . this also bellarmine doth object against luther ; and i confesse , that if the word divinity be strictly and properly taken , the assertion is most erronious . but bellarmine probably was not ignorant that aquinas observeth , that because of the identity that is betwixt the divine nature , and the divine person , sometimes the nature is put for the person . and that thus austine saith , that the divine nature was conceived and born , because the person of the son was conceived and born , in respect of the humane nature . so in like manner luther might say , that the divinity , or divine nature did suffer , because the person of the son did suffer according to the humane nature . that luther meant no otherwise then thus , is clearly his words , which i finde in gerhard , viz. these , if i shall suffer my self to be perswaded that onely the humane nature did suffer for me , truly christ shall be a saviour of small worth unto me , for he himself at length will need a saviour . — if perhaps that bewitching lady reason will reclaim , saying , the divinity cannot suffer , nor dye ; thou shalt answer , that indeed is true ; yet neverthelesse because the divinity , and the humanity in christ make one person , therefore the scripture because of the hypostatical union doth attribute to the divinity all those things which happen to the humanity ; and so to the humanity those things which belong to the divinity . and truly thus it is indeed ; for we must needs confesse , this person ( christ being pointed at ) doth suffer and dye . but this person is true god , therefore it is rightly said , the son of god doth suffer . for though one part of him ( as i may so speak ) viz. the deity doth not suffer , yet that person , which is god , doth suffer in his other part , viz. the humanity . for indeed the son of god was crucified for us . that same , i say , that same person was crucified according to the humanity . and again , if our sinnes , and gods weath due to our sinnes be weighed in one scale , and in the other scale be put onely the death of humane nature , or onely a man having sufered for us ; then the other scale will weigh us down to hel . but if in the opposite scale be put the passion of god , the death of god , the blood of god , or god having suffered for us , then that scale will be more heavy and ponderous then all our sinnes , and all gods anger . this doth abundantly shew that luther was most orthodox in this point touching christs person and natures . and thus that also is answered , which immediately followeth , being indeed but the same with that which went before ; viz. that if the humane nature should onely suffer for him , christ were but a saviour of vile account , and had need himself of another saviour . in what sense luther spake this , and how sound and true it is in that sense wherein he spake it , is evident by his own words before cited . . the marquesse cites hospinian , saying , that luther held the body and blood of christ both is and may be found according to the substance not only in the bread and wine of the eucharist , or in the hearts of the faithfull , but also in all creatures , in fire , water , or in the rope and halter , wherewith desperate persons hang themselves . whether hospinian writ thus of luther , not having his book which is cited , i cannot say . hospinian being , though a protestant , yet against luther in point of the sacrament , might peradventure wrest luthers words beyond his meaning . however if luther did hold so , i leave him to answer for himself , or some other to answer for him . i hold both him to have erred in his consubstantiation , and the romanists in their transubstantiation . . luther ( as is objected ) averreth that the ten commandements belong not unto us ; for god did not lead us , but the jews forth of egypt . that luther speaketh to this effect , i grant ; yet was he far from teaching that christians are free from the observation of the ten commandements . for immediately after that which the marquesse citeth , he saith thus ; falsely therefore do fanaticall persons burthen us with the law of moses , who spake nothing unto us . indeed we receive and acknowledge moses as a teacher , from whom we learn much wholesome doctrine , as shall be shewed a little after . but we do not acknowledge him our lawgiver , or governour , seeing he restraine● his ministery to that people , viz. the jews . — not to have other gods , to fear god , to trust in him , and to obey him , not to abuse his name , to honor parents , &c. these things are to be observed by all , and belong to all ; yet not because they were commanded by moses , but because these laws ( which are rehearsed in the de●alogue . ) are imprinted in mans nature . wherefore also the heathens , that knew not moses , and to whom god did not speak , as he did to the israelites , knew that god is to be obeyed and worshipped , that parents are to be honoured , &c. this doctrine of luther is no other then they of the roman church do teach . estius , a great doctor of that church , writing upon those words , gal. . . i through the law am dead to the law , saith , although the sense may seem more easie , if it be understood of the law , as it is ceremonial ; yet may the whole law given by moses be understood , so far forth as it was given by moses . for the whole legislative office of moses doth cease by christ ; neither is a christian bound by the law of the decalogue , but as it doth agree with the law of nature ; and is renewed by christ . so the catechisme set forth by the decree of the councel of trent , comming to explain the ten commandements , saith , although the law was given by the lord in the mount to the jews , yet because by nature it was long before imprinted in the mindes of all , and so god would have all at all times to obey him ; it will be very profitable diligently to explain these words in which by the ministery of moses the law was promulgated to the hebrews , &c. here they clearly intimate , that the ten commandements do not concern christians as published by moses , but as imprinted in the heart of man by nature ; which is all that luther teacheth , who both in his greater and lesser catechisme expoundeth the ten commandements , which he would not have done , if he had held that they do not bind christians to the observing of them . but this doctrine he expresly disclaimeth , as i have already shewed . . luther is taxed for saying , that fai●h , except it be without ( even the least ) good works , doth not justifie , and is not faith . nothing is alleadged out of luthers writings for proof of this , but onely c●vels defence of mr. hooker is cited , which book i have not to peruse ; yet i finde bellarmin● citing luthers own words to this very purpose . but luthers meaning ( i suppose ) was onely this , that in the work of justification faith is altogether without works , so that no works concur with it unto justification : not but that otherwise faith is accompanied with good works , so that where faith ( true justifying faith ) is , there wil be good works also . bellarmine indeed doth tell of some rigid lutherans , who so hold faith alone to justifie , as not to admit other vertues so much as to be present with it . and this he saith they would have to be luthers opinion ; yet he confesseth chemnitius , a famous lutheran , to agree with calvin in this , that though faith alone doth justifie , yet faith that doth justifie is not alone ▪ even as the heat of the sun alone doth burn , yet that heat is not alone , but hath light joyned with it . and for luther himself , his writings plainly shew , that although he exclude works from having any thing to do in our justification , as generally protestants do , yet he was no enemy to good works . after that we have taught faith in christ ( saith he ) we also teach good works . and again , we do not reject works , and love , as the adversaries do accuse us . and again , faith not fained , nor hypocritical , but true and lively , is that , which doth exercise , and urge good works through love . so also again , some say , if faith without works do justifie , then let us not work , onely let us beleeve , and let us do what we will. not so , ye ungodly , saith paul. it is true , that faith alone doth justifie , but i speak of true faith , which when it hath justified , is not idle , but doth work through love . . luther is charged with saying , that we are equal in dignity and honour with st. paul , st. peter , the blessed virgin mary , or all the saints . the edition of luthers works which the marquesse citeth , not agreeing in the folio's with that which i meet with , i cannot tell whether luther saith thus or no ; or if he do , in what sense he saith it ; but if he have such words , i presume he meaneth in respect of imputed righteousnesse , which is one and the same to all that beleeve , not in respect of inherent righteousnesse , which is more in some then in others . in respect of imputed righteousnesse , the spouse of christ here upon earth is all fair , and there is no spot in her . but in respect of inherent righteousnesse just men are not made perfect until hereafter in the life to come . heb. . . in this respect the inward man is renewed day by day , cor. . . . that all the holinesse , which they have used in fasting , and prayer , enduring labours , chastising their bodies , austerity and hardnesse of life , may be daily performed by a hog or a dog . whether this charge be true , i cannot examine for the reason even now alleadged . neither do i see how luther or any rational man should make prayer a thing performable by a hog or a dog . otherwise who seeth not , but that these bruit creatures may be made to fast ( see jon. . . . ) and to endure bodily hardnesse ? the apostle clearly distinguisheth betwixt bodily exercise and godlinesse , tim. . . and both scripture and experience shew , that all these things mentioned by the marquesse , may be performed by the wicked as well ( i mean for the outward act ) as by the godly . see isa . . . to . and isa . . . &c. . another charge against luther is that he holdeth , that in the absence of a priest , a woman , or a boy , or any christian may obsolve . it seems then that luther doth not say , that any may do it as well as a priest ; for then what need to say , in absence of a priest ? and may not any christian declare the glad tydings of salvation unto an afflicted conscience ? doth not the apostle , speaking to christians in general , bid them comfort the feeble-minded , thess . . . as for that confession to , and absolution by a priest , which the romanists contend for , we know no ground nor warrant in scripture for it . . the next charge is , that he saith , they onely communicate worthily , who have confused and erronious consciences . i finde this objected by campian , and answered by dr. whitaken , so as to aknowledge the truth of the assertion in this sense , that they only are meet for the sacrament , who are sensible of their sins , and so of the need they have of christ for the remission of them , according to that of our saviour , the whole have no need of the physitian , but they that are sick , mat. . . . that a priest , especially in the new testament , is not made , but born , not consecrated , but created . where luther saith thus , i cannot finde , nor can i conjecture what he meaneth , if he do say it . . that the sacrament were true , though it were administred by the devil . how luther is baited for this by hospinian and covel , his fellow-protestants ( as the marquesse saith he is ) i wanting their books cannot see : but it luther meant of such a devil , as christ spake of , viz. a judas , joh. . . neither protestants nor papists can justly oppose him , they holding ( as generally they do ) that the vertue of the sacrament doth not depend upon the dignity of him by whom it is administred . . that among christians , no man can or ought to be a magistrate ; but each one is to other equally subject : and that among christian men none is superior save one , and only christ . this same charge is also brought against luther by mr. breerley , who yet hath that which is a sufficient answer to it : for he cites luther admonishing to obey the civil magistrate , onely not allowing him power over the conscience . this indeed is christs prerogative ; and in this respect christians are to be subject only unto christ . ye are bo●ght with a price , be ye not the servants of men , i cor. . . we must indeed be subject to the higher power for conscience sake , rom. . . but that is , because god , who is lord over the conscience , doth command it : so that it is not the magistrates , power , but gods only that doth reach the conscience . . that the husband , in case the wife refuse his bed , may say unto her , if thou wilt not , another will ; if the mistresse will not , let the maid come . this being objected by campian , dr. whitaker answers , that luther counselled the husband to speak thus to the wife , in terrorem , so as thereby to affright her out of her obstinacie . yet he acknowledgeth , that luther in point of divorce went too far , and that he was not willing to plead for him . neither will i , in any thing wherein he is justly taxed : as i confesse he is in the two next particulars that follow , ( which also concern the same subject ) if he did indeed assert those things which are alledged . . that polygamie is no more abrogated then the rest of moses law ; and that it is free , as being neither commanded nor forbidden . two places in luthers works are here quoted to make good this charge , one whereof i cannot find , but the other i meet with , ( though not of that edition indeed which is expressed ) and find that which is quite contrary to this here objected . luther commenting on gen. . where abraham by the advice of sarah being barren , took hagar for his concubine , saith that polygamie was then in use , and so abraham might of himself following the custome of the times have taken another wife , but yet would not do it till sarah did put him upon it . and from this fact of abraham , he saith , we must not frame an example , as if we might do the like . and that though the old testament did permit polygamie , yet now in the new testament it is otherwise . so that luther ( so far as i find ) was far from making polygamie a thing indifferent , and free for any that have a minde to it . . that it is no more in his power to be without a woman , then it is in his power to be no man : and that it is more necessary then to eat , drink , purge , or blow his nose . luther here speaks of himself ; and what his power was in this particular that he speaks of , he had best cause to know . indeed mr. breerly together with these words cites some other sayings of luther , wherein he seems to speak generally of all , as being altogether unable to contain from women . and to this effect also the marquesse here immediately after cites some words of luther in latine , saying that not any of his english shall be accessory to the transportation of such a blast into his native language . but it is usual with them of the church of rome to pervert , if not the words , yet the meaning of their adversaries , and especially of luther and calvin , against whom they bear the greatest hatred . candor and ingenuity would easily conceive , that luther spake in that manner , of men , as for most part they are , viz. not having the gift of continencie , which comparatively but few have . luthers own words ( as mr. breerly himself doth cite them ) sufficiently declare his meaning . the young woman ( saith he ) that hath not this high gift of continencie , can no more want a husband , or a man , then she can want meat , drink , sleep , &c. . luther ( saith the marquesse ) saith , how can a man prepare himself to good ; seeing it is not in his power to make his wayes evil ? for god worketh the wicked work in the wicked . one of luthers books , wherein he is said to speak thus , i finde among his works , ( viz. de servo arbit . ) but the edition being diverse from this here mentioned , i cannot finde the words that are objected . if luther have these words , i doubt not but by the circumstances of the place it will appear , that he was free from charging god foolishly , however that expression seem harsh , that god worketh the wicked work in the wicked . yet in some sense this may be affirmed . for a wicked work may be considered as a work , and as wicked . as a work , so it is from god , who is the supreme cause of every thing that hath any entity , or being in it . but it is not from god , as it is wicked ; for so it imports defect , and therefore is not to be ascribed unto god , who cannot any way be defective , but it is to be imputed onely to the creature . but though god be not the author of mens wicked works as they are wicked , yet is he the orderer and disposer of them . and thus luther might well say , it is not in mans power to make his wayes evill , viz. so as he himself will , but as god will , who permitteth , restraineth , ordereth , and disposeth mans waves as he pleaseth . thus , as the prophet saith , the way of man is not in himself , neither is it in man that walketh , to direct his steps , jer. . . bellarmine himselfe doth tell us , that god by his wonderful power doth rule the hearts even of the wicked , and doth restrain them so that they cannot effect , endeavour , will , or think otherwise then be doth permit , and doth turn their fault into their punishment ; and being both most powerful , and most good , doth use their evil wills for the accomplishing of much good . and hee cites augustine saying , that god doth not make mens wills evill , but hee maketh use of them as he pleaseth . but the cardinal speaks yet more fully : god ( saith he ) doth not onely permit the wicked to do many evill things , but also is president over their evill wils , and doth rule and govern them , yea wrest and bend ( n b ) by working invisibly in them ; so that although they be evill through their owne fault , yet by the divine providence , not positively , but permissively they are ordered to one evill , rather then to another . this expression , which bellarmine here useth of gods wresting and bending the wils of wicked men in their wicked designs , is ( i think ) as high as any that either luther or calvin do use , of whom yet the romanists , and amongst them bellarmine himselfe complains , as making god the authour of sinne , though they disclaim and abhor the position as much as they that are so invective against them , before the marquesse hath fully done with luther , he hath by the way a fling at zuinglius , saying that he denies all pauls epistles to be sacred . but in the place cited i finde it otherwise . zuinglius doth not deny all pauls epistles to be sacred , yea he saith expresly that he doth not deny this ; onely he saith , that paul then when he wrote , did not attribute so much to his epistles , as that whatsoever was contained in them , should be sacred ; he thought that if the apostle had done so , it had been too much arrogancy in him ; wherein i am far from being of his minde . there is nothing material , which the marquesse here doth further alleadge against luther ; onely he citeth two or three passages , wherein luther doth vaunt of himself ; which though it may perhaps argue some vanity of the man , yet doth it not argue any falsity of his doctrine . i never required ( saith luther ) that any should account me modest , or holy , but that all should embrace the gospel . yet might he without any vain boasting say , ( as the marquesse objecteth page . ) that he would not have his doctrine to be judged either by men or angels ; that is , he being assured of its truth , and agreeablenesse to gods word , he would not refer it to the censure either of men or angels , so as to submit unto them if they should condemn it . in this he had respect ( it seems ) to that of the apostle , though we , or an angel from heaven preach any other gospel unto you , then that which we have preached unto you , let him be accursed , gal. . . and thus much for answer to those things which are alleadged against luther . in the next place the marquesse fals upon calvin , and brings many charges against him ; but by the examination of the matter it will appear , that calvin is altogether as injuriously dealt with as luther , if not more . . he maintains ( its said ) that three essences do arise out of the holy trinity . i wish the marquesse had either cited calvins words , or at least the place so , as that i might have found what he saith . but he onely citeth tract . theol. p. . where in the edition which i have ( viz. genev. an . . ) is no such thing to be found . neither need i to search into calvins works for the answering of this charge . bellarmine himself ( who would have been ready enough to find out any such grosse stuffe in him ) doth justifie him in this point , confessing that calvin doth acknowledge onely one nature in three distinct persons . and that he doth plainly say , that the essence is communicated to the son by the father : which also doth take away the next charge , viz. that the son hath his substance distinct from the father , and that he is a distinct god from the father . by bellarmines own confession calvins doctrine is directly contrary . . he teacheth ( saith the marquesse ) that the father can neither wholly , nor by parts communicate his nature to christ , but must withall be deprived thereof himself . this is clearly confuted by calvins words which bellarmine alleadgeth : if there be any differe we in the essence ( viz. of the father and the son ) let them answer whether the father did communicate it to the son , or no ? now this could not be in part ; for it is not lawfull to make half a god. besides by this means they should foully tear in peeces gods essence . it remains , that the whole and intire essence is common to the father and the son. . calvin is said to deny that the son is begotten of the fathers substance , and to affirm that he is god of himself , not god of god. divers romanists besides , and before the marquesse would make calvin guilty of some grosse herefie , in saying that the son is , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 god of himself . but bellarmine hath a whole chapter about this very point , and doth clear calvin from that aspersion which others cast upon him , shewing that he spake of the son , not in respect of his person , but in respect of his essence ; and that his meaning is , that the person of the son is begotten of the father , but that the essence of the son is not begotten , nor produced , but is of it self . so another learned jesuite , viz. gregorius de valentia ( as i finde him cited ) doth ingenuously confesse , that calvins doctrine in this point , being rightly understood , is sound and true , viz. that the son as he is essentially god , is of himself , and only is from the father as he is a person . when the fathers and councels affirm the son to be god of god , he saith , they take the word god personally , viz. as it signifieth both the person father , and of the son : yet ( saith he ) the son , as he is essentially god , so he is not from another . and in this sense he saith epiphanius seemeth to have called the son 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that is , god of himself . . he taxeth calvin for saying , that dream of the absolute power of god , which the schoolmen have brought in , is execrable blasphemy . calvin in one of the places alleadged ( for the other i cannot consult ) saith thus : neither do we bring in the device of absolute power ; which as it is profane , so we have just cause to detest it . but calvin was far from denying that absolute power of god , whereby he is able to do whatsoever he pleaseth : only he seems to deny god to have such an absolute power , as to be able to do any thing , whether it be right or wrong . for he addes immediately , we do not fein god to be without law , who is a law unto himself . . it is objected against calvin , that those words , the father is greater then i , ( joh. . . ) he will not have restrained to the humane nature , but will extend them to christ as god and man. many places are cited for proof of this ; some whereof , for want of the same edition , though i have the book , i cannot examine , viz. tract . theol. p. . & . my book in those pages hath nothing to the purpose . and so also it is in all other places , where the marquesse doth cite those theological tractates . another place here also the marquesse citeth , which is as if it were not cited , viz. calvin on mat. . the verse being not mentioned , the quotation is to no purpose . two other places he cites also , viz. calvin instit . l. . c. . § . . and on joh. . . but in neither of these places doth calvin speak any thing about those words , my father is greater then i. it may seem strange , that the marquess should here cite so many places out of calvins works , and yet pretermit his commentary upon those very words about which he taxeth him . now calvin commenting upon those words , saith , that the arians did wickedly abuse this testimony , to prove that christ is but a secondary god , and not equal with the father ; and that yet on the other side , the orthodox fathers did not rightly interpret the words of christs humane nature : for that here neither christs humane nature , nor his eternal divinity ( he saith ) is spoken of ; but christ according to the weaknesse of our capacity doth set himselfe in the midst betwixt god and us . he explains it further thus : christ ( saith he ) doth not compare his fathera divinity with his own , nor doth he compare his humane nature with his fathers divine essence ; but rather his present estate with that heavenly glory , into which he was by and by to be received . though calvins exposition here may seem somewhat quaint , neither do i see why the received interpretation should not stand , viz. that christ spake of himself , as he was man ; yet however calvin plainly shews , that he was farre from having any compliance with the arians , in denying the equality of the sonne with the father . . calvin is charged to sever the person of the mediator from christs divine person ; and to maintain with nestorius , two persons in christ , the one humane , and the other divine . calvin had nothing to do with the heresie of nestorius , neither do the places alleadged prove him any whit guilty of it . he speaks indeed of the person of the mediator , yet doth he not make that a distinct person from christs divine person . i meddle not yet ( saith he ) with the person of mediator . and again , we do not yet speak of the person of mediator . his meaning plainly is this , and no more then this ; that as yet he spake of christ only as god , and not as mediator . and when he saith , that christ took upon him the person and office of mediator , he seems to take the word person not for that which in greek is hypostasis , a substance subsisting by it self ; but as the latines frequently use the word for quality , or state . thus he seems to use the word person , in that after it immediately he adds the word office . however , calvin doth expressely condemn the heresie of nestorius , and hath a whole chapter to prove that in christ two natures make but one person . calvin therefore here hath hard measure , being charged with nestorianisme , when as he not only in plaine tearms doth explode it , but also doth bend his whole force against it . . calvin is taxed for saying , that christs soule was subject to ignorance ; and that this was the only difference betwixt us and him , that our infirmities are of necessity , and his were voluntary . it is true , calvin understands that luke . . and . so , as that christ as man was not perfect in knowledge at first , no more then he was in stature . and surely this seems to be the plain and simple meaning of the words , especially those v. . and jesus increased in wisdome , and stature ; though others expound them , that as christ grew in age , so he did shew forth his wisdome more and more . but jansenius confesseth that ambrose saith , that christ as man did grow in knowledge . and that the same exposition also is found under the name of theophilus , another ancient author . he addes indeed , that these sayings of the ancients are well understood by the schoolmen of christs wisdome acquired by use and experience , when as before from his first conception he had the knowledge of all things infused into him . yet he speaks of this infused knowledge only as a thing which he thought very probable , not as a thing which he held most certain . and he confesseth that some ( i presume he means of the church of rome ; for otherwise he would not so much regard what they thought ) are of opinion , that it cannot be proved by scripture , that such wisdome was infused into christ from his conception , whereby as man he should know all things at the very first : and therefore they think the words of s. luke more simply understood thus , that christ in respect of that wisdome which he had as man , did truly grow , as other men do , though in a far greater measure . thus also did erasmus ( who was before calvin ) understand it , not thinking it meet that the opinion of the schoolmen should sway in this matter . . of like nature is that which followeth , viz. that calvin saith , it is evident that ignorance was common to christ with the angels . and that he particularizeth wherein , viz. that he knew not the day of judgment ; nor that the fig-tree was barren , till he came near it . that christ as man , knew not what kind of tree it was , untill he came nigh it , calvin thinks not improbable ; yet he grants , that christ might on purpose go unto it , though he were not ignorant oft the event . concerning the other place , viz. mar. . . he is more confident ; and so well might he be , the text being clear and expresse : but of that day and houre knoweth no man , no not the angels which are in heaven , neither the son , but the father . some understand it so , that christ did not know it , to make it known : but thus neither doth the father know it ; for he doth not make it known . it is therefore to be understood of christ in respect of his humane nature . and so cyril understands it , as jansenius confesseth , though he himself rather likes the other exposition . . the marquesse saith , that calvin is not afraid to censure certain words of christ to be but a weak confutation of what he sought to refute . and that he sayes , christ seems here not to reason solidly . this is just as if one should charge their angelical doctor aquinas with saying , that there seems to be no god , and that , god seems to be a body : or rather indeed with saying , that there is no god , and that god is a body . for thus is calvin dealt with , commenting upon that , matth. . , . every kingdome divided against it self , &c. if satan cast out satan , &c. by way of objection he saith , this confutation may seem not very solid ; and then immediately he answers the objection . thus also in his commentary upon that mat. . . whether is easier to say , &c. christ ( saith he ) doth seem not to reason solidly , &c. then presently he addes , but the answer is easie , &c. of this same nature are the five next following passages , wherein calvin is made to say that , which ( as the manner of expositors is for the better elucidating of that which they have in hand ) he only brings in as an objection , and presently gives answer to it . this is a peece of the strangest dealing that ever i met with . i do not finde that the marquesse had these allegations from any , as many of the rest ( i see ) he had : neither can i think him to have been of such an ignoble disposition , as wittingly and wilfully so to pervert a mans words and meaning . therefore i suppose it was his immoderate desire to finde any thing in calvin , that might be liable to exception , which made him hastily take hold of that which did occur , never considering the true sense and meaning of it . but to proceed . . calvin ( saith the marquesse ) saith , that christ refused and denied , as much as lay in him , to perform the office of a mediator . it 's true , calvin hath these words , but they also are part of an objection . for the very next word is , respondeo , i answer . so that i might have joyned this with those other passages immediately before mentioned ; though there seems indeed some more colour for this allegation then for the other , yet is there no just ground for this neither . . the next charge against calvin is , that he saith , that christ manifested his own effeminatenesse , by his shunning of death . this also is of like nature with the former . calvin writing upon those words , joh. . . now is my soul troubled , &c. saith , that this doth seem to differ much from that which is next before . for that there christ shewed great courage , exhorting his disciples not only to suffer death , but to suffer it willingly and defirously , if the case so require ; but now by shunning death , he confesseth his weaknesse ( or softnesse ) of spirit . then he addes by way of answer , that yet here is nothing which doth not very well agree . that it was expedient and necessary for our salvation that the son of god should be so affected . and that hence we are to know , that christs death was no sport or play unto him , &c. so then the word mollities ( which the marquesse rendreth effeminatenesse , and not unfitly , i confesse , for it properly signifieth softnesse , and is used for softnesse of spirit ) that word , i say , is here applied to christ in a way of * objection , though calvin doth positively aver , that christ was deeply affected with the horror of his approaching death ; and that he was so indeed , is most evident both by this , and other places of the evangelical history . . the marquesse addes , he saith that theeves and malefactors hasten to death with obstinate resolution , despising it with haughty courage , others mildly suffer it . but what constancie , courage , or stoutnesse was there in the son of god , who was astonished , and in a manner stricken dead with fear of death ? how shameful a tendernesse was it to be so far tormented with fear of common death , as to melt in bloody sweat , and not be able to be comforted but by the sight of angels ? calvin disputes against those who would have it only a meer bodily death , not having any curse and wrath of god annexed to it , which christ did fear . but ( saith he ) let the godly readers consider , how honourable this is for christ , to have been more effemiuate and faint-hearted then most ordinary men . then follow the words objected , theeves and other malefactors do hasten unto death with obstinate resolution , &c. the series of the discourse doth plainly shew , that calvin speakes not positively , but upon supposition , that if it were so , as some hold , then all this would follow ; which he is so farre from asserting , that by the absurdity of it , he proves the erroniousnesse of their opinion whom he doth confute . . the marquesse proceeds in his charge against calvin , saying , he saith that the same vehemencie took * christ from the present memory of the heavenly decree ; so that he forgot at that instant , that he was sent hither to be our redeemer . this allegation i grant , is true . calvin on mat. . . hath these words indeed ; neither will i undertake the defence of all calvins expressions , or opinions : i think it not so safe to ascribe forgetfulnesse unto christ , though as calvin meant it , i do not see that there is any impiety in it . and the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mar. . . importing horrour , and astonishment , may seem to make for it . however calvin was carefull to inculcate this , that he would have none to think that there was any turbulencie and disorder in christs affections , as there is in ours ; but onely that christ was stricken with fear and anxiety so far forth as the sound and intire nature of man can bear . . calvin is taxed for saying , that christs prayer was not premeditate , but the force and extremity of grief wringed from him this hasty speech , to which a correction was presently added , and he chastiseth , and recalleth that vow of his , which he had let suddenly slip . i acknowledge that calvin hath these words in the same place , viz. on mat. . . neither do i much approve of them : yet , by what hath been said already , it may appeare that calvins meaning was good , only so to set forth the anxiety of christs soul , as yet to exempt him from whatsoever is evil and sinful . bellarmine himself , though he rake up , and rack calvins sayings , to make them odious , yet confesseth that he saith , that christs nature was perfect , and that there was no inordinacie of affections in him . but i will make use of the words of learned dr. field , who hath answered these objections against calvin , long ago . the papists ( saith he ) impute i know not what blasphemy to calvin , for that he saith , christ corrected the desire and wish that suddenly came from him . but they might easily understand , if they pleased , that he is far from thinking , that any desire , or expressing of desire was sudden in christ , as rising in him without consent of reason , or that he was inconsiderate in any thing he did or spake ; but his meaning is , that some desires which he expressed , proceeded from inferior reason , that considereth not all circumstances ; and that he corrected and revoked the same , not as evil , but as not proceeding from the full and perfect consideration of all things fit to be thought upon , before a full resolution be passed . another learned man also saith , that calvin calls those words , neverthelesse not as i will , but as thou wilt , a correction , in that sense as rhetoricians are wont to use the figure so called : not as if he did amend that which was ill spoken , but seasonably to adde that which yet was not spoken . and he cites origen saying , that christ did in those words recall his desire , and as it were recogitate . so likewise he cites hierome , and the interlineary glosse , saying , that christ did return into himself . hierome doth yet further paraphrase thus : he saith , let not that be , which i speak with a humane affection but that , for which by thy will i descended to the earth . the jesuite maldonate saith , that christ left the humane nature to act its part , as it would have done , if it had not been joyned with the divine nature , nor had known any thing of gods decree . so he writes upon those words , father , if it be possible , &c. and upon those , neverthelesse not as i will , &c. he saith , a moderation is fitly added : for he so shewes the infirmity of nature , that yet he does not exceed the bounds of gods will. that which maldonate here cals a moderation , and hierome cals a returning into himself , and origen and the glosse call a recalling of the desire , and a recogitating , is as much as that which calvin cals a correction . . but the marquesse proceeds , and charges calvin with these words : thus we see christ to be on all sides so vexed , as being over whelmed with desperation , he ceased to call upon god , which was as much as to renounce his salvation : and this ( the marquesse saith , he saith a little before ) was not fained , or as a thing only acted upon a stage . surely all that have any spark of christianity in them , must needs assent to calvin in this , that christs passion , as the evangelists relate it , was not fained nor acted upon a stage ; though ( it seems ) they of the church of rome on good friday ( as they call it ) use to make a kind of stage-play of it . but how unworthily is calvin here used ? he is made to say , - that christ was overwhelmed with desperation , ceased to call upon god , and did as much as renounce his salvation . but any that look into the place alleadged , may see that calvin is far from this blasphemy . that which he saith , is this , that the wicked enemies of christ , by satans instigation , deriding him when he cried , eli , eli , &c. did labour to overwhelm him with desperation , and to make him cease calling upon god , which had been as much as to renounce salvation . as before calvin was made positively to aver that , which hee brought in by way of objection ; so here that is censured as spoken by him , which he only speaks of christs enemies . but it is worthy to be observed , that immediately after those words , which are so pitifully perverted , calvin comforts himself and others with this consideration , that if our words , which are right and good , be depraved and slandered , it is no marvel , seeing christ himself was thus dealt with . but to proceed . . calvin ( as is alleadged ) saith , that christ in his soul suffered the terrible torments of a damned and forsaken man. this allegation is true , and so also is that , which follows in the next passage but two , and i note it here , because it is of the same nature . it is no marvel , if it be said that christ went down into hell , since he suffered that death , wherewith god in wrath striketh wicked doers . calvin hath these sayings in the place alleadged , viz. instit . lib. . cap. . sect . . i am not of calvins mind for the meaning of the article about christs descent into hell , as i have elsewhere shewed . and peradventure calvin might go too far in exaggerating the sufferings of christs soul , as others in this may be too remisse . but when calvin speaketh of christ suffering the torments of a damned man , he means such torments as are without all mixture of sin , for that he alwayes removes far from christ , as i have shewed before . and that christ did suffer the torments of a forsaken man , his own words upon the crosse do shew , my god , my god , why hast thou forsaken me ? christ had speciall cause ( as jansenius observes ) to complaine , that he was forsaken of his god , in that he had the divine nature united to him , and his humane nature did not feel any comfort of it . and in this respect it may be said , that christ suffered that death , wherewith god in wrath doth strike wicked doers , though in other respects there was great difference . . calvin is charged with this saying , in the death of christ occus a spectacle full of desperation . calvins meaning will easily appear to any that look upon his words as they are in the place quoted . he speaks of joseph of arimathea his courage in begging of pilate christs body to bury it , saying , now when in christs death occurs a spectacle full of desperation , which might have been able to break a stout heart , whence hath he on the sudden such a generous spirit , that in the midst of terrors fearing nothing , he should not doubt to proceed further then when all was quiet ? any may here plainly see , that calvin speaks not of any desperation that christ in his death did fall into ; but his meaning is , that a natural man , yea one that had but a small measure of faith , could have apprehended nothing in christs death but matter of desperation . and surely this appears by the words of the two disciples ( not to speak of the deportment of the apostles ) we trusted that it had been he that should have redeemed israel , luke . . another sentence is here immediately after cited out of calvin , viz. in this spectacle there was nothing but matter of extreme despair . the very words shew it to carry the same sense with the former , though otherwise i can say nothing to it , the place from which it is taken being mis-cited ; for on joh. . calvin hath no such thing . . the marquesse taxeth calvin for saying , christ sitting at the right hand of his father , holds but a second degree with him in honour , and rule , and is but his vicar . calvin on mat. . . doth say , that christ is said to sit at the right hand of the father , because he hath as it were after him the second seat of honour and rule ; and because he is his vicar . so that calvin indeed doth not say , that christ sitting at the right hand of his father ; but , that christ as sitting at the right hand of his father , holds but a second degree , &c. that is , that christs sitting at the right hand of god , though it import great honour and dignity , yet such , as whereby christ is but in a second degree of honour under the father . and surely this is most true , it belonging unto christ as man , to sit at the right hand of god , ( as the councel of trents catechisme doth teach ) the honour and dignity which that sitting imports , though otherwise it be most great , yet must needs be inferior to that , which belongs to the father and so also to christ , as he is one and the same god with the father . . lastly ( saith the marquesse ) calvin holds it absurd , that christ should challenge to himself the glory of his own resurrection , when the scripture every where teacheth it to be the work of the father . it may seem wonderful , that mens words and writings should be thus depraved . two places of calvin are cited for proof of this which is alleadged against him . now in the former place , viz. on joh. . . he saith thus . here christ doth challenge to himself the glory of his resurrection , when as the scripture usually doth testifie that this is the work of god the father . but these two do well agree together . for the scripture , to commend unto us gods power , doth expresly ascribe this to the father , that he raised his son from the dead : but here christ peculiarly sets forth his own divinity . and paul doth reconcile both , rom. . . for the spirit , which he maketh to be the author of the resurrection , he promiscuously cals sometimes the spirit of christ , sometimes the spirit of the father . so also in the other place , viz. on rom. . . surely ( saith he ) christ rose again of himself , and by his own power : but as he used to transcribe to the father whatsoever divine power is in him , so the apostle doth not improperly transferre to the father that which was christs most proper work . who doth not now see , that calvin is most farre from saying that , which is charged upon him ? . but the marquesse ( notwithstanding the word lastly did seem to speak as much ) hath not yet done with calvin ; but further taxeth him for saying , god is author of all those things , which these popish judges would have to happen by his idle sufferance . calvin in the place cited , not barely saith that it is so , but saith that he hath plainly shewed by scripture that it is so . and therefore it had been meet that calvins proofs should have been examined , before his doctrine were condemned . calvin abhorres that position , that god is the author of sinne ; as may be seen in the very next section to that which the marquesse citeth : yet he proveth by many places of scripture , that god doth not onely permit those things wherein men sinne , but also in some respect is the author of them : as for example , that god was the author of shimei's cursing ; not as it was his sinne , but as it was davids affliction . so david acknowledged , saying , the lord hath said unto him , curse david , sam. . . and again , v. . the lord hath bidden him . . the next and last charge against calvin , is little or nothing different from that immediately preceding , viz. that he saith , our sinnes are not only by gods * permission , but by his decree and will. the marquesse speaks of calvins famous brethren condemning this blasphemy . but they , whom he mentioneth , are ( i think ) all lutherans , and so ready to make the worst they can of any thing that they finde in calvin . but whereas in the conclusion he saith , what scriptures or fathers is there for all this ? surely calvin hath alleadged many scriptures for that which he asserteth ; which it had been meet to take some notice of , as i have said before . he also cites austine determining thus , that men sinne , it is of themselves ; but that by sinning they doe this or that , it is by the power of god , who divideth the darknesse as he pleaseth . and thus have i also answered those things that are in point of doctrine objected against calvin . after calvin the marquesse deals with zuinglius , and objects divers things against his doctrine . . zuinglius ( saith the marquesse ) confesseth himself to have been instructed against the masse , by a certain admonisher , which he knew not , whether it was black or white . it is true , zuinglius relates , how having disputed with a scribe about the meaning of those words , this is my body ; and having been urged to produce some place , which is not a parable , where the word is doth import as much as signifieth , lie was much troubled about it in his sleep , and thought that one ( whether black or white , he could not remember ) stood by him , and bade him alleadge that in exod. . . it is the lords passeover . whereupon he awaked , and rose , and considered the place , and presently after preached upon it , so that such as did a little stick before , were fully satisfied . now though mr. breerley , and after him the marquesse make a great matter of this , and say that is derided by learned protestants ( they cite some lutherans , as great adversaries to zuinglius in the matter of the sacrament , as the papists are ) yet i see nothing in it that is liable to any just exception . for it is usuall with men to be troubled in their sleep about that wherein they have been busied before ; and sometimes it happens , that in their sleep that is represented unto them , which before with all their study they could not finde out . as austine somewhere ( i do not now remember the place , but i have read it in him ) tels of one that taught rhetorick , and being troubled about the meaning of something that he met with , and was to treat of to his schollars , in his sleep he thought that austine did explain it unto him . but that which here they take hold of , perhaps is this , that zuinglius saith , he did not know whether his admonisher were black or white ; they seem to understand this so , as if he knew not whether that admonisher were an evill , or a good spirit . but if they so take it , they bewray too much ignorance of the latine tongue , wherein it is usual , and indeed a proverbial speech to say , i know not whether he be black or white ; that is , he is one altogether unknown unto me . erasmus in his adages sufficiently shews this to be the meaning of the words , and cites cicero , quintilian , apuleius , hierome , using them in this sense . . the marquesse saith that zuinglius is taxed by calvin for depraving the scripture , for changing the word est , and putting in significat , in his translation of the new testament . but the marquesse doth not tell us , where calvin doth thus taxe zuinglius ; and i suspect that there is some mistake in that word calvin , and that it should be some other name . . hee chargeth zuinglius with saying , that these sayings , and the like , if thou wilt enter into life , keepe the commandements , &c. are superfluous , and hyperbolical . but in the place alleadged , viz. tom. . fol. . zuinglius hath no such matter , there is no mention made of those words , if thou wilt enter into life , &c. . zuinglius is taxed for saying , that original sinne * cannot damne us ; calling it but a disease , or contagion . it is true , zuinglius saith , that original sin is a disease , but such an one as of it selfe is not capable , nor can infer damnation , except a man being corrupted with this contagion transgresse the law of god , which then useth to happen , when he sees and understands the law given unto him . and in this i plead not for zuinglius , i confesse he erred , and is worthy to be taxed . but i do not know any protestants that do second him in this ; i speak not of socinians , arminians , &c. but such as are otherwise sound and orthodox . neither should the romanists here so much taxe zuinglius , seeing they hold that concupiscence after baptisme , though it remain the same that it was before , is in it self properly no sinne , but is onely called sinne , because it proceeds from sinne , and inclines unto sinne . yea they hold , that had man been created ( as they suppose he might have been ) in his pure naturals , that is , in a meer natural condition , not having any supernatural grace superadded to his nature , he should have had the same concupiscence , which now he hath in the state of corrupt nature . the state of man since the fall of adam ( they say ) doth not differ more from the state of man in his pure naturals , then one that is stripped of his cloaths differs from one that is naked , having never had cloaths . and therefore ( they say ) the corruption of mans nature doth not proceed from the want of any natural gift , nor from the accesse of any evill quality , &c. it s true , some of the romish writers are of another opinion ; but bellarmine shews that the most of them hold thus ; yea he alleadges , that this is the determination of two popes , and that therefore all ought to hold it . . zuinglius is said to make baptizing of infants a thing indifferent , which may be used or left off . zuinglius complains of the catabaptists in his time , for keeping such a stirre because children were baptized , saying , that the matter was not of such moment , as that there should be so much stir about it , though there were no testimonies at all to prove it . it is ( he saith ) an external thing , and ceremonial , which as other external things , the church may lawfully either use , or omit , as she sees it make for edification and salvation . here zuinglius seems only to mean thus much , that the church for avoiding of tumults and combustions , may for a while forbear the administration of pedobaptisme . yet zuinglius was far from holding the baptizing of children to be a thing indifferent : for he saith , that it succeded in the room of circumcision ; and that to hinder children from receiving baptisme , is as much as to repel them from christ . . zuinglius is censured for saying , that princes may be deposed by the godly , if they be wicked , and go contrary to the rule of christ . i grant that zuinglius hath words to this purpose . but ( as a learned writer observes ) zuinglius living in a republick , did not sufficiently consider the laws and rights of kingdomes . he thought that all kingdomes were elective , none successive and hereditary , which was his errour . and hereupon , that they , to whom belonged the right of election , did reserve this power to themselves , that if the king did not keepe his oath , but did rule tyrannically ; they might depose him . zuinglius also ( in the place cited by the marquesse ) hath these words , ( which also the forementioned authour doth relate ) non est quèd eum trucides , nec ut bellum & tumultum quis excitet , sed aliis viis res tenianda ; quia in pace vocavit nos deus , cor. . that is , thou must not kill him , nor must any raise warre or tumult , but the matter must be attempted some other way ; for god hath called us in peace , cor. . concerning zuinglius his opinion in this point , see likewise b. bilson in his book entituled , the true difference betwixt christian subjection , and antichristian rebellion , pag. , &c. but when the romanists taxe zuinglius , and so other protestant writers for stich doctrine , what do they else but verifie that of the poet , clodius accusat moechos , catalina cethegum ? what do they else but tax others for that , wherein themselves are most fatilty ? see b. bils . ibid. p. , &c. & rivet . jes . vap . cap. . . in the last place , zuinglius is charged with this saying , that when we commit adultery , or murder , it is the work of god , being the mover , the author , or inciter , &c. god inoveth the thief to kill , &c. he is foreed to sinne , &c. that learned protestant , viz. graweras , by whom ( the marquesse saith ) zuinglius is reprehended for this , was a lutheran , and so as ready to reprehend any thing in zuinglius as they of the church of rome are . but let zuinglius speak for himself . the law ( saith he ) being given unto man , he alwayes sinnes , when he doth any thing against the law ; although he neither is , nor lives , nor works , but in god , from god , and by god. but that which god worketh by man , is reckoned as a fault in man , but not in god. for man is under a law , but god is free , &c. therefore one and the same act , to wit , adultery or murder , as it is of god the author , mover and inciter , so it is no crime : but as it is of man , so it is a crime and a wickednesse . for god is not bound by any law ; but man is even condemned by the law. here zuinglius teacheth no other doctrine then ( as i have shewed before ) aquinas doth , and no learned romanist ( i am sure ) will gainsay , viz. that god is the author of that which is sinne in man , as adultery , or murther ; yet not as it is sinne , viz. an irregularity and swerving from the law , but only as it is an action , and hath some entity or being in it . whereas he speaks of gods forcing man to sinne , though i do not like the expression , yet it is but like to that which bellarmine ( whose words i cited before ) useth , when he saith that god doth bend and wrest the wills of wicked men . the meaning of them both , i suppose , is , that god by his over-ruling providence doth so order it , that though ( as was also cited before out of austin ) men do wickedly of themselves , yet he maketh them to do this rather then that , as he pleaseth . the marquesse now comes to melancthon , and his doctrine . and . he chargeth him with teaching , that there are three divinities , as there are three persons . stancarus , whom the marquesse cites as reprehending melancthon for this , was melancthons adversary , and therefore his testimony in this case is of no weight . but the marquesse also cites melancthons common-places , an . . now in melancthons works set forth in four volumes at wittemberge , an . . in the index of the books contained in the first volume , the last edition of those common-places is said to have been in the year . though afterwards where the common-places themselves are exhibited , the last editidition of them is said to have been an . . but thus it seems the last edition was at least an . . if not before . now it is not probable , that if such a grosse error had slipt from melancthon , in his common-places , it would have been in the last edition of them . however , i find no such thing in them , as is alleadged , but the quite contrary , viz. una est aeterna essentia divina ; that is , there is one eternal divine essence . and again , sunt tres personae divinitatis , that is , there are three persons of the divinity . so that melancthon doth acknowledge but one divinity , though three divine persons . . the marquesse saith , that he affirms polygamie not to be against jus divinum , and adviseth hen. . to it . i find no such peece among melancthons works , as concil . theol. which the marquesse citeth to make good this accusation . but i finde examen theologicum , and in it the contrary to this , which melancthon is here charged with . wee have seen many ( saith he ) who did neglect the usual lawes of marriages , because we read how of old they had many wives , and jacob married two sisters . but we must judge not by examples , but by laws ; and in a matter of such moment as this , let gods precepts be considered . it is most certain , that the first law of marriage was so established , that one man , and one woman should be joyned together . — the son of god doth draw us back to the first institution , &c. . he is said to teach peremptory resistance against magistrates ; and to inable the inferiour magistrate to alter religion against the contrary edicts of the superiour . for the latter part of this charge the marquesse citeth concil . theol. which book i finde not ( as i said ) amongst melancthons works . for the former part , he citeth melancthon on rom. . but in that place there is not a syllable ( that i can see ) whereby it may appear , that melancthon teacheth any resistance against the magistrate . all that i finde is , that he teacheth magistracie to be of god , and answereth the arguments of the anabaptists against it . here the marquesse addes , so calvin , so beza , so goodman , so danaeus , so knox , &c. all hold it lawfull to depose , murther , or to arraign their prince , &c. but where these authours , either all or any of them do hold thus , he sheweth not , he doth not so much as point at any of their writings where such doctrine may be found . i know that some of these authours here mentioned , are charged in this kinde by romish writers ; but withall i know that the charges brought against them are answered . see rivet . jes . vap. cap. . § . . , . bils . of christ , subject . page . &c. the former of these answers to what is alleadged against calvin ; the latter , to what is alleadged both against him , and against beza , goodman , and knox. but some of the authours , whom the marquesse here citeth , as being of this opinion concerning magistrates , he was much mistaken in , viz. bancroft , who did declare himself so much the other way , that he taxed some of these here mentioned by the marquesse , as being not respective enough of the honour due to magistrates . his book i have read , though now i have it not ; nor do i perfectly remember the title of it . i think also that there is the like mistake concerning sutcliffe , whom the marquesse also joyneth with the ▪ ●st ; i thinke that he also was so farre from teaching such doctrine , that he did rather taxe those , who did but seem to teach it . but i am not so well assured of him , as of the other . after melancthon the marquesse speaketh of andraeas musculus , who ( he saith ) was not afraid openly to teach , that the divine nature of christ died upon the crosse with his humane nature . wolfangus musculus is an author well known ; but andraeas musculus , i confesse , i have not heard of before , so farre am i from being able to say what he holdeth : but if he hold , as the marquesse here alleadgeth , i shall be as ready to explode and abhor his opinion , as any other . in the next place the marquesse speaketh of the divisions of protestants , which ( i confesse ) have been , and are too great ; though divers of the sects which he mentioneth , i do not know that ever i read of before . but what if protestants differ among themselves , and so must needs some of them be in error ? yet may they for all this be in the truth so far forth as they all agree , and consequently so far forth as they dissent from the church of rome . there were many sects among the jews , as pharisees , sadduces , and herodians , spoken of in scripture , and the essenes mentioned by josephus . these differing one from another , must certainly some of them erre ; yet as they agreed together in opposing paganisme , they were all right . whilst the catholicks ( saith the marquesse ) have no jars , no differences uncomposed , having one common father , one conductor and adviser , as sir edw. sands confesseth . the authours book , which the marquesse citeth , i have , but not so distinguished as that which he referreth unto , and therefore i cannot finde the words which he alleadgeth . but seeing mention is made of this book , i think it meet here to insert some things out of it , that so the reader may perceive what manner of unity and agreement it is that is amongst them of the church of rome . but now ( saith that worthy authour ) to come to the view of their ecclesiastical government , not so much as it is reserred to the conduct of soules , though that be the natural and proper end of that regiment , but rather as it is addressed to the upholding of the worldly power and glory of their order , to the advancing of their part , and overthrow of their opposites , which i suppose be the points they now chiefly respect ; i think , i may truly say , there was never yet state framed by mans wit in this world more powerful and forcible to work those effects ; never any either more wisely contrived , and plotted , or more constantly and diligently put in practice and execution : insomuch that but for the natural weaknesse , and untruth , and dishonesty , which being rotten at the heart abate the force of whatsoever is founded thereon , their outward means were sufficient to subdue a whole world . — in their art they have certain head-assertions , which as indemonstrable principles they urge all to receive and hold , as , that they are the church of god , within which great facility , and without which no possibility of salvation . that divine prerogative gramed to them above all other societies in the world , doth preserve them everlastingly from erring in matter of faith , and from falling from god : that the pope christs deputy , hath the keyes of heaven in his custody , &c. in these 〈◊〉 no doubt or question is tolerable ; and who so joyn with them in these , shall finde great connivence in what other defect or difference soever , &c. and by this plot they have erected in the world a monarchy more potent then ever any that hath been before it , &c. and afterward , to what a miserable push ( saith he ) have they driven the world , either in their pleading against them with such force of evidence , or in their learning of them , and joyning with them , as to stop the month of the one , and hang the faith of the other on this 〈◊〉 paradox , i and my church cannot possibly erre , and this must you take upon our own words to be true . for as for their conjectural evidence out of the scripture , there seems to be as much , or more for the king of spains not erring , as there is for the popes ; it being said by the wisest , that the heart of the king is in the hands of god ; a divine sentence is in his lips , and his mouth shall not transgresse in judgement . and a little after : although it were perhaps not untruly said by a great clerk of their own , that the popes not erring was but an opinion of policy , and not of theologie ; to give stay to the laity , not stop to the divines , of whom in such infinite controversies and jarrings ( nb ) about interpretations of texts , and conclusions of science , wherein many have spent a large part of their lives , never any yet went , neither at this day doth go to be resolved by the pope , as knowing it to be true , which their own law delivereth , that in holinesse any old woman , in knowledge many a friar might out-go the pope , but in power and authority the whole world was under him ; yet at this day they do so generally cling to him , and draw by his line ( as having no hope either of standing against their opposites , but onely by him , or of unity among themselves , but onely in him ) that touch him , and touch them , &c. and elsewhere in the same book , it is a wonderful thing ( saith he ) to see what curious order and diligence they use to suffer nothing to be done , or spring up among themselves ; which may any way give footing to the religion which they so much hate . and first for the scriptures , for as much as the reformation seems grounded upon them , &c. though as well to beat back the irksome out-cries of their adversaries , as also to give some satisfaction to their own , that they might not think them so terribly afraid of the bible , they were content to let it be translated by some of their favourers into the vulgar , as also some number of copies to be saleable a while at the beginning ; yet since having husbed that former clamor , and made better provision for the establishing of their kingdome , they have called all vulgar bibles streightly in again ( yea the very psalms of david , which their famous preacher b. panigarola translated ) as doubting else the unavoidablenesse of those former inconveniences . — neither yet in their very sermons , though they preach alwayes in a manner on the gospel of the day , do they read , or any other wayes recite the text , but discourse onely on such points of it as they think fittest , without more solemnity , that no sound of scripture may possesse the people ; although the use in france be otherwise for that matter . yea some parts of scripture , as s. pauls epistles , they are so jealous of , and think so dangerous , that by report of divers ( for my self did not hear it ) some of their jesuits of late in italy in solemn sermon , and other their favourites elsewhere in private communication , commending between them s. peter for a worthy spirit , have censured s. paul for a hot-headed person , who was transported so with his pangs of zeal and eagernesse beyond all compasse in sundry his disputes , that there was no great reckoning to be made of his assertions ; yea he was dangerous to read , as savouring of heresie in some places , and better he had not written of those matters at all . agreeable to which i have heard other of their catholicks deliver , that it hath been heretofore very seriously consulted among them , to have censured by some means , and reformed the writings of s. paul ; though for mine own part i must professe i can hardly believe this , as being an attempt too too abominable and blasphemous , and for these times too desperate a scandal . but howsoever , he of all others is least beholding to them , whom , of mine own knowledge and hearing , some of them teach in the pulpit not to have been secure of his preaching , but by conference with st. peter , and other of the apostles ; nor that he durst publish his epistles till they had allowed them . — and as in the foundation of the reformation , which is the scripture , so much more in the edifice it self , the doctrine and opinions , they beat away all sound and eccho of them , being not lawfull there to alleadge them , no not to glance at them , not to argue & dispute of them , no not to refute them . in ordinary communication to talk of matter of religion , is odious and suspicious ; but to enter into any reasoning , though but for argument sake without other scandal , is prohibited and dangerous . yea it was once my fortune to be half threatned for no other fault then for debating with a jew , and upholding the truth of christianity against him : so unlawfull are all disputes of religion whatsoever . and their friars even in france , in their endeavours to convert others , will say it is lawfull to perswade them , but not so to dispute with them . but in italy this is much more exactly observed , &c. — but the most strange thing , as to me it seemed of all other , is , that those principal writers , who have employed themselves wholly in refuting from point to point the protestants doctrine and arguments , are so rare in italy , as by ordinary enquiry , i beleeve , not to be found . the controversies of cardinal bellarmine i sought for in venice in alplaces . neither that , nor gregory of valentia , nor any of su●● quality could i ever in any shop of italy set eye on ; but in instead of them an infinite number of meer invectives and declamations : which made me entertaine this suspicious conjecture , that it might be their care that no part of the protestants positions and allegations should be known , they were so exact , as to make discurrent in some sort even those very books , which were constrained to recite them , that they might refute them , &c. by these and other passages in that book , which the marquesse was pleased to cite , we may see what a politique , indeed , yet withall a poor and pittiful unity that is , which is amongst them of the church of rome , though the marquesse here ( as also before about the begining of his reply ) doth so boast of it . but the marquesse begins again to fall upon protestant writers , and to inveigh against them , as guilty of strange and unheard of blasphemies , vilenesse and wickednesse . and as if the testimonies which he alleadgeth for proof hereof , were not to be doubted of , he saith , that they are the testimonies of protestants themselves , and not of any of the church of rome . but the most of his testimonies are those of luther and his followers , concerning zuinglius and those that joined with him ; or the testimonies of these concerning the other . now these being adversaries one to the other , as the romanists are to them both , the testimonies of the one against the other are to be accounted no more valid , then if the testimonies of the romanists had been alleadged against them . mr : breerley premonisheth him , that shall undertake to answer his apologie , to forbear to urge the testimonies of such , as persisted professed enemies to the roman sea , and also of those , who , though but for a time , did stand in some opposition against it . yet himself ( and from him the marquesse ) usually doth urge the testimonies of those , who were professed adversaries to them , against whom they are urged . but waving those particulars which are founded upon such testimonies ( as indeed the most are ) there are some other , to which i shall endeavour to give answer . . it is objected , that luther was taught by the devil , that the masse was naught ; and overcome with the devils reasons , he abolisht it . ans . it is true , luther himself doth at large relate , how that about midnight when he awaked , the devil did dispute with him , and convince him , that the masse , which for many years he had celebrated , was evil and unlawful , as being most repugnant to christs institution . this many of the romish writers upbraid him with , as if the masse must needs therfore be good , because the devil did plead against it , & protestants make use of those very arguments which the devil did urge in his dispute with luther . but though the devil be a liar , and hath alwayes some evil and false end at which he aims , yet the thing it self which he saith is not alwayes false . for he confessed christ to be the son of god , mat. . . and paul and his companions to be the servants of the most high god , which did shew the way of salvation , act. . . neither do i see any reason , why luther might not come to see his error , and to correct it , by the devils dispute with him , though the devil intended no such matter ; as well as monica , austin's mother , came to see her vice and to abandon it , by being upbraided with it by one , whose intent was nothing lesse then to work such an effect upon her . mr. breerley will not admit , that the devil in that dispute did seek to drive luther to despaire : but luther , whom any indifferent man will rather believe in this case , did judge otherwise of it . it is true ( saith he ) the devil is a liar , but an artificial liar ; his lies are more cunning and crafty , then man is able to imagine . he layes hold on some clear truth that cannot be denied , and doth urge it so subtilly , and doth so varnish his lie , as to deceive even those that are most wary . as that thought which he put into judas , was true , i have betraied innocent blood : this judas could not deny . but this was a lie ; therfore i must despair of gods mercy . yet did the devil bring him to this . therefore when the devil doth urge the greatnesse of sinne , he doth not lie : but herein he lieth , that he would make me to despair of gods grace . i confessed ( being convinced by the law of god ) before the devil , that i sinned ; but with . peter i turn me unto christ , &c. this plainly shewes , what ( in luthers judgment ) the devill did aime at , though he failed in his designe . neither is this answer impertinent , as mr. breerley also doth pretend , as may sufficiently appear by what i have said before . it makes nothing ( he saith ) to prove that the devill therefore did not instruct luther against the masse . but what if luther were convinced of his errour by those arguments , which the devill urged against him , only to drive him to despaire ? this doth but set forth the wisdom and goodnesse of god , in making use of the malice of the devill for the good of those whom he loveth . as austine observeth in the reformation , which god wrought in his mother , when she was a young girle , by the means of a maid that falling out with her , cast her in the teeth with her wine-bibbing , thinking only to reproach and vex her ; but god by the distemper of the one did work a cure upon the other . from luther the marquess passeth to zuinglius , saying , that gualterus calls him the author of warre , the disturber of peace , proud and cruell : and instances in his strange attempts against the tigurines his fellowes , whom he forced by want and famine to follow his doctrine , and that he died in armour , and in the warre . when i only looked upon the place , as cited by the marquess , viz. in apolog. pro zuing. i could not but admire , that gualterus in his apologie for zuinglius should write thus of him : but examining the truth of the quotation , i am much more filled with admiration . for gaulterus is made to charge zuinglius with these things , which he doth purposely and professedly clear him of , complaining of those that do charge him with them . he shews that zuinglius was not the author of that war , which was betwixt the tigurines and their neighbours . it was the fashion ( he saith ) among the tigurines , when they went to war in behalf of their country , to have their ministers along with them . and so zuinglius went out to battel , and died in it , and that armed ; yet not either as chief commander , or ensigne-bearer , but only as a good citizen , and faithful pastor , who might not leave his people in such an exigence . and whereas the marquess speaks of gualterus his instancing in zuinglius his strange attempts against the tigurines , &c. it was a great oversight in him : for gualterus only taxeth them , who say , zuinglius tigurinis novi & exquisitifacinoris contra socios audendi author fuerit , vt videl . victus inopiâ & famis necessitate eos in suas partes concedere cogeret , &c. that is , that zuinglius caused the tigurines to attempt a strange enterprise against their companions , ( other helvetians that were their confederates ) so as by want and famine to force them to joyn with them , &c. thus all this great charge brought against zuinglius , is built meerly upon mistakes . the next that the marquesse falls upon , is beza , upon whom is cast a most foul asperfion , that in his epigrams he hath verses concerning his boy andebert , and his wench candida ; and that having debated at large which sinne is to be preferr'd , he chooseth the boy at last . answ . if beza had indeed sometime been guilty of this vile enormity which is fained of him , what could any justly inferre from hence , but that the grace of god did eminently appeare in that change which afterwards was wrought in him ? the apostle having spoken of such as are guilty of grosse sinnes , and among the rest of this here charged upon beza , saith to the corinthians , and such were some of you , but you are washed , but you are sanctified , but you are justified in the name of the lord jesus , and by the spirit of our god , i cor. . ii. but it can never be proved that beza was guilty of such wickednesse , though divers both romanists and lutherans have charged him with it . beza hath made answer for himself . i. he confesseth that in his younger years he had exercised his poetical faculty by composing amatorious verses : but , he saith , it is no equal dealing , that what he did in sport , should be interpreted as done in earnest . . he professeth , that he had by a publike writing rejected and disavowed those verses ; and complaineth of his adversaries , who would not suffer them to be abolished . . he sheweth that this candida spoken of in his epigrams , is but a fained name . . that andebert , who is also mentioned in those epigrams , was a man of known integrity , and of great dignity in france ; and that therefore an odious thing it was , so to pervert that great friendship and familiarity which he had with him , as to turn it into that execrable filthinesse not to be named . mr. breerley , who sets down a great many of those verses , which the marquesse doth but point at , takes upon him to refell that which some others answer in the behalf of beza , but never takes notice of this which beza hath said in his own behalf . but the marquesse returns to luther ; and besides other things which he objects against him , but proves only by the testimony of his adversaries , or by such pieces of luthers own works as i have not liberty to peruse , he taxeth him for giving such opprobrious termes to king henry . ans . it is true , k. hen. . having written ( or at least some other in his name ) against luther and his doctrine , luther did return answer so as to shew but small respect to the person against whom he wrote . but afterwards luther , in an epistle which he wrote to the king , confessed his fault , humbly craving pardon , and offering to write a publike recantation , and to do the king honour , if he should require it . indeed the king not answering luthers expectation , but instead of accepting his submission setting forth another book against him , with his epistle annexed to it , and insulting over him as if he had recanted his doctrine , luther made answer to this book also , yet so as to abstain from those terms of contumely and reproach which before he had used , only shewing that he was firm and stedfast in his doctrine , yea daily more and more confirmed in it ; and that no mans person , how great soever he were , should be of any esteem with him so as to bring him to any recantation in that respect . the marquesse having censured some of the prime doctors of the reformed churches , falls to censure the people , as being generally averse from all honesty and godlines ; and to this end he all eadgeth the words of luther , and some others , who complain of the vitious and corrupt wayes of those that live under the pure preaching of the gospel ; and he concludes , how could the people be better , when their ministers were so bad ? bellarmine urging also some of these testimonies , proceeds so farre in his censure , as to say , that though among them of the church of rome ( for that he means by the catholike church ) there be many bad , yet among protestants ( whom after his manner he terms hereticks ) there is none good ; and this ( he saith ) is notorious . but if both ministers and people were bad , as their adversaries pretend , yet might their doctrine and profession be good for all that . it was the apostles complaint in his time , all seek their own , not the things that are jesus christs , phil. . . yet the doctrine of jesus christ , which they preached and professed , was never a whit the worse for all this , though with some it might be worse accounted of . in like manner the prophets frequently complain of the people of the jews , whose religion neverthelesse was the only true religion in the world . see isa . . , , . jer. . . . & . . &c. ezek. . . &c. and so many other places . and that the protestant doctrine is not to blame , what ever the preachers and professors of it be , may appear by those very testimonies which the marquesse and other alledge . for in that ( as they shew ) ministers tax and reprove people for being so bad , it argues that the doctrine delivered unto them , is good , though they make no good use of it . but that protestants are so universally bad , as that bellarmine should say there is none good among them , is too grosse an aspersion ; and wondrous impudence it is to adde , that this is notorious to all that know them . i will only cite the testimony of bodinus one that never withdrew himself ( for any thing i finde ) from communion with the church of rome : he speaking of geneva , where calvin and beza were ministers of the gospel , exceedingly commends the discipline there used , then which ( he saith ) nothing could be imagined greater , and more divine for the restraining of mens lusts , and those vices , which by humane laws and judgements could no way be reformed . insomuch that no whoredomes , no drunkennesse , no dancings , no beggars , no idle persons are found in that city . but to proceed , the marquesse in the conclusion of all that he hath in this kinde , relates horrible things of calvin in respect both of his life and death , alleadging that they are written by two knowne and approved protestant authors . one of these authors , whose words the marquesse alleadgeth , was indeed a protestant , but a great lutheran , to wit , schlusselberg , and a professed adversary unto calvin ; and i presume so also was the other , who ( the marquesse saith ) did write the life of calvin , and confirme that which is said by the former , to wit , * herennius , though i have not heard of him before . mr. breerley ( so far as i finde ) never mentions him , though he make very frequent use of schlusselberg , whose words concerning calvin , here cited by the marquesse , he all eadgeth in two several places of his apology . but however , bolsecus is the man from whom at first did proceed whatsoever any have in disgrace of calvin , either for his life , or death . now this author lived some while at geneva where calvin was , and being opposed by him ( it seems ) for some things which he could not approve , he both became calvins bitter enemy , and also turned back to popery , and was a papist at that very time when he wrote of calvin , as is confessed by mr. breerley , who saith , that therefore he doth purposely forbear to urge his testimony ; in which respect also , it may be , the marquesse made no mention of this author , because he would not seem in this case to alleadge any of their own church . but to what porpose is it , that they forbear to cite bolsecus , when as they cite those , who have nothing in this kinde but from bolsecus ? he was the first , and for some while the only man that did traduce calvin , as concerning his life and death . and therefore bellarmine , as writing before those , whom mr. breerley and the marquesse mention , alleadgeth only bolsecus as relating things that concerne calvin of this nature . but if mr. breerley ( and so other romanists ) could think there was just cause to except against the testimonies of benno , and others concerning pope hildebrand , called gregory . alleadging that they were his adversaries , and took part with the emperour against him , though yet benno was a cardinal , and the rest were all romanists ; what candour and ingenuity is there to alleadge against calvin the testimonies of those who did professe themselves adversaries unto him ? besides , that bolsecus the first deviser of these calumnies , was one of their own party . for the things that are objected ; that concerning the manner of calvins death , appears most false , by what beza hath written of it , who being with calvin at geneva when he dyed , had more cause to know the truth then bolsecus , who was removed ( i think ) from geneva before that time . and the other particular about calvins being stigmatized , is clearly and fully refuted by andreas rivetus in his jesuita vapulans , where he produceth the very records of that city , where this is said to have been done , and sheweth by the inquisition that was there made concerning calvin ( it being the place where he was born ) that nothing is objected against him , but only his falling off from the roman religion . and thus ( i hope ) both calvin and others are sufficiently vindicated , and purged from those aspersions that are cast upon them . now if i had a minde to recriminate , i might easily ( to use the marquesse his words ) inlarge my paper to a volume of instances in their popes & cardinals , monks & friars , priests and jesuites ( not to speak of their other sort of people ) of whose monstrous wickednesse their own authors have largely testified . but i like not camarinam hanc movere , to stir this puddle ; i le onely cite one distich of mantuan , who was somewhat before luther , and is commended by bellarmine as a learned and godly poet , and one that wrote much in commendation of the saints ; but see what he writes in commendation of rome , where the popes holinesse ( as they stile him ) hath his palace : vivere qui sanctè cupitis , discedite româ : omnia eum liceant , non licet esse bonum . that is , depart from rome , if holy you would be : for there may be all things but pietie . towards the end of the reply , the marquesse goes about to prove , that the doctrine of the church of rome is the same still that it was at the first . but , . if all the testimonies were truly and pertinently alleadged , yet are they not sufficient to evince what he asserteth , not so much as one place of scripture being produced for proof of any of those points , on which he insisteth . and therefore though those ancient writers , which are cited , did indeed speak so much as is pretended , yet there being no ground nor warrant for those things from the scripture , we may say in the words of our saviour , from the beginning it was not so . . most of the particulars which are mentioned , i have spoken to before , and have shewed , that neither scripture nor fathers are on their side , but both against them . . and for some few points not touched before , i shall briefly consider and examine what is objected . the marquesse saith , that of old the church did offer prayers for the dead , both publike and private , to the end to procure for them ease and rest , &c. prayer for the dead , as they of the church of rome do now use it , is grounded upon purgatory . it is certain ( saith bellarmine ) that the suffrages of the church do not profit either the blessed , or the damned , but only those that are in purgatory . now concerning purgatory i have spoken enough before , shewing that it hath no foundation in scripture , and also that the ancient writers do give sufficient testimony against it . that prayer for the dead therefore which the ancient church did use , was not such as the church of rome now useth : it was not to deliver any out of purgatory-pains , which they were supposed to be in , but to perfect and consummate their happinesse . this may appear by ambrose his praying for the emrour theodosius after he was dead . he beleeved him to enjoy perpetuall light , and tranquillity , and to have obtained the reward of those things which he had done in the body ; yet he prayed for him ; but how ? that god would give him that perfect rest which he hath prepared for his saints . ambrose also praied for the emperor valentinan after his death . but did he thinke him to be in purgatory ? no such matter : he was perswaded that he was removed to a better estate ; that what he had sown upon earth , he did then reap ; and that he did rest in the tranquillity of the patriark jacob. yet he professeth , that he would not cease to pray both for him , and for his brother gratian , who was departed out of this life , and ( as ambrose believed ) translated into a better before him . how doth he then pray for them ? only thus , that god would vouchsafe to raise them up with a speedy resurrection . and thus the church ( as it is in some ancient liturgies ) used to pray unto god , to remember all those that were departed in the hopes of the resurrection of life eternal . the marquesse cites tertullian and austine ; but besides that tertulliun was faln into the heresie of montanus , when hee wrote that book , which is cited , as is noted by pamelius , and the book it selfe doth make manifest ; besides this , i say , tertullian speaks of a womans praying for her deceased husband , that he might have part in the first resurrection , which savours of the opinion of the chiliasts , amongst whom he is reckoned by hierome in his catalogue of ecolesiastical writers , where he speaks of papias whom he notes as the first founder of that opinion . as for austine , i have showed before that he was not resolved concerning purgatory , and therefore neither can any thing be concluded from about praying for the dead in that kind as they of the roman church do practise it . after prayer for the dead , the marquesse speaks of the fast of lent , which he saith the church anciently held for a custome , not free , but necessary , and of apostolical tradition , and so to fast all the fridayes in the year in memory of christs death , except christmas-day fell on a friday . it is true , hierome ( as is alleadged ) speaks of a fast of forty dayes , which they used to observe , and that according to the tradition of the apostles . but this tradition was very uncertain , it seems , and the observation of the fast very various . for socrates an ancient ecolesiastical historian records , that somewhere they fasted three weeks before easter , somewhere six weeks ; and that in some places they began their fast seven weeks before easter , but did fast only fifteen dayes , not altogether , but now one day , now another . and yet ( which he saith he wondred at ) all did call their fast quadragesimam , a forty dayes fast : he sayes also moreover , that they did not only thus differ in the number of dayes , in which they fasted , but also in the manner of their fasting . for some ( as he relates ) did eat both fish and foul : some did abstain from egges , and all fruit that is inclosed in a hard shell : some did eat nothing but dry bread : some not so much as that neither : some having fasted until the ninth houre ( three a clock in the afternoon ) ' did then use divers kindes of meats . and he addes , that seeing there is nothing in scripture commanded concerning this matter , it is manifest that the apostles left it free to every one to do herein as he should think meet . and the like also for the different manner of observing the lent-fast in respect of the time , hath sozomen in his ecclesiastical history , who lived in the same time with the other , viz. . years after christ according to bellarmines computation . the church ( saith the marquesse ) held then mingling of water with wine in the sacrifice of the eucharist , for a thing necessary , and of divine and apostolical tradition . cyprian indeed in the place all eadged , viz. epist . . doth speak of the mixture of wine and water in the eucharist , as a thing necessary to be obsered . but . austine hath taught us , that it is no wrong to cyprian to make a difference betwixt his writings and the scriptures . . cyprian himselfe , though speaking of another occasion , doth shew us what we are here to answer , whence ( saith he ) is this tradition ? did it come either from christ in the gospel , or from the apostles in their writings ? for god doth require us to do those things that are written , saying to joshua , the book of the law shall not depart out of thy mouth , &c. jos . . . and when christ sent his apostles , he bade them baptize all nations , and teach them to observe whatsoever he commanded , mat. . . . if therefore it be commanded in the gospel , or contained either in the epistles , or in the acts of the apostles , then let it be observed as a divine and holy tradition . now in the epistle , which the marquesse alleadgeth , cyprian proveth against the aquarians ( such as did use only water in the eucharist ) that christ in the institution of the sacrament used wine ; this he proves by that which is written mat. . . i will not drinke henceforth of this fruit of the vine , &c. but that christ also did use water , he doth not prove , neither can it be proved by the scripture . yet our divines do grant , that probably christ might mixe wine and water in the sacramental cup , not for any mystical signification , nor as a matter of necessary observation , but only as in those hot countries they used commonly to drink wine mixed with water to abate the strength of it . neither do they therefore condemn them of the church of rome for using this mixture , but for using it so as to make it a sinne not to use it . bellarmine indeed saith , that it is no lesse certain that christ did mixe water with wine when he instituted the sacrament , then that he did use any wine at all for that purpose . for , he saith , neither the evangelists , nor paul make any mention of wine when they speak of the cup in the eucharist . as for the words , i will not drinke henceforth of the fruit of the vine , &c. he saith , s. luke doth plainly shew , they were spoken not of the cup in the eucharist , but that cup which was given after the eating of the pascal lamb. but this contradits cyprian in that very epistle , which is alleadged against us . for their citing these words , he infers from them as a thing clear and evident , that it was wine which christ called his blood ; and that the sacrament is not rightly celebrated , if wine be wanting . yea maldonate cites many of the ancient writers besides cyprian , who understand those words of the cup in the eucharist . and whereas bellarmine doth urge luke . , . to prove that those words , i will not henceforth drink &c. have reference to another cup , and not that in the eucharist , austine ( as himself confesseth ) taketh those words in luke to be related by anticipation , and not in their due order , which matthew and mark observed . and though he say , that austine did not diligently consider the place , yet jansenius writing professedly upon it , approves austins opinion rather then hieroms who conceives two several cups to be spoken of in s. lukes gospel ; neither doth bellarmine answer his argument , which he doth alleadge for it . but however , he shews that the words , as they are related by s. matthew , and s. marke , cannot be referred to any other cup then that in the eucharist , of which they make mention immediately before , and of none other . . cyprian in this very point about the mingling of wine and water in the eucharist doth differ as well from them of the church of rome as from protestants . for he makes this mixture of such necessity , as to hold it no sacrament , if there be not in the cup both wine and water . otherwise if there bee either onely water , or onely wine , he holds it to be none of christs cup , none of his sacrament . but bellarmine taxeth chemnitius for charging them of the roman church with this opinion , and saith , that very few of them do hold it . why then do they presse us with the testimony of cyprian , they themselves dissenting from him as well as we ? for it is over vain and frivolous , that bellarmine saith , that though cyprian spake in that manner , yet perhaps he meant otherwise . but to proceed , the marquesse saith that anciently the church held exorcismes , exsufflations , and renuntiations , which are made in baptisme , for sacred ceremonies , and of apostolical tradition . and a little after , the church in the ceremonies of baptisme used then oyle , salt , wax-light , exorcismes , the sign of the crosse , the word ephata , and other things that accompany it , &c. but . what authority is there from gods word for all , or any of these ceremonies ? let them be proved by the scriptures , and then we will acknowledge them for divine and holy traditions ; but otherwise we have no reason to do it . and for this we have cyprian ( to whom other ancient writers might be added , if need were ) to speak for us , as i have shewed a little before , though here among others he also be alleadged against us . . bellarmine speaking of rites and ceremonies saith , that they must not , so be multiplied , as with their multitude to overwhelm religion , to which they ought to be subservient . and for this he cites austine . but surely the ceremonies of baptisme , which the marquesse here partly expresseth , and partly intimateth ( bellarmine doth reckon up particularly no fewer then two and twenty ) are so many , as that they must needs overwhelme baptisme . . some rites and ceremonies anciently used in baptisme , are now abolished in the church of rome . anciently they used to dip the person baptized thrice in the water , which now bellarmine saith is not so , but in some places they dip once , and in some place thrice ; neither being of the offence of the sacrament . but elsewhere he tels us , that the church hath determined in the fourth councel of toledo , that there shall be but one dipping used in baptisme . so also bellarmine amongst the ceremonies of baptisme anciently used , mentioneth the tasting of milk and hony , or wine ; which ceremony yet , he saith , now is not in use . thus their apostolical traditions , as they call them , they themselves can reject when they please . the church held then ( saith the marquesse ) baptisme for infants of absolute necessity ; and for this cause thou permitted lay-men to baptise in danger of death . the absolute necessity of baptisme is not here simply urged , but only in respect of infants . the marquesse , it seems , considered , that there are expresse testimonies of antiquity for the salvation of some of years that die unbaptized . . and why is there not the same hope for infants ? why must baptism be more absolutely necessary for them then for others ? the romanists themselves distinguish of baptisme , and tell us of the baptisme of water , of the spirit , and of blood or martyrdome ; and hold either of the two last to be available unto salvation without the first . is not god able to baptize infants with his spirit , though they want the baptisme of water ? and where hath he said , that he will not do it ? it is without doubt ( saith bellarmine ) that true conversion doth supply the want of the baptism of water , when any not through contempt , but through necessity die without it . now it is without doubt , that god can , if he please , work spiritual regeneration in infants that are not baptized with water ; and that if they die without that baptisme , it is on their part meerly of necessity , and not of contempt . and if children dying unbaptized , do necessarily perish for want of baptisme , then christian parents must sorrow for the death of such children , as they that have no hope ; whereas the apostle forbids christians to sorrow for the dead in that manner , thess . . . bellarmine also confesseth , that divers great & eminent writers of the church of rome , as cajetan , gabriel , and others have thought it not agreeable to the mercy of god , that innumerable infants should perish without any fault of theirs , meerly for want of that outward baptisme , which it was not in their power to have . and cassander testifieth that in his time many very learned men did hold , that though children died without baptism , yet the desire of the church , and especially of their parents to procure them baptisme , if it could have been , is accepted of god , and available to those children , as if they had been baptized . . the ancients were as much for the necessity of infants receiving the eucharist , as for the necessity of their being baptized . austine ( as maldonate relates ) in many places makes the eucharist so necessary , as to deny that infants can be saved without it . for which opinion also the same jesuite cites pope innocentius , and saith , that for . yeares it did prevail in the church . yet the romanists have taken leave to depart from the ancients in this , therefore in reason they may give us leave to depart from them in the other , except the authority of scripture can be proved to be against us . . concerning the estate of infants dying unbaptized , the romanists themselves generally recede from the opinion of austine , whom here the marquesse doth alledge against us . for he saith , that there is no middle place for infants ; but that either they must inherit the kingdome of heaven , or else must endure everlasting fire : and this latter he makes to belong unto all that die without baptisme . but they of the church of rome are of another mind : for they make the damned to be in one region of hell , where they are in torment ; and infants that die unbaptized , in another region of hell , where they suffer no pain , but only the losse of heaven , and that happinesse which the saints enjoy . they have no reason therefore to urge us with austin , when as themselves do not accord with him . the church held then ( saith the marquesse ) divers degrees in the ecclesiastical regiment , to wit , bishops , priests , deacons , sub-deacons , the acolythe , exorcist , reader , and porter . here are eight several sorts of ecclesiastical officers , which are reckoned as so many several orders . for so presently after the marquesse addes , and in the episcopal order acknowledged divers seats of jurisdiction of positive right , &c. thus he makes episcopacie , and so the rest , each of them a distinct order , and that ( as it seems ) of divine right . but . for episcopacie , the school-men hold it to be no distinct order . lombard , the master of them , reckons but seven distinct orders ; to wit , all these here mentioned excert bishops , and sayes that anciently bishops and presbyters were the same . so also bonaventure , whom the church of rome hath canonized for a saint , and stiles the seraphical doctor , he also ( i say ) professedly disputing the question , whether episcopacie be an order , concludes that it is not , but only a dignity , and that a bishop is in that respect of like nature with an archpresbyter ( or dean ) an archbishop , a patriarch , and a pope . and he cites also hugo de s. victore , who was somewhat more ancient then lombard , as being of this opinion . cassander saith , that the divines and canonists do not agree in this , whether episcopacie be to be reckoned amongst orders . but all ( he saith ) agree in this , that in the apostles time there was no difference betwixt bishops and presbyters , but that afterward for the keeping of order , and the avoiding of schisme , a bishop was set over the presbyters , and the power of ordaining was reserved unto himonly . hierome is plaine to this purpose , to wit , that at first bishops and presbybyters were the same , and he proves it by phil. . . act. . . tit. . , , . . for the last five orders , to wit , subdeacons , acolythe , exorcist , reader , and porter , they have no foundation at all in scripture ; we finde there no mention of them . and lombard confesseth , that the office of deacons and of presbyters , are by way of excellency called holy orders ; for that the primitive church had onely those two , and the apostle gave precept concerning them onely . so also cassander saith , it is manifest , that deacons and presbyters are properly called holy orders ; for that the primitive church had those onely . and this he saith is testified by pope urban , and noted by chrysostome and ambrose . and as for the five lesser , and inferior orders , he saith , that now in the church of rome : they are altogether confused , and almost abolished . the marquesse saith , that anciently the church had one supereminent ( by divine law ) which was the pope , without whom nothing could be decided , appertaining to the universal church , and the want of whose presence , either by himself , or his legats , or his confirmation , made all councels ( pretended to be universal ) unlawful . . the name of pope anciently was common to all bishops . hierome calls alipius an african bishop , pope alipius . so also he stiles austine in divers epistles , which he wrote unto him . . that the bishop of rome , to whom the name of pope in after times came to be appropriated , is supereminent by divine law , was no part of the ancients creed . indeed of old the bishops of rome , by reason of the wealth and glory of the city , did live in a very pompous and stately fashion , so as in their feasts to exceed kings : and thereupon there was great striving for the place : when damasas ( whom the marquesse here points at as so highly honoured by hierome ) came to be pope , there was such a conflict betwixt him and urscicinus about it , that in one day there were found in a church . dead bodies of those that were slaine in the conflict . this is related by ammianus marcellinus , who lived in the same time when this happened . and though he were no christian , yet that he did not write thus out of any ill affection towards christians , and a desire to disgrace them , may appear , as by that ingenuity and impartiality which he elsewhere usually shews in his history , so by this , that in this very place he much commends other bishops of meaner places , and saith , that the bps. of rome might have been happy indeed , if they would have imitated them , and despising the greatnesse of the city , would have lived sparingly , and carried themselves humbly as other bishops of the roman provinces did . but so also for the same reason , to wit , the honour and dignity of rome , the bishop thereof had some priviledge and preheminencie above others . and so the first councel of constantinople decreed , that the bishop of constantinople should have the second place , to wit , next after the bishop of rome , because it was new rome . and afterwards the councel of chalcedon ( which was the fourth general councel , as that of constantinople was the second ) for the very same reason confirmed the same , plainly expressing thus much , that because rome had been the seat of the empire , therefore the fathers had given the chief honour to the bishop of that city , and that now constantinople being advanced to that honour ( constantine having removed his seat thither ) it was meet that the bishop of that place should likewise be advanced , so as to be next to the roman bishop . thus it plainly appears , even by this very councel , which the marquesse alleadgeth , that the dignity of the bishop of rome is built meerly upon humane authority , and earthly consideration . neither doth hierom attribute such supereminencie as is pretended , to damasus the roman bishop : but being in the eastern parts , which were much infected with arianisme , and knowing that damasus was free from that infection , he consulted him about a point , wherein he feared lest some arians in the east might ensnare him . but that hierome did not hold the bishop of rome to be supereminent by divine law , is clear and evident by what he wrote to evagrius , namely this , wheresoever a bishop is , whether at rome , or at eugubium , whether at constantinople , or at rhegium , whether at alexandria , or at tanis , he hath the same merit , and the same priesthood . the power of riches , and the meannesse of poverty , doth not make a bishop either higher , or lower : but they are all the successours of the apostles . the marquesse goes on , saying , in the church then the service was said throughout the east in greek , and throughout the west , as well in africa , as in europe , in latine ; although that in none of the provinces ( except in italy , and the cities where the roman colonies resided ) the latine tongue was understood by the common people . that divine service should be performed in a tongue , which the people understand not , is most repugnant both to reason and scripture . the apostle , cor. . plainly and fully declares against it , and shews the absurdity of it . for he that speaketh in an unknown tongue , speaketh not unto men , but unto god : for no man understandeth him , v. . now brethren , if i come unto you speaking with tongues ( viz. unknown tongues ) what shall i profit you ? v. . and even things without life giving sound , whether pipe or harp , except they give a distinction in the sounds , how shall it be known what is piped or harped ? v. . for if the trumpet give an uncertain sound , who shall prepare himself to the battell ? v. . so likewise you , except ye utter by the tongue words easie to be understood , how shall it be known what is spoken ? for ye shall speak into the aire . v. . therefore if i know not the meaning of the voice , i shall be unto him that speaketh a barbarian , and he that speaketh , shall be a barbarian unto me , v. . else when thou shalt blesse in the spirit , how shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned , say amen at thy giving of thanks , seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest ? v. . in the church i had rather speak five words with my understanding , that by my voice i might teach others also , then ten thousand words in an unknown tongue , v. . the case here is so clear , that cardinal cajetan in his commentary upon the place , is forced to confesse , that by this doctrine of the apostle , it is better for the edification of the people , that publick prayers be made in a tongue , which both the clergy and the people understand , then that they be in latine . and hereupon also he expresseth his dislike of the use of organs , and of chanting in divine service , and saith , that it were better such musical melody were laid aside , and that divine service were so performed , as that people might understand it . austine indeed shews , that in his time and country the latine tongue was used in divine service ; but withall he shews , that the people did understand it , though they were not very grammatical and exact in it . and therefore sometimes barbarous words were permitted , because the people were acquainted with them , and understood them better then pure latine words . for this reason he saith in that place , which the marquesse citeth , that floriet was used for florebit , that is , shall flourish . and so elsewhere he saith , that he would rather use the word ossum for a bone , then os , chusing rather to be reproved by grammarians then that the people should not understand him . and that the latine tongue was then generally understood by the people where he lived , is most evident also by that which he writeth in his confessions , to wit , that though he had very much ado to learn the greek tongue , yet the latine he learnt without difficulty , even whilst his nurse and others played with him , and because he heard none speak any other language . the marquesse , to prove still , that the church of rome is not changed , but is the same that it was of old , mentioneth divers things which the church then ( he saith ) observed , as distinction of feasts , and ordinary dayes , &c. . these are things of an inferiour alloy in comparison of many things wherein protestants charge the church of rome to be altered from what of old it was . . the same things might be observed of old , yet not in the same manner as now in the church of rome they are , viz. so as to place the worship of god in such things . so they now do , which makes ferus ( though one of their own authors ) cry out , behold our stupidity and perversenesse . and again , o preposterous religion ! . if protestants have abolished such things , besides that they might lawfully do it , god in his word not requiring them ; and had just cause to do it , they being grown into such abuse ; besides , i say , the romanists cannot justly taxe them for it , seeing they themselves have abolished some things , which formerly were observed in the church , as i have noted before . and to those particulars before mentioned let this be added , that anciently vigils were in use ; both priests and people used to watch the night before some solemn festival . and when vigilantius spoke against it ( though not without cause , as polydore vergil confesseth ) hierome inveighed against him for it , and scoffingly said , that in this he did contrary to his name , that he had more mind to sleep then to watch . but the abuse of these vigils was such , that ( as the said polydore vergil relateth ) though the name continued , yet the thing it self was abolished ; and so much also is acknowledged by bellarmine . the marquesse speaks of the church antiently makeing processions with the reliques of martyrs , kissing them , &c. austin in the place which the marquesse citeth ( viz. de civ . dei , lib. . cap. . ) hath much about miracles wrought at the monuments of some martyrs : but of honouring or worshipping their reliques , i do not see any thing that he saith . hierome , indeed , in the place alleadged speaketh of honouring the reliques of saints , and doth contest with vigilantius about it . but whereas vigilantius did inveigh against the adoring of them , and burning waxe-candles before them at noon-day , hierome calls him a mad-brain , asking , who did ever adore martyrs ? and saying , that they used wax-lights , not as he did slander them , in the day-time , but only in the night , when there was need of them . and in his epistle to riparius , which was written about vigilantius , he saith , that they were so far from worshiping the reliques of martyrs , that they did neither worship the sun , nor the moon , nor angels or archangels , nor cherubim , nor seraphim , nor any name that is named either in this world , or in that to come . he taxeth vigilantius for grudging , that any respect was shewed to the reliques of martyrs , and that they were not rather cast to the dunghill . if this were his opinion , i think few protestants will plead for him . but howsoever , hierome shewes himself far from that , which they of the church of rome do now maintain and practise . how exceeding grosse they are in this kind , erasmus hath lively set forth , and that not in his colloquies ( which he wrote for delight , yet for profit also ; and as the poet sayes , ridentem dicereverum quid vetat ? ) but in a more serious work , viz. his annotations on the new testament . you may now ( saith he ) every where see held out for gain maries milk , which they honour as much almost as christs consecrated body ; prodigious oile ; so many peeces of the crosse , that if they were all gathered together , a great ship would searce carry them : here francis his hood set forth to view ; there the innermost garment of the virgin mary ; in one place anna's comb , in another place joseph's stocking , in another place thomas of canterbury his shoe , in another place christs foreskin , which though it be a thing uncertain , they worship more religiously then christs whole person . neither do they shew these things as things that may be born with , and to please the common people , but they place almost all religion in them , &c. from reliques we passe to pictures . the church then ( saith the marquesse ) had the picture of christ , and of his saints , both out of churches , and in them , ( not to adore them with god-like worship , but ) by them to reverence the souldiers and champions of christ . were there no other point but only this concerning pictures and images , it were enough to shew how much the church of rome is degenerate . irenaeus taxeth the carpoeratians ( who are also called gnosticks ) for having images , some painted , some carved ; and for saying , that when christ was upon earth , his resemblance was made by pilate . and tertullian not only shews , that christians did not worship images , but he speaks most contemptibly of them , calling them cold images , & saying that kites , mice , & spiders , do perceive what they are . and he observes , that even the heathen romans themselves had no images in the time of numa pompilius , though he was the deviser of that superstition , which was among them . and it is very observable , that plutarch , a heathen writer relates , that numa forbade the romans to make any image , whereby to represent god ; and and that for . years the romans had no images of a religious nature . for ( saith he ) it is not lawful to represent better things by worse ; neither is it possible to apprehend god otherwise then by the act of the understanding . the pagan caecilius upbraided christians , because they had no images . minutius felix granted they had none , saying , what image shall i devise of god , seeing that , if you consider well , man himself is gods image ? and when the same pagan objected , that christians talked of a god , whom they could neither shew to others , nor see themselves ; minutius answered , that by this they did beleeve that there is a god , in that though they could not see him , yet they were sensible of him . this argues , that christians then had no images , as pagans had ; for but by their images , the pagans themselves could neither shew , nor see the gods that they did worship . arnobius also writing against the gentiles , reproves them for their images , saying that they shewed themselves not to beleeve that there were any such gods as they pretended to worship , seeing they must have some images to looke on , as if their gods being not seen , were not at all . and whereas they did alleadge , that they did worship their gods by their images ; he asks them , if except there were such images , their gods could not tell that they did worship them ? that of epiphanius is very famous , and most remarkable to our purpose , which he writes in an epistle to john bishop of jerusalem , which epistle hierome translated out of greek into latine . he saith , that as he travelled , he happened to espy a vail before a church door , having in it the image either as it were of christ , or of some other saint ; for he could not remember whose image it was . but when he saw such an image , and knew that it was repugnant to the scriptures , he tore it in peeces , and counselled the church-wardens to make a winding-sheet of it , to wrap some poor man in when he was dead . marianus victorius ( a romish writer ) saith , it is wonderfull , how they that oppose images , do exult from this place of epiphanius . and i say , it is wonderfull , how they that defend images , are put to their shifts to elude this place of epiphanius , it being so plain and home against them . this author saith , that epiphanius speaks not of the image of christ , nor of any saint , but of some ordinary man. yea , he saith , if one mark it well , he shall find this to be the sense , that it was an image like the image of christ , or of some saint , which was usually painted in churches . what can be a more violent perverting of words then this is ? bellarmine therefore disliking this answer , as also that which some others give , saith , that the more common and true answer is , that those are none of epiphanius his words , but are supposititious . but hierome , it seems , took them for the words of epiphanius ; for else he would not have translated them , and joyned them to the epistle as a part of it . the marquesse , to prove the ancient use of images , cites euseb . de vita const . but he cites neither book nor chapter , when as there are four books of that subject , and in some of them above . in some above . and where the fewest , above chapters . it may be he meaneth that , which eusebius relates lib. . cap. , &c. viz. that constantine in a vision from heaven saw the signe of the crosse , with this inscription , in this overcome ! and being warned by christ in his sleep to do it , he caused that figure to be painted in his banner which he used in his warres . but dr. rainolds hath long since shewed by the description which eusebius makes cap. . that it was not properly the signe of christs crosse , though it had some resemblance with a crosse , but was indeed the two first letters of the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 christ , joyned together thus & so that it was the name of christ , that was thus represented unto constantine . and if it had been the very signe of christs crosse , yet there being a special injunction for the making and using of it , ( for i dare not discredit the relation ) it would not follow , that therefore ordinarily the picture of christs crosse ( much lesse of christ crucified ) is lawfull ; no more then it follows , that the jewes might lawfully have brought pictures and images into the temple , because god commanded cherubims to be pictur'd in it . * the marquesse also doth alleadge basil . in martyr . bar. but , . bellarmine ( whom it is likely the marquesse followed ) understands ( or would have others to understand ) basil so , as if he had seen the picture of martyr barlaam ( of whom he was speaking ) somwhere in the church , whereas in basil there appears no such matter . only he calls upon the famous painters , and bids them shew forth their art in drawing the pourtraicture of this martyr . . i see not why by painters there must be meant such as are properly so called ; but that the word may be taken metaphorically for orators , whom basil would have to set forth the praises of the martyr more lively then he had done . . however it were in basils time , yet the more ancient writers , as irenaeus , tertullian , arnobius , and minutius , ( who are before cited ) shew that in their time images were not in use . and to those may be added clemens alexandrinus ( who was almost yeares before basil ) who proceeds so far as to make it unlawful for christians to exercise the art of painting or image-making ; so far was the church then from using any such pictures or images as we now treat of . and he tels the heathens , that they were very studious to make an image as fair and beautiful as might be , but had no care to keep themselves from being like to images in stupidity . . a long time after basil , when images came to be used in churches for history sake , yet they were not worshipped . gregory bishop of rome ( above years after basils time ) hearing that serenus bishop of massilia had broken certain images that were in churches , because some did worship them , wrote unto him about it , and commended him for his zeal in not allowing images to be worshipped , yet disliked his breaking of them , saying that such as cannot read , may be instructed by them . and to the same purpose he wrote unto him again , willing him not to hinder the making of images , but by all means to hinder the worshipping of them . but what more common now in the church of rome , then to worship images ? their trent-catechisme requires the parish-priest to instruct people , that the worshipping of images is not only lawful , seeing that the honour done to them , redounds to those things that are represented by them , but also very profitable . and the prime doctors of the church of rome hold , that the very same worship belongs to the image , which belongs to that which it represents . the same reverence ( saith aquinas ) is to be exhibited to the image of christ , as to christ himself . and therefore seeing christ is worshipped with divine worship , it follows , that his image is to be worshipped with divine worship . so bonoventure saith , all reverence which is shewed to the image of christ , is shewed to christ himself : and therefore the image of christ ought to be worshipped with divine worship . and bellarmine mentions divers of their school-men besides , as cajetane , marsilius , almain , carthusianus , capreolus , and others , that did hold this opinion . and though he himselfe labour to qualifie the matter with distinctions , which few understand , yet he grants , that improperly and by accident images may be worshipped with the same kinde of worship wherewith the sampler is worshipped . and thus preachers ( he saith ) speak to the image of christ crucified , and say , thou hast redeemed us , thou hast reconciled us unto the father . i will only here adde the words of sir edwin sands , who speaking of the scandals of christians which hinder the conversion of the jews , saith thus ; but the greatest scandal of all other is their worshipping of images , for which both jews and turks call them idolatrous christians . — and therefore they say , for their comming to the christian sermons , that as long as they shall see the preacher direct his speech and prayer to that little woodden crucifixe , which stands on the pulpit by him , to call it his lord and saviour , to kneel to it , to imbrace it , and kisse it , to weep upon it ( as is the fashion of italy ) this is preaching sufficient for them , and perswades them more with the very sight of it to hate christian religion , then any reason that the world can alleadge to love it . whereas the marquesse speaks immediately after of the sign of the crosse ; i grant , that anciently it was much used by christians , as appears by tertullian . but besides that he confesseth , that there is no scripture for it , and other things which likewise they did observe ; besides this , i say , he speaks nothing of adoring of the crosse ; and minutius felix , who lived about the same time with tertullian , is expresse against it . when cecillus objected against christians , that they worshipped the wood of a crosse , minutius answered saying , we neither worship , nor desire crosses . the author , that the marquesse alleadgeth to prove the ancient adoration of the crosse , viz. paulinus , i have not , and therefore cannot examine what he saith ; but howsoever , he was above two hundred years after minutius ; and gregory , who was about as much after paulinus , was against the worshipping of any thing made with hands , as appears by the words before cited . finally ( saith the marquesse ) the church then held , that to the catholick church only belongs the keeping of the apostolical tradition , the authority of interpretation of scripture , and the decision of controversies of faith : and that out of the succession of her communion of her doctrine , and her ministery , there neither was church , nor salvation . . for apostolical traditions , enough hath been said before . . and so also of interpretation of scripture , and decision of controversies of faith . . i understand not what is meant by objecting against us , that out of the catholick church there is no church . for the catholick church being the church universal , and so comprehending all particular churches as parts and members of it , who can doubt , that there is no church out of the church catholick ? but what is this to the church of rome , which once indeed was a sound part of the catholick church , but the catholick church it never was , nor could be , except a part could be the whole ? in that which follows , page . &c. there is nothing but the same matter as before , only the form is somewhat altered , and therefore there is no need that i should trouble either my self , or the reader any further about it ; only i shall adde one or two animadversions . . whereas it is objected ( page . &c. ) that luther , after his deserting the communion of the church of rome , did yet hold some points of popery ; and so also husse , and wickliffe , and others , that otherwise opposed themselves against the errors and corruptions of that church . i answer , that as rome was not built at once , so neither was it demolished at once , but by degrees : it is no marvel therefore , if those worthy men did ( at least for a while ) retain some romish opinions and practices , after that in many things they had discovered the truth , and stood up in defence of it . . whereas it is pretended ( page . ) that before berengarius , who was above . years after christ , none did oppose that reall presence of christ in the sacrament , which the romanists maintain ; besides that i have sufficiently confuted this before , the marquesse might have seen from bellarmine himself , that there were some , who above . years before berengarius , did oppose that doctrine , which in this particular the church of rome now doth hold , namely bertram a presbyter , who was about . years after christ , and ( saith bellarmine ) was one of the first that did call in question that doctrine . but bellarmine doth too much mince the matter ; for bertram did more then call in question that reall presence of christ in the sacrament , which the romanists do hold ; he did plainly assert that which protestants maintain , viz. that the substance of bread and wine doth still remain after consecration , as is to be seen in hospinians first part of the sacramentary history , and so in others that cite that author ; for the book it self ( i confesse ) i have not seen , that i do remember . but that is here worthy to be observed , which the romish censurers of books say , speaking of this book of bertrams about the sacrament ; although ( say they ) we do not much value this book , nor should greatly eare if it were no where to be found , yet seeing it hath been often printed , and read of very many , &c. and we sufer very many errours in other ancient catholicks ; we extenuate them , we excuse them , and finding out some device , we often deny them , and fain some good sense of them , when they are opposed in disputations , or conflicts with the adversaries ; we see not why bertram may not deserve the same favour , and diligent recognition , lest hereticks prate against us , and say , that we burn antiquity , and prohibit it , when it makes for them . some things therefore in bertrams book they will have to be quite left out , and some things to be quite altered , as namely for visibly to be read invisibly . such devices have they of the church of rome to corrupt ancient writers , when they make against them , and then they pretend that all are for them . thus the marquesse in the conclusion of his reply ( page . ) pretends , that they have the prescription of . years possession and continuance of their churches doctrine , and evidence out of the word of god , and the fathers witnessing to that evidence , and the decrees of councels , and protestants own acknowlegdements . but what ground there is for this pretence , let the reader judge by comparing and considering what is said on both sides . and so i also shall leave the successe of my labour unto god , in whose hand are the hearts of all . an addition of some few things omitted in the fore-going rejoinder . the marquesse , pag. . citeth basil orat . in ( it is misprinted ) mart. as affirming that we may pray unto the saints departed . but in that oration basil affirms no such thing : he shews indeed his approbation of praying ( not unto the martyrs , but , which is quite another thing ) to god at the monuments of the martyrs . the most learned b. usher observes , that the memory of the martyrs indeed was from the very beginning had in great reverence ; and at their memorials and martyria , that is to say , at the places wherein their bodies were laid , ( which were the churches , whereunto the christians did in those times usually resort ) prayers were ordinarily offered up unto god , for whose cause they laid down their lives . but this is no argument , that they then prayed to the martyrs , though that errour might take occasion ( afterwards ) to creep in by this meanes . the marquesse taxeth calvin for holding , that christs soule was subject to ignorance . to what i have already said in answer to this charge , i adde , that in this particular fulgentius was of the same minde with calvin . for confuting those that held christ to have no humane soul , he saith thus : if we must believe that the humane nature in christ wanted a soul , what is it , that in christ being an infant , is said not to have known good and evil ? ( then he cites isa . . . expounding it of christ , and addes ) therefore the humane soule , which is naturally made capable of reason , in christ being an infant , is said not to have known good and evil ; which according to the truth of the gospel , in christ being a child , is related to have increased in wisdome , &c. to that also that hath been said before concerning calvins death , let this be added : how far calvin was from despairing at his death , as the marquesse doth object , may appear by what he wrote to his dear friend farel , when he looked for death every moment . i hardly breath ( saith he ) and expect continually that breath should fail me . it is enough that i live and dye to christ , who to those that are his is both in life and death advantage . this ( as appears by the date of the epistle ) . calvin wrote at geneva the second day of may , in the year . and ( as bucholcerus in his chronology notes out of beza ) the twenty seventh day of the same moneth he dyed . the marquesse , page . speaks of marriage as anciently held by the church to be a true and proper sacrament . this particular i omitted , having spoken of the rest which he there mentioneth , to wit , confirmation , orders , and extreme unction , in answer to that which elsewhere he saith of them . for marriage therefore , . there is nothing in the scripture to prove it a sacrament properly so called . that of the apostle so much insisted on , this is a great mystery , ephes . . . their own cardinal cajetane upon the place confesseth to make nothing to the purpose . . that the fathers call marriage a sacrament , doth not evince that they thought it to be of the same nature with baptisme and the lords supper . for ( as i have before shewed ) they often use the word sacrament largely , and apply it to divers things , which even in our adversaries account properly are no sacraments . . durandus an acute and learned school-man , who lived about the year . doth hold , that though marriage be a sign of a holy thing ( to wit , the conjunction of christ and the church ) and so in a large sense a sacrament , yet it is no sacrament strictly and properly so called , nor of the same nature with the other sacraments of the new testament , to wit , baptisme , and the lords supper : and this he confirms by divers arguments . i know bellarmine indeavours to answer durandus his arguments ; but his answers are consuted by amesius and others , and therefore i will not stand about them . i will only prove from bellarmine himself , that marriage is properly no sacrament . every sacrament properly so called , is administred by some other , and not by the same party , to whom it is administred . but marriage is not administred by some other , but by parties themselves that are married , whiles they mutually expresse their consent one to the other : therefore marriage is no sacrament properly so called . bellarmine doth own both the proposition and the assumption , and therefore he may not deny the conclusion . this is argumentum ad hominem ( as they call it ) of force against bellarmine : i do not see what he could , or any holding his principles can answer to it . but to make the argument simply and absolutely convincing , i will frame it otherwise . for indeed the proposition laid down by bellarmine is not simply and absolutely true , to wit , every sacrament properly so called is administred by some other , and not by the same party to whom it is administred . this is not essential to a sacrament ; for then the lords supper should be no sacrament to the minister himselfe , but only to those that communicate with him . and so if abraham did circumcise himselfe , ( as is probable he did ) his circumcision should have been no sacrament unto him , which is most absurd . thus therefore i frame the argument : every sacrament of the new testament is to be administred by such as are peculiarly appointed of god to be ministers of his holy things . but marriage is not administred by such ; therefore it is not a sacrament of the new testament . in the proposition i say , every sacrament of the new testament , because whether it were so in respect of circumcision , the story of zippordh , and some other places of scripture perhaps may make it questionable . but for the sacraments of the new testament , our saviour hath ordained those that are ministers of the word to have the administration of them also , mat. . , . and the apostle bids , let a man so account of us as of the ministers of christ , and stewards of the mysteries of god , cor. . . the sacraments therefore being the mysteries of god , only the ministers of christ are now the stewards and dispencers of them . but this is not necessarily requisite in the point of marriage , that a minister should dispence it . though ordinarily a minister be imployed in the celebration of marriage , for the instructing and exhorting of the parties married , and for praying unto god for his blessing upon them ; yet this is not by christs peculiar appointment , but only ( as our adversaries confesse ) by the churches order , and therefore not simply necessary ; marriage were every way compleat , though no minister were imployed in it , though in divers respects that is expedient ; but howsoever properly the parties themselves that are married , are they by whom marriage is administred , whiles they give themselves each to other . the end. errata in the first part. pag. . properly , read piously . p. . deceived , r. deceased . p. . saw , r. slew . p. . work , r. rock . p. . that , r. not . p. . supposition . r. suspition . p. . patres , lege fratres . p. . reply , r. rely . p. . thy , merit , r. my merit . ibid. die , r. did . nomen , l. nomine . p. . discente , l. dicente . p. . so say the translators , &c. that hath reference to those words , some may , and indeed do say , &c. ibid. inevitable , r. inevitably . be being , blot out being . p. . if the apostle had — adde these words , considered mankind as corrupt , he would not have said . p. . fastned , r. fashioned . p. . were affirmed , r. we affirm . p. . to , r. do . p. . liking r. living . p. . lombard who , blot out who . errata in the second part. pag. . this same , r. the same . p. . at least , r. at furthest . p. . commending , r. contending . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e * it was published anno . * see the advertisement to the reader perfixed to the late kings workes set forth together in one volume . † it is intituled ( as i remember ) herba parietis , or the wall-flower . * hamon l'estrange esquire . arch. of christs personall raign on earth , page . and . mede on revel . . . qui in historiarum ecclesiasticarum lectione versati sunt , christiani populi ignorantiam , & romanae sedis authoritatem simul auctam facilè animadvertere potuerunt . — vicissimque ut bonarum literarum instauratione facessere caepit ignorantia , ita & pontificis autoritas paulatim im ninui & labascere visa est . gentillet , exam. concil . trident. lib. . sect. & . vide plura . illud autem inclemens obruendum perenni silentio , quòd arcebat docere magistros rhetoricos & grammaticos ritûs christiani cultores . am. marcell . de julia. lib. . notes for div a -e * naseby fight . lincol. min. to k. james , pag. . . chem. ex. contr. trid. part . . pag. . also ; eucher . p. . questionum asceticarum secundum eptt regula trecentissima sexagessima . * saint aug. so interprets this place upon the . psal . also s. amb. upon cor. . and ser. . in psal . . s. hier. l. . cap. . ad vers . joan. s. greg. lib. . dialog . c. . orig. hom . . in c. . exod. ad argent . an. . c luther anvival . tit . de lib. novi & ver . testam . rebenstock , lib. . colloq . laet . luth. c. de vet . test . d luth. ser. convinal tit . ut supra . & tit . de patrick . & prophet . e luth. praefat . in nov . test . & lib. de descript . & eccles . auth . c. . f luth. praef . in epist . tac. edit . jenensi . g luth. tom. . wit. fol. . h fol. . . i zwingl . part . . fol. . k luth. postill . majore basil apud harv g. enarr evang. dom . trinit . l luth. l. cont . latom . tom . wit. imp . an . . m zwingl . part. . fol. . n luth. tom . . fol. . o luth. lib. de council . part . . & hosp . hist . sac. part . fol. . p luth. confes . ma. de caena . tom . . ten . fol. . q hospin . v. . supra . fol. . luth. ser . de mose . r see epist . ad galat. c. . &c. . exod. s covel . def . of m. hooker . pag. . t luth. tom . . fol. . u luth. praef . in alex. lib. de eccles . w luth. tom . . fol. . x ibid. fol. . y ibid fol. . z hosp . hist . sac. part . fol. . covel . def . of hooker , pag. . a luth. tom . . ger. de saecul . potest . b luth. tom . . fol. . c ibid. fol. . see also . d luth. ibid. fol. . e luth. propos . de bigam . epist . an. . propos . . , . see in c. . gen. edit . an. . f luth. tom . . fol. . g luth. in suo glossem . in decret . noreberg . h luth. tom . . wit. an. . assert . art . . also de servo . arbit . edit . . fol. . i luth. ep. ad argent . an. . k epist . ad anonymum . tom . . l luth. tom . . germ. fol. from , to . m luth. advers . falso nomin . eccles . stat . prope init . a tract . theol . p. . b act. serv. p. , . , . c tract . theol . p. , . d instit . c. . sect. . . e calv. ad c. . ezech. gal . script . also instit . l. . c. . sect. . f tract . theol . p. . see p. . & . instit . cap. . sect. . and cap. . jo. v. . and c. . math. g lib. . instit . cap. . sect . , . h in cap. . luke v. . i in cap. . mat. v. . k in cap. . mat. v. . l in c. . mat. ver . . also ib. c. . v. . m in c. . mat. v. . n id. in c. . mat. v. . o calv. in c. . & . luke . p in c. . mat. v. . q in. c. . mat. v. . r in mat. c. . v. , , . s in. c. . joan. v. . t in c. . mat. v. . u cap. . jo. v. . w lib. . instit . c. . ser. . a in c. . mat. v. . b id. . c in c. . mat. v , . d lib. instit . c. . sect. . e in c. . mat v. . f in c. . joan. v. . g lib. . instit . c. . sect. . h in c. . mat. v. . i in. c. . joan. also in c. . ad rom. k zwingl . tom . . fol. . l andr. confut . grinae . p. . . . schlus . theol. calv. . . in proaem . m in tom . . wit. fol. . and tom . . germ. tenen . fol. . calv. theol . l. . act. . zwingl . tom . . fol. . o zwingl . tom . . . p zwingl . tom . . fol. . see fol. . , . and in epist . oecol . & zwingl . l. . p. . . q tom . fol. . r tom. fol. , . & lib. . epist . swingl : & oecol . p. , . s zwing . to . . de provid . dei , fo : , , . t absurda : absurd : c. . de praedest . fo . , u melanct. loc . com . an. . c. de christo . w l. . de trin. x melanc . concil . theol. pag. . y ep. ad rom. cap. . z con. theol. part . p. . c sylvest . ezecanorius . dial . de corrupt . mor. art . . fol. . see andr. muscul . and isleb . in refut . simleri . d in vita bulling . fol. . e lin. germ . aequa . resp . ad luth. prefat . f tom. . fol. . g aug. cont . parm. l. . c. . h in his relat . of religion sect. . fol. . , . i tom. fol. . k beza epist . l whit. de eccles . cont . bell. cont . . q. . p. . m fulk ag . hesk. sand. &c. p. . a hist . sacr. part . ult . f. . b tom. . wit. fol. . c tom. . germ. fol. . d in fol. . e lin. act . . f in apolog . pro zwing . tom . fol. , . and osiander epist . cent. . p. . g luther collog . lat . tom . . c. de advers . h luth. col . lat . tom . . c. de dam. & inferno . i tom. . jen. germ. f. . so chemnitius de caena p. . k luther loc . com . class . . c. . p. . l luth. tom . . jen. fol. . m cont. carlost . fol. . see jo. schutzl . caus . c. . n theol. calv. l. . act . . o seln . part . c. enarrat . ger . in psal . f. . p luth. tom . . fol. . q siml . in vita bulling . fol. . r calv. alledged by schlusselb . theol . cal . lib. . fol. . s cont. rheg . l. germ. cont . jo. hess . de coena domini . t oecol . resp . ad . luth. confess . see zuenckfeld . praef . super praecept . fidei . artic . & hospin . hist . sacra part . fol. . u zwing . tom . . fol. . w bucer dial . cont. melanct. a zwing . tom . . fol. . b zwing . tom . . resp . ad confes . luth. c jo. camp. colloq . lat . luth. tom. . c. de adv . f. . d tigur . confess . orthod . fol. , . e luth. tom. . fol. , , . . . f tom. . germ. fol. . . . g tom. . germ. fol. . . h luth. conc . de turb . sedant . i tom. . jen. germ. fol. . k luth. colloq . mens germ. fol. . l luth. . fol. . m tigur . tract . . cont . supra . luth. confessio . n tigur . theol . orthod . confess . fol. . o luth. cont . pontif . rom. adiab . fund . in tom . . jen. p. , . p theol. tigur . confess . germ. fol. . & part . fol. . q zwing . tom . . fol. . r melanct. epist . ad freder . micon . hosp . hist . sac. s hut . explic . lib. concord . art . . p. . t tilm. heshus . ver. & sanc. conf. u luth. dom. . post trin. see mr. stubs motive to good works . p. , . a master stubs motive , pag. . b andr. muscul . domin . . adv. see him also lib. de prophet . & sim. paulus in serm. dom. . post trinit . c jo. wygand . l. de bon . & mal . germ. d paul eber. praefat . comm . philippi . in epist . ad cor. e zanch. epist . ad jo. sturm . this in fine , l. . & . misccllan . f sutclif . answ . cal. pet . p. . g elizab. p. h k. james his works , p. i page , . k k. james his works , p. . l dang . posit . . m theolog calvinist . lib. . fol. . n li. de vita calvini . a luth. loc . com . class . . p. . b lib. . fol. . c covel . in his answ . to jo. burges . d in his challenge at pauls crosse . e in proem . p. . f gom. spec . verae eccles . g whit. answ . to f. camp. in the cont . fol. a. . parag . . a zwingl . lib. de vera & falsa relig . cap. de eucharist . b chrys . in . cor. hom. . c cyrill . alex. ep. and caesar . pat . d cypr. de lapsu . e euseb . hist . lib. . f ambr. de obiit sayer . g euseb . hist . lib. . h paulin. in vita ambr. tertul. ad ux . c. . basil . epist . ad caesar . pat . i cypr. ad caecil . ep . . k euseb . de vita const . l. . l chryss . in cor. hom . m basil . in . martyrs . n ambr. de vid. o aug. in psal . . and . p hier. and marcell . ep . . q theod. de gr. aff . l. . r basil . de sanct. spirit . ſ tertul. de mon. aug. de verb. ap. t aug. de cura pro mort . u hier. ad marcell . ep . . w epiph. in compen . x epiph. cont. apost . haeres . . y chrys . ad theod. hier. cont. jov. l. . z cypr. caecil . epist . . a aug. de pec . orig . cap. . b aug. cont. pet. l. . c. . c aug. de nupt . & conc. c. . d ambr. de paenit . c. . e leo . epist . f aug cont. parm. l. . c. . g cyp. epist . . h conc. carth. . cap. . i greg. naz. de bapt . k aug. ep . . l aug. cont. jul. l. . c. . m ambr. de sacr . l. . n aug. de an . & evis orig . l. . c. . o tert. de bapt . p basil . de s. spirit . c. . q epiph. haer . . r theod. hist . eccles . l. . c. . ſ concil . laod. c. . concil . carth. . . . h hier. ad damasc . ep. . concil . chal. ep . ad leon. i hier. praef . in paralip . k aug. epist . . de doct. christ . lib. . cap. . * aug. epist . . & psal . . & . l he. ad he. ep. . theod. hist . eccles . l. . c. . m op. l. i. p. . n theod. hist . l. . c. . l sid . de div off . l. i. c. . o greg. naz. de pac . or . i. p cyril . hier. cat. mat. . q co. laod. c. . r aug. de civ . dei , l. . c. . s hier co . vigil . t hier. co . vigil . u hier. c. vigil . w greg. naz. in jul. orat . . x euseb . de vita const . y paulin epist . . basil . in martyr . bar. z prudent . in . s. cassian . a tert. de coron . milit . b cyril . cont. jul. l. . c hier. in vit. hil. d athan. cont . idol . e paul ep. ii. f tert. de praescript . iren. l. . c. . & l. . c. . g cypr. de unit . eccles . conc. car. . c. i. h hier. cont. lucif . aug. de util . cred . c. . i cypr. ad pub . ep. . ad mag . ep. . hier. ad tit. c. . a aug. conc. i. in psal . . b lib. . de sacra . c. . and l. de iis , qui misteriis initiantur , c. . c serm. de coena dom. prope init . d l. . c. . infin . e ep. ad smirnum . ut cit . a theod. dial. . f serm. de verb. apost . prope init . & medit . c. . & l. de loquutionibus in gen . prope finē . g in orat. . quae est in laudem . in basil . mag . and saint hier. cont vigil . . initio . h initio sui lamenti . i apol. . ad anton. pium . imper. non longe ab initio . k ante med. l tract . . in joan fine . m ad antiochum princip . n hom. . in diversos evangelii locos . o ad quaest . . gentilium . p epist . ad phil. ante med. q hom. . ante med. r sui regulis brevior . interr . . ſ ser. de lapsis . t l. de poen . c. u clement rom. epist . . a de civ . dei , l. . c. . and also ser. . de sanct . prope init . also ser. . de verb. apost . b ambr. in cor. . s. hier. in com. in c. . proverb . c ep. . ad ant. post . med . d l. de animae c. . de corona milit . c. . . l clem. rom. ep. . de s. petr. prope fin . f l . de bapt . con. donat. c. . g lib. de sp. sancto . c. . h heres . . i lib. . cap. . k areopag . c. . eccles . hierar . a cant. . . b cant. . . c cant. . . d cant. . . cant. . . e passim . cont . donat. f epiph. her. . aug. cont . maxim . l. . c. . & ult . g con. vigilan . c. . d aug. haer . . epiph. haer . . e hier. cont. vigil . c. . f hist . l. . c. and . g aug. in psal . h ambr. li. de poenit . c. . hier. epist . ad marcel . . i aug. de fide & oper . c. . a against simb . part . . c. . sect . . p. . see jo. crevel . refut . cerem . miss . p. . jo. manl. loc. com. p. . b purgat . quorund . art . & in ep. ad georg. spal . c tom. . fol. . adversus bullam . see him also in disp . lips . c. de purgat . & resolut . de indulg . conclus . . see likewise zwingl . tom. . fol. . d luth. in consolat . prolab . l. see this cited forth of luth. by hasp . hist . sac. p. . f. . e see zwingl . tom. . f. . f p. . . g pag. . h pag. . art . , . i luth , in colloq . germ. e. de missa . k wick . de blasphem . cap. . l idem de eucharist . c. . m idem in serm. de assump . mariae . n idem de apostasia c. . o idem in postill . sup . c. . marci . p acts & mon. p. . art . . q osi and. epist . hist . eccles . p. . art . . r act. & mon. p. . ſ in epist . . p. . t illyricus catalog . test . p. . u idem catalog . test . pag. . notes for div a -e marquesse page . * what is there also in his majesties paper cited out of prudentius , is through some mistake ascribed to prudentius , whereas it was only the objectiō of symmachus , and answered by prudentius , who wrote against symmachus , as also did amb. hâc defensio communis furoris est furentium multitudo , minutius felix . ingemuit orbis , & arrianum se esse miratus est . hierom. advers . luciferian . sicut olim contra unicum dei prophetam . prophetae baal , & similes sunt reperti , quibus & innumerabilis populus adhaerebat : ita & hodiè in hâc causâ quot , domine , cum pelagio pro libero arbitrio contra gratuitam gratiam tuam pugnant ? bradward : de causâ dei in praefat. totus penè mundus post hunc abit , & erroribus ejus favet , dum ferè omnes communiter aestimant solius liberi arbitrii viribus se posse declinare à malo , facere bonum , &c. bradw . de caus . dei lib. . cap. . bellar. de rom. pontif. lib. . cap. . ril . in apoc. . & . id verum quodcunque primum ; id adulterum quodcunque posterius . tert. advers . prax. c. cypr. epist . . edit . pamel . utar ceremoniis avitis , sera & contumeliosa est emendatio senectutis . sym. * in sole posuit tabernaculum suum . solem posuit in tabernaculo suo , i. e. in coelis : unde hebr. soli posuit tentorium in eis . genebr . * i am left alone , rom. . . † hilar. contra auxent : montes mihi , & silvae , & lacus , & carceres , & voragines , sunt tutiores , &c. certū est antichristi persecutionem fore gravissimam , & notissimam , ita ut cessent omnes publicae religionis ceremoniae , & sacrificia . bell. de pont. rom. l. . c. . * denique quòd antichristi tempore propter atrocitatem persecutionis cessare debeat publicum , & quotidianum ecclesiae officium , &c. antichristum interdicturum omnem divinum cultum . ibid. * bell. de eccles . l. . c. . non colligitur necessariò , ibi esse ecclesiam , ubi est successio . omnes ecclesiae illae patriarchales habuerunt per longa tempora episcopos manifestos haereticos , & proinde interrupta est veterum pastorum successio . a oportet adhaetere his , qui apostolorum doctrinam custodiunt . iren. l. . c. . and c. . he calls this principalem successionem . b non habent petri haereditatem , qui fidem petri non habent . amb. de poeu . l. . c. . c ipsa doctrina eorum cum apostolica comparata , ex diversitate & contrarietate sua pronuntiabit , neque apostoli alicujus authoris esse , neque apostoli . tertul de praescrip . c. . d in eadem fide conspirantes , non minùs apostolicae deputantur pro consanguinitate doctrinae . ibid. † non satis liquet mihi an fides christiana fuerit barbaris hactenus ita proposita , & annuntiata , ut teneantur credere sub novo peccato . — miracula & signa nulla audio , nec exempla vitae adeò religiosa : contrà multa scandala , seu facinora , & multas impietates ; unde non videtur , quod religio christiana satis commodè & piè sit illis praedicata , ut illi teneantur acquiescere ; quanquam videntur multi religiosi , & alii ecclesiastici viri , & vitâ , & exemplo , & diligenti praedicatione sufficienter operam & industriam adhibuisse in hoc negotio , nisi ab aliis , quibus alia cura est , impediti essent . francise de victor . relect. . sect. . esay . . * utrùm ipsi ecclesiam teneant , non ni si divinarum scripturarum canonicis libris ostendant : quia nec nos propterea dicimus nobis credi oportere , quòd in ecclesiâ christi sumus , quia ipsam quam tenemus , commendavit milevitanits optatus , vel mediolanensis ambrosious , vel alii innumerabilis nostrae communions episcopi . aug. de unit . eccles . cap. . non audiamus , haec dico , haec dicis , sed audiamus , haec dicit dominus . — auferantur illa de medio , quae adversus nos invicem non ex divinis canonicis libris , sed aliundè recit amus . — nolo humanis documentis , sed divinie oracula sanctam ecclesiam demonstrari . aug. ibid. cap. . page . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eliah ben mosis apud selden : de anno civili hebraeorum , cap. . marq : pag. . answ . * quis nesciat ipsa concilia , quae per singulas regiones , vel provincias fiunt , plenariorum conciliorum authoritati , quae fiunt ex universo orbe christiano , sine ullis ambagibus cedere : ipsaque plenaria saepè priora posterioribus emendari , cum aliquo experimento rerum aperitur quod clausum erat . aug. de baptis . contra donatist . lib. : cap. . bellarm. de concil . lib. . cap. . ego existimo tale concilium posse errare , neque esse infallibile ejus judicium ante confirmationem pontificis . bellarm . ibid. pag. . * idem est ecclesiam non posse errare in definiendis rebus fidei , & episcopos non posse errare ; atqui singuli seorsim errare possunt : igitur congregati in unum errare non poterunt . bellarm. de concil . l. . c. . pag. . marq : pag. . answ . marq. pag. . answ . at ego non video , quo modo historicè liber , de quo loquitur joannes , sit s. scriptura . ribera in apoc. . . in iis , que apertè posita sunt in scripturâ , inveniuntur illa omnia , quae continent fidem moresque vivendi . aug. de doct . christ . lib. . cap. . marq : p. , . answ . bell. de euchar . l. . c. . sect. secundò vocatum est . ibid. sect. quartò peccat . bellarm. ibid. quaedam citantur . bellarm. ubi supra , sect. illud etiam . quodammodo omnia significantia videntur earum rerum , quas significant , sustinere personas : sicut dictum est ab apostolo , petra erat christus , quoniam petra illa , de quâ hoc dictum est , significabat utique christum . aug. de civit . dei lib. . cap. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . photius apud oecumen : though i confesse , he understands it of christ as meant by the spirituall rock there mentioned . nisi malis consecutam petram , id est , petrae fluxum , per derivationem , viz. & deductionem aquae à populo ad loca castrorum procuratam , sive per ipsius dei transmissionem & directionem . genebr loc . citat . paulò post indiguerunt rursus aqua . bell. ubi supra , sect. calvinus . * nec obstat , quòd in deserto excitatum sit alterum murmur ob aquae penuriam , ut secundò educeretur aqua ex alterâ rupe post annos . nam de hâc ipsâ rupe , nempe de priore hâc rabbini veteres , & recentiores intelligunt , cujus aquam tradunt defecisse propter mariae mortem , donec secundò educeretur ex eâdem ad secundū de aquâ murmur . genebr . ubi suprà . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . bell. ubi suprà , sect. est tamen . * est hic ponitur pro significare , quemadmodum & ibi , petra autem erat christus , iansen . concord . cap. . a non dubitavit dominus dicere , hoc est corpus meus , cum signum daret corporis sui . aug. coutra adimant . cap. . b facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere . figura ergo est , praecipiens passionibus domini esse communicandum , & suaviter atque utiliter recondendum esse in memorià , quòd pro nobis caro ejus crucisixa , & vulnerata est . aug. de doct . christ . lib . cap. . c qui discordat à christo , nec carnem ejus manducat , nec sangninem bibit , etiamsi tantae rei sacramentum ad judicium suae praesumptionis quotidiè indifferenter accipiat . prosper in sentent . ex augustino , sent . . disparatum de disparato non potest univocè praedicari . iansen . concord . cap. . * forsitan respondetur quòd idolum mateiale post consecrationem ritè factam totum transubstantiatur convertiturque in deum . — haec conversio refellitur , quia videtur cuilibet sensui , omni experimento testante , quòd ibi sit idem idolum materiale quod prius . quarè si aliqua conversio ibi siat , magis videtur deum converti in idolum , quàm è contrà . bradward : de causâ dei l. . c. . page . † see iansen . upon those words , concord . cap. . page . * vitis vera , id est , eximia , incorruptibilis , & spiritualis . iansen . ex eutbymio concord . cap. . jansen . concord . cap. . non nego me hujus interpretationis authorem habere neminem ( scil . quid facietis cum videritis me ascendentem in coelum ? quanto magis scandalizabimini ? quanto minus credetis ? ) sed hanc eò magis probo , quàm illam alteram augustini , caeterarum alioqui probabilissimam , quòd haec cum calvinistarum sensu magis pugnet , quod mihi magnum est probabilitatis argumentum . maldon . ad joh. . . bell. de euchar. lib. . cap. . bell. ibid. bell. ibid. bell. de effect . sacram. l. . c. . sect. calvinus . pag. , . answ . significat modum , quo caro ejus esset edenda , spiritualem esse , & spiritu edendam esse , non carnaliter . jansen . concord . cap. . et scut haec explicatio optimè respondet murmurantium verbis , ita & sequenti sententiae congruit , verba quae locutus sum vobis-spiritus & vita sunt , hoc est , sunt spiritualia , & spiritualiter intelligenda , ac sic auditori conferunt vitam . sic enim hanc sententiam etiam augustinus enarrat . jausen . ibid. ore & corde confiteor , &c. panem & vinum , quae in altari ponuntur , post consecrationem non solùm sacramentum , sed etiam verum corpus & sanquinem d. n. jesu christi esse , & sensualiter non solùm sacramentum , sed in veritate manibus sacerdotum tractari , frangi , fidelium dentibus atteri . de consecr . dist . . cap. ego berengar . nisi sanè intelligas verba berengarii , in majorem incides haeresin , quàm ipse habuit : & ideò omnia referas ad species ipsas : nam de christi corpore partes non facimus , gloss . page . bell. de euchar. l. . c. . bell. ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iustin . apol. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . iustin . ibid. bell. de euchar. l. . c. . opinatur fortasse petrus martyr imperatorem illum versatum fuisse in scholâ calvinistarum , ut statim ad tropos omnia revocaret . bellar. ibid. spretis his omnibus , atque contemptis vis infertur corpori ejus , & sanguini ; & plus modò in dominum manibus atque ore delinquunt , quàm cum dominum negaverunt . cypr. de laps . bell. de euchar. lib. . cap. . bell. ibid. accipe que dico , anteriora esse mysteria christianorum quàm judeorum , & diviniora esse sacramenta . ambros . de sacram. lib. . cap. . sed panis iste , panis est ante verba sacramentorū ; ubiaccesserit consecratio , de pane fit caro christi . ambros . de sacram. l. . c. . si ergò tanta vis est in sermone domini jesu , ut inciperent esse , quae non erant ; quanto magis operatorius est , ut sint quae erant , & in aliud commutentur ? ambros . ibid. bell. ubi supra . antequam consecretur , panis est : ubi autem verba christi accesserint , corpus est christi . ambr. de sacr l. . c. . manna qui manducavit , mortuus est ; qui mauducaverit hoc corpus , fiet ei remissio peccatorum , & non morietur in aeternum . ambros . ibid. verè ergò carnis illius sacramentum est . — post consccrationem corpus significatur . ambros . de iis qui myster . init . cap. . non ergo corporalis esca , sed spiritualis est . unde & apostolus de typo ejus ait , quia patres nostri escam spiritualem manducaverunt , & potum spiritualem biberunt . ibid. pag. , & . answ . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . page . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . oecum . ad loc . * loquitur paulus ad similitudinem filotum , quibus artifices utuntut proregulis operum efficiendorum . archimagister siquidem praesidens universo operi fabricae , vel colendae terrae , vel efficiendorum aggerum , filis ( quae regulae vocantur ) distinguit partes operis , & juxta regulam cuique datam mensura est operis cujusque . hâc metaphorâ utitur paulus , ad significandum quòd materia gloriationis suae est mensurarum terrarum spatium , in quo hactenus praedicaverat secundum regulam , non à seipso , non ab apostolis , sed à deo ; quod terrarum spatium pertingebat usque ad corinthios . cajetan . in . cor. . * evangelicos siquidem sermones intelligit dicendo , & quae audisti à me . cajet . in tim. . page and . page . a ut haec , quae scripta sunt , non negamus , it a ea , quae non sunt scripta , renuimus , hieron . advers . helvid . b adoro scripturae plenitudinem . tertull. contra hermog . cap. . c scriptum esse doceat hermogenis officina . si non est scriptum , timeat vae illud adjicientibus , aut detrahentibus destinatum . tertull. ibid. d nos nullam cypriano facimus injuriam , cum ejus quaslibet literas à canonicâ divin trum scripturarum authoritate distinguimus . neque enim sine causà tam saluber vigilantiae canon ecclesiasticus constitutus est , adquem certi prophetarum & apostolorum libri pertineant , quos omninòjudicare non audeamus , & secundum quos de caeteris literis vel fidelium , vel in fidelium liberè judicemus . aug. contra crescon . lib. . cap. . ego epistolae hujus authoritate non teneor , quia literas cypriani non ut canonicas habeo , sed eas ex canonicis considero , & quod in eis divinarum scripturarum authoritati congruit , cum laude ejus accipio , quod autem non congruit , cum pace ejus respuo . aug. ibid. * ubi igitur charismata domini posita sunt , ibi discere oportet veritatem , apud quos est ea , quae est ab apostolis , ecclesiae successio , & id , quod est sanum , irreprobabile sermonis constat . hi enim & eam , quae est in unum deum , qui omnia fecit , fidem nostram custodiunt , & eam , quae est in filium dei , dilectionem adaugent , qui tantas dispositiones propter nos fecit , & scripturas sine periculo nobis exponunt , neque deum blasphemantes , neque patriarchas exhonorantes , neque prophetas contemnentes . ircn. lib. . cap. . ostensiones , quae sunt in scripturis , non possunt ostendi nisi ex ipsis scripturis . iren. lib. . cap. . non per alios dispositionem salutis nostrae , quàm per eos , per quos evangelium pervenit ad nos ; quod quidem praeconiaverunt , posteà verò per dei voluntatem in scripturis nobis tradiderunt , fundamentum & columnam fidei nostrae futurum . ien. lib. . cap. . jude , ver . . id quod tibi creditum est , non quod à te inventum ; quod accepisti , non quod excogitasti ; rem non ingenii , sed doctrinae ; non usurpationis privatae , sed publicae traditionis : rem ad te perductam , non à te prolatam ; in quâ non autor debes esse , sed custos ; non institutor , sed sectator ; non ducens , sed sequens . vincent . loc . citat . dico illa omnia scripta esse ab apostolis , quae sunt omnibus necessaria , &c. bellarm. de verbo non scripto lib. . c. . loquitur origenes de obscurissim is quaestionibus , quales ut plurimùm non sunt illae , quae testimonium habent traditionis in totâ ecclesiâ receptae . bellar. ibid. pag. , & , cum jubet servare , & facere , quae scribae & pharisaei , dum in cathedrâ mosis sedent , dicunt , non de ipsorū , sed de legis , ac mosis doctrinâ loquitur . perinde enim est , acsi dicat , omnia , quae lex , & mosesvobis dixerint , scribis & pharisaeis recitantibus , servate & facite ; secundū autē opera , &c. mald. ad mat. . . pag. . answ . bell. de verbi dei interpret . l. . c. . iren. l. . c. . origen . l. . contra cels . apud bell. ubi supra . chrysostomus ad excutiendum torporem multorū , qui possent , si vellent , magno cum fructu scripturas legere , illis amplificationibus uti solet . bell. de verbi dei interpret . l . c. . pag. . answ . electi omnes , ipsi ecclesia sunt . bern. in cant. serm. . in bonis est ecclesia , in his , qui aedificant super petram , non in his , qui aedificant super arenam . aug. de unit. eccles . * non est ita intelligendum quasi ecclesia ita jam sit , sed quia praeparatur ut sit . aug. in retractat . † in regno coelorum ecclesia plenè & perfectè erit non habens maculam , aut rugam , &c. cum enim non tantùm dixit , ut exhiberet tibi ecclesiam non habentem maculam aut rugam , sed addidit , gloriosam , satis significavit , quando erit sine maculâ & rugâ . beda ad loc . * that place is objected by bellarmine to prove that the church cannot erre . missam facio augustini & innocentii sententiam , quae . circiter annos viguit in ecclesiâ , eucharistiam etiam infantibus esse necessariam . res jam ab ecclasiâ , & multorum seculorum usu , & decreto concilii tridentini explicata est , non solùm non necessariam illis esse , sed ne decere quidem dari . maldou . ad joh. . . * non oportet adhuc quaerere aqud alios veritatem , quam facile est ab ecclesiâ sumere , cum apostoli quasi in depositorium dives , plenissimè in eâ contulerint omnia , quae sint veritatis , uti omnis quicunque velit , sumat ex eâ potum vitae . iren. lib. . cap. . bell. de eccles . mili . . li. . cap. . custodient , id est , custodire debent . rib. ad mal. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophyl . ad . loc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophyl . ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . oecumen . ad . . cor. . . page . cyprian . ad cornel. epist . . * nihil , inquit , in illis , quod à fide nostrâ discrepet , latinus lector inveniet . fidem suam quam vocat ? eàmne , quâ romana pollet ecclesia ? an illam , quae in origenis voluminibus continetur ? si romanam responderit , ergò catholici sumus , qui nihil de origenis errore transtulimus : sin autem origenis blasphemia fides illius est , dum mihi inconstantiae crimen impingit , se haereticum probat . hieron . apol . . advers . ruffin . lib. . cap. . si authoritas quaeritur , orbis major est urbe . — quidmihi profers unius consuetudinem ? hieron . ad euagr. page . pag. , & . answ . in hoc reges , sicut eis divinitus praecipitur , deo serviunt , in quantum reges sunt , si in suo regno , bona jubeant , mala prohibeant , non solùm quae pertinent ad humanam societatem , verumetiam quae ad divinam religionem . aug. contra crescon . lib. . cap. . si suam potestatem ad dei cultum maximè dilatandum , majestati ejus famulam faciunt . aug. de civil . deil. . c. . * see doctor rainolds his conference with hart in the end . pag. . answ . * movet scribas remissū ab homine peccatum : hominē enim tantum in jesu christo contuebantur . — verum enim , nemo potest dimittere peccata , nisi solus deus : ergo qui remittit deus est , quia nemo remittit nisi deus . hilar. in mat. can. . tu qui solus parcis , qui solus peccata dimittis . quis enim potest peccata dimittere , nisi solus deus ? greg. in poenitent . psal . peccata igitur remittens , hominem quidem curavit , semetipsum autem manifestè ostendit quis esset . si enim nemo potest remittere peccata nisi solus deus , remittebat autem haec dominus , & curabat homines , manifestum est , quòd ipse erat verbum dei , filius hominis factus , &c. tanquam deus misereatur nostri , & remittat nobis debita nostra , quae factori nostro debemus deo. iren. lib. . pag. . edict . in . quae cum judaei asserunt à solo deo posse concedi , deū utique confitentur , suóque judicio perfidiam suam produnt , &c. itaque testimonium non deest divinitati , fides deest saluti . — magna itaque infidae plebis amentia , ut cum confessa fuerit solius dei esse donare peccata , non credat peccata donanti . ambros . in luc. . deus enim ex eo cognoscitur , &c. quia peccata condonat . — peccata nemo condonat , nisi unus deus ; quia scriptum est , quis potest peccata donare , nisi solus dens ? ambros . de spiritu sancto lib. . cap. . to this purpose likewise is austine , ( another of the marquesses fathers ) cited by lombard , lib. . dist . . lit . c. nunc videamus utrum peccata donet spiritus . sed hinc dubitari non potest , cum ipse dominus dixerit , accipite spiritum s. quorum remiseritis peccata , remissa erunt . ecce quia per spiritum s. peccata donantur . homines autem in remissionem peccatorum ministeriū suum exhibent , non jus alicujas potestatis exercent . neque enim in suo , sed in patris , & filii , & spiritus s. nomine peccata dimittuntur . ambr. de spir. s. lib. . cap. . ecce quàm varia à doctoribus traduntur super his , & in hâc tantâ varietate quid erit tenendum ? hoc sanè dicere ac sentire possumus , quòd solus deus dimittit peccata , & retinet ; & tamen ecclesiae contulit potestatem ligandi , & solvendi . sed aliter ipse solvit , & ligat , aliter ecclesia . ipse enim per se tantùm ita dimittit peccatum , quòd & animam mundat ab interiori maculâ , & à debito aeternae mortis solvit . non autem hoc sacerdotibus concessit , quibus tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi , & ligandi , i. ostendendi homines ligatos vel solutos . unde dominus leprosum sanitati priùs per se restituit ; deinde ad sacerdotes misit , quorum judicio ostenderetur mundatus . lombard . lib. . dist . . lit . d. & e. in solvendis ergò culpis , vel retinendis ita operatur sacerdos evangelicus , sicut olim legalis in illis , qui contaminati erant leprâ , quae peccatum signat . — et in remittendis , vel in retinendis culpis id juris atque officii habent ecclesiastici sacerdotes , quod olim habebant sub lege legales in curan dis leprosis . hi ergò peccata dimittunt , vel retinent , dum dimissa à deo , vel retenta judicant & ostendunt . lomb. ibid. marq : pag. . & . answ . concil . trident. sess . cap. . et can . , , . bell. de poenit. l. . c. . promissio de remittendis peccatis , iis qui confitentur deo peccata sua , non videtur ulla extare in divinis literis . bell. de poenit . lib. . cap. . sect. at selutio . * aquin. in suppl . quaest . . art . ad . . bonav . lib. . dist . . art . . qu. . ergò videtur quòd non fuerit ibi alia confessio , quàm oblatio . bonav . ibid. bell. de poeuitent . lib. . cap. . cajet . in act. . . * quemadmodum ad baptismum joannis concurrebant confitentes peccata sua , ita modò describuntur confitentes factasua , procul dubio in genere , aut publica ; neutra enim fuit confessio sacramentalis , sed professio poenitentiae vitae praeteritae . cajet . in act. . caeterùm thomas ab aquino , & scotus , homines nimium arguti , confessionem hodie talem reddiderunt , ut joannes ille grilerius gravis ac sanctus theologus , qui tot annis argentorati concionatus est , apud amicos suos saepè testatus sit , juxta illorum deuteroses impossibile esse confiteri . — proinde motus fuit ut libellum ederet in linguâ germanicâ , cui titulum fecit , de morbo confessionis , quo negabant esse tristiorem , qui eo tenebantur : b. rhen. in tertull. de poenitent . bell. de poen . lib. . cap. . rhem. in iob. . . respondeo , homilias illas in leviticum non esse b. cyrilli , sed origenis , vel nesciocujus alterius , qui passim literam destruit , ut mysticos sensus è capite suo statuat . proinde homilias istas non esse magnae authoritatis . bell. de verb. dei lib. . cap. . * si ergo in vitâ praeveniamus eis , & ipsi nostri accusatores simus , nequitiam diaboli inimici nostri , & accusatoris effugiemus . sic enim & alibi propheta dicit , dic tu iniquitates tuas prior , ut justificeris . orig. in levit. hom. . * cum lavat peccator in lachrymis stratum suum , & fiunt ei lachrymae suae panes die ac nocte , &c. orig. hom. . in levit. erat enim gaudens cum gaudentibus , & flens cum flentibus . siquidem quotiescunque illi aliquis ob percipiendam poenitentiam lapsus suos confessus esset , ita flebat , ut & illum flere compelleret . , paul in . in vitâ ambros . agit de poenitentiâ publicâ , quam exomologesin vocat . pamel . in tertull . de poen . tertull. de poen . cap. . * non potest corpus de unius membri vexatione laetum agere . condoleat universum , & ad remedium conlaboret necesse est . tertull ibid. † non aliam ob causam compluriū hic testimoniis usi sumus , quàm ne quis admiretur tertullianum de clanculariâ istâ admissorum confessione nihil locutū ; quae quantum conjicimus , nata est existâ exomologesi per ultroneam hominum pietatem , ut occultorum criminum esset & exomologesis occulta . rhen. in tert. de poenit. ubi addit , nec enim usquam praeceptam esse legimus . bell. de poenit. l. . c. . vide etiam lib. . de sacerdotio . chrysost . con . . de lazar. * or traduce thee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . chrysost . in psal . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : some read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in thy soul . bell de poen . l. . c. . dicito quotidiè in animâ tuâ . chrysost . in psal . . uti legit bellarminus . cogitatione fiat delictorum exquisitio — solus te deus confitentem videat . chrysost . hom . de poen . & confess . confusio timeri non solet in confessione , quae soli deo fit . bell. de poen . lib. . cap. . verecundia non habet locum in confessione , quae soli deo fit . bell. de poen . lib. . cap. . quid mihi ergo est cum hominibus , ut audiant confessiones meas , quasi ipsi sanaturi sint omnes languores meos ? aug. confess . lib. . cap. . hoc nihil est aliud nisi simplicibus imponere . nemo enim libros illos legit , qui nesciat , confessionem , de quâ loquitur augustinus , non esse sacramentalem , sed confessionum peccatorum praeteritorum , & per baptismum dimissorum , &c. bellarm. de poenit. lib. . cap. . * adhuc vivunt in memoriâ meâ talium rerum imagines , & occursant mihi vigilanti quidem carentes viribus , in somnis autem non solùm usque ad delectationem , sed etiam usque ad consensionem , factumque simillimum . et tantum valet imaginis illusio in animâ meâ , & in carne meâ , ut dormienti falsa visa persuadeant , quod vigilanti vera non possunt . — quid adhuc sim in hoc genere mali mei , dixi bono domino meo , &c. aug. confess lib. . cap. . crapula non nunquam surrepit servo tuo , &c. ibid. c. . et talibus vita mea plena est , & una spes mea in magnâ valdè misericordiâ tuâ . ibid. c . † non invenio quid dixerit , invenio quòd fleverit . — lavant lachrymae delictum , quod voce pudor est confiteri . ambr. in luc. . bell. de poenit. l. . c. . bell. ibid. confessionis autem causam addidit , dicens quia fecisti : autorem sc : hujus universitatis dominum esse confessus , nulli alii docens confitendum , quàm qui fecit olivam fructiferam , &c. hilar. in psal . . v. ult . in seculum , & in seculum seculi misericordiaespes est , sed confessio tantùm in seculum , non etiam in seculum seculi . non enim confessio peccatorum nisi in hujus seculi tempore est . hilar. ibid. quibusdam visum est sufficere , si soli deo fiat confessio . lomb. lib. . dist . . lit . d. si quis esset modò hujus opinionis , esset haereticus judicandus , quoniam in concilio generasi hoc determinatum est sub innocentio tertio ; sed ante hanc determinationem hoc non erat haeresis . bonav . in sent. lib. . dist . . num . . bell. de poenit. lib. . cap. . bell. de poenit. lib. . cap. . pag. . * qui praeceptum impleverint , dicere possunt , servi inutiles sumus , quod debuimus facere , fecimus . hoc virgo non dicit ; non dicit ille , qui bona sua vendidit . ambr. de viduis . * virginitas non ex debito solviour : neque enim per praeceptum expetitur , sed supra debitum offertur . origen . in cap. . ad rom. euseb . demonstr . evang. l. . c. . multi & ipsa superant man-data . chrys . hom . . de poenit . nonue praecepta dei adeò levia sunt , ut multi philosophicâ tantùm ratione illa excesserint ? chrys . hom. dn . ad corinth . greg moral . lib. . cap. . electi nonnunquam plus student agere quàm eis dignatus est dominus jubere . carnis enim virginitas nequaquam jussa est , sed laudata ; nam si illa juberetur , conjugium jam culpa crederetur , & tamen multi virtute virginitatis pollent , ut plus impendant obsequio , quàm acceperunt praecepto . a tunc justi sumus , quando nos peccatores fatemur . hierou dial . advers . pelag. lib. . b haec hominibus sola perfectio , si imperfectos esse se noverint . hieron . advers . pelag. ad ctesiphont . c haec est perfectorum vera justitia , ut nunquam praesumant se esse perfectos . leo ser . . de quadrag . d si de his divinitùs districtè discutimur , quis inter haec remanet salutis locus ? quando & mala nostra pura mala sunt , & bona , quae nos habere credimus , pura bona esse nequaquam possunt . greg moral . lib. . cap. . e sciunt quippe ( sancti ) quia omnis humana justitia injustitia esse deprehenditur , si divinitùs districtè judicetur . greg. moral . l. . c. . page . * ego verò quantum ad vocempertinet , adhuc profiteor , quòd in meâ institut ōe testatus sum , non adeò me superstitiosum esse in verbis , ut ejus causâ velim contetionem aliquam movere , modò rei intelligentia sana maneat . si coactioni opponitur libertas , liberum esse arbitrium , & fateor , & constanter assevero ; ac pro haeretico habeo , quisquis secùs sentiat . — sed cum aliud prorsus vulgò concipiant , dum hoc epithetō hominis voluntati attributum vel legunt , vel audiunt , haec causa est , cur mihi displiceat . siquidem ad facultatem viresque referunt , nec impedire possis , quin simulac libera suerit voluntas dicta , haec pluribus imaginatio protinus in mentem veniat , habere igitur sub potestate suâ bonum & malum , ut alterutrum eligere suapte virtute queat . calv. contra pigh . de lib. arbit . pag. . semper autem testatus sum , me de nomine pugnare nolle , si hoc semel constitueretur , libertatem non ad potentiam , vel facultatem boni aequè ac mali eligendi , sed ad spontaneum motum & consensum referri debere . ibid. p. . causam mihi justam habere videor , cur voculam op ē sublatam è medio , ad quā major propè mundi pars tanto periculo impingit . ibid. p. . * quia vix aliâ notione nominabatur lib. arbitrium , hinc nostrorum plurimae contrariae disputationes , visae negare funditùs lib. arbitrium . cum tamen certum sit omninò non negari nisi hoc sensu . quod satis apparet ex earum disputationum serie , quibus hic scopus propositus est , ut hanc unam in bonum malumque aequam propensionem sive indifferentiam perpetuò impugnent . cham. tom . . lib. . ca. . sect. . nostra nulla quaestio est , utrùm sua sit arbitrio libertas , quod saepè testatum saepiùs repetendum est propter adversariorum importunitatem . quid ergò è nempe quid quantumque ea valeat ad bonum voluntas , anquirimus . ibib. c. . sect. . nos protestati sumus tenere liberum arbitrium , & si non quale statuerunt pelagiaui ; non etiam quale statuunt papistae . ibid. cap. . sect. . de servo arbitrio . indicans disputari in eo , illud liberum arbitrium verè esse peccati servum . cham. tom . . lib. . cap. . sect. . quid enim boni operari potest perditus , nisi quantum fuerit à perditione liberatus ? nunquid libero voluntatis arbitrio ? et hoc absit . nam libero arbitrio malè utens homo & se perdidit , & ipsum . sicut enim qui se occidit , utique vivendo se occidit , sed se occidendo non vivit , nec seipsum resuscitare potest cum occiderit : ita cum libero peccaretur arbitrio , victore peccato amissum est liberum arbitrium . a quo enim quis devictus est , huic & servus addictus est . — qualis , quaeque potest servi addicti esse libertas , nisi quando peccare eum delectat ? ac per hoc ad-peceandum liber est , qui peccati servus est . unde ad justè faciendum liber non erit , nisi à peccato liberatus esse justitiae coeperit servus . aug. enchir. cap. . sed ista libertas ad benefaciendum unde erit homini addicto , & vendito , nisi redimat ille , cujus illa vox est ; si vos filius liberaverit , tunc verè liberi eritis ? quod antequam fieri in homine incipiat , quomodo quisquam de libero arbitrio in bono gloriatur opere , qui nondum liber est ad operandum benè ? ibid. amittitur liberum arbitrium , non cum perit , quod fieri non potest , sed cum à diabolo captivatur ; quomodo dicuntur amissa , quae tempore belli in potestatem hostium venerunt . bell. de grat . & lib. arb . l. . c. . sed haec voluntas , quae libera est in malis , quia delectatur malis , ideò libera in bonis non est , quia liberata non est . aug. ad bonifac. contra duas epist . pelagian . cap. . sine gratia dei non potest esse libera voluntas , cum cupiditatibus vincentibus & vincientibus subdita sit . aug. epist . . ut quid miseri homines audent superbire de libero arbitrio , antequam liberentur ? aug. de spir. & lit . c. . hinc illa , quam uni augustino , prae aliis tribuo , verae sanaeque doctrinae perspicua , certa , exactaque explicatio : hinc & ille consensus , quem illi nobiscum esse glorior . calv. contra pigh . pag. . augustinum asservi prorsus esse nostrum . ibid. pag. . totam de libero arbitrio doctrinam augustini calvinus probavit , nos etiam probamus , dummodo aestimetur ex ejus disputationibus contra pelagianos . cham. tom. . lib. . cap. . sect . . regnante peccato habet liberum arbitrium , sed liberum sine deo , non liberum sub deo , i e. liberum justitiae , non liberum sub gratiâ , & ab hoc pessimè atque serviliter liberum , quia non gratuito miserentis dei munere liberatū . ( probat ex rom. . . atque addit ) servire igitur justitiae non potest , quia justitiae liber est ; quia quamdiu est peccati servus , non nisi ad serviendum peccato reperitur idoneus . fulgent . ad pet. diacon . cap. . nescio quo pravo & mito modo ipsa sibi voluntas peccato quidem in deterius mutata , necessitatem facit , ut nec necessitas , cum sit voluntaria , excusare valeat voluntatem , nec voluntas , cum sit illecta , excludere necessitatem . est n● necessitas haec quodammodo voluntaria . — voluntas enim est , quae se cum esset libera , servam fecit peccati , peccato assentiendo : voluntas nihilominus est , quae se sub peccato tenet voluntariè serviendo . bernard . serm. . in cant. ita anima miro quodam & malo modo sub hâc voluntariâ quâdam ac malè liberâ necessitate & ancilla tenetur , & libera ; ancilla propter necessitatem , libera propter voluntatem : & quod magis mirum magisque miserum est , eo rea quo libera , eoque ancilla quo rea , ac per hoc eo ancilla quo libera . bern. ibid. nunc verò nusquam exitus misero patet , quem & voluntas ( ut dixi ) inexcusabilem , & incorrigibilem necessitas facit bern. ibid. est verò quam magis ei congruere arbitror libertatem , quam dicere possumus à necessitate , eò quòd necessarium voluntario contrarium esse videatur . bern. de grat . & lib. arb . siquidem non cogitur , non extorquetur . est quippe voluntatis , non necessitatis . nec negat se , nec praebet cuiquam nisi ex voluntate . alioqui si compelli valet invitus , violentus est , non voluntarius . ubi autem voluntas non est , nec consensus . non est enim consensus nisi voluntarius . ubi ergo consensus , ibi voluntas . porrò ubi voluntas , ibi libertas . et hoc est quod dici puto liberum arbitrium . bern. ibid. verùm libertas à necessitate aequè & indifferenter deo universaeque tàm malae quàm bonae rationali convenit creaturae . nec peccato nec miseriâ amittitur , vel minuitur , nec major in justo est quàm in peccatore , nec plenior in angelo quàm in homin . quomodò namque ad bonum conversus per gratiam humanae voluntatis consensus , eò liberè bonum , & in bono liberum hominem facit , quò voluntarius efficitur , non invitus pertrahitur : sic sponte devolutus in malum , in malo nihilominus tam liberum quàm spontaneum constituit suâ utique voluntate ductum , non aliundè coactum ut malus sit . bern. ibid. non ideò dicitur liberum arbitrium quia liberè potest velle & nolle quodcunque ; sed quia liberè potest velle quodcunque objectum suum volubile , & nolle quodcunque objectum suum nolubile . bradw . de caus . dei l. . c. . affirmant praesente auxilio gratiae non posse hominem malè facere , eo verò absente non posse benè facere , ac per hoc nunquam habere liberum voluntatis arbitrium . bell. de grat . & lib. arbit . lib. . cap. . bell. de grat . & lib. art . l. . c. . * magna gratiae commendatio , nemo venit nisi tractus ; quem trahat , & quem non trahat , quarè illum trahat , & illum non trahat , noli velle judicare , si non vis errare . aug. homil . . citat . à bradw . de caus . dei l. . c. . non equidem quòd vel ipse consensus , in quo omne meritum consistit , ab ipso sit , cum nec cogitare ( quod minus est quàm consentire ) aliquid à nobis quasi ex nobis sufficientes simus . bern. de grat . & lib. arbit . sunt qui dicunt deum semper praevenire pulsando , & excitando , &c. & hominem subsequi aperiendo , & consentiendo , idque ex propriis viribus , &c. — minus est cogitare , quàm credere . bradward . de caus . lib. . cap. . haec positio tribuit nobis quod melius est , & majus ; deo verò quod deterius , & minus . quis enim dubitaverit aperire melius , & utilius nobis esse quàm pulsare ? cum pulsare sine apertione non profit , sed obsit . bradward : ibid. * aug. de bono perseverantiae cap. . tutiores vivimus , si totum deo damus , non nos illi ex parte , & nobis ex parte committimus . ipsi ergo me totum totâ devotione committo , ac ejus gratissimae gratiae totaliter me submitto . bradw . ibid. so when the church prayeth lam. . . turn thou us unto thee o lord , and wee shall be turned , were it not ridiculous to expound it , wee shall be turned , if we will ? * quicquid obex dicitur ; nullus potest hunc obicem tollere nisi deus : & si ipse eum voluerit tollere , irresistibiliter tollitur . unde & ipsemet dominus , miserebor cui voluero , &c. exod. . et iterum , auferam cor lapideum , &c. exod. . et apostolus , cujus vult , miseretur , &c. rom. . bradw . de caus dei lib. . cap. . et aug. de praedest . ss c. . haec gratia , quae occultè humanis cordibus divinâ largitate tribuitur , à nullo duro corde respuitur : ideò quippe tribuitur , ut cordis duritia primitùs auferatur . bradw . ibid. † nos ergo volumus , sed deus in nobis operatur & velle : nos ergo operamur , sed deus in nobis operatur & operari pro bonâ voluntate . hoc nobis expedit & credere , & dicere : hoc est pium , hoc verum , ut sit humilis & submissa confessio , & totum deo detur . aug. de bono persever . cap. . * potestatem habens voluntatis suae perficiendae , h. c. quòd virgo consentiat abstinentiae à conjugio . si enim virgo dissentiret , non haberet pater potestatem voluntatis propriae perficiendae . cajetan : ad loc . bell de grat . & lib. arb . l. . c. . non video quid ad hunc locum responderi possit . bell. de grat . et lib. arb . lib. . ca. . bell. de grat . & lib. arbit . lib. . cap. . & lib. . cap. . magnum aliquid pelagiani se scire putant , quan do dicunt , non juberet deus , quod sciret non posse ab homine fieri . quis hoc nesciat ? sed ideò jubet aliqua , quae non possumus , ut noverimus quid ab illo petere debeamus . aug. de grat . & lib. arb . cap. . da domine quod jubes , & jube quod vis . quis nesciat secundum omnia jura , divina pariter & humana , impotentiam descendentem ex culpâ nullatenus excusare , sed forsan potius aggravare , &c. bradw . de causâ dei lib. . cap. . * homo non potest solvere , nec reddere deo , quod debet deo : quia non potest deo reddere totum amorem suum , nec timorem , nec honorem , nec obedientiam , nec voluntatem dei facere , quia corruptus est , & mutatus in contrarium suae naturae ; & ipsemet fecit se talem , ut non possit deo facere quod debet : & tamen semper debet : & si debitum semper manet , nec excusatur , quia tenetur : & si non potest , ipsemet est in causa , & in culpâ quare non potest , raimund , de sabund . theolog . natur. tit . . in cujus quaestionis solutione laboratum est quidem pro libero arbitrio voluntatis humanae , sed vicit dei gratia . aug. retract . lib. . cap. . noluit ergo esau , & non cucurrrit , sed & si voluisset , & cucurrisset , dei adjutorio perveniflet , qui ei etiam velle , & currere praestaret , nisi vocatione contemptâ reprobus fieret . aliter enim deus praestat ut velimus , aliter quod voluerimus . ut velimus enim , & suum esse voluit , & nostrum ; suum vocando , nostrum sequendo . quod autem voluerimus , solus praestat , id est , posse benè agere , & semper beatè vivere . aug. ad simplic . lib. . quaest . . non ideò benè currit rota ut rotunda sit , sed quia rotunda est : sic nemo proptereà benè operatur , ut accipiat gratiam , sed quia accepit . ang. ibid. si ergò jacob ideò crededit , quia voluit , non ei deus donavit fidem , sed eam sibi ipse volendo praestitit , & habuit aliquid , quod non accepit . aug. ibid. ubi satis ostendit etiam ipsam bonam voluntatem in nobis operante deo fieri . nam si proptereà solùm dictum est , non volentis , neque currentis , sed miserentis est dei , quia voluntas hominis sola non sufficit , ut justè rectéque vivatur , nisi adjuvetur misericordiâ dei ; potest & hoc modo dici , igitur non miserentis est dei , sed volentis est hominis , quia misericordia dei sola non sufficit , nisi consensus nostrae voluntatis addatur . at illud manifestum est , frustrà nos velle , nisi deus misereatur . illud nescio quomodo dicatur , frustrà deum misereri , nisi nos velimus . si enim deus misereatur , etiam volumus : ad eandem quippe misericordiam pertinet , ut velimus . deus enim est , qui operatur in nobis & velle , & operari pro bonâ voluntate . aug. ibid. liberum voluntatis arbitrium plurimum valet : imò verò , est quidem , sed in venundatis sub peccato quid valet ? aug ibid. cum ergo nos ea delectant , quibus proficiamus ad deum , inspiratur hoc , & praebetur gratiâ dei , non nutu nostro , & industriâ , aut operum meritis comparatur ; quia ut sit nutus voluntatis , ut sit industria studii , ut sint opera charitate ferventia , ille tribuit , ille largitur . aug. ibid. * quamvis sit in cujusque potestate quid velit , non est tamen in cujusquam potestate quid possit . aug. lib. ad simpli , quaest . . quod ideò dictum est , quia non dicimus esse in potestate nostrâ , nisi quod cum volumus , fit , ubi priùs , & maximè est ipsum velle . sine ullo quippe intervallo temporis praesto est voluntas ipsa cum volumus : sed hanc quoque ad benè vivendum desuper accipimus potestatem , cum praeparatur voluntas à domino . aug. retract . lib. . cap. . quia ergo liberi arbitrii esse nostram naturam fecit omnium dominus , ipse quidem , quae sua sunt , omnia pro suâ misericordiâ semper exhibet . — et necessitatem utique non imponit , sed congruis remediis appositis totum jacere in aegrotantis sententiâ dimittit . chrysost . hom. . in gen. * hunc patrem nobis calvinus libenter concedit , quòd ei iminus visus sit in liberi arbitrii viribus praedicandis . at imperitiam suam opertè prodit , &c. bell. de grat . et lib. arb . l. . c. . † s. chrysostomus nonnunquam vires nostri liberi arbitrii mirum in modum extollit , loquendo quasi iper hyperbolen ex contentione impugnandi manicheorum , & gentilium errores &c. alvar. de auxil . disp . . sect. . quae dicta à chrysostomi locutione in variis locis ferè desumpta , nisi cautè legantur , & intelligantur , praebere possunt occasionem erroris pelagii , qui asseruit initium fidei , & justificationis esse ex nobis , consummationem verò ex deo , &c. chrysostomus sanè optim è sentiens de dei gratiâ , &c. tamen multa scripsit contra manichaeum in commendationem liberi arbitrii , pleraque illi tribuens sine commemoratione gratiae divinae , quae non sic scripsisset , si praevidere potuisset exorituram pelagii haeresin , quae tum adhuc non erat exorta , vel illi cognita . iansen . concord . cap. . * quid am respondent , &c. chrysostomum , cum intelligere non valeret , quanam ratione libertas arbitrii nostri salva posset consistere , si deus suâ gratiâ nostram praeveniret electionem , credidisse , electionem , quâ primò acceptamus bona , eáque facere decernimus , esse priorem ipsâ dei gratiâ , posteà verò subsequi gratiam , quâ adjuvamur , & nobis coaperatur deus . alvar. loc . citat . toletus in joh. . agnoscit chrysostomi hanc esse sententiam , hominem per liberum arbitrium seipsum facere dignum gratiâ ; eandem esse cyrilli , aliorum etiam doctorum , maximè graecorum . cbam . tom . . l. . c. . sect. . verum est , quòd s. chrysostomus , & alii patres qui ante exortam haeresin pelagii scripserunt , pauca de gratiâ christi , & plurima pro confirmandâ arbitrii libertate contra haeresin manichaeorum docuerunt , quod & s. augustinus advertit , &c. alvar. disp . . sect. . itaque augustinus exortâ jam haeresi pelagianâ , exactiùs & expressiùs locutus est de dei gratiâ , &c. jansen . concord . cap. . * ammonius , cyrillus , theophylactus , & euthymius , respondent non omnes trahi , quia non omnes digni sunt . quod nimis affine est pelagianorum errori . quasi verò homo antequam per gratiam ad gratiam trahatur , mereri possit gratiā , quod est dignum fieri , qui trahatur . maldon . in iob. . . si igitur non in nobis esset facere haec , aut non facere , quam causam habebat apostolus , & multo priùs ipse dominus consilium dare , quaedam quidem facere , à quibusdam verò abstinere ? iren. lib. . cap. . sed quoniam liberae sententiae ab initio est homo , & liberae sententiae est deus , ad cujus similitudinem factus est , semper consilium datur ei continere bonum , &c. ibid. non possumus secundum ecclesiae veritatisque dogmata , liberam potestatem hominis , quod liberum arbitrium appellatur , ullo modo negare . cyr. in iob. l. . c. . page . solida responsio est , peccata venialia , sine quibus non vivimus , non esle peccata simpliciter , sed imperfectè , & secundum quid , neque esse contra legem , sed praeter legem , &c. bell. de iustif . lib. cap. . procedat , quî in corde suo haec non esse testetur , & plenam in corpore isto mortali justitiam confitebor . hier. dial . advers . pelag. l. . quis invenitur ita immunis à culpâ , ut in co non habeat vel justitia quod arguat , vel misericordia quod remittat ? leo ser. . de solen . epiphan . nihil peccare , solius est dei. — qui carnem gerit , culpae obnoxius est . ambros . lib. . epist . . quis est in hâc vitâ sic mundus , ut non sit magis magisque mundandus ? aug. tract . . in ioh. sic mundatur ecclesia in hâc vitâ , non ut justificati nullas in se habeant peccati reliquias , sed ut maculam criminis , & rugam non habeant falsitatis . aug. contra iul. l. . c. . in hâc vitâ multi sine crimine , nullus verò esse sine peccato valet . — nonnulla peccata animam polluunt , quam crimina extinguunt . greg iu iob. lib. . cap. . non peccat , id est , non permanet in peccato . — sive non peccat , id est , tantundem est , ac si non peccet , pro eo scilicet quod non imputatur ei peccatum . bern. in septuag●s . ser. . nec latuit praeceptorem , praecepti pondus hominum excedere vires , sed judicavit utile ex hoc ipso suae illos insufficientiae admoneri , & ut scirent sanè ad quem justitiae finem niti pro viribus oporteret . ergo mandando impossibilia non praevaricatores homines fecit , sed humiles , ut omne os obstruatur , & subditus fiat omnis mundus deo , quia ex operibus legis non justificabitur omnis caro coram illo . accipientes quippe mandatum , & sentientes defectum clamabimus in coelum , & miserebitur nostri deus ; & sciemus in illo die , quia non ex operibus justitiae quae fecimus nos , sed secundum suam misericordiam salvos nos fecit . bern. in cant. ser. . * multum quidem peccatorum habent adhuc , sed nihil damnationis , quia apud deum mundi reputantur propter fidem in christum . ferus in ioh. . † nemo enim quantumvis sanctus , immunis est à peccato , quamdiù vivit in hoc seculo . — opus igitur habent quotidianâ purgatione . ferus in ioh. . . * quare cum nemo sit perfectè justus apud deum , justi & puri judicii metus omnes terrere debet . genebr . in psa . . ( vel . ) . justi appellantur , non quòd omni vitio careant , sed quòd majori patte virtutum commendentur . hieron . adv . pelagiau . ad ctesiphont . bell. de iustific . lib. . cap. . † propheta in corpore positus loquitur , & neminem viventium scit sine peccato esse posse . unum meminisle , qui peccatum non fecit , neque dolus inventus est in ore ejus . hil. in ps . . vel . v. . * latum igitur mandatum dei est , &c. ut non difficile sit , si voluntas adsit , praecepto dei obtemperare , hil. in psal . . ( vel . . ) . * latum planè est ( mandatum ) quòd in infinitum cognitionem humanae ignorantiae excedit . hil. ibid. deus possibilia mandavit ; hoc nulli dubium est . hier. advers . pelag. l. . * sed quia homines possibilia non faciunt , iccircò omnis mundus subditus est deo , & indiget misericordiâ ejus ; aut certè si ostendere potueris , qui universa compleverit , tunc poteris demonstrare esse hominem , qui non indiget misericordiâ dei. — monstra factum esse de praeterito , aut certè nunc fieri . hier. ibid. bell. de justifi . lib. . cap. . page . * jo. calvinus in antidoto concilii ad can . . sess . sola , inquit , sides est quae justificat , sed sides tamen quae justificat , non est sola . sicut calor solis solus est , qui terram calefacit , ipse tamen calor non est solus in sole , sed cum splendore . idem docent philippus tum in locis , tum in apologiâ confess . brentius in catechismo , chemnitius in exam. concilii , & alii . bell de justif . lib. . cap. . bell. de iustif . lib. . cap. . * nova haec , whitakere , theologia est , nos per gratiam infusam , vitae novitatem , ac sanctitatem adipisci , minimè tamen justificari . at quae te , obsecro , scriptura docuit justificationem à sanctificatione distinguere ▪ dur. coutra whitak . * quando deus justificat impium , declarando justum , facit etiam justum , quoniam judicium dei secundum veritatem est . bell. de iustif . l. . c. . page . * amesius against bellarmine lib. . de iustif . cap. . thess . . constat planè quae de nobis omnibus foret sententia , si deus voluisset districto nobiscum judicio agere : si non misericordissimè nobis succurrisset in filio , & nostrâ justitiâ vacuos ejus involvisset justitiâ . pigh . de fide & justifi . controv . . in illo ergo justificamur coram deo , non in nobis ; non nostrâ , sed illius justitiâ , quae nobis cum illo communicantibus imputatur . propriae justitiae inopes , extra nos in illo docemur justitiam quaerere . pigh . ibid. † in christi autem obedientiâ , quòd nostra collocatur justitia , inde est , quòd nobis illi incorporatis , ac si nostra esset , accepta ea fertur , ita ut câ ipsâ etiam nos justi habeamur . et velut ille quondam iacob , quum nativitate primogenitus non esset , sub habitu fratris occultatus , atque ejus veste indutus , quae odorem optimum spirabat , seipsum insinuavit patri , ut sub alienâ personâ benedictionem primò geniturae acciperet : ita & nos sub christi primo geniti fratris nostri pretiosâ puritate delitescere , bono ejus odore fragrare , ejus perfectione vitia nostra sepeliri , & obtegi , atque ita nos piissimo patri ingerere , ut justitiae benedictionem ab eodem assequamur necesse est . pigh . ibid. * justificat ergo nos deus pater bonitate suâ gratuitâ , quâ nos in christo complectitur , dum eidem insertos innocentiâ & justitiâ christi nos induit : quae una ut vera , & perfecta est , quae dei sustinere conspectum potest , ita unam pro nobis sisti oportet tribunali divini judicii , &c. pigh . ibid. quoniam dissimulare non possumus , hanc primam doctrinae christianae partem , obscuratam , quàm illustratam magis , à scholasticis , spinosis plerisque quaestionibus , & definitionibus , secundum quas nonnulli primam in omnibus authoritatem sibi arrogantes , & de omnibus facilè pronuntiantes , fortassis etiam nostram hanc damnarent sententiam , quâ propriam , & quae ex suis operibus esset , coram deo justitiam , derogamus omnibus adae filiis , & docuimus unâ dei in christo niti nos posse justitiâ , unâ illâ justos esse coram deo , destitutos propriâ , nisi hoc ipsum astruxissemus aliquantò diligentiùs , pigh . ibid. bell. de iustif . l. . c. . propter incertitudinem propriae justitiae , & periculum inanis gloriae tutissimum est fiduciam totam in solâ dei misericordiâ & benignitate reponere . bell. de iustif , lib. . cap. . hil. in mat. can . . † tanta est justitia nostra in hâc vitâ , ut potius remissione peccatorum constet , quàm perfectione virtutum . aug. de civit. dei lib. . cap. . vae etiam laudabili vitae hominum , si remotâ misericordiâ discutias eam . aug. confess . lib. . cap. . quantumlibet rectus mihi videar , producis tu de thesauro tuo regulam , & coaptas me ad eam , & pravus invenior . aug in psal . . ( vel . ) . * domine memorabor justitiae tuae solius ; ipsa enim est & mea . nempe factus es mihi tu justitia à deo. numquid mihi verendum , ne non una ambobus sufficiat ? non est pallium breve , quod non possit operire duos . bern. in cant. serm. . sufficit mihi ad omnem justitiam solum habere propitium , cui soli peccavi , non peccare dei justitia est , hominis justitia , indulgentia dei. ber. in cant. ser. . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. oecumen . cor. . † rectè graeci eam intelligunt fidem , de quâ cap. . si habuere omnem fidem , &c. graeci fidem signorum , & miraculorum appellant . et haec fides secundum se , tantùm est gratia gratis data , hoc est , ad aliorum utilitatem propriè concessa , &c. estius ad cor. . . * non fide sterili , sed faecundâ operibus justificamur . cajetan : in iac. . * quarè jam illud videamus , quod excutiendum est à cordibus religiosis , ne malâ securitate salutem suam perdant , si ad eam obtinendam sufficere solam fidem putaverint , benè autem vivere , & bonis operibus viam dei tenere neglexerint . aug. de fid . & oper . c. . cum ergò dicit apostolus , arbitrari se justificari hominem per fidem sine operibus legis , non hoc agit , ut praeceptâ & professâ fide opera justitiae contemnantur , sed ut sciat se quisque per fidem posse justificari , etiamsi legis opera non praecesserint . sequuntur enim justificatum , non praecedunt justificandum , aug. ibid. non audisti apostolum , justus ex fide vivet ? fides tua , justitia tua . aug. in psal . . credentibus quidem christo , nec tamen deponentibus veterem hominem cum actibus suis , fides reputari non potest ad justitiam . ori. in rom. . citat . à bell. de iustif . lib. . cap. . salus gentium omnis in fide est , & in praeceptis domini vita est universorum . hil. cap. . in mat. † sola fides non sufficit , operari per dilectionē fidem necessarium est , & conversari dignè deo. — non sufficit fides , sed debet addi & vita condigna , & multum studium debet adhiberi , ne fides sit otiosa . ambros . in . heb. . page . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; theophyl . ad luc. . . neque enim talia sunt hominum merita , ut propter ea vita aeterna debeatur ex jure , aut deus injuriam aliquam faceret , nisi eam donaret . nam ut taceam quòd merita omnia sunt dona dei , & ita homo magis propter ipsa deo debitor est , quàm deus homini ; quid sunt merita omnia ad tantam gloriam ? bern. in annunt . b. mariae serm. . gratia autem etiam ipsa ( sc vita aeterna ) non injustè dicitur , quia non solum donis suis deus dona sua reddit , sed quia tantum etiam ibi gratia divinae retributionis exuberat , ut incomparabiliter , atque ineffabiliter omne meritum quamvis bonae , & ex deo datae humanae voluntatis , atque operationis excedat . fulgent . ad monim . lib. . quòd si illa sanctorum faelicitas misericordia est ; & non meritis acquiritur , ubi erit quod scriptum est , et tu reddes , unicuique secundumopera sua ? si secundum opera redditur , quomodo misericordia aestimabitur ? sed aliud est secundum opera reddere , & aliud propter ipsa opera reddere . in eo . n. quod secundum opera dicitur , ipsa operum qualitas intelligitur , ut cujus apparuerint bona opera , ejus sit & retributio gloriosa . illi namque , beatae vitae , in quâ cum deo , & de deo vivitur , nullus potest aequari labor , nulla opera comparari , praesertim cum apostolus dicat , non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam , quae revelabitur in nobis . quanquam & ex hoc quoque misericordia jure possit nominari , quia pro illis operibus datur , quae sine praeventu misericordiae dei nemo assequitur . greg. in . poenitem . psal sive in ps . . . sine dubio horâ undecimâ intromissi in vineam , & totius diei operariis exaequati , istorum praeferunt sortem , quos ad commendandam gratiae excellentiam in defectu diei , & conclusione vitae divina indulgentia muneratur , non labori pretium solvens , sed divitias bonitatis suae in eos , quos sine laboribus elegit , effundens ; ut etiam hi , qui in multo labore sudarunt , nec ampliùs quàm novissimi , acceperunt , intelligant donum se gratiae , non operum accepisse mercedem . de vocat . gent. lib. . . * meritum proinde meum miseratio domini . non planè sum meriti inops , quamdiu miserationum ille non fuerit . bern. in cant. serm. . * sufficit ad meritum scire quòd non sufficiant merita . bern. in cant. serm. . si dei gratiam & favorem conservare cupis , nullam tuorum meritorum fac mentionem : ex misericordiâ enim cuncta donare vult . ferus in mat. . . * bellarmine also saith that bernard , prudenter non confidebat in meritis suis , sed in solâ misericordiâ domini , did wisely not trust in his merits , but onely in gods mercy . bell. de justif . lib. . cap. . † quam vis ip sa justitia , & peccatorum remissio non possint propriè merces vocari respectu fidei , poenitentiae , &c. attamen veteres theologi meriti nomen memoratis operibus respectu justificationis , ac peccatorum remissionis passim ascribunt , extenso viz. meriti nomen ad illud quod recentiores congruum vocant , id est , ad impetrationem estius ad hob. . . ut hic labor sit , atque contentio , ibi laboris virtutisque praemium . hieron . contra pelag. lib. . cap. . * quia homines possibilia non faciunt , idcircò omins mundus subditus est deo , & indiget misericordiâ ejus . aut certè si ostendere potueris , qui univers● compleverit , tunc poteris demonstrare esse hominem , qui non indiget misericordiâ dei. hieron . ibid. cap. . ille , inquis , meritò ad deum extollit manus , ille preces bonâ conscientiâ fundit , qui potest dicere , tu enim nosti , domine , quàm sanctae , quàm innocentes , quàm purae sint ab omni fraude , & injuriâ , & rapinâ , quas ad te expando , manus ; quàm justa , quàm immaculata labia , & ab omni mendacio libera , quibus tibi , ut mihi miserearis , preces fundo . christiani est haec , an pharisaei superbientis oratio ? hieron . ibid. cap. . david loquitur , &c. ibid. esaias plangit . &c. ibid. * et post tantū tumorem , orantisque jactantiam , & confidentiam sanctitatis , quasi stultus stultis persuadere conaris , ut in extremo dicas , quibus tibi , ut mihi miserearis , preces fundo . si sanctus es , si innocens , si ab omni sorde purgatus , si nec sermone , nec opere peccasti , discente iacobo , qui in verbo non peccat , iste perfectus est vir ; & nemo potest refraenare linguam suam ; quomodo misericordiam deprecaris , &c. ibid. * consequens esse video , ut omni homini fit necessarium dare , ut detur illi , dimittere , ut dimittatur illi ; & si quid habet justitiae , non de suo sibi esse praesumere , sed de gratiâ justificantis dei ; & adhuc tamen ab illo esurire & sitire justitiam , qui est panis v vus , & apud quem fons vitae , qui sic operatur justificationem in sanctis suis , in hujus vitae tentatione laborantibus , ut tamen sit , & quod petentibus largiter adjiciat , & quod confitentibus clementer ignoscat . sed inveniant isti , si possunt , aliquem sub onere corruptionis hujus viventem , cui jam non habeat deus quod ignoscat . aug. de spir. & lit . cap. ult . dona sua coronat deus , non merita tua . aug. de grat . & lib. arb . c. . page . manet verè fidelium robur immobile , & apud timentes ac diligentes toto cordet deum stabilis , & fortis perseverar integritas . cypr. epist . . non patitur dominus populi sui protector & tutor , triticum de areâ suâ diripi , sed solae possunt paleae de ecclesiâ separari . cypr. epist . . nemo existimet bonos de ecclesia posse discedere . triticum non rapit ventus ; nec arborem solidâ radice fundatam procella subvertit . inanes paleae tempestate jactantur ; invalidae arbores turbinis incursione evertuntur . hoc execratur & percutit joannes apostolus dicens , ex nobis exierunt , &c. cypr. de unit . eccles . petrus cum pro omnibus loquens , & ecclesiae voce respondens , ait , domine , ad quem ibimus ? verba vitae , &c. signifians scil . qui à christo recesserint , culpâ suâ perire : ecclesiam tamen , quae in christum credit , & quae semel id , quod cognoverit , teneat , nunquam omninò ab eo discedere : & eos esse ecclesiam , qui in domo dei permanent , plantationem verò à deo patre non esse , quos videmus non frumenti stabilitate solidari , sed tanquam paleas dissipandas inimici spiritu ventilari . de quibus ait joannes in epistolâ , ex nobis exierunt , &c. cypr. epist . . * non ait quòd excundo alieni facti sunt , sed quòd alieni erant , propter hoc eos exiisse declaravit . aug. de baptiss . contra donatist . lib. . cap. . eo ipso quòd discedis , & volas , paleam te esse indicas : qui triticum sunt , ferunt trituram . aug. in ps . . tunc verè sunt quod appellantur , si manserint in eo , propter quod lic appellantur . aug. non est revera domini corpus , quod cum illo non erit in aeternum . aug. de doctr . christ . lib. . cap. . * neque fideles , quos haereses potuerint demutare . — nemo christianus , nisi qui ad finem usque perseveraverit . tu ut homo extrinsecus unumquenque nosti ; putas quod vides ; vides autem quousque oculos habes . sed oculi domini alti . homo in faciem , deus in praecordia contemplatur . et ideò cognoscit dominus qui sunt ejus : & plantam , quam non plantavit pater eradicat . — avolent quantum volent paleae levis fidei quo cunque afflatu tentationum , eo purior massa frumenti in horrea domini reponetur . nonne ab ipso domino quidam discentium scandalizati diverterunt ? noc tamen proptereà caeteri quoque discedendum à vestigiis ejus putaverunt : sed qui scierunt illum vitae esse verbum , & à deo venisse , perseveraverunt in comitatu ejus usque ad finem . — minus est si apostolum ejus aliqui , phygellus , & hermogenes , & philetus , & hymenaeus reliquer unt . — ex nobis , inquit , prodierunt , sed non fuerunt ex nobis , &c. tertull. de praescript . cap. . * in sanctorum quippe cordibus juxta quasdam virtutes semper permanent , juxta quasdam verò recess●rus venit . & venturus recedit . in fide etenim , spe , atque charitate , & in bonis alils , sine quibus ad caelestem patriam non potest veniri , sicut est humilitas , castitas , justitia atque misericordia , perfectorum corda non deserit . in prophetiae verò virtute , doctrinae facundiâ , miraculorum exhibitione , electis suis aliquando adest , aliquando se subtrahit . greg. hom . in ezech. ex praemissis itaque apparet quòd charitas semel habita ulteriùs non amittitur . grat. de poenit . dist . quòd si per generalitatem vocationis , & per abundantiam bonitatis dei , eiam non perseveraturi perseveraturis admixti sunt , hi cum à pietate deficiunt , non ex dei opere , sed ex suâ voluntate deficiunt , nec impelluntur ut cadant , nec eijciuntur ut deserant . aug. ad art . . similiter etiam ad alios articulos . page . * secundum exteriorem hominem de parentibus illisvenio , qui me artè fecerunt damnatum , quàm natum . bern. meditat . cap. . * praedestinatio non duo ab exortu ecclesiae sed ne à mundi principio quidem principium habuit , non denique à tempore illo , vel illo ; ante tempora est . ber. in cant. ser . . bell de grat . & lib. arbit . lib. . cap. . so say the translators of the old testament at doway after exodus in , the continuance of the church . dicimus deinde reprobationem duos actus comprehendere , &c. primum enim non habet deus voluntatem illos salvandi . deinde habet voluntatem eos damnandi : & quidem quod attinet ad priorem actum , nulla datur ejus causa ex parte hominum , &c. bell. de grat . & lib arb . lib. . cap. . * viz. if ever he have any being . bellar. ibid. reprobatio dei aeterna includit actum positivum , quo voluit quosdam non admittere ad vitam aeternam — deus n. verè non reprobavit homines vel angelos possibiles , qui nunquam erunt ; & tamen circa illos se habuit negativè , non ordinando eos ad vitam aeternam . ergo reprobatio includit actum positivum . alvar , de auxil . lib. . disput . . num . . * actus positivus , quo deus ab aeterno voluit non admittere quosdam in suum regnum , non suit conditionatus , sed absolutus , antecedens in signo rationis praescientiam mali usus liberi arbitrii , &c. — probatur conclusio ; nam apostolus ad rom. . postquam intulit ex his , quae dixerat in eodem cap. de praedestinatione & reprobatione , ergo cujus vult miseretur , & quem vult indurat ; statim proponit eorum querimoniam , quibus dura videtur praedestinatio , & reprobatio , antecedens praescentiam meritorum , & ait , quid adhuc queritur ? voluntari enim ejus quis resistit ? et huic objectioni occurit subdens , o homo tu quis es , &c. annon habet potestatem figulus , &c. haec autem responsio & objurgatio non haberet locum , si deus antecedenter ad praescientiam mali usus liberi arbitrii neminem reprobasset absolutâ & efficaci voluntate . posset enim facilè respondere apost . quod ex bono , vel malo usu liberi arbitrii creati , praecognito a deo tanquam ex conditione sine quâ non , dependet quòd providentia supernaturalis dei circa unum habet formaliter rationem reprobationis , & non circa alium . alvar. disput . . num . . * multi salvi non fiunt , non quia ipsi nolunt , sed quia deus non vult ; quod absque ullâ caligiue monstratur in parvulis . aug. epist . . citat . ab alvar ibid. † reprobatio , quâ deus statuit non dare aliquibus vitam aeternam , & permittere peccatú eorum , non est conditionata , sed absoluta , nec praesupponit in deo praescientiam , vel praevisionem demeritorum ipsius reprobi , aut perseverantiae in peccato usque ad ultimum vitae alvar. disp . . num . . * neque peccatum actuale , neque originale , neque utrumque simul praevisum à deo , fuit de facto causa meritoria , vel motiva reprobationis alicujus , quantum ad omnes illus effectus . alv. ib. n. . † existimo s. thomam resolutoriè eandem docuisse sententiam ; etenim art . . citat . in corp . ait , sicut praedestinatlo includit voluntatem conferendi gratiam & gloriam ; ita reprobatio includit voluntatem permittendi aliquem cadere in culpam , & ferendi damnationis poenam pro culpâ . alvar. ibid. ergo secundum s. thomam permissio primi peccati , propter quod reprobus damnatur , est effectus reprobationis : sed illius permissionis nulla datur causa ex parte reprobi : nam ante permissionem primi peccati , & ante primum peccatum non datur aliud peccatum praecedens : aliàs illud non esset simpliciter primum , vel in homine praecederet aliud peccatum commissum , deo non permittente , &c. alvar. ibib. quare hos eligat ad gloriam , & illos reprobet , non habet rationem nisi divinam voluntatem . aquin. apud alvar. ibid. in quo testimonio , ut disp . . num . . ex doctrinâ s. augustini , & s. thomae ostendimus , apertè significatur in electione absolutâ , & reprobatione hominum deum non respexisse ad merita , vel demerita praevisa , sed pro suo beneplacito istum elegisse , & praedestinasse ad gloriam , illum non praedestinasse , sed voluntate absolutâ statuisse permittere peccatum illius , & obdurationem , sive perseverantiam in eodem peccato usque ad ultimumvitae , & poenam aeternam infligere propter idem peccatum . &c. ibid. num . . ideo , inquiunt , nondum natorum aliū oderat , alium diligebat , quia eorum futura opera previdebat . quis istum acutissimum sensum defuisse apostolo non miretur ? hoc quippe ille non vidit . &c. aug. epist . . apud . alvar. ibid. num . . alvar. de auxil . l. . disp . . nec solus prosper , sed plures etiam summi pontifices doctrinam ejusdem augustini approbaverunt , & catholicam esse decreverunt . alvar. ibid. num . . * deus ab aeterno verè quosdam eligit , & quosdam reprobat , quosdam diligit & quosdam odio habet , pro quáto quibusdam ab aeterno vult conferre opem gratiae suae , & adjuvare illos usque ad gloriam aeternam ; quosdam autem ab aeterno quoque vult permittere sibi ipsis , nec adjuvare eos gratuito auxilio , quod electis decrevit conferre , et hoc est deum illos odio habere , hoc est deum illos reprobare non ex operibus . cum quo tamen stat quòd nullus damnatur nisi ex propriis ope ibus , nec sententia siquidem , nec executio damnationis fit antequam hujusmodi reprobi peccent . cajet . in rom. . . * jam hinc colligendum relinquit apostolus argumento à figurâ ad rem significatam , neque electionem hominú , neque reprobationem esse ex ullis operum meritis , sed deum ex solo voluntatis arbitrio alios eligere , alios autem reprobare . est. ad rom. . . studium fuit apostoli non tam ad directionem respondere , quàm ad causam objiciendi . concluserat enim , ergo cujus vult , miseretur , &c. unde nata erat illa objectio , quid adhuc queritur , &c. respondet itaque de voluntate dei eligente , & re probante , negans ejus rationem ab homine , qui creatura , & figmentum dei est , scrutandam esse , imò ab exemplo figuli ostendens deum hoc facere pro libertate suae voluntatis absque aliâ ratione , ut rect è locum hunc thomas exposuit . est . ad . rom. . . * verum est , quòd deus aeternaliter nullum punit sine culpâ suâ temporaliter praecedente , & aeternaliter permanente ; non tamen proprer culpam , tanquam propter causam antecedenter moventem voluntatem divinam , deus quenquam aeternaliter reprobavit . bradward . de caus . dei lib. . cap. ult . b. daven . animadvers . p. . ibid. pag. . * reprobatio , quae est electionis negatio , ponit immutabilem dei voluntatem de non miseratione talis personaepraeteritae , quoad ipsam donationem vitae aeternae . suffr . britan. in . artic . praevisam infidelitatem esse causam non electionis fal-sum est . ibid. deus neminem damnat , aut damnationi destinat , nisi ex consideratione peccati . ibid. thesi . . † cur simplex appellent hoc decretum , non intelligimus , nisi velint deum ( ex nostrâ sententiâ ) immediate decrevisse damnationem hominum , sive peccatores fuerint , sive non ; quod est nimis simpliciter calumniari . ames . animad . de pradest . cap. . sect. . nostra sententia est , deum quosdam homines non elegisse ( sicut alios elegit ) sed decrevisse permittere , ut in peccatis suis manerent , & propter illa peccata just ae damnationis poenam subirent hujusmodi decreti nullam causam in non electis reperiri , quae non similiter in electis reperitur . ames . ibid. dicimus , & verè , destinatos esse damnationi non paucos antequam nascantur . — veruntamen non dicimus quenquam ad mortem subeundam destinatum esse nisi propter peccatum , nec ullo momento dicimus destinationem ipsam quoad actum destinantis praecedere praevisionem peccati . d. twiss . de scient . med . lib. . digress . . a ergo si non possumus rationem assignare cur suos miseri-cordiâ dignetur , nisi quoniam ita illi placet : neque etiam in aliis reprobandis aliud habebimus quàm ejus voluntatem . calv. insti . lib. . c. . sect. . b quod si judicio mortis obnoxii sunt omnes naturali conditione , quos ad mortē dominus praedestinat , dequâ , obsecro , ejus iniquitate erga se conquerantur ? veniant omnes filii adam , cum suo creatore contēdant , ac disceptent , quòd aeternâ illius providentiâ , ante suam generationem , perpetuae calamitati addicti fuerint ; quid obstrepere adversus defensionem poterunt , ubi deus illos ad sui recognitionem contra vocabit● ? ex corruptâ massâ si desumpti sunt omnes , non mirum si damnationi subjacent . ne ergo deum iniquitatis insimulent , si aeterno ejus judicio morti destinati sint , ad quam à suâ ipsorum naturâ sponte se perduci , velint nolint , ipsi sentient . calvin . instit. lib. . cap. . sect. . c tametsi aeternâ dei providentiâ ni eam , cui subjacet , calamitatem conditus est homo ; à seipso tamen ejus materiam , non à deo sumpsit , quando nullâ aliâ ratione sic perditus est , nisi quia à purâ dei creatione in vitiosam & impuram perversitatem degeneravit . calv. instit . lib. . cap. . sect. . & sect. . d asserimus nullos perire immerentes . et de eter . dei proedest . pag. . damnationis nostrae culpa in nobis residet . * caeterùm haec summa est responsionis pauli , quamvis deus absque ullo qualitatum respectu , amori destinet , & odio destinet , quoscunque ipsi libuit , tamen procul eum abesse ab omni injustitiâ , quoniam inter aeternum dei decretum , & ejus decreti executionem sunt causae subordinatae , quibus electos ad salutem adducit , & reprobos justè damnat . electos n. servat per misericordiam , reprobos damnat per indurationem , ut prorsus ineptè faciant , qui reprobationis decretum cum damnatione confundunt ; quum hujus causa manifesta sit , nempe peccatum , illius verò sola dei voluntas . neutris igitur facit injuriam , quoniam ut●ique digni sunt exitio . misericordia enim miseros electos fuisse ostendit , ac proinde dignos , qui propter peccatum perderentu : induratio verò perversitatem praesupponit , in quâ justè indurantur reprobi . beza ad rom. . . similia etiam habet ad v. . * qui massae nomine humanum genus corruptum intelligunt , mihi non satisfaciunt in hujus loci explicatione . primùm enim mihi videtur nomen illud informis materiae , ne condito quidem humano generi , nedum jam corrupto , satis convenire . deinde si genus humanum ut corruptum consider asset apostolus , non dixidet quaedam vasa ad decus , quaedam ad dedecus facta ; sed potiùs quum omnia vasa ad dedecus esset comparata , aliâ in illo dedecore relicta , alia verò ab hoc dedecore ad decus translata . postremò nisi paulus ad ultimum usque gradum conscendat , non satisfecerit objectae quaestioni . semper enim quaeritur , ista corruptio temeréne evenerit , an verò secundum dei propositum , ac proinde difficultas eadem recurret . dico igitur paulum elegantissimâ istâ similitudine adhibitâ ad ipsius adami creationem alludere , & aeternum usque propositum dei conscendere , qui antequam humanum genus conderet , jam tum & in quibusdam , quos novit , per misericordiam servandis , & in quibusdam , quos etiam novit , justo judicio perdendis , gloriam suam illustrare , prosuo jure , & merâ voluntate decreverit . beza . ad rom. . . * non igitur in hâc disputatione supponit apostolus massam corruptam , licet etiam de ea secundum augustini sententiam , habet veritatem apostoli sententia . nam scriptura passim adhibens comparationē luti , quod pro suo libitu format figulus , de luto loquitur absolutè , nullum ejus vitium supponens , sed solam ejus naturam considerans , quâ formabile est ad omne opus figulinum . unde nec ait apostolus figulum ex eâdem massâ aliud vas facere in honorem , aliud in ignominiâ relinquere , sed ex eâdem massâ facere in ignominiam . neque dixit , figmentum ei qui se finxit non dicere , cur me reliquisti in massâ corruptâ ? sed , cur me fecisti sic ? id est , vas ignominiosum , & reprobum . estius ad rom. . . nee verum est , paulum ad locum jeremiae ( jer. . . ) alludere , quin potius manifesta est allusio ad isai . . vae qui contradicit fictori suo , &c. numquid dicit lutum , &c. quae sanè verba significant ita deum pro mero suo beneplacito statuere de rebus humanis in utramlibet partem , quomodo figulus ex luto facit opus quodcunque voluerit . quo etiam pertinet quod sequitur , vae qui dicit , &c. quod enim meritum hominis , ut parentes eum talem , vel tamen gignant ? estius . ibid. † de reprobatione non perinde omnes consentiunt . quidam enim dicunt apostolum supponere massam humani generis infectam peccato originall , &c. verum si diligenter expendantur ea , quae hoc cap. habet apost . prorsus apparebit , tam reprobationem , quàm electionem absolutè non ex ullis esse praevisis meritis . nam , . cum dicit , cum nihil egissent aut boni , aut mali , tam excludit actionem malam esau , quàm actionem bonam jacob , & consequenter tam malum meritum reprobationis , quàm bonum meritum electionis . . quaestioni isti , numquid iniquitas , &c. non respondet , ideò non esse , quia tota massa peccato vitiata est , &c. sed ita respondet , ut tam horum reprobationem , quàm illorum electionem referat in solam dei voluntatem , eo tandem dicto curiosum interrogatorem compescens , o homo tu quis , &c. . comparatio illa de figulo ex eâdem massâ , &c. massae corruptae hypothesim excludit . hic enim profectò nihil in massâ supponitur , nisi quòd sit indifferens , & formabilis ad utrumque — in hanc sententiam , &c. lamb. hugo . vid. s. thom. cajetan . lyran. tileman . perer. &c. estius ad rom. . . fertur , &c. et alius pseudepigraphus , qui sapientia solomonis inscribitur . — apud hebraeos nusquam est : quin & ipse stylus graecam eloquentiam redolet , & nonnulli scriptorum veterum hunc esse judaei philonis affirmant . sicut ergo judith , & tobiae , & maccabaeorum libros legit quidem ecclesia , sed eos inter canonicas scripturas non recipit : sit & haec duo volumina ( ecclesiasticum , & librum sapientiae ) legit ad ae dificationem plebis , non ad authoritatem ecclesiasticorum dogmatum confirmandam . hier. praefat . in proverb . sensus hujus loci est , quod deus nō intendit perse primò mortem alicujus , sed ratione alterius majoris boni conjuncti . secūdò explicatur locus iste de morte , quantū ad ejus causā , scil . peccatū . &c. debemus ita intelligere , &c. tanquam diceretur , nullum hominem fieri salvum , nisi quem salvum fieri ipse voluerit , &c. aut certè sic dictum est &c. ut omnes homines omne genus hominum intelligamus per quascunque differentias distributum , reges , privatos , nobiles , ignobiles , &c. enchir. cap. . alvar. de auxil . disput . . deus vult , i. e. facit ut homines velint , omnes salvos fieri , &c. sic explicat s. aug. de corrept . & grat . cap. . * qui omnes homines vult salvos fieri ] h. e. vult & facit pios homines velle seu desiderare omnium salutem . — quamvis deus non velit omnes salvos facere , sed solos electos : vult tamen omnes salvos fieri , scil . per nos , & quantum in nobis est , dum praecipit ut omnium salutem quaeramus , & hoc ipsum studium in nobis operatur . — hanc expositionem prae caeteris amplectimur . est . a● tim. . . * quarta explicatio docet loqui apostolum de voluntate dei antecedente , quae est voluntas signi , & voluntas secundum quid , ut dicitur disput : sequenti . hanc explicationem etiam tradit s. aug. lib. ad art . sibi falso impositos , art . . & cap. . de corrept . & grat . &c. alvar. ubi supra . voluntas dei antecedens est , quae fertur in objectum aliquod absolutè consideratum , & secundum se ; dicitur autem haec voluntas antecedens , non quia antecedit bonum , vel malum usum nostri arbitrii , ut arbitrantur auctores primae sententiae , sed quia antecedit voluntatem quâ deus fertur in objectum consideratum cum aliquo adjuncto , quae est consequens , & posterior consideratio ejus . — si consideretur salus reproborum secundum se , & absolutè , sic est à deo volita : si autem consideretur , secundum quod habet adjunctam privationem , aut carentiam majoris boni , viz. boni universi manifestationis justitiae divinae in reprobis , & majoris splendoris misericordiae ejus in electis , sic non est volita à deo. et secundum hoc asserimus , quòd voluntate consequente deus non velit omnes falvos fieri , sed solùm praedestinatos . alvar. de auxil . disput. . num . . verum est , deum velle omnes salvos fieri voluntate illâ , quam rectè theologi antecedentem vocant . bell. de grat . & lib. arb . lib. . cap. . multi salvi non fiunt , non quia ipsi nolint , sed quia deus non vult ; quod absque ullâ controversiâ manifestatur in parvulis . aug. apud alvar. disput . . num . . ergo conditio , quae includitur in voluntate antecedente , quâ deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri , non est ista , si ipsi voluerint , aut per eos non steter it . alvar. ibid. verissimum est , non fieri omnes salvos quia ipsi nolunt : nam si vellent , deus eis utique non deesset . caeterùm nemo vult salvus fieri , nisi deus praeveniendo , & preparando voluntatem faciat eum velle : cur autem deus non faciat omnes velle , quis novit sensum domini ? & quis consiliarius ejus fuit ? bell. loco proximè citato . intelligitur de morte spirituali , quae est per peccatum . hanc enim non vult deus sed solùm permittit . colligitur haec explicatio ex contextu : ait enim , sed magis ut convertatur , & vivat . si autem explicetur de morte secundâ , scil . de damnatione aeternâ , dicendum est , quòd deus non vult hanc mortem alicui inferre , nisi supposito peccato , ut disp . . & . patebit . alvar. de auxil . disp . . num . . nam cum scriptum sit , deus mortem non fecit , nec laetatur in perditione vivorum , utique qui neminem vult perire , cupit peccatores poenitentiam agere , & per poenitentiam denuò ad vitam redire . cypr. lib. . epist . . vel edit . pamel . epist . . ideo omnibus opem sanitatis detulit , ut quicunque perierit , mortis suae causas sibi ascribat , qui curari noluit , cum remedium haberet , quo posset evadere : christi autem manifesta in omnes praedicetur misericordia , eò quòd ii qui pereunt , suâ pereant negligentiâ , qui autem salvantur , secundum christi sententiā liberentur , qui omnes homines vult salvos fieri , & in agnitionem veritatis venire . amb. de cain & abel . l. . c. . asserimus nullos perire immerentes . calv. instit . li. . c. . sect . page . & . viget apud nos spei robur , & firmitas fidei , & inter ipsas seculi labentis ruinas erecta mens est , & immobilis virtus , & nunquam non laeta patientia , & de deo suo semper anima secura : sicut per prophetam spiritus s. loquitur , &c. ego autem in domino exultabo , & gaudebo in deo salvatore meo . cypian . ad demetrian . * quis hîc anxietatis & sollicitudinis locus est ? quis inter haec trepidus & moestus est , nisi cui spes & fid . s deest ? ejus est enim mortem timere , qui ad christum nolit ire : ejus est ad christum nolle ire , qui se non credat cum christo incipere regnare . scriptum est enim , justum fide vivere . si justus es , & fide vivis , si verè in deum credis , cur non cum christo futurus , & de domini pollicitatione securus , quòd ad christum voceris amplecteris , & quòd diabolo careas , gratularis ? — deus de hoc mundo recedentibus immortalitatem atque aeternitatem pollicetur , & tu dubitas : hoc est ; deum omnino non nosse ; hoc est christum credentium dominum & magistrum peccato incredulitatis oftendere ; hoc est in ecclesiâ constitutum fidem in domo fidei non habere . cypr. de mortalit . * credo promittenti , salvator loquitur , veritas pollicetur , ipse dixit mihi , qui au dit verba mea , & credit ei qui misit me , habet vitam aeternam , & transitum facit de morte in vitam , & in judicium non veniet ; ego audivi verba dmmini mei , credidi . jam infidelis cum essem , factus sum fidelis , sicut ipse monuit , transii à morte ad vitam , ad judicium non venio , non praesumptione meâ , sed ipsius promissione . aug. tract . . in joh. † sic ad ortum solis justitiae , sacramentum absconditum à seculis de praedestinatis , & beatificandis , emergere quodammodo incipit ex abysso aeternitatis , dū quisque vocatus per timorem , justificatus per amorem , praesumit se quoque esse de numero beatorum ; sciens nimirum quia quos justificavit , illos & magnificavit . quid enim ? audit se vocari , cum timore concutitur , sentit & justificari , dū amore perfunditur , & de magnificatione disfidet ? ber. epist . . habes homo hujus arcani indicem spiritum justificantem , eoque ipso testificantem spiritui tuo quod filius dei & ipse sis . agnosce consilium dei in justificatione tui — praesens namque justificatio tui , & divini est consilii revelatio , & quaedam ad futuram gloriam praeparatio . aut certè praedestinatio ipsa potius praeparatio est , justificatio autem magis jam appropinquatio . bern. ibid ; justus autem quis est , nisi qui amanti se deo vicem rependit amoris ? quod non fit nisi revelante spiritu per fidem homini aeternum dei propositum super suâ salute futurâ . quae sanè revelatio non est aliud quàm infusio gratiae spiritualis , per quam dum facta carnis mortficantur , homo ad regnum praeparatur , quod caro & sanguis non possident , simul accipiens in uno spiritu & unde se presumat amatum , & unde redamet , ne gratis amatus si● . bernard . ibid. bellar. de justif l. . c. . * nemo interroget hominem , redeat unusquisque ad cor suum , si ibi invenerit charitatem fraternam , securus sit quia transit à morte ad vitam . aug. tract . . in joh. † ex hoc testimonio clarè videmus , credendum nobis esse quòd sumus filii dei. caje . in rom. . . non loquitur apostolus de notitâ beneficiorum dei , quae in particulari ad hunc , autillum pertinent , sed de notitiâ beneficiorum , quae deus praeparavit electis suis , qualia sunt inprimis haereditas , & gloria regni caelorum . bell. de iustif . lib. . cap . spiritus s. infusus apostolis causavit in illis notitiam certam donorum dei in eisdem — apostoli certam habebant notitiam , quòd fides , spes , charitas , & alia dona gratis data eis erant à deo. cajet . ad cor. . . ait quidem , haec scribo vobis qui creditis , ut sciatis , quia vitam habetis aeternam : sed non ait , haec scribo vobis , ut sciatis vos habere fidem , qualis requiritur . bell. de iustif . lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . hope maketh not ashamed . rom. . and every one that hath this hope , purifieth himselfe , &c. ioh. . . ut in timore deo serviant , id est , non altū sapiant , sed timeant , quod significat , non superbiant , sed humiles sint . aug. de corrept . et grat . . gaudium oritur ex hoc , quòd aliqua res scit se habere id quod habet , non ex hoc , quòd habet . ramund . de sabund . theolog. natural . tit . . volebat auferri opprobrium , quod suspicatus est , vel quia cogitaverat in corde , & non fecerat , & paenitentiâ licet abolitum , suspectus tamen erat ne fortè adbuc maneret ejus opprobrium , & ideò deum precatur ut illud auferat , qui solus novit quod nescire potest etiam ipse qui fecit . ambros . ser. . in ps . . ( vel . ) . * subobscurè dictum videtur , sed explanavit apostolus quod hic videbatur obscurum , ubi ait , nihil mihi conscius sum , sed non in hoc justificatus sum . sciebat n. se esse hominem , & sibi cavebat ut poterat , ne post suscepta baptismi sacramenta peccaret ; ideoque delicti sibi conscius non erat : sed quia homo erat , peccatorem se fatebatur , sciens unum esse jesum lumen verum , qui peccatum non fecit , nec est inventus in ore ejus dolus , ipsum solum justificari , qui verè alienus esset à lapsu . ambr. ibid. bell de iustif di . . cap. . multa peccantes , plurima neque intelligimus . quapropter dicit apost . nihil mihi conscius sum , sed non in hoc justificatus sum , h. e. multa pecco , & non intelligo . bas . de constit . monast . cap. . sunt justi , ad quos pervenit quasi opus impiorum , & sunt impii , ad quos perverni quasi opus justorum . hoc idcircò dicitur , quia certum judicium solius dei est . hier. adv . pelag l. . c. . quis mortalium aliquo errore non capitur ? — vix salvatur ( justus ) in eo , quòd in quibusdam dei indiget misericordiâ . hieron . ibid. nihil mihi conscius sum , &c. qui hoc dicebat , nullius utique peccati sibi conscius erat , sed quia legerat , delicta quis intelligit ? &c. idcircò temperabat sententiam , &c. hieron . advers . pelag. l. . c. . proptereà contristatus sum , ne fortè me amare arbitratus , non amem : ut anteà cum me fortem & constantem putarem , postmodum imbecillis deprehensus sum . chrys . hom. . in joh. cum jam tertiò ille taedio afficeretur , quasi non sibi crediderit . aug. in joh. tract . . magis probo quod scribit theodorus heracleotes , contristatum fuisse , quòd cum christus eum tam sepè , & tam diligenter interrogaverat , indicare videretur se illum suspectum habere &c. proptereà respondisse , domine tu nosti , &c. q. d. tu , qui omnia nosti , ignorare non potes verum esse , quod dico : quid ergò , quasi mihi non credens , me tam saepè rogas ? maldon . in joh. . , , . quod subjungit , domine tu scis , non solum moderationis causâ dictum puto , sed multo etiam magis , ut quod dixerat , etiam , ipsus christi testimonio confirmaret . maldon . ibid. novi quia justitia dei manet , ultrùm mea maneat nesclo . terret enim me apost . dicens , qui se putat stare , videat ne cadat . aug. in psal . . . ergo quia non est in me firmitas mihi , nec est mihi spes de me , ad me ipsum turbata est anima mea . vis non conturbetur ? non remaneas in teipso , & dic , ad te domine levavi animam meam . hoc planiùs audi , noli sperare de te , sed de deo tuo . nam si speras de te , anima tua conturbabitur ad te , quia nondum invenit unde sit secura de te . ergo quoniam ad me conturbata est anima mea , quid restat nisi humilitas , ut de se ipsâ anima non praesumat ? aug. ibid. accedit ad sollicitudinis cumulum , & pondus timoris , quòd cum & meam , & proximi conscientiam servare necesse sit , neutra mihi satis est nota . utraque abyssus est imperscrutabilis , utraque mihi nox est , &c. bern. ser. . de advent . quis potest dicere , ego de electis sum , ego de praedestinatis ad vitam , ego de numero filiorum ? quis haec , inquam , dicere potest ? reclamante nimirum scripturâ , nescit homo si sit dignus amore , an odio . certitudinem utique non habemus , sed spei fiducia consolatur nos , ne dubitationis anxietate penitus cruciemur . bern. ser. . in . septuag . propter hoc data sunt signa quaedam & indicia manifesta salutis , ut indubitabile sit eum esse de numero electotum , in quo ea signa permanserint . propter hoc , inquam , quoa praescivit deus , & praedestinavit conformes fieri imagini filii sui , ut quibus certitudinem negat causâ sollicitudinis , vel fiduciam praestet gratiâ consolationis , bern. ibid. quales sumus , nosse possumus , vel ex parte ; quales autem futuri sumus , id nosse penitus nobis impossibile est . bern. ibid. itaque qui stat , videat ne cadat , & in formâ , quae salutis indicium est , & argumentum praedestinationis , perseveret atque proficiat . bern. ibid. page . hoc quidem pro certo habendum , non tantum uni angelo unumquemque nostrum esse curae , sed omnes uno consensu vigilare pro salute nostrâ . calv. instit. lib. . cap. . sect. . similia habet ad mat. . . camer . myroth . ad act. . . quis enim fidelium habere dubium possit , in ipsâ immolationis horâ , ad sacerdotis vocem caelos aperiri , in illo jesu christi mysterio angelorum choros adesse , &c. greg. dial . lib. . cap. . athanas . de communi essentiâ , sub finem . chrysost de sacerd. lib. . unusquisque n. sidel is habet angelum . chrys . hom . . in coloss . similiter , ad mat. . . his innuit verbis nostrum unum quemlibet angelum habere . magna dignitas animarum , ut unaquaeque habeat ab ortu nativitatis in custodiam sui angelum delegatum . hieron . in mat. . . unde legimus in apocalypsi joannis , angelo ephesi , thyatirae , et angelo philadelphiae , & angelis quatuor reliquarum ecclesiarum scribe haec , hieron . ibid. riber . in apoc. . ult . page . † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophyl . in luc. . * ostendit sibi competere , quod etiam scripturae deo proprium esse passim docent , dum declarat se cordium esse inspectorem , &c. jansen . concord . cap. . vulg. angelus testamenti . hunc multi christum esse existimant . rib. ad apoc. . . the same also is confessed by the rhemists upon the place . * est ergo altare in caelis . illuc enim preces nostrae diriguntur , & ad templum , quemadmodum joan. in apocal. ait , et apertum est templum dei , & tabernaculum . ecce enim , inquit , tabernaculum dei , in quo habitabit hominibus . iren. lib. . cap. . intercessione itaque horum non natura dei eget , sed infirmitas nostra . hilar. in psal . . whether those blessed spirits pray for us , is not here the question , but whether we are to pray unto them . b. vsher . answ . p. . he speaks of the saints , but it may hold of the angels . hieron . praefat . in proverb . page . prayer is a worship , a religious worship as our adversaries grāt . now worshipping of angels is condemned , col. . . & revel . . . & . . . a nam & deum oramus , &c. tertull. de orat . cap. . b commendamus deo preces nostr as . ibid cap. . c nos pro salute imperatorum , deum invocamus aeternum , &c. tertull. apolog. cap. . d haec ab alio orare non possum , quàm à que me scio consecuturum , quoniam & ipse est , qui solus praestat , &c. tertull. ibid. ut aliter orare quàm docuit , non ignorantia sola sit , sed & culpa . cypr. de orat . dom. quia deus non vocis , sed cordis auditor est . nec admonendus est clamoribus , qui cogitationes hominum videt . cypr. ibid. ideo & sacerdos ante orationem praefatione praemissà , parat fratrum mentes dicendo sursum corda ; ut dum respondet plebs , habemus ad dominum , admoneatur nihil aliud se , quàm dominum cogitare debere . cypr. ibid. quomodo te audiri à deo postulas , cum te ipse non audias ? ibid. * si homo tantūmodò christus , cur homo in orationibus mediator invocatur , cum invocatio hominis ad praestandam salutem inefficax judicetur ? novat . de trinit . cap. . † de trinitate disputaturus novatianus presbyter romanus sub s. fabiano papa , quantum apparet , adhuc catholicus , &c. pamel . in argum . lib. de triuit . neque enim quispiam precaretur accipere à deo , & ab angelis , aut ab ullis rebus creatis . neque quisquam hanc verborum formam concepit , det tibi deus , & angelus ; sed contra ä patre , & filio propter unitatem uniformemque rationem dandi . athanas . orat . contra arianos . non aliquem angelorum cratorum , & qui naturâ angeli erant in unum copulavit cum creatore deo , neque omisso nutritio suo deo , ab angelo benedictionem suis nepotibus postulavit : sed quia disertè locutus est de angelo , qui illum ab omnibus malis liberaverat , satis prae se tulit non ex creatis angelis aliquem , sed filium fuisse patris , quem patri in suis precibus consociavit , per quem deus liberat quos vult . hunc enim magni consilii patris angelum noverat , nec alium nisi illum ipsum , qui benedicit , & liberat ex malis , suis verbis expressit . athanas . ibid , * so christ is stiled isai . . . according to the greeke translation . quarta de invocatione , quae est eximium genus adorationis . bellarord . disput . de eccles . triumph . * quod colit summus angelus , id colendum etiam ab homine ultimo . — hoc etiam ipsos optimos angelos , & excellentissima dei ministeria velle credamus , ut unum cum ipsis colamus deum , cujus contemplatione beati sunt . — quarè honoramus eos charitate , non servitute . — rectè itaque scribitur hominem ab angelo prohibitum , ne se adoraret , sed unum deum , sub quo ei esset & ille conservus . — ecce unum deum colo , &c. quisquis angelorum diligit hunc deum , certus sum quòd etiam me diligit . — religet ergò nos religio uni omnipotenti deo. aug. de ver â relig . cap. ult . roboratus benedictionibus angeli , qui ipse est deus . hicron . in hos . . angelos videtur postulare , ut pro eo deprecentur , aut certè sanctos , ut pro paenitente orent . aug. in job . . . quod augustinus exponit hîc angelos , aut sanctos invocari , allegoricum est . pined in job . . amicos nominat , quibuscum disputat . pined . ibid. neque enim quorumlibet disputationes , quam vis catholicorum & laudatorum hominum , velut scripturas canonicas habere debemus , ut nobis non liceat salvâ honorificentiâ , quae illis debetur hominibus , aliquid in eorum scriptis improbare , atque respuere , si fortè invenerimus quòd aliter senserint quam veritas habet , divino adjutorio vel ab aliis intellecta , vel à nobis . talis ego sum in scriptis aliorum ; tales volo esse intellectores meorum . aug. epist . . page . si parentes non intersunt , qui sunt alii mortuorum , qui noverunt quid agamus , quidve patiamur ? si tanti patriarchae quid erga populum ex ipsis procreatum ageretur , ignoraverunt , quomodo mortui vivorum reb●s , atque actibus cognoscendis adjuvandisque miscentur ? aug. de cur ā pro mortuis . cap. . bell. de sanct. beat . lib . c. . sicut enim hi , qui adhuc viventes sunt , mortuorú animae quo loco habeantur , ignorant : ita mortui vitam in carne viventium post eos qualiter disponatur , nesciunt . greg. moral . lib. . cap. . quod tamen de animabus sanctis sentiendum non est : quia quae omnipotentis dei claritatem vident , nullo modo credendum est , quia foris sit aliquid , quod ignorent . greg. ibid. non est incredibile animas sanctorum quae in abscondito faciei dei veri luminis illustratione laetantur , in ipsius contemplatione ea , quae foris aguntur , intelligere , quantum vel illis ad gaudium , vel nobis ad auxilium pertinet . lomb. sent . lib. . dist . . lit . f. de modo aurem quo cognoscunt , quatuor sunt doctorum sententiae , &c. bell de sanct. beat . lib. . cap. . sed neutra est sufficiens , &c. bellarmin . ibid. si indiger ent sancti novâ revelatione , ecclesia non diceret ita au dacter omnibus sanctis , orate pro nobis , sed peteret aliquando à deo , ut eis revelaret preces nostras . bellar. ibid. estque probabilis haec sententia . bel. ibid. dubium est , an hoc exemplum sit tantum parabola , &c. jansen . concord . cap. . si historiam quis esse dixerit , & rei gestae narrationem ; necesse est camen fateatur , non omnia sic contigisse ut narrantur . certum est enim divitem in inferno non locutum esse linguâ , nec oculis corporalibus vidisse abraham , &c. jan. ibid. ita ut corporalia , quae post hanc vitam commemorantur , sint allegoricè & spiritualiter accipienda , sive sit nuda parabola , sive vera historia . jansen . ibid si autem exemplum hoc non historia esse dicatur , sed parabola tantùm , facilior erit quaestionis explicatio . dici enim poterit haec sic à domino conficta esse , cum sic gesta non essent , tantùm ad erudiendum & monendum vivos , ne suae impenitentiae praetexant , quòd de statu futurae vitae nihil unquam didicerint ex his , qui è futurâ vitâ redierunt . — ideò quò hanc cogitationem dominus castigaret , proposuit hunc divitem orasse , ut abraham ad fratres suos lazarum mitteret , & vulgarem hanc hominum cogitationem exposuisse , ut sic abrahae cujus magna erat apud judeos authoritas , responsum subiiceret quo talis cogitatio reprehenditur & confutatur . — hic jam ergò abraham hanc vulgi opinionem consutans respondit , si mosen & prophetas non audiunt , &c. ian. ibid. responderi potest , abrahamum , israelem , & alios patres veteris testamenti non cognovisse posteros suos viventes , quia nondum beati erant , &c. bellarm , de sanct. beatit . lib. . cap. . sequuntur agnum quocunque vadit ; si agnus ubique , ergo & hi , qui cum agno sunt , ubique esse credendi sunt . hieron . advers . vigilant . cap. . * ad cognoscendas preces , quae eodem tempore fiunt in diversissimis locis , non sufficit celeritas , sed requiritur vera ubiquitas , quam nec angelorum , nec hominum spiritibus convenire credimus . bell. de beatit . sanct lib. cap. . page . sancti orant pro nobis , saltem in genere ] neque de istâ propositione contentionem ullam fovemus . ames . advers . bellar. de invocat . sanctor . bell. de sanct. beat . lib. . cap. . page . and . de viginti quatuor senioribus tam varia patrum & expositorum sententia est , ut quo magis leguntur , eò lector reddatur incertior . riber . in apoc. . . alii totam ecclesiam , &c. ibid. non esse totam ecclesiam constat , quoniam quatuor animalia non numerantur in illis . — at si quatuor animalia sunt quatuor evangelistae , quomodo secernuntur à numero seniorum , cum ipsi maximè ad hunc numerum pertinere videantur , ut qui inter beatos omnes multum excellant ? respondeo non secerni ab illis , quasi ipsi inferiores sint , aut ad numerum illum , aut ad illam dignitatem pertinere non possint , sed quòd dignitate quâdam praetereà emineant , cujus causà extra illum numerum constitui , & nominari debeant . riber . ad apoc. . . deinde ipsi offerunt orationes sanctorum , haud dubium quin eorum , qui sunt in terrâ . riber . ad apoc. . . mede on revel . . librum autem baruch notarii ejus , qui apud hebraeos nec legitur , nec habetur , praetermisimus . hieron . praefat . in jer. sunt secundum raphaelem ad tobiam loquentem angeli adsistentes ante claritatem dei , & orationes deprecantium ad deum deferentes . hil. in psal . . sed neque desunt stare volentihus sanctorum custodiae , neque angelorum munitiones . hilar. in psal . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; damasc . de fide lib. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; damas . ibid. bell. de eccles . scriptor . sixt. sen. bibl. li. . annot. . page . notandum , cum dicimus , non debere peti à sanctis , nisi ut orent pro nobis , nos non agere de verbis , sed de sensu verborum . nam quantum ad verba , licet dicere , s. petre miserere mei , salva me , aperi mihi aditum caeli , item da mihi sanitatem corporis , da patientiam , da mihi fortitudinem , &c. dummodo intelligamus , salva me , & miserere mei orando pro me , da mihi hoc & illud tuis precibus , & meritis . bellar. dc sanct . beat . lib. . cap. . accepere sancti , non dedere coronas ; & de fortitudine fidelium exempla nota sunt patientiae , non dona justitiae . leo apud cassand . consult . de merit . & intercess . sanct . dicit nos rogare virginem , ut filium jubeat facere quod petimus . at quis nostrum hoc dicit ? cur non probat ullo exemplo ? bell. de beat , sanct . lib. . cap. . quin & cò ventum est , ut etiam christus jam in caelo regnans matri subjiciatur : quomodo in nonnullis ecclesiis canitur , ora patrem , & jube filio , o faelix puerpera , nostra pians scelera , jure matris impera redemptori . cassand . ubi suprà . imò non defuerunt viri etiam celebres , qui assererent , id quod hester assuerus promisit se petenti , dimidium regni daturum , in mariâ completum esse , in quam deus regni sui , quod judicio & misericordiâ constat , dimidium , hoc est , misericordiam transtulerit , alterâ regni parte sibi rete●tâ . cassand . ibid. quid quod totum psalterium sublato ubique domini nomine in nomen dominae commutatum legimus ? cass . ibid. domina in te speravi . psal . . in dominâ consido . psal . . conserva me domina , quia speravi in te . psal . . ad te domina levavi animam meam . psal . . in te domina speravi , non confundar in aeternum . psal . . judica me domina , & discerne causam meam . psal . . domina refugium nostrum es in omni necessitate nost . a , psal . . miserere mei domina , quae mater misericordiae nuncuparis , & secundum viscera miserlcordiarum tuarum munda me ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis , effunde gratiam tuam super me , & solitam clementiam tuam ne subtrahas à me . psal . . et isti se non putant reos , qui honorem nominis dei deferunt creaturae , & relicto domino conservos adorant ; quasi sit aliquid plus , quod reservetur deo. ambr. in rom. . non igitur à damnatis , qui à deo abjecti , & in aeternâ desperatione sunt , discemus veram invocationem . chemnit . in exam. orent igitur cum divite illo , qui ita exaudiri , & juvari volunt . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophylact. in luke . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophy . ibid. bell de sanct. beat . l. . c. & . sixt. sen. bibl. l. . annot. . justinus quaest . . ex iis , quas gentes christianis opponunt , dicit narrationem de divite & lazaro non esse veram historiam . bell de sanct. beat . lib. . cap. . narratio magis quàm parabola videtur , quando etiam nomen exprimitur . amb. in luc. . cap. . nomen proprium ipsius lazari arguit esse historiam , quamvis non efficaciter , ut infrà patebit . jans . concord . cap. . atque utraque haec ratio nominati mendici conveniens est , five exemplum hoc sit nuda parabola , five etiam historia . jan. ibid. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophylact. ad ioh. . page . edit . rom. tutissimum est , quod saepè moneo , non nimis pressè tractandas esse parabolas : frangi saepè tractando ; solereque hîc accidere , quod proverbio dici solet , ut qui nimium emungit , sanguinem eliciat . maldon . ad luc. . . indicant ( haec verba ) tunc fuisse consuetudinem invocandi patrocinium sanctorum angelorum . bell. de sanct . beat . l. . c. . ante christi adventum , sancti qui moriebantur , non intrabant in coelū , nec deum videbant , &c. ideo non fuit consuetum , ut diceretur , s. abraham ora pro me . bell. ibid. * that i finde to be it , by bell. de sanct. beat . lib. . cap. . * stat sanctis supplicaturus , ut prose apud deum intercedant . chrysostloc . cit . he lived yeares after christ. bell. de eccles . script . vale , o paula , & cultoris tui ultimam senectutem orationibus juva . fides & opera tua christo te sociant , praesens quod postulas facilius impetrabis . hieron . in epitaph . paul. in fine . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . nazianz. in iulian. orat . . circa initium . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . scholiast . ibid. gregorius nazianzenus praeceptor meus . hieron . catal. scriptor . ecclestast . honorandi sunt propter imitationem , non adorandi propter religionem . aug dc verâ relig . cap. . uni deo & martyrum , & nostro , sacrificium immolamus ; ad quod sacrificium , sicut homines dei , qui mundum in ejus confessione vicerunt , suo loco & ordine nominantur , non tamen à sacerdote , qui sacrificat , invocantur . ang. de civit dei lib. . cap. . page . bell. de confir . lib. . cap. . & , , & . nec tamen cessantibus his , quae ritu antiquo inoleverant , cum jam in populo christiano circumcisio videretur damnabilis , & sacrificia idololatriae imputarentur , unctionis mysterium religio ch. istiana contempsit , &c. credo quòd illud sacramentū christus nec dispensavit , nec instituit . bona. in sent . l. . dist . art . quaest . . et quaest . . christus hoc sacramentū non instituit . patet unum eundemque deum in christo justificationis , & sacramentorum auctorem agnoscendum esse . — perspicitur sacramenta à deo ipso per christum instituta esse . catechis . trident. de sacram. concil . trid. scss . . can . . accepisse eos sp. s. in effectu sensibili ( puta locutione linguarum ) testantur subjuncta , quòd simon qui fuerat magus , viderit spiritum s. datum per impositionem manuum . cajet . ad . loc . bell. de confir . lib. . cap. . nec materiam , nec formam apostoli dispensaverunt . bonav . lib. . dist . . art . . quaest . . * impositionis quoque manuum , quā scil . & spiritum s. accipiebant , cujus gratiâ & futura praedicerent , & miracula ederent . theophyl . ad loc . † et hoc ad prima fidei fundamenta in primitivâ ecclesiâ spectabat . cajet . ad loc . invenimus nomen sacramenti in scripturis tribui multis rebus , quae omniú consensu non sunt sacramenta , de qualibus nunc agimus . bell. de effect . sacram . l. . c. . et extra hunc numerum quaedam sunt in ecclesiâ celebrata signa , quae & ipsa latioris vocis notione sacramenta nonnunquam dicuntur . et de his quoque septem sacramentis certum est , ne ipsos quidem scholasticos existimasse omnia ea aequè propriè sacramenta vocari . nam et de confirmatione quidam scripserunt , gratiam confirmationis non esse univocè gratiam cum illâ , &c. cassand . consult . artic . . nec temerè quenquam reperias ante pet. lomb●rdum , qui certum aliquem & definitum numerum sacramentorum statuerunt . cassand . ibid. si quis dixetit sacramenta novae legis non fuisse omnia à jesu christo domino nostro instituta ; aut esse plura , vel pauciora quàm septem , viz. baptismum , confirmationem , eucharistiam , paenitentiam , extremam unctionem , ordinem , & matrimonium : aut etiam aliquod horum non esse verè & propriè sacramentum , anathema sit . concil . trident. sess . . can . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ; basil de spir. s. cap. . venimus ad fontem , ingressus es — unctus es quasi athleta . ambros . de sacram. l. . c. . exinde egressi de lavacro perungimur benedictâ unctione tertull. de baptis . c. . pamel . annot. in tertull. bellarm. de consim . lib. . cap. . tunc enim demùm plenè sanctificari , & esse filii dei possunt , si sacramento utroque nascantur . cypr. lîb. . epist . . sive edit . pamel . epist . . corpus & sanguis domini in duo sacramenta secantur ; quod apertè fit à rabano . cassand . consult . art . . bell. de confir . lib. . c. . durant . de ritib. l. . c. . hoc tempore cum baptizantur adulti , eodem die datur baptismus , confirmatio , & eucharistia , ut veteres faciebant : sed cum baptizantur infantes , differuntur alia duo sacramenta , donec ad usum rationis pervernerint , &c. bell. ibid. summâ ratione receptum est , quicquid gerson censeat , hoc sacramentum mininè conferri antequam pueri rationis usum habuerint , & fidem suam confiteri possint . durant . ibid. si duodecimus annus non expectandus videatur usque ad septimum certè hoc sacramentum differre , maximè convenit . catech. trident. de confirmat . * piè & religiosè synodus mediolanensis anno . decrevit , minori sptennio confirmationis sacramentum minimè praebendum . durant . ubi supra . page . haec verba ( bibite ex hoc omnes ) dicuntur solis apostolis , &c. bell. de euchar. lib. . cap. . * quomodo docemus , aut provocamus eos in confessione nominis sanguinem suum fundere , si eis militaturis christi sanguinem denegamus ? aut quomodo ad martyrii poculum idoneos facimus , si non eos priùs ad bibendum in ecclesiâ poculum domini jure communicationis admittimus ? cypr. epist . . edit . pamel . id episcoporum statutum , totius synodi nomine , nuntiat cornelio cyprianus ; atque adeò non tam ipsius cypriani , quàm synodi africanae est haec epistola . pamel . in argum . epist . considerantes idcircò se quotidie calicem sanguinis christi bibere , ut possint & ipsi propter christum sanguinem fundere . cypr-epist . . illud verò , quòd pro complemento communionis intinctam tradunt eucharistiam populis , nec hoc prolatum ex evangelio testimonium receperunt , ubi apostolis corpus suum commendavit & sanguinem . seorsim enim panis , & seorsim calicis commendatio memoratur . de consecrat . dist . . cap. cum omne . comperimus quòd quidam sumptâ tantummodò corporis sacri portione , à calice sacrati cruoris abstineant ; qui proculdubio ( quum nescio quâ superstitione docentur astringi ) aut integra sacramenta percipiant , aut ab integris arceantur . quia divisio unius & ejusdem mysterii sine grandi sacrilegio non potest pervenire . ● ibid. cap. comperimus . nec superfluit haec , vel illa sumptio — nam species panis ad carnem , & species vini ad animam refertur ; cum vinum sit sacramentum sanguinis , in quo est sedes animae ; ideóque sumitur sub utraque specie , ut significetur quòd utrumque christus assumpsit , carnem & animam , & quòd tam animae quàm corpori participatio valeat : unde si sub unâ tantum specie sumeretur , ad tuitionem alteriùs tantùm valere significaretur . glossa ibid. * de administratione sacresancti sacramenti eucharistiae satis compertum est , universalem christi ecclesiam in hunc usque diem , occidentalem verò seu romanam mille ampliùs à christo annis in solenni praesertim & ordinariâ hujus sacramenti dispensatione utramque panis & vini speciem omnibus christi membris exhibuisse : id quod ex innumeris veterum scriptorum tam graecorum quàm latinorum testimoniis manifestum est . cassand , consult , art . . atque ut ita facerent inductos fuisse , primùm instituto exemplóque christi , qui hoc sacramentum corporis & sanguinis sui duobus hisce panis & vini symbolis discipulis suis fidelium communicantium personam repraesentantibus praebuit : tum quia in sacramento sanguinis peculiarem quandam virtutem & gratiam hoc vini symbolo significatam esse credebant : tum ab rationes mysticas hujus instituti , quae à veteribus variè adducuntur , viz. ad repraesentandam memoriam passionis christi in oblatione corporis , & effusione sanguinis , juxta illud pauli , quotiescunque comederitis panem hunc , & calicem domini biberitis , mortem domini annuntiatis donec veniat . item ad significandam integram refectionem sive nutritionē , quae cibo & potu constat , quomodo christus inquit , caro mea verè est cibus , & sanguis meus verè est potus . item ad designandam redemptionem & tuitionem corporis & animae , ut corpus pro salute corporis , & sanguis pro salute animae , quae in sanguine est , dari intelligatur , ad significandum quoque christum utramque naturam assumsisse , corporis , viz. & animae , ut utrumque redimeret . cassand . ibid. quarè non temerè est , quòd optimi quique etiam catholicae porfessionis in divinorum & ecclesiasticorum scriptorum lectione versati , & his quas supra diximus rationibus incitati , summo desiderio potiundi dominici calicis incenduntur , omnibusque modis contendunt , ut hoc salutare sacramentum sanguinis christi unà cum sacramento corporis juxta veterem & multis seculis perpetuatam universalis ecclesiae consuetudinem in usum reducatur , &c. cassan . ibid. bellar. de euch. lib. . cap. ● non est controversia an in toto capite agatur de bucharistiâ : constat enim non ita esse . — solū igitur quaestio de illis verbis , danis quem ego dabo , caro mea est pro mundi vitâ , & de sequentibus ferè ad finem capitis . bellar. ibid. verùm non facilc apparet , quomodo exterior illa sumptio possit dici bibitio . manducatio enim rectè dicitur , quia sumitur ibi aliquid per modum cibi : sed quomodo bibitio , cum nihil sumatur per modum potûs ? jansen . concord . cap. . cajet . in act. . jansen . concord . cap. . docet ( jansenius ) voluisse dominum hoc exemplo demonstrare fructū & utilitatem eucharistiae in unâ specie . bell. de euchar. l. . c. . effectu hîc subsecuto commendare fidelibus dominus voluit vim eucharistiae dignae susceptae , nempe quòd per eam oculi hominum illuminantur ad cognitionem jesu . jansen . concord . cap. . ex quibus theophylacti & augustini sententiis apparet multis , illos sensisse dominum jam impertiisse suis eucharistiae sacramentum : verum magis intelligendum eos hujus sacramenti mentionem fecisse , quòd illud hîc à domino mysticè fuerit commendatum & insinuatum . jansen . ibid. page . ad verum sacrificium requiritur , ut id quod offertur deo in sacrificium , planè destruatur , id est , ita mutetur , ut desinat esse id , quod antè erat . bell. de miss . lib. . cap. . hostiam , quae offertur , occidi & mactari necesse est : ergo si christus singulis missis sacrificatur , eum singulis momentis mille in locis crudeliter interfici oportet . — respondeo , sacrificium missae esse verissimum sacrificium , & tamen non exigere veram hostiae occisionem . solùm enim occisio requiritur in oblatione rei viventis , & quae in formâ rei viventis offertur , ut cum offeruntur agni , vituli , aves , & similia , quorum destructio in morte consistit . at cum forma sacrificii est rei inanimae , ut panis , vini , thuris , & similium , non potest requiri occisio , sed solum consumptio rei illi conveniens . in missâ igitur offertur quidem christus , qui est res vivens , & offertur in formâ rei viventis , quantum ad repraesentationem , ubi solum requiritur mors repraesentata , non autem mors reipsà : sed ut est sacrificum reale , & propriè dictum , offertur in formâ panis & vini , juxta ordinē melchisedech , & proinde in formâ rei inanimae . — quarè consumptio hujus sacrificii non debet esse occisio , sed manducatio . bell. de missâ . l. . c. . corpus & sanguis domini sunt id sacrificium , quod in missâ propriè offertur , & sacrificatur . bell. de miss . l. . c. . sacrificium est oblatio , &c. quâ res aliqua sensibilis , & permanens ritu mystico consecratur , & transmutatur . bell. de miss lib. . cap. . * post haec quaeritur , si quod gerit sacerdos , propriè dicatur sacrificium vel immolatio , & si christus quotidiè immoletur , vel semel tantùm immolatus sit . ad hoc breviter dici potest , illud quod offertur & consecratur à sacerdote , vocari sacrificium & oblationem , quia memoria est & repraesentatio veri sacrificii , & sanctae immolationis factae in arâ crucis . et semel christus mortuus est in cruce , ibique immolatus est in semetipso ; quotidiè autem immolatur in sacramento , quia in hoc sacramento recordatio fit illius , quod factum est semel . lombard . lib. . dist . . lit . e. & f. etsi quotidie offerimus , ad recordationem mortis ejus fit . — offerimus & nunc , sed quod nos agimus , recordatio est sacrificii . ambros . apud lombard . ibid. * iren. lib. . cap. . aug. de civ . dei lib. . c. . et in omni loco incensum offertur nomini meo , & sacrificium purum . incensa autem joannes in apocalyp . si orationes esse alt sanctorum . iren. lib. . cap. . * ergò propiè nunc ad sacerdotes judaeorum sermo fit domini , qui offerunt caecum & claudū , & languidum ad immolandum ; ut sciant carnalibus victimis spirituales victimas successuras . et nequaquam taurorum hircorumque sanguinem , sed thymiama , hoc est , sanctorum orationes domino offerendas , & non in unâ orbis provinciâ , judaeâ , nec in unâ judaeae urbe , hierusalem , sed in omni loco offerri oblationem nequaquam immundam , ut à populo israel , sed mundam , ut in ceremoniis christianorum . hieron . ad mal. . bell. de missâ . l. . c. . illa verba temporis praesentis , &c. bell. ibid. fateor in scripturâ saepè accipi praesens , aut praeteritum pro futuro . bellarm. ibid. * at si praesentis temporis verbum , frangitur , in quaestionem quis deducat , animadvertat scripta ab aliis evangelistis , & cessabit quaestio — eâdem siquidem ratione , quâ illi evangelistae futuram in cruce effusionem sanguinis significaverunt in praesenti , effunditur : câdem ratione paulus futuram in cruce fractionem carnis christi significat in praesenti , dicendo frangitur . — communis autem omnium horum ratio ( quarè scil . dominus jesus in caenâ expressit futuram in cruce sanguinis effusionem , & carnis fractionem verbis praesentis temporis ) est ut manifestaret discipulis , hujusmodi effusionem , & fractionem non distantem tempore , sed tanquam praesentem esse . et verè loquendo de tempore praesenti grammatico more , tempus effusionis & fractionis erat tunc praesens , quoniam jam inchoatum erat tempus passionis ejus . ac per hoc sicut inchoato die potest significari verbo praesentis temporis quicquid fit illo die : ita inchoato jam die passionis ejus , potuit significari verbo praesentis temporis omnis ejus passio . praesens enim grammaticè non est instants , sed quoddam confusum praesens . cajet . in . cor. . * audi ipsum tibi dicentem , quia hic est sanguis meus , qui pro vobis effundetur , &c. origen . hom. . in levit. ab ipso bellarmino citatus lib. . euchar. cap. . † hoc est corpus meum , quod pro vobis tradetur . tertull. lib. . in marcion . citat . à. bellar. de euchar. lib. . cap. . omnia omnîao , quae in scripturis dicuntur sacrificia , necessariò destruenda erant , si viventia per occisionem , si inanima solida , ut simila , & sal , & thus , per combustionem , &c. bell. de miss . l. . c. . * baptismus est sacramentum repraesentativum mortis christi : — et tamen nulli veterum baptismum sacrificium deo oblatum unquam appellaverunt . non igitur ista sola repraesentatio causa esse potuit cur actio caenae domini sacrificium appellatur . bell. de miss . lib. . cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . oecum . in heb. . * chrysost . & ejus sequaces per hostiam intelligunt aut baptismum , aut potiùs mortem christi , quatenus in baptismo operatu . estius in heb. . . † sed quaeris quid causae plerisque antiquorum fuerit , ut baptismum hostiam appellaverint , ideóque dixerint non superesse hostiam pro peccato , quia baptismus repeti non potest . sanè quia in baptismo christo commorimur , & per hoc sacramentum applicatur nobis hostia crucis ad plenam peccati remissionem ; hinc illi baptisma translatitie hostiam nuncuparunt , ac post baptisma semel susceptum nullam hostiam esse reliquam interpretati sunt , quia baptisma secundum non est . can. loc. theolog. lib. . cap. . pag. . edit . in . page . * magis propriè deberet vocari ordinatio quàm ordo . durand . l. . dist . . quaest . . concil . trid. sess . . can . . † chemnit . in ex. calv. instit . l. . c. . sect. . * calvinus agnoscit ordinationem esse verum sacramentum . bellar. de sacram . ord. lib. . cap. . quantum ad verum presbyterii munus , quod ore christi nobis est commendatum , libenter co loco habeo . illic enim ceremonia est , primum ex scriptur is sumpta , deinde quam non esse inanem , nec supervacuam , sed fidele spiritualis gratiae symbolum paulus testatur . — spiritus s. gratiam ( christus ) promisit , non ad peragendam peccatorum expiationem , sed ad gubernationem ecclesiae rite obeundam & sustinendam . calv. iustit . lib. . cap. . sect. . bell. ubi supra . addita elt promissio , deum daturum gratiam , & dona , quibus ea , quae ad ministerium pertinent , rectè , fideliter & utiliter praestare & exequi possint , qui legitimè vocati sunt . joh. . acciplte spiritum s. chemnit . in exam. et haec seria oratio in ordinatione ministrorum , quia nititur mandato & promissione divinâ , non est irrita . hoc vero est , quod paulus dicit , donum , quod est in te per impositionem manuum . chemnit . ibid. si hoc modo intelligatur ordinatio , de ministerio verbi & sacramentorum , jamdudum apologia augustanae confessionis nostrarum ecclesiarum sententiam declaravit , nos non gravatim ordinem vocaturos sacramentum . et additur ibi , neque impositionem manuum vocare sacramentum gravabimur . latè enim vocabulum sacramenti patere suprà ostendimus . ibid. bellar. loc. suprà . citat . facilè ostendemus ordinationem esse verum sacramentum . nam gratia , quae illi promissa est , non est donum aliquod gratis datum , ut prophetia , vel donum linguarum , sed gratia justificans . nam imprimis joh. . cum dominus tribuit apostolis potestatē remittendi peccata , quae est pars quaedam sacerdotii , dixit , accipite spiritum s. non autem vocatur absolutè spiritus s. in scripturis donum illud , quòd in impiis esse potest . praetereà tim. . ubi dixerat apostolus gratiam timotbeo per manus impositionem datam , subjungit explicans quae sit illa gratia , non enim dedit nobis ( id est , nobis episcopis ) spiritum timoris , sed virtutis , & dilectionis , & sobrietatis . bell. de sacr. ord. lib. . cap. . * sacramentum ordinis est spirituale medicamentum , non tamen illius , qui ordinem suscipit , qui jam debet esse sanus , sed communitatis : quia per ordinem efficitur homo dispensator sacramentorum , durand . in sent. lib. . dist . . quaest . . ad m. si habent ( scil . haeretici spiritum s. ) cur illic baptizatis , quando ad nos veniunt , manus imponitur ad accipiendum spiritum s. cum jam utique illic acceptus sit , ubi si fuit , dari potuit ? cyrian . epist . . ( edit . pamel . ) ad mag. prior pars epistolae ejusdem est argumenti cum praecedentibus . pamel in argum . epist . . ad magnum . bell. de sacram. ord. lib. . c. . page . and . ego verissimum puto , decretum hoc , quo votum est annexum ordinibus , non quidem propriè divinum esse , sed tamen esse apostolicum , &c. bell. de cler. lib. . cap. . sanctissimus mos est romanae ecclesiae , rationique & scripturis consentaneus , atque à majoribus acceptus , quo neminem ad sacros ordines admittat nisi caelibem , aut qui de uxoris consensu castitatem suam deo consecravit . coster . encbirid . de caelib . sacerdat . quinta propositio . sacetdos si fornicetur , aut domi concubinam foveat , tametsi gravi sacrilegio sese obstringat , gravius tamen peccat , si contrahat matrimonium . ibid. nona propositio . sacerdotibus nullo modo permittenda sunt matrimonia . ibid. decima propositio . communiter dicitur , quòd pro simplicl fornicatione quis deponi non debet , cum paucissimi sine illo vitio inveniantur . gloss . in dist . . cap. maximianus . dicunt hodiè pro fornicatione neminem deponendum , nisi in eâ perduret ; & ideo quia hodiè fragiliora sunt corpora nostra quàm olim erant . gloss . in dist . . cap. presbyter . si conjugia omnium sunt honorabilia , etiam conjugia consanguineorum in primo & secundo gradu erunt honorabilia ; & conjugia adolescentium injussu parentum contracta , erunt honorabilia . bell. de cler. lib. . cap. . in omnibus , i. e. in omnibus legitimè conjunctis , quicunque illi sint , &c. ita theophylactus in hunc locum , & videtur magis literaliae expositio . bellar. ibid. cum ergo ex sacerdotibus nati in summos pontifices supra legantur esse promoti , non suut intelligendi de fornicatione , sed de legitimis conjugiis nati : quia sacerdotibus ante prohibitionem ubique licita erant : & in orientali ecclesiâ usquè hodiè licere probantur . dist . . cap. caenomanensem . * non levibus de causis olim adducti fuerunt proceres ecclesiae , &c. — contra tamen fatendum est graviter à posteris esse peccatum , qui hanc utilem pro tempore constitutionem multis in laqueum verterunt , &c. cassand . consult . artic . . quarè nimis rigidâ & intempestivâ hujus constitution is exactione , gravissima & abominanda in ecclesiâ scandala exitisse videmus . nam causae illae , quibus majores ad constitutionem hanc faciendam inductos esse diximus , non solùm hodiè cessarunt , sed in contrarium sunt conversae . nam primùm videmus hoc decreto usque adeò castitatem & continentiam in christo non confirmatam , ut per illud ad omne libidinis & flagitii genus fenestra aperta esse videatur . tum res in plerisque sacerdotibus ita comparatae sunt , ut conjugum piarum consortio non modò ad functiones ecclesiasticas obeundas non impediantur , sed etiam ad earum procurationem adjuventur ab eis : quemadmodum de patre suo gregorio , & matre nomiâ gregorius nazianzenus testatur . ibid. restat primùm ut in posterum ordinandis hoc statutum relaxetur , & more veteris ecclesiae , & huc usque orientalium ecclesiarum honesti quoque mariti ad ecclesiae ministerium admittantur , &c. sunt igitur hujus constitutionis relaxandae graves causae , &c. prudenter itaque observavit & monuit panormitanus , experientiâ docente contrariū prorsus effectū secutū ex lege illâ continentiae , cum hodiè non vivant spiritualiter , nec sint mundi , sed maculentur illicito coitu cum illorum gravissimo peccato , ubi cum propriâ uxore esset castitas . unde debere ecclesiam facere sicut bonus medicus , ut si medicina experientiâ docente magis obsit quàm profit , eam tollat . ibid. sunt autem causae non leves , cur hodiè iis quoque , qui jam ordinati , non libidine , sed conscientiâ ducti , uxores duxerunt , & ecclesiis utiles esse possunt , gratia hujus legis fieri debeat , &c. ibid. posterior error longè gravior est , non solum licere ante ordinationem , sed etiam post ordinationem , uxorem ducere . bell. de cler. l. . cap. . cum igitur haec matrimonii contractio post ordinationem solo statuto prohibeatur , & exempla prisca extent , quae testentur , hujusmodi statuta non tam anxiè observata fuisse , quin ob ecclesiae necessitatem aliquando relaxata fuerint , quis non concedat in extremâ hâc ecclesiae necessitate hoc idem hodiè fieri posse ? — cur autem etiam in ordinatis conjugium hodiè admitti possit , haec ratio est , quòd ex hujusmodi conjugio non modò nulla offensio populi , sed magna etiam utilitas sit expectanda . nam eò res jam rediit , ut vix centesimum invenias , qui ab omni commercio faeminarum abstineat , populus verò it a affectus est , ut sacerdotis fornicatoris vel concubinarii ministerium vel prorsus condemnet , vel leviùs aestimet : maritum verò sacerdotem aequius ferat , ut cum populo quoque jam notum sit , honorabile esse in omnibus conjugium , adulteros autem , & fornicatores à deo judicandos . ibid. quarè si unquam tempus fuit antiquae alicujus consuetudinis immutandae , certè haec tempora hujus quamvis prisci moris immutationem aliquam efflagitate videntur , cum optimi quique , & religiosissimi sacerdotes , infirmitatem suam agnoscentes , & perpetuae scortationis faeditatem exhorrescentes , si publice non audent , certè privatim conjugium ineunt , &c. cum igitur hoc tempore , eò necessitatis res propemodum redacta sit , ut aut conjugatus , aut concubinarius sacerdos sit admittendus , quis non videt , etiamsi quid in hoc conjugio sit incommodi , minoris mali ratione potius esse eligendum ? ibid. ita ferè omnes exponunt , ac si sensus esset , non omnes , quod dicitis , praestare possunt , i. e. uxore carere ; quia non omnes castitatis donum habent , sed quibus datum est . quam interpretationem adduci non possum ut sequar , &c. maldon . ad loc . exigit hanc aetatem , quia in hâc aetate non solet esse periculum incontinentiae . est . in tim. . . tunc nondum extructa erant monasteria , seu claustra , quibus coercerentur faeminae continentiam professae , ne ad viros evagandi liberam potestatem haberent . est . ibid. in uno posuit naturam , in alterō necessitatem , in tertio voluntatem . naturam in eo , qui nascitur ; necessitatem in eo , qui ita factus est ; voluntatem in illo , qui spe regni caelestis talis esse decreverit : cui nos similes esse , si tamen possimus [ nb. ] admonuit . hilar. can . . in . mat. * si bonum est mulietem non tangere , malum est ergò tangere . hieron . contra jovinian . lib. . oro te , quale istud bonum est , quod orare prohibet ? — jubet idem apost . in alio loco , ut semper oremus . si semper orandum est , nunquam ergò conjugio serviendum : quoniam quotiescunque uxori debitum reddo , orare non possum . hieron . ibid. si semper orandum est , ergo semper carendum matrimonio . hier. ibid. vae pregnantibus , &c. non hîc scorta , non lupanaria condemnantur , de quorum damnatione nulla dubitatio est : sed uteri tumescentes , & infantum vagitus , & fructus atque opera nuptiarum . hier. ibid. consideranda vis verbi , replete terram : nuptiae terram replent , virginitas paradisum . hieron . ibid. de adam & evâ illud dicendum , quòd ante offensam in paradiso virgines fuerint : post peccatum autem , & extra paradisum protinus nuptiae . hieron . ibid. rectè quidem sentitis , ait , quòd non expediat homini ad caelotum regna tendenti , accipere uxorem : sed difficilis res est , & non omnes capiunt verbum istud , verùm quibus datum est . hieron . ibid. noli metuere , ne omnes virgines fiant , difficilis res est virginitas , & ideò rara , quia difficilis . — si omnes virgines esse possent , nunquam & dominus diceret , qui potest capere , capiat : & apostolus in suadendo non trepidaret , de virginibus autem praeceptum domini non habeo . hieron . ibid. unde & infert , qui potest caperè , capiat : ut unusquisque consideret vires suas , utrum possit virginalia & pudicitiae implere praecepta . der se enim castitas blanda est , & quemlibet ad se alliciens : sed considerandae sunt vires , ut qui potest capere , capiat . hieron . in mat. . * veritas dicit , non omnes capiunt verbum hoc . quod eo innotuit summum esse , quo denegavit omnium : & dum praedicit quia difficilè capitur , audientibus innuit , captum cum quâ cautelâ teneatur . greg. past . par . . admon . . admonendi sunt itaque , ut si tentationum procellas cum difficultate salutis tolerant , conjugii portum petant . scriptum namque est , melius est nubere , quàm uri . greg. ibid. admonit . . sine culpâ quippe ad conjugium veniunt , si tamen necdum meliora voverunt . gregor . ibid. * utinam magis turrim inchoaturi , sedentes computarent ne fortè sumptus non habeant ad perficiendum . utinam qui continere non valent , perfectionem temerariè profiteri , aut caelibatui dare nomina vererentur . sumptuosa siquidem turris est , & verbum grande , quod non omnes capere possunt . bern. de convers . ad cler. cap. . quantò tolerabilius tali fulsset perjurium sacramento ? amb. offic. lib. . cap. . in omni voto vel sacramento intelliguntur hujusmodi generales conditiones , si deus voluerit , si vixero , si potero . gloss . in caus . . quaest. . cap. beatus . in malis promissis rescinde fidem : in turpi voto muta deretum : quod incautè vovisti , ne facias : impia est promissio , quae scelere adimpletur . caus . . quaest. . cap. in malis . lomb. lib. . dist . . lit . i. ille , qui vovet , quodammodo sibi statuit legem , oblig●ns se ad aliquid , quod est secundunt se , & in pluribus , bonum . potest tamen contingere quòd in aliquo casu sit vel simpliciter malum , vel inutile , vel majoris boni impeditivum , quod est contra rationem ejus quod cadit sub voto , ut ex praedictis patet . et ideò necesse est , quòd determinetur in tali casu votum non esse servandum . aquin. . . qu. . art . . si ex observatione talis voti magnum & manifestum gravamen sentiret , & non esset facultas ad superiorem recurrendi , non deberet homo tale votum servare . aquin. ibid. art . . ad m. * quod si ex fide se christo dicaverunt , pudicè & castè sine ullâ fabulâ perseverent ; ita fortes & stabiles praemium virginitatis expectent . si aurem perseverare nolunt , vel non possunt , melius est nubant , quàm in ignem delictis suis cadant . cyprian lib. . epist . . vel epist . . edit . pamel . † s. cyprianus occasione quarundam virginum , quae parum honestè se gerebant post votum continentiae , monet alias , ut si non habent firmum propositum perseverandi , non voveant , sed nubant . bell. de monach. lib. . cap. . loqui cyprianum de iis virginibus , quae simplex ( ut loquuntur ) votum castitatis emiserunt , non de velatis , quarum votum erat solenne , multa sunt , &c. quae convincere videantur . pamel . in cypr. * hoc votum ( nempe simplex ) habet efficaciam ex jure divino . aquin. . ae . quaest . . art . . clemens dicit , quòd apud deum non minùs obligat votum simplex , quàm votum solenne . bonav . in sent. l. . dist . . art . . qu. . quo loco per primam fidem nihil aliud intelligi potest , nisi continentiae votū , ut omnes omninò veteres intellexerunt . bell. de monach. lib. . cap. . dico apostolum , cum ait , vidua eligatur non minùs sexaginta annorum : & , adolescentiores viduas devita , i. e. non eas eligas , non loqui de admissione ad votum continentiae , sed vel de electione ad quandam praefecturam , & ordinem diaconissae . — vel , quod probabilius est , de admissione ad numerum earum viduarum , quae ab ecclesiâ alebantur . bellar. de monaeb . l. . c. . fidem pactum dicit . chrysost . fidem conventa dicit , & pactiones . theophyl . licet non sint digni fide , qui fidem primam irritam fecerunt , marcionem loquor , & basilidem , & omnes haereticos , &c. hieron . praefat . in epist. ad tit. * scitum etenim cunctis est , quàm graviter , &c. invehatur in quosdam b. apost . paulus , qui mitâ levitate nimium citò translati fuerant ab eo , qui eos vocaverat in gratiam christi , in aliud evangelium , quod non est aliud : qui coacervarunt sibi magistros ad sua desideria , à veritate quidem auditum avertentes , conversi verò ad fabulas ; habentes , damnationem , quod primam fidem irritam fecissent . vincent . lirin . advers . haeres . quòd debeat fides hoc loco pro pacto ac voto accipi , non pro fide christianâ , quâ deo credimus , colligitur ex illo verbo adjuncto ( irritam fecerunt . ) nam fides , quâ deo credimus , non rectè dicitur irritari , sed amitti , vel corrumpi : pacta autem & vota propriissimè irritari dicuntur . bell. ubi suprà . * irritari twice put for irrita fieri . tim. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . heb. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . gal. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . * see also tim. . . & . bell. de mon lib. . cap. . non hoc dicit apost . de junioribus illis viduis , quae jam voverant se non amplius nupturas . neque n. eas vult praecipitare in damnationem . nam si damnationem habebant nubere volentes , quanto magîs nubentes ? est . ad . tim. . . qui continentiae voto sunt alligati , iis non est melius nubere , quàm uri . est . ad . cor. . . non est distinguendum , ubi lex non distinguit . nos autem nullum talibus laqueum debemus injicere . pellag . apud grat. caus . . quaest . . cap. de viduis . laqueum ; eos separando ; vel eos praecise prohibendo ne contrahant . glos . ibid. quotquot virginitatem pollicitam praevaricatae sunt , professione contemptâ , inter bigamos , i. e. qui ad secundas nuptias transierunt , haberi debebunt . caus . . quaest . . cap. quotquot . qui iteraverit conjugium , culpam quidem non habet coinquinati , sed praerogativâ exuitur sacerdotis . dist . . cap. quisine . cajet . in tim. . quidam nubentes post votum asserunt adulteros esse : ego autem dico vobis , quòd graviter peccant , qui tales dividunt . dist . . cap. quidam . si vir simplex virginitatis votum habens , adjung●tur uxori , posteà non dimittat uxorem , sed tribus annis paeniteat . ibid. si vir . respondeo , nusquam legi apud veteres , quod nuptiae viduarum , quae continentiam voverunt , irritae fuerint . neque enim votum earum erat solenne , &c. estius in tim. . . estius in tim. . . bell. dc monach. l. . c. . at scotus & paludanus in . dist . . & cajetanus in . . qu. . art . . & omnis schola jureconsultorum , ut refert panormitan : in c. rursus . qui clerici , vel voventes , asserunt solo jure ecclesiastico matrimonium irritum , quod post votum solenne contrahitur . — utraque sententia probabilis est . bell. de mon. l. . c. . page . * no is left out in the marquesse his writing , but not i suppose by his fault . * nondum inveni , & adhuc quaero , nec mihi accurrit inferos alicubi in bono posuisse scripturam duntaxat canonicam : non autem in bono accipiendum sinum abrahae , & illā requiē , quò ab angelis pius pauper ablatus est , nescio utrum quisquam possit audire , aug. de gen. ad lit . l. . c. . ita etiam . epist. . † in his ipsis tanti magistri verbis , ubi ait dixisse abraam , inter vos & nos chaos magnum firmatum est , satis , ut opinor , appareat , non esse quandam partem , & quasi membrum inferotum tantae faelicitatis sinum . august . epist . . * augustinus etsi in epist . . ambigere videatur , an sinus abraham , ubi erant animae patrum olim , in inferno esset , an alibi ; tamen in lib. . de civ . dei c. . affirmat in inferno fuisse . bell. de christi animâ . l. . c. . augustinus epist . disputando colligit , sinum abrahae non fuisse aliquam inferni partem . jansen . concord . cap. . et augustinus lib. . confess . loquens de nebridio dicit , quicquid illud est , quod sinus abrahae vocatur , ibi nebridius meus vivit . jansen . ibid. si non absurdè credi videtur , &c. aug. de civ . dei. lib. . cap. . deus non est pronior ad puniendum , quàm ad remunerandum . quarè cum impii jam nunc in tormentis sint , aequum certè videtur , ut etiam justi praemia sua percipiant . bell. de sanct. beat . l. . c. . esse autem nunc impios in tormentis evangelium testatur , luc. . bell. ibid. vera ergo expositio est theophylacti , amrbosii , bedae & aliorum , qui per paradisum intelligunt regnum caelorum . bell. de sanct. beatitud . lib. . cap. . ac si apertiùs dixisset , quia descendit primùm ad inferiorem partem mundi , terram . caje . in ephes . . . alii terram ipsam intelligunt ; q d. in infimam mundi partem , quae est terra . sensum hunc s. thom. non reiicit ; cajetan : amplectitur , & catharin : & arias : pro his facere videtur consequentia , quam apost . indicat , hujusmodi : christus ascendit in caelum : ergò priùs descendit , &c. quae consequentia promptior est , si terram absolutè intelligas , quàm si quid aliud . nam ascensio christi è terrâ in caelum intelligitur . est . ad loc . alii de sepuschro exponunt , juxta illud quod dominus de se dicit mat. . sicut fuit jonas , &c. sic erit filius hominis in corde terrae , &c. est . ibid. hieron : & plerique infernum intelligunt , &c. qui sensus ersi non certus , probabilitatem tamen prae caeteris habet . . ex ipsâ phrasi , quâ utitur apost . nam inferiores partes , i. e. infima terrae , nihil aptius quàm quod nos infernum dicimus , significant . ut in psal . . introibunt in inferiora terrae . . quia descensus christi ad inferos pausò antè praecesserat ipsius in caelos ascensionem . — denique ex eo , quod hîc sequitur , ut impleret omnia . est. ibid. ut impleret omnia , de se scripta , ut quidam exponunt . alii omnia hominum genera spiritualibus donis implenda significari putant . est . ad ephes . . . aug. epist . . dicit christum descendisse ad loca inferni , ubi erant dolores , & tormenta . et fulgentius , &c. bell. de christi animâ lib. . cap. . aquinas . p. q. . art . . docet christum per realem presentiam solùm descendisse ad limbum patrum , &c. at probabile est profectò christi animam ad omnia loca inferni descendisse . bell. ibid. patres describunt terrorem gehennae ac daemonum in descensu christi . — christus fuit in inferno liber , & liberator aliorum , ut omnes patres clamant . bell. ubi supra . respondeo beneficium fuisse animae christi , quòd celeriter corpori conjungeretur , sicut malum erat ei separatio : & hoc modo beneficium illi fuit liberatio ab inferno , non ratione loci , sed ratione separationis à corpore . bell. ibid. sciendum sanè est , quòd in ecclesiae romanae symbolo non habetur additum , descendit ad inferna ; sed neque in orientis ecclesiis habetur hic sermo : vis tamen verbi eadem videtur esse in eo , quòd sepultus dicitur . ruffin . in symb. b. usher of christs descent into hell. in errore versantur , qui eam vocem ( sheol ) nunquam sepulchrum designare contendunt . genebr . in symbol . athanas . h. stephanus in suo magno thesauro in gratiam bezae ( ut videtur ) dicit posse accipi pro sepulchro vocem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sed nullū invenire potuit auctorem , qui ita locutus fuisset bell. de christi anima . l. . c. . bell ibid. geneb . in symb. athan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. levi in sam. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. nathan de voc● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in concord . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab. ezra in gen. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab. ezra . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kimchi ad psal . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 r. sal. ad gen. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 kimchi ad psal . . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * dico multum inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interesle . nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est generalissima vox , & significat sine ullo tropo tam animam , quàm animal , imò etiam corpus , ut patet ex plurimis scripturae locis . — at graecum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut latinum anima , non est tam generale , ut sine tropo possit accipi pro toto animali . itaque in levitico non ponitur pars pro parte , i. e. anima pro corpore , sed vocabulum , quod ipsum corpus significare solet ; aut certè ponitur totum pro parte , i. e. vivens pro corpore . at act. . ponitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quae animam solam significat . bell. de gbristi animâ l. . c. . * levit. . . and . where also nephesh i. e. soule , is put for body , yea for dead body . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . levit. . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ibid. v. . praetereà etiam nephes , quando oponitur carni , non potest sumi pro carne . — hic autem anima opponitur carni , cum dicitur , neque anima relicta est in inferno , neque caro vidit corruptionem . ergo hoc loco nullo modo tolerari potest bezae interpretatio , qui pro animâ cadaver intelligi voluit . bell. ibid. per infernum & perditionem significatur status mortuorum , & non solùm damnationum , ut nos ferè ex his vocibus auditis concipimus , sed in genere status defunctorum , jansen . in prov. . . ab inferno , id est , è statu mortuorum liberasti . genebr . ad psal . . . vel . . . infernus significat totum mortuorum statum . genebr . ad psal . . . humanae ista lex necessitatis , ut consepultis corporibus ad inferos animae descendant . quam descensionem dominus ad consummationem veri hominis non recusavir . hilar. in psal . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . questio , quam mihi proposuisti ex epistolâ apostoli petri , solet nos , ut te latere non arbitror , vebementissimè commovere , &c. aug. epist. . vides quàm latebrosum sit , & quae me moveant , ne affirmare hinc aliquid audeam . ibid. locus hic omnium penè interpretum judicio difficillimus , idemque tam variè expositus , ut novem ejus interpretationes recenseat jo. lorinus , quibus ipse suam addit decimam ; tametsi nec omnes attigerit . est . ad pet. . . ut autem hic locus , qui semper obscurissimus habitus est , intelligatur , &c. bell. de christi animâ lib. . cap. . * scit ergo ( david ) exhortationē hanc sanctos quiescentes in inferno desiderare ; scit , testante apostolo petro , descendente in inferna domino , etiam his , qui in carcere erant , & increduli quondam fuerant in diebus noe , exhortationem praedicatam fuisse . hilar. in psal . . ( vel . ) . &c. * hilarius distinguit sanctos in inferno quiescentes , i. e. in sinu abrahae tunc positos , ab iis , qui in carcere erant , ut in loco paenali , vetera adhuc peccatorum suorum debita luentes ; quem locum purgatorium vocamus . est . ubi suprà . praedicavit — animabus , quae apud inferos in carcere , velut paenarum loco , conclusae detinebantur — propter peccata sua quoad paenam adhuc expianda , apud inferos carceri & cruciatibus addicti remanserunt , usque ad christi redemptoris adventum . est . ibid. unde illis justis , qui in sinu abrahae erant , cum ille in inferna descenderet , nondum quid contulerit , inveni ; à quibus eum secundum beatificam praesentiam suae divinitatis nunquam video recessisse . august . epist. . considera tamen , ne fortè totum illud , quod de conclusis in carcere spiritibus , qui in diebus noe non crediderant , petrus apostolus dicit , omninò ad inferos non pertineat aug. ibid. bell. & est . locis autè citat . hanc expositionem non refutarem , si ipsi augustino placeret omninò , &c bell. ubi suprà . prima expositio est augustini epist . . ad , evod. quem sequitur beda . bell. ibid. sequitur hanc expositionem beda in comment . & thomas . q. . ar . . ad . cum paucis aliis . non dissimilis sententia est jo. hesselii , &c. est . ad pet. . . lorin . in pet. . spiritus , qui hîc distinguitur contra carnem , non videtur posse significare aliud quàm animam , &c. bell. loc . citat . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . oecum . ad loc . sed haec ratio non concludit ; nam in scripturâ passim dicitur vivificari id , quòd non occiditur . . reg. . virum & mulierem non vivificabat david , i. e. non relinquebat vivum . bell. de cbr. an . l. . c. . ubi etiam alia istiusmodi exempla affert . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vivificare . quid magnum , si anima christi , moriente carne , vivens permansit ; quando nec in pessimis hominibus anima moritur ut quae naturâ sit immortalis . est . ad pet. . . proinde meliùs intelligitur christus vivificatus spiritus , i. e. animâ : quiâ factus est in spiritum vivificantem , hunc scil . quando à morte resurrexit ad vitam immortalem . est. ibid. illud , veniens praedicavit , si de animâ intelligatur , propriè accipi po●erit : vere enim venit ad locum , ubi non erat : at si de divinitate , non potest accipi nisi impropriè . bell. loc . cit . per spiritus , qui in carcere erant , non videtur posse intelligi homines viventes , nisi de industriâ s. petrus affectaverit improprietatem , & obscuritatem . bell. ubi suprà . bell. ibid. augustinus servat textum , ut invenit à majoribus scriptum : bezs pro suâ audaciâ mutat , & ubi nos habemus , qui in carcere erant , ipse vult legi , qui in carcere sunt . bell. loc cit . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . quamvis nonnulli ( sunt ) supplendum putent , multò tamen meliùs noster interpres , ut alii fere omnes ( erant ) suppleverant . nam verbum praeteriti temporis ( praedicavit ) supplementum postulat temporis consimilis , erant , vel fuerant , eo scil . tempore , quo praedicavit . est . ad loc . r. sàl kimchi and abrabanecl . bell de chr . an . l. . c. . quomodo ergò ista cohaererent , si de captivitate babylonicâ ageretur ? bell. ibid. variè hoc exponitur — unus sensus est , christum per meritum passionis suae omnes electos suos , qui tenebantur tanquam vincti sub potestate diaboli , liberasse . — sic lacus , in quo non est aqua , est captivitas humani generis , quâ quamdiù detinetur , vacuum est ab aquâ divinae gratiae . est . ad zach. . . bell. loco proximè eitato . ribera ad loc . annotat. on the doway-translation . quod ita intelligitur ; in sanguinê passions tuae , eos , qui vincti in carcere tenebantur inferni , in quo non est ulla misericordiâ , tuâ clementià liberasti . — in hoc lacu inferni morabatur dives ille quondam puratus , cujus lingua magniloqua paenarū exurebatur incendiis ; & in tantū non habebat ulla aquarum refrigeria , ut extremi digiti pauperis tincti in aquâ refrigerium postularet . hieron . ad zach. . . inferiora autem terrae infernus accipitur , ad quem dominus noster salvatorque descendit , ut sanctorum animas , quae ibi tenebantur inclusae , secum ad caelos victor abduceret , vnde & post resurrectionem ejus , plurima corpora justorum in sanctâ civitate visa sunt . hieron . ad eph. . . ascendens quippe in altum , captivam duxit captivitatem . nos qui nunc in christum credimus de gentibus congregati , cum essemus creatura dei , à diabolo capti sumus , & ejus satellitibus distributi . venit igitur dominus noster jesus christus , secundum ezechielem , vasa captivitatis secum apportans , & operto capite ( ne ab adversariis cognosceretur ) praedicavit his , qui capti erant , remissionem , & qui tenebantur in vinculis solutionem , & nos de catenis hostium , & de compedibus libetavit . hieron . ad ephes . . . liberatosque nos , & per novam captivitatem de captivitate veteri erutos , secum duxit in caelum . ibid. bell. de christ . anum . l. . c. . dum conditor ac redemptor noster claustra inferni penetrans , electorum exinde animas eduxit , no , illo ire non patitur , unde jam alios descendendo liberavit . gregor . moral . lib. . cap. . priores etenim sancti & sustinere adversa pòterant , & tamen à corporibus educti , adhuc ab inferni locis liberari non poterant : quia necdum venerat , qui illuc sine culpâ descenderer , ut eos , qui ibi tenebantur ex culpâ , liberaret , ibid. c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 page . . vocatur purgatorium locus quidam , in quo tanquam in carcere post hanc vitam purgantur animae , quae in hac non plenè purgatae fuerunt , ut nimirum sic purgatae in caelum ingredi valeant , quò nihil intrabit coinquinatum . bell. de purgat . l. . c. . paenas purgatorii esse atrocissimas , & cum illis nullas paenas hujus vitae comparandas docent constanter patres . bell. de purgat . lib. . cap. . b. thomas dicit , minimam paenam purgatorii esse majorem maximâ paenâ hujus vitae . bell. ibid. repugnat ecclesiae consuetudo , quae anniversaria sacra celebrat pro defunctis , etiamsi constet eos ante centum vel ducentos annos esse mortuos . quod certè non fieret , si ecclesia crederet , non puniri animas ultra decem annos . bell. ibid. cap. . scribit beda l. . hist . c. . cuidam ostensas fuisse purgatorii paenas , dictumque illi esse , animas , quae in purgatorio degunt , salvandas omnes in die judicii , &c. ubi clarè indicat , aliquos jam defunctos usque ad diem judicii mansuros . bell. ibid. quamdiù enim corpus hoc permanet , commune cum caeteris sit necesse est , & corporalis conditio communis , nec separari generi humano ab invicem datur , nisi istinc de seculo recedatur . intra unam domum boni & mali interim continemur : quicquid intra domum evenerit , pari sorte perpetimur ; donec aevi temporalis fine completo , ad aeternae vel mortis , vel immortalitatis hospitia dividamur . cyprian . ad demetrian . regnum dei , fratres dilectissimi , caepit esse in proximo , &c. jam terrenis caelestia , & magna parvis , & caducis aeterna succeduant . quishîc anxietatis & sollicitudinis locus ? quis inter haec trepidus & maestus est , nisi cui spes & fides deest ? ejus est enim mortem timere , qui ad christum nolit ire : ejus est ad christum nolle ire , qui se non credat cum christo incipere regnare . scriptum est enim , justum fide vivere . si justus es , & fide vivis , si verè in deum credis ; cur non cum christo futurus , & de domini pollicitatione securus , quod ad christum voceris , amplecteris , & quòd diabolo careas , gratularis ? cyprian . de mortal . o animula , vagula , blandula , quae nunc abibis in loca ? adrian . imperat . * simeon denique ille justus , &c. probans scil . atque contestans tunc esse servis dei pacem , tunc liberam & tranquillam quietem , quando de istis mundi turbinibus extracti , sedis & securitatis aeternae portum petimus , quando expunctâ hâc morte ad immortalitatem venimus . cypr. ibid. deus de hoc mundo recedenti tibi immortalitatem , atque aeternitatem pollicetur , & tu dubitas ? hoc est deum omninò non nosse ; hoc est christum credentium dominum & magistrum peccato incredulitatis offendere ; hoc est , in ecclesiâ constitutum fidem in domo fidei non habere . quantum prosit exire de seculo , christus ipse salutis atque utilitatis nostrae magister ostendit : qui cum discipuli ejus contristarentur , quòd se jam diceret recessurum , locutus est ad eos dicens , si me dilexissetis , gauderetis , quoniam vado ad patrem : docens scil . & ostendens , cum chari , quos diligimus , de seculo exeunt , gaudendum potiùs quàm dolendum . cyprian . ibid. lugeatur mortuus , sed ille , quem gehenna suscipit , quem tartarus devorat , in cujus paenam aeternus ignis aestuat . nos quorum exitum angelorum turba comitatur , quibus obviam christus occurtit , gravamur magis , si diutiùs in tabernaculo ista mortis habitemus . quia quamdiù hîc moramur , peregrinamur à domino . illa nos cupido teneat , hei mihi , quia peregrinatio mea prolongata est , &c. hierou . epist. . primum locum fides catholicorum divinâ authoritate credit , regnum esse caelorum ; secundum gehennam , ubi omnis apostata , vel in fide christi alienus ae●ern● supplicia experietur ; tertium penitùs ignoramus , imò nec esse in scripturis sanctis invenimus . aug. in hypognost , ultra medium . loquitur de locis aeternis . bell. de purg. lib. . cap. . pro paenâ solius damni aeternâ est limbus puerorum . bellar. de purgat . l. . c. . * quod autem non negaverit aug. aut quicunque fuit auctor hypognostici , tertium locum temporarium post hanc vitam , ex eo potest intelligi , quod fides catholica docet praeter caelum & infernum fuisle ante christi passionem sinum abrahae , ubi degebant animae sanctorum patrum . bell. de purgat . l. . c. . ineptè igitur erasmus ponit in margine ad illa verba [ tertium penitùs ignoramus ] purgatorium , q. d. purgatorium est locus tertius , quem ignorat fides catholica . bell. ibid. nemo certè dubitat orthodoxus , an purgatorium sit , de quo tamen apud priscos nulla , vel quàm rarissima mentio : sed & graecis ad hunc usque diem non est creditum esse . roffens . contra luther . citat . à polydor. vergil . de invent. l. . c. . nota in primis , locum istum apostoli , cor. . esse unum ex difficillimis , & utilissimis totius scripturae . nam ex co statuunt catholici duo ecclesiastica dogmata , purgatorium , & venialia peccata . bell. de purgat . l. . c. . in iis quae apertè posita sunt in scripturis , inveniuntur illa omnia , quae continent fidem moresque viv●ndi . aug. de doct . christ . l . c . alii intelligunt de paenis purgatorii ; sed neque id rectè dici potest . bell. de purgat . l. . c. . superest igitur , ut dicamus hîc apostolum loqui de igne severi , & justi judicii dei , qui non est ignis purgans , vel affligens , sed probans , & examinans . bell. ibid. in primis apparet , ignē uno modo in hoc contextu accipi debere . est. ad cor. . . ignis conflagrationis . gravior tamen est ille ignis , quam quicquid potest homo pa●i in hâc vitâ . aug. in . ps . . libri , qui inscribuntur hypognosticon eruditi sunt , & utiles , & vetusti auctoris , sed phrasin non habent augustini , &c. bell. de scriptor . ecclesiast . sive ibi tantùm , sive & hic & ibi , sive ideò hîc ut non ibi , secularia , quamvis à damnatione venialia , concremantem ignem transitoriae tribulationis inveniant , non redarguo , quia forsitan verum est . aug. de civit. dei l. . c. . solùm dubitat , an ignis purgatorius sit idem in substantiâ cum igne gehennae , de quo dicitur mat. . ite in ignem aeternum . bell de purgat . l. . c. . tale aliquid etiam post hanc vitam fieri incredibile non est ; & utrùm ita sit , quae ri potest . et ut inveniri , aut latere possit , nonnu los fideles per ignem quendam purgatorium ( quando magis minúsue bona pereuntia dilexerunt ) tanto lardiùs citiusque salvari : non tamen tales , de quibus dictum est , quòd regnum dei non possidebunt , &c. aug. enchir. c. . bell. ubi supra . ignis enim , de quo locutus est eo loco apost . paulus , talis debet intelligi , ut ambo per eum transeant , id est , & qui aedificat supra hoc fundamentum aurum , argentum , lapides pretiosos , & qui aedificat ligna , faenum , stipulam . — est quidem ignis tentatio tribulationis . — salvus est quidem , sic tamen quasi per ignem . quia urit eum rerum dolor , quas dilexerat , amissarum , sed non subvertit , neque consumit , fundamenti stabilitate atque incorruptione munitum . aug. enchir. cap. . cum dicit , sic tamen qua si per ignem , ostendit salvum illum quidem suturum , sed paenas ignis passurum , ut per ignem purgatus fiat salvus , & non sicut perfidi aeterno igne in perpetuum torqueantur . ambros . in cor. . commentaria in epistolas s. pauli à multis non creduntur ambrosii , nec sine causâ . bellar. de sc iptor . ecclcfiastic , cave ligna , cave stipulam ad judicium dei tecum deseras , quae ignis exurat . cave cum in uno aut duobus habeas quod probetur , in pluribus operibus deferas quod offendat . si cuju , opus arserit , det●imentum patietur , potest tamen & ipse per ignem salvari . unde colligitur quia idem homo & salvatur ex parte , & condemnatur ex parte . ambros . in psala . scrm. . omnes oportet nos ante tribunal christi assistere , &c. cave ligna , &c. amh. ibid. primus error est origenis , qui extendit tempora purgatorii ultra diem resurrectionis . bell. de purgat . lib. . cap. . bell. de purgat . l. . c. . si origenes omnes rationabiles creaturas dicat non esse perdendas , & diabolo tribuit paenitentiam ; quid ad nos , qui & diabolum , & satellites ejus , omnesque impios & praevaricatores dicimus perire perpetuò ; & christianos , si in peccato praeventi fuerint , salvandos esse post paenas ? hieron . advers . pelag. l. . c. . illud verò , quod in sequenti ponis capitulo , in die judicii iniquis & peccatoribus non parcendum , sed aeternis eos ignibus exurendos , ferre quis potest , & interdicere te misericordiam dei , & ante diem judicii de sententiâ judicis judicare ; ut si volverit iniquis & peccatoribus parcere , te praescribente non possit ? dicis enim , scriptum est in psal . . deficiant peccatores à terrâ , & iniqui , ita ut non sint — non dicit eos aeternis ignibus exurendos , sed à terrâ desicere , & iniquos esse cessare . aliud enim est , ipsos à peccato , & iniquitate desistere ; & aliud ipsos perire imperpetuum , & aeternis ignibus concremari . hieron . ibid. de quibusdam levibus culpis esse ante judicium purgatorius ignis credendus est . greg dial . lib. cap. . ex quibus nimirum sententiis constat , quia qualis hinc quisque egreditur , talis in judicio praesentatur . greg. ibid. in quâ sententiâ datur intelligi , quasdam culpas in hoc seculo , quasdā verò in futuro posse laxari . gregor . ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . theophy . in mat. . jansen . concord . cap. . drus . prov. class . . l. . prov . . hâe conduplicatione significatur , quod sicut non remittetur hoc peccatum in praesenti seculo propter sui enormitatem : ita multo minùs remittetur in futuro , quod non est seculum gratiae , sicut praesens : jansen , concord . c. . sicut ergò sententia fertur in morte uniuscuiusque , & tunc incipiunt aliqui puniri , aliqui praemiari ; & tamen dicuntur haec eadem fieri in novissimo judicio , quia tunc fient coram toto mundo manifestissimè , &c. ita & examen fieri potest in morte uniuscujusque privatim , & iterum posteà in ultimo judicio publicè . bell. de . purg l. . c. . sed tamen , ut praedixi , hoc de parvis minimisque peccatis fieri posse credendum est , &c. greg. ubi supra . peccata mortalia remittuntur in hoc seculo quoad culpam , & in alio interdum quoad paenam . bell. de purg. l. . c. . quamvis hoc de igne tribulationis in hâc nobis vitâ adhibito possit intelligi , &c. greg. loc . citat . qui salvus sit , per ignem salvus sit , ut si quid fortè de specie plumbi habuerit admixtum , id ignis decoquat , & resolvat ut efficiantur omnes aurum putum . orig. . hom . in exod. . veniendum est ergò omnibus ad ignem , veniendum est ad conflatorium . orig. ibid. interpretatur locum pauli cor. . de purgatorio , quod conflatorium vocat . in marg . sicut forna● probat aurum , sic homines justos tentatio . orig. ibid. non enim tantus erat , ac talis ( petrus ) qui nihil omninò de specie plumbi in se haberet admixtum . habuit licet parùm ; propter quod dicit ad cum dominus , modicae fidei , quarè dubitasti ? idcircò igitur qui salvus sit , &c. orig. ibid. page . answ . instituta est sacra haec unctio infirmorum , tanquam verè , & propriè sacramentum n. t. à christo d. n. apud marc. quidem insinuatum , per jacob. autem apost . ac domini fratrem fidelibus commendatum , ac promulgatum . concil . trid. cess . . de instit . extr . unct. cap. . ibid. de extr . unct. can . . bell. de extr . unct lib. . cap. . bell. ibid. hoc & apostolos fecisse in evangelio legimus . bed. ad illud iac. . ungentes eum , &c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. theophyl . ad mar. . ita etiam occumenius ad iac. . quod sit eadem ( unctio ) apparet ex theophylacto & beda , qui testantur hanc unctionem talem fuisse , qualis est ea , cujus meminit iacob . in epist . suâ . — ex quibus patet , hos sensisse unctionem , cujus hîc fit mentio , eandem fuisse cum eâ , cujus meminit iacobus . iansen . ad loc . mar. in concord . cap. . alphons . advers . hoeres . de extr . unct. vellem hoc loco soli mihi essent haeretici refellendi , liberius in solos incurrerem . nunc autem nonnullos ex nostris auctoribus in haereticorum càstris recognoscens timeo , ne dum in haereticos tela conjicio , aliquem fortè catholicum feriam . mitto illos paulo vetustiores , &c. quid attinebat vigente nunc lutheranorum & calviniansrum haeresi catholicos doctosque viros dicere , scriptisque mandare , oleum illud ab apostolis non tanquam sacramentum ad sanandos animos , sed tanquam medicamentum ad curanda corpora , adhibitum fuisse , neque hîc de sacramento , quo nunc catholica utitur ecclesia , extremae unctionis agi ? ergo sacramentum est , si hîc non est ? maldon . ad mar. . si medicamentum tantùm erat , cur ad omne morborum genus adhibebatur ? — deinde quorsum apostoli medicamentis usi fuissent ? non enim medicinam sed evangelium profitebantur , &c. ibid. illud certum , quòd oleum hoc non naturaliter sanabat aegrotos , nec adhibebatur ab apostolis veluti naturale pharmacum . nam quomodo eodem pharmaco quis mederi possit omnibus morbis ? sed ex domini institutione unctionem hanc sequebatur sanitas , &c. iausen . concord . cap. . quid ejusmodi opus erat signo , quum secura statim sanitas fidem faceret ? quam poterat quidem oleum non augere , sed abrogare , &c. maldon . loc . cit . nec ex verbis , nec ex effectu verba haec loquuntur de sacramentali unctione extremae unctionis ; sed magis de unctione , quam dominus jesus instituit in evangelio , à discipulis exercendam in aegrotis . textus enim non dicit , infirmatur quis ad mortem , sed absolute , infirmatur quis ? et effectum dicit infirmi alleviationem : & de remissione peccatorum non nisi conditionaliter loquitur : quum extrema unctio non nisi prope articulum mortis detur , & directè ( ut ejus forma sonat ) tendit ad remissionem peccatorum . praeter hoc quòd jacobus ad unum aegrum multos presbyteros tum orantes , tum ungentes , mandat vocari , quod ab extremae unctionis ritu alienum est cajet in jac. . cum non erubescit sacerdoti domini indicare peccatum suum , & quaerere medicinam , &c. in quo impletur & illud , quod apost . dicit , si quis autem infirmatur , orig. hom. . in levit. bell. de scriptor . eccles . infirmatur aliquis , inducat presbyteros , &c. videte , fratres , quia qui in infirmitate ad ecclesiam cucurrerit , & corporis sanitatem recipere , & peccatorum indulgentiam merebitur obtinere . cum ergò duplicia bona possint in ecclesiâ inveniri , quarè per praecantatores , per fontes , & arbores , & diabolica phylacteria , per characteres , & aruspices , & divinos , vel fortilegos multiplicia sibi mala miseri homines conantur inferre ? aug. ser , . de temp . parentes ne corporalem quidem interitum à liberis amoliri possunt , neque ingruentem morbum propulsare ; cum hi ( sacerdotes ) laborantem , ac morti jam jam propinquam animam identidem servarint , aliis remissiorem paenam infligentes , alios prorsus labi non permittentes , non doctrinae solùm , atque commonitionis , sed etiam precum subsidio . chrys . l. . de sacerd . ut ex hâc mortali vitâ decedentes , expeditiorem ad caelum viam haberemus , extremae unctionis sacramentum ( deus ) instituit . catechis . trident. sacramentum exeuntium . ibid. plurimorum se adjutorio , & hoc seniorum curare meminerit , neque ad juniores minusque doctos causam suae imbecillitatis referat , &c. bed. in jac. . nec solum presbyteris , sed ut innocentius papa seribit , etiam omnibus christianis uti licet eodem oleo in suâ & suorum necessitate ungendo . bed. ibid. ut minister sit sacerdos , est de essentiâ unctionis — non est rata unctio , si laicus inungat , bell. de extr. unct . l. . c. . si quis dixerit proprium extremae unctionis ministrum non esse solum sacerdotem , anathema sit . concil . trident . sess . . can . . de extrem . unct . bellar. de extr. vnct. l. . c. . jan. coneord . cap. . ecclesiae consuetudo tenet , ut infirmi oleo consecrato ungantur à presbyteris , & oratione comitante sanentur , nec solùm presbyteris , &c. bed. ioc. cit . * olim haec unctio non , ut hodiè ferè fit , ad extremum usque vitae periculum , & valetudinem jam deploratam differebatur , sed graviore aliquo morbo invadentehujusmodi orationes , & unctiones per septem aliquādo dies continuabantur . idē illud veteribus in more suit , ut post officium unctionis , si periculum imminebat , corporis & sanguinis dominici communicatio , quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & perfectio omnium sacramentorum habebatur , subjiceretur ; à quo veteti more licet nonnihil hodiè variatum sit , &c. cassand . consult . artic . . servanda est ecclesiae catholicae perpetua consuetudo , ut ante extremam unctionem , paenitentiae & eucharistiae sacramentum administretur . catechis . trident. de extrem . unct . pag. . answ . cui & tertium subjiciendum est , rationem formalem nostrae fidei non esse ecclesiae auctoritatem , h. e. fidei ultiman resolutionem non fieri in ecclesiae testimonium . — eorum hîc errorem dissimulare non possum , qui asserunt , fidem nostram eo , tanquam in ultimam credendi causam , reducendam esse . — huc enim pertinet illud ioannis . jam non propter tuam loquelam credimus : ipsi enim audivimus , & scimus , &c. mel. can. locor . theol. lib. . cap. . non est enim ecclesiae auctoritas ratio per se movens ad credendum , sed causa fine quâ non crederemus . can. ibid. proponit enim ecclesia , ut rem exempli causâ illustremus , evangelium matthaei esse à deo revelatum , &c. ego igitur non credo evangelistam dicere verum , quia ecclesiâ eum dicit verum dicere , sed quia deus revelavit . et tamen ecclesia proponens est causa sine quâ ego non admitterem illud evangelium esse matthaei . ibid. nec si nobis aditum praebet ad hujusmodi sacros libros cognoscendos , protinus ibi acquiescendum est ; sed ultra oportet progredi , & solidâ dei veritate niti . quâ ex re intelligitur quid sibi voluerit aug. cum ait , evangelio non crederem , nisi me moveret ecclesiae authoritas . et rursum , per catholicos evangelio credideram . videlicet negotium augustino erat cum manichaeis , qui absque controversiâ suo cuidam evangelio credi volebant , & mani●baeorum fidem astruere . rogat igitu aug. ecquid facturi sint , si in hominem incidant , qui ne-evangelio quidem credat , quóve genere persuasionis sint eum in suam sententiam adducturi . certé se affirmat non aliter potuisse adduci , ut evangelium amplecteretur , quàm ecclesiae auctoritate victum . non it a que docet fundatam esse evangelii sidem in ecclesiae auctoritate , verùm simplicitet nullam esse certam viam , quâ sive infideles , sive in fide novitii , ad sacros libros ingrediantur , nisi ecclesiae catholicae unum eundemque consensum . id quod ejusdem epistolae cap. & in lib. de utii . creder . di ad honorat . satis ipse explicavit . can. ibid. notes for div a -e page . answ . si quis per jesu christi d. n. gratiam , quae in baptismate confertur , reatum originalis peccati remitti negat ; aut etiam asserit non tolli totum id , quod veram & propriam peccati rationem habet , sed illud dicit radi tantum , aut non imputari ; anathema sit , &c. concil . trident. de orig . peccat . page . page . bell. de pontif , lib. . cap. . of luther's doctrine . pag. . obj. answ . is liber multis nominibus dignus , qui omnium manibus tereretur , ac quibusvis , tum vel maxime reipublicae procuratoribus notissimus esset . luth. tom . . praesat . in eccles . obj. answ . nosti quosdam esse , qui dicunt , jobum nunquam fuisse , neque creatum esse ; sed historiam illius nihil aliud esse quàm parabolam : quae incertitudo ( temporis in quo vixit job ) sententiam illorum confirmat , qui dicunt illum nec fuisse , nec creatum esse . maimon . more neb. par . . cap. . obj. answ . obj. answ . camp. rat . . dur. contra vvhil . breer . apol. eilv . contra i●pi . molin . tibi vero whitakere ignosco , qui exemplaria wittembergae tantùm , vel argentorati excusa legeris . nam si quae jenae olim edita fuerunt , vidisses , & c. dur. contra whitak . fol. . and concerning the epistle of st. james , luther , not in the latter editions of wittemberge corrupted by the zuinglians , and others , &c. breerl. apol. tract . . ch . . sect . . subdivis . . atque inde etiam facilè discitur , epistolam jacobi nomine inscriptam , haudquaquam apostolicam esse epistolam . nullum enim propè elementum in eâ de his rebus legis . luth. tom . . in . pet. . sanè in primâ bibliorum germanicorum editione in praesat . epist . jacobi scribit , cam non posse dignitate certare cum epistolis petri & pauli , sed epistolam stramineam esse , si cum illis comparetur . sed . nuspiam vocat contentiosam , tumidam , aridam . . aliud est loqui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , aliud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . . in posterio●ibus bibliorum editionibus verba illa sunt omissa . post annum . in nullâ bibliorum editione straminea à luthero vocatur . . contrarium potius in posterioribus illis editionibus habetur , videl . quòd eam quamvis à veteribus rejecta , tamen laudet , ac pro utili ac commodâ habebat . gerh. de s. scrip. sect . . euseb . hist . l. . c. . & l. . c. . hieron . in cata . scriptor . ecclesiastic . cajet . in jac. . . & in heb. . vvhit . contra camp. ve●ùm supervacuum arbitror anxiè de autore digladiari ; rem potiùs amplectamur , & spiritum s. autorem exosculemur . eras . in jac. . . * whether it were the apostle james , or some other . obj. answ . breerl. ubi sup . non ergo lex ira est , sed iram operatur peccati , id est , poenam , dum non ignoscit sed vindicat . ambros . in rom. quando enim nulli proficit gloria vultus ejus ( sc . mosis ) non habuit fructum gloriae , sed magis obfuit ; licet non suo vitio , sed peccantium . ambros . in cor. . per totum psalmum facienda est antitithesis mosi seu legis cum evangelio . luth. ubi supra . obj. answ . sancti patres ( praesertim augustinus l. . de civ . dei , c. . ) observant , quòd moses his tribus verbis utitur , deus dixit , fecit , vidit , quasi hoc modo tres divinitatis personas voluerit ostendere . luth. in gen. . obj. answ . obj. answ . dur. defens . camp . camp. rat . . bell. praesat . disp . de christ . quòd si odit anima mea vocem homousion , & nolim eâ uti , non ero haereticus . quis enim me cogit uti , modo rem teneam , quae in concilio per scripturas definita est . luth. cont . latom. paulus praecipit , ut vitares profanas vocum novitates , & loquereris ut ipse loquitur , & facris vocum antiquitatibus inhaereres . luth. contra latom. nec est quòd mihi homousion illud objectes , adversus arrianos receptum . non fuit receptum à multis , iisque praeclarissimis , quod & hieronymus optavit aboleri , &c. — etsi arriani malè senserunt in fide , hoc tamen optimè , sive malo , sive bono animo exegerunt , ne vocem profanam , & novam in regulis fidei usurpare liceret . scripturae enim sineeritas custodienda est , nec praesumat homo ore suo loqui aut clariùs , aut sinceriùs , quam deus ●locutus est ore suo . luth. ibid. breerl. apol. tract . . ch . . sect . . subdivis . . sleidan . comment . lib. . obj. answ . obj. answ christus sicut cum summo dolore mortuus est , ita videtur & dolores post mortem in inferno sustinuisse , ut nobis omnia superaret . luth. tom . . in ps . . ita ego intercà verbis perri act. . inherebo , donec meliorn doctus suero . luth. ibid. obj. answ . bell. de christ● in presat . propter identitatem , quae in divinis est inter naturam & hypostasin , quandeque natura ponitur pro personâ , vel hypostasi . et secundum haec dicit aug. naturam divinam esse conceptam & natam , quia scil . persona filii est concepta & nata secundum naturā humane● . aquir . part . . quaest . . art . . ad . si enim persuaderi mihi patiar , ut credam solam naturam humanam pro me passam esse , profectò christus mihi non magni pretii salvator erit , sed ipse tandem salvatore eget . — si fortè venefica illa domina ratio reclamare voluerit , dicens , divinitas neque pati , neque mori potest ; tu respondebis , verum id quidem est , nihilo minùs tamen quia divinitas & humanitas in christo unam personam constituunt , scriptura propter hypostaticam illam unionem etiam divinitati omnia illa tribuit , quae humanitati accidunt , & vicissim humanitati quae divinitatis sunt . et sanè reverà ita se res habet ; hoe enim fateri necesse est , haec . persona ( monstrato christo ) patitur , moritur . haec autem persona est verus deus . rectè igitur dicitur , filius dei patitur . etsi enim una ipsius pars ( ut sic loquar ) deitas videl . non patiatur , tamen ea persona , quae deus est , patitur in altera suâ parte , nimirum humanitate . revera enim filius dei pro nobis crucifixus est . ipsa enim , ipsa , inquam , persona crucifixa est secundum humanitatem . luther . apud gerherd . de person . & ossi . christi , sect . . si in unâ lance appendantur peccata nostra & ira dei peccatis nostris debita , ac in alterâ lance ponatur tanuim humanae naturae mors aut homo tanuim pro nobis passus , tunc altera lanx ad infernum usque nos deprimet . quod si verò in adversa lance ponatur dei passio dei mors , dei sanguis , seu deus pro nobis passus ; & mortuus , tunc gravior & ponderosior fiet lanxista quam omnia peccata nostra , & universa dei ira . luth. ibid. obj. answ . obj. answ . falsò ergo fanatici lege mosi nos onerant , qui ad nos nihil locutus est . doctorem sanè mosen recipimus , & agnoscimus , unde multum salutaris , ut paulò post dicitur , doctrinae discimus . sed legislatorem aut gubernatorem non agnoscimus , cum ipse suana ministerium tantum ad illum populum restrinxerit . — non habere deos alienos , deum timere , ei considere , & obedire , non abuti eius nomine , parentibus honorem habere , &c. sunt ab omnibus servanda , & ad omnes pertinent , sed non quia à mose praecepra , sed quia naturae hominum hae leges ( quae in decalogo recitantur ) inscriptae sunt . quare etiam gentes , quibus moses ignotus suit , & quibus deus non est locutus , ut illis , norunt deo esse obediendum , deum esse adorandum , honorandos parentes , &c. luth. tom . . quomodo ●●ori mosis legendi sunt . quamvis expeditior sensus videatur de lege quatenus ceremonialis est ▪ nihil tamen vetat universam legem à mose latam intelligi , quatenus ab eo lata est . tota e●im mosis legislatura cessat per christum , nec lege decalogi christianus tenetur , nisi quatenus cum lege naturae convenit , & à christo renovata est . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . ad gal. . . quamvis haec lex ●●daeis in monte à domino data fuerit , tamen quoniā naturâ omnium mentibus multo antè impressa , & consignam erat , atque ob eam rem de●s universos homines illi perpetuò parere voluit ; p●●rjmum prodo●●t verba●illa , qu bus , mose ministro atque interprete , hebraeis promulgata ●st , & populi israelitici hist●riam quae mysteriorum , est plena diligenter expli●are . catechis . tridens . in init●o ex●is . cation●s decalogi . obj. answ . tom. . operum suorum sic ait in . propositione , fides nisi sit sine ullis , etiam miminis operibus , non justificat im● non est sides . bellar. de justis . l. . c. . bell. ibi●● postquam fidem in chris●●m doctrimus , docemus etiam de bonis operibu● . non quòd opera ●ut charitatom rejicimus , ●t adversa●ii nos acc●sant . luth. in gal. . fides non ficta , neque hypocritica , sed vera , & vivax ea est , quae exercet , & urget bona opera per charitatem . — verè non credit si opera charitatis fidem non sequuntur . — dicunt , si fides , sine opere justificat , ergò nihil operemur , sed credamus solum , & faciamus quae volumus . non sic impii , dicit paulus : verum est , sine operibus fidem justificare ; sed de fide verâ loquor , quae postquam justificaverit , non stertet otiosa , sed est per charitatem operosa . luth. in gal. . . obj. answ . sine maculâ deputatur , quia culpa non imputatur . gilbert . in cant. . . obj. answ . obj. answ . obj. answ . camp. rat . . whitak . resp . ad rat . camp. obj. answ . obj. answ . obj. answ . breerl. apel. tract . . sect . . obj. answ . obj. answ . abrahae quoque insign's sanctimonia est , qui cum se usitato exemplo tueri , & aliam ducere poterat , ( polygamia enim tum in usu erat ) tamen id non facit , nisi uxore jubeme . luth. in gen. . porro ex hoe facto non est constituendum exemplum , quasi nobis eadē liceat facere : circumstantiae enim considerandae sunt , &c. igitur singulare hoc horum conjugum factum neutiquam in exemplum habendum , praesertim in novo testamento : nam vetus testamentum polygamiam etiam liberorum causâ permisit . luth. ibid. obj. answ . breerl. apol. tract . . cap. . sect . . subdivis . . puella , in quâ non est sublime hoc donum continentiae , nihilo faciliùs carere potest matito , aut viro , quàm cibo , aut potu , somno , &c. i. ●th . apud brecrl . loc . citat . obj. answ . actus peccati & est ens , & est actus , & ex utroque habet quòd sit à deo. omne enim ens , quocunque modo sit , oportot quòd derivetur à primo ente . — sed peccatum nominat ens , & actionem cum quodam defectu ; defectus autem ille est ex causa creata scil . lib. arbit . aquin. . qu. . art . . deus mirabili potentiâ regit corda etiam impiorum , & impedit ne aliud perficiant , conentur , velint , cogitent , quam quod ipse permittit , ipsamque culpam eis vertit in poenam , & ad multa bona malis eorum voluntatibus ipse summè potens , summeque bonus utitur . bellar. de amiss . grat . & statu peccati lib. . cap. . non facit voluntates malas , sed utitur eis ut voluerit . aug. apud bellar. ibid. deus non solùm permittit impios agere multa mala , &c. sed etiam presidet ipsis voluntatibus malis , easque regit & gubernat , torquet ac flectit in eis invisibiliter operando ; ut licet vitio proprio malae sint , tamen à divinâ providentiâ ad unum potius malum , quám ad aliud , non positivè , sed permissivè ordinentur . bellar. ibid. cap. . page . quasi verò paulus epistolis suis jam tum tribue rit , ut quicquid in eis contineretur sacrosanctum esset . non quòd ipse velim non sacrosancta esse , quae illius sint , sed quod noim apostolis imputari immoderatam arrogantiam , &c. zuingl . tom . . sol . . answ . nunquam exegi ut me quis modestum aut sanctum haber et , sed ut evangelium omnes agnoscerent . luth. ad praesat . latonii . pag. c. of calvins doctrine . obj. answ . calvinus fatetur lib. . instit . cap. . sect . . unam numero naturam esse in tribus distinctis personis . bellar. de christ. l. . c. . praeterea ibid. sect . . apertè dicit , essentiam à patre , filio esse communicatam . bellar. ibid. obj. answ . si in essentia est discretio , respondeant , annon cum filio eam communicaverit ? hoc verò non potuit esse ex parte , quia dimidium fabricare deum nefas esser . adde quod hoc modo foedè lacerarent dei essentiam . restat ut tota & in solidum patris & filii sit communis . calvin instit. lib. . cap. . sect . . citat . à bellar. ubi suprà . obj. answ . dum rem ipsam excutio , & calvini sententias diligenter considero , non facilè audeo pronuntiare illum in hoc errore fuisse , siquidem docet filium esse à se respectu essentiae , non respectu personae , & videtur dicere velle , personam esse genitam à patre , essentiam non esse genitam , nec productam , sed esse à seipsâ , &c. bellar. loco antè citato . revera si attentè calvinus legatur , tantùm videbitur voluisse , filium , ut deus quidem essentialiter est , ex se esse , & solummodo ut persona est , esse ex patre . id quod veruin est . nam licet verissimè patres & concilia asserant , deum esse ex deo , accipiendo vocabulum : dei personaliter , ut seil . significat quoque personam ipsam patris & filii ; tamen filius quatenus essentialiter deus est , id est , ut est illud simplissimum quod est deus , non est ab alio , quia ut sic est quid absolutum . — in eo sensu videtur filium appellasse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 epiph. haer . . greg. de valent. citat . à rivet . in gen. exercit . . neque tamen commentum ingerimus absolutae potentiae ; quod sicuti profanum est , ita meritò detestabile nobis esse debet . calv. instit . l. . c. . sec . . non fingimus deum exlegem , qui sibi ipsi lex est . calv. ibid. obj. answ . variè detortus fuit hic locus . ariani , ut christum probatent quendam secundarium esse deum , objiciebant minorem esse patre . patres orthodoxi , ut tali calumniae ansam praeciderent , dicebant hoc debere ad naturam humanam referri . atqui ut impiè hoc testimonio abusi sunt ariani , ita nec recta nec consentanea fuit patrum solutio . hic enim neque de humanâ christi natura , neque de aeterna ejus divinitate sermo habetur ; sed pro infirmitatis nostrae captu●se medium inter nos & deum constituit . — utres clar●ùs pa●cat , crassuis adhuc loquendum est . non consert hîc christus patris divinitatem cum suâ , nec humanam suam naturam divinae patris essentiae omparar ; sed potius statum praesentem coelesti gloriae , ad quam mox recipiendus erat , &c. calv. ad joh. . . obj. answ . mediatoris personam nondum attingo . calv. instit . lib. . cap. . sect . . nondum de mediatoris personâ nobis sermo est . sect . . mediatoris suscepit personam & munus . sect . . gerere personam aticujus , &c. vide vallam elegant . lib. . cap. . procul abigendus est à nobis nestorii error . — in ephesinâ synodo merito damnatus fuit nestorius . calv. inst. l. . cap. . sect . . similiter etiam sect . . obj. answ . ambrosius hoc loco fatetur christum secundum quod homo erat , profecisse . — et sub nomine theophili in catena aureâ legitur , &c. proficere dicitur exeo , quòd humanitas proficiebat in ipso . jansen . concord . cap. . omninò videtur christo etiam quatenus homini tribuendam perfectam omnium rerum à conceptione cognitionem ei infusam . — omninò verisimile est , &c. janss . ibid. vetùm cum sapientiam hanc , quae christo tanquam homini ab initio conceptionis sit insusa , quâque omnia ab initio cognovisset , etiam ut homo , quidam putent non posse ex scripturis probari , putant simplicius hunc locum sic explicandum , ut dicatur christum secundum sapientiam divinam , h. e. eam quae ei competit tanquam deo , non profecisse ; secundum sapientiam autem humanam , h. e. eam , quae ei ut homini competit , verè profecisse , hominum quidem more , sed tamen supra modum humanum . jansen . ibid. neque verò perinde nos move●t , si id pugnet cum aliquo placito scholasticorum , &c. eras . ad luc. . . obj. answ . nihil absurdi est , si dicamus , secundum hominem speciem arboris suisse illi incogniam : fieri tamen potest , ut consultò accesserit , eventum non ignorans . calv. ad mal. . . cer●e cyrillus lib. . thesaur . cap. . fatetur christum de se , quatenus homo erat , dixisse , quòd ignoraret diem judicii , &c. jansen . concord . cap. . obj. answ . videtur quòd deus non sit . aquin. part . . qu. . art . . videtur quòd deus sit corpus . ibid. quaest . . art . . videtur tamen pa●ùm solida esse refutatio , &c. verùm nulla in christum cecidit talis suspicio , &c. calv. ad mal. . . videtur tamen parum solidè ratiocinari christus , &c. sed in promptu est solutio , &c. calv. ad mat. . . obj. answ . calv. ad mat. . . obj. answ . videtur initio sententia haec multum diserepare à proximo sermone . illud plusquam heroici pectoris signum erat , hortari suos non modò ad subeundam mortem , sed libenter & cupidc oppetendam , ubi res ita postulat : nunc mortem refugiendo mollitiem suam fatetur . nihil tamen hîc legimus , quod non optimè conveniat , &c. caeterum saluti nostrae utile fuit , imò necessarium , sic affici filium dei. — sciamus ergo mortem non fuisse delitias , aut lusum christo , &c. calv. ad joh. . . * scornful men ( nasuti homines , as calvin speaks ) are apt to interpret christs sear of death effeminatenesse . obj. answ . convicti ad aliud tandem cavillum transiliunt ; quamvis mortem timuerit christus , maledictionem & iram dei , à quâ se tutum esse noverat , non timuisse . sed expendant pii lectores , quàm honorisicum hoc sit christo , molliorem ac magis meticulosum fuisse , quàm plerosque gregarios homines . contumaciter ad mortem properant latrones , &c. calv. instit . lib. . cap. . sect . . * rather it should be , took from christ , &c. obj. answ . tenendum quidem est , quod nuper dixi , non fuisse turbulentos christi affectus , qui more nostro ejus animo puram moderationem excuterent , &c. calv. ad mat. . . ibid. resp . non posse in hâc naturae nostrae corruptione perspici affectuum fervorem cum temperie qualis in christo fuit . vide plura . et vide instit. l. . c. . sect . . obj. answ . dicit ( calvinus ) christi naturam fuisse perfectum , & nullam in eo fuisse passionum inordinationem . bellar. de christ. lib. . cap. . dr. field , of the church , book chap. . calvinus appellar posteriora haec verba non siout ego , &c. correctionem , sed eo sensu , quo rhetores correctionis figurâ uti solent ; non quasi aliquod malè effatum emendaret , sed ut quod adhuc effatum non erat , opportunè adderet . origen . revocans desiderium , & quasi recogitans . hieron . & gloss . interl . revertens in semetipsum . parker ( ni fallor , neque enim nunc mihi liber est ad manum ) de descens . christ. ad infer . non , inquic , hoc fiat , quod humano affectu loquor , sed propter quod ad terras tuâ voluntate descendl . hieron . ad mat. . . relinquebat naturam humanam partes suas agere , quemadmodum egisset , si neque cum divinitate conjuncta fuisset , nec de divino decreto quicquam scivisset . — apte apposita moderatio : sic enim naturae infirmitatem oftendit , ut ultra divinae voluntatis terminos non egrediatur . maldon . ad mat. . . obj. answ . nec verò fictc vel theatricè conqueritur se à patre relictum . calv. ad mat. . . in die parasceves crucifixus paulatim detegitur , & ostenditur . bellar. de imag . sanctor . lib. . cap. . sic impios christi hostes impulit , ( nempe satanas ) ut protervè ejus precationem in risum converterent ; volens hoc artificio cum praecipuis armis spoliare . et certè haec admodum gravis tentatio est , &c. tantundem igitur valuit haec ironia , vel caninus latratus , ac si negassent christo quicquam esse negotii cum deo , quòd eliam implorans in aliud asylum se conferret . sic videmus omni ex parte fuisse vexatum , ut desperatione obrutus ab invocando deo absisteret ; quod erat saluti renuntiare . calvin . ad mat. . . caeterum si hodiè tam conductitii antichristi rabulae , quàm domestiei etiam nebulones , quae à nobis rectè dicta sunt , suis calumniis indignè depravant , ne miremur idem nobis quodcapiti nostrò accidere . calvin . ibid. obj. answ . serm. on psal . . . propriâ quâdam ratione christus se derelictum à deo suo conqueri potuit , qui cum unitam sibi haberet divinitatem , ejus tamen consolationem in carne non sensit diffusam . jansen . concord . cap. . obj. answ . nunc dum in christi morte spectaculum desperationis plenum occurrit , quod etiam viriles animos frangere posset , unde illi repertè tam generosa animositas , ut inter summos tetrores nihil metuens , longiùs quàm rebus pacatis progredi nón dubitet ? calv. in mat. . . obj. answ . dicitur autem christus sedere ad dextram patris , quia summus rex constitutus ( qui ejus nomine mundum gubernat ) quasi secundam ab eo honoris & imperii sedem obtinet . sedet ergo christus ad patris dextram , quia ejus est vicarius . calv. ad mat. . ad explicandum christi gloriam , quam ut homo prae caeteris omnibus adeptus est , eum in patris dextrâ esse confitemur . catechis . coucil . trident. obj. answ hîc sibi christus resurrectionis gloriam vendicat , quum tamen scriptura passim testetu esse opus dei patris . sed haec duo probè inter se conveniunt . scriptura enim , ut dei potentiam nobis commendet , patri hoc disertè adscribit , quòd excitaverit filium à morte : hîc verò christus peculiariter divinitatem suam praedicat . ac paulus utrumqut conciliat ad rom. . . nam spiritum ; quem facit resurrectionis authorem , promiscuè nunc christi , nunc patris spiritum nominat . calv. ad joh. . . a selpso certè ac propriâ virtute christus resurrexit : sed quemadmodum solet patri transcribere quicquid in se divinae virtutis est , ita apostoius non impropriè ad patrem transtulit quod fuit in christo maximè proprium opus . calv. ad rom. . . obj. answ . et jam satis apertè ostendi , deum vocari eorum omnium authorem , quae isti censores volunt otioso tantùm ejus permissu contingere . calv. instit . l. . c. . s . . obj. * it is misprinted , commission . answ . quòd aurem nihil efficiant homines nisi arcano dei nutu , &c. innumeris & claris testimoniis probatur , calv. inst. l. . c. . sect . . non male alicubi augustinus ita definit , quòd ipsi peccant , eorum esse ; quod peccando hoc vel illud agant , ex virtute dei esse , tenebras prout visum est dividentis . calvin . instit. lib. . cap. . sect . . os zuinglius his doctrine obj. page . . &c. answ . visus sum mihi in somno , multo cum taedîo demio contendere cum adversario scriba , &c. ( nihil altius quam somnium na●●amus , quod ad nos attinet , tamet si leve non est , quod per somnium didicimus , gratia deo , &c. ) ibi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 visus est monitor ades●e ( ater fuerit , an albus , nihil memini ; somnium enim narro . ) qui diceret , qoin igna●e , respondes ei , quod exo. . scribitur , est enim phase , h. e. transitus domini . protinus ut hoc phaslna visum est , simul experg●●●o , &c zuingl . tom . . sol . . breerl. apol. tract . . cap. . sect . . subdivis . . albus an ater sis , nescio . solet dici de homine vehementer ignoto . eras . adag . cent . . adag . . obj. answ . obj. answ . obj. * it is misprinted can damn us . answ . unde colligimus , peccatum originale morbum quidem esse , qui tamen per se culpabilis non est , nec damnationis poenam inferre potest , &c. donec homo contagione hâc corruptus legem dei transgreditur , quod tum demum fieri consuevit , cum legem sibi positam videt , & intelligit . zuingl . de bap. tom . fol. . some endeavor to excuse zuinglius in this , but i see not how he can be excused . bellar. de amis . grat . & stat . peccat . lib. . cap. . bellar. de grat . primi hom . cap. . quarè non magis differt status hominis post lapsum adae à statu ejusdem in puris naturalibus , quàm differt spoliatus à nudo . — proinde corruptio naturae non ex alicujus doni naturalis carentiâ , neque ex alicujus malae qualitatis accessu , sed ex solâ doni supernaturalis ob adae peccatum amissione perfluxit . bell. ibid. bell. ibid. obj. answ . num tanti momenti res haec est , ut tantas turbas & dissidia propter hanc excitare conveniat , etiamsi par vulorum haptismus nullis , omnino scripturarum testimoniis inniteretur ? externum quiddam est , & ceremoniale , quo ut aliis rebus exter●is , ecclesin dignè & honestè uti potest , veliidem hoc omittere , & rite tollere , quatenus ipsi ad aedificationem & salutem omnium facere videtur . zuingl . de baptis . tom . . fol. . baptismum in circumcisionis locum successisse , abundè satis demonstratum est . zuingl . ibid. fol. . prohibere ne baptismi signum infantes accipiant , quid aliud est , quàm eosdem à christo repellere ? ibid. fol. . obj. answ . idex toto illo tractatu constat , zuinglium in eâ sententia fuisse , regna omnia esse electiva , nulla proprie successiva , & haereditaria ; in quo non negamus eum errasse in facto , ut loquintut ; contrarium enim nobis certum est : sed vivebat ille in republicâ , in quâ regnonorum jura non satis expenderat . hoc igitur posito fundamento , existimavit eos , ad quos jus electionis pertinebar , illud sibi etiam reservasse , ut si rex vel princeps electus , non staret juramento suo , sed rēpub . pessum ire sineret & tyrannicè gubernaret , tum etiam possent talem principem deponere , &c. — quid mirum si ita senserit helvetius , &c. rivet . jes . vap . cap. . sect . . obj. answ . cum lex homini est data , semper peccat , cum contra legem facit , quamvis nec sit , nec vivat , nec operetur nisi in deo , ex deo , & per deum . sed quod deus operatur per hominem , homini vitio vertitur , non etiam deo : hic enim sub lege est , lile liber , &c. unum igitur atque idem facinu● , puta adulterium aut homicidium , quantum dei authoris , motoris , ac impulsoris opus est , crimen non est ; quantum autem hominis est , crimen ac foelus est . ille enim lege non tenetur , hic autem lege etiam damnatur . zuing. de provid . tom . . fol. . permitto coactum esse , &c. zuing. ibid. p. . of melancthons doctrine . pag. . obj. answ . locorum theologicorum postrema editio absoluta anno . locorum theologicorum postremn editio absoluta wittembergae anno . obj. answ . vidimus etiam multos , qui usitatas leges connubiorum ideò negligebant , quod leguntur dissimilia veterum exempla de polygamiâ , & de conjugiis jacobi , qui duas sorores duxit . non est autem exemplis , sed legibus judicandum , & in hâc tantâ re considerentur praecepta divina . certissimum est , legem conjugii primam ita sancitam esse , ut unius maris , & unius foeminae conjunctio esset . — filius dei nos ad primam institutionem retrahit , &c. melancth . tom . fol. . obj. answ . to this purpose doth the marquesse himself cite mr. bancroft , page . of andraeas musculus his doctrine . page . answ . pag. . &c. the divisions of protestants . page . answ . sir edward sand's europae spec. p. . &c. of the unity that is in the church of rome . page . & . page . & . page . &c. paul , and his writings censured by the jesuits , and others of the church of rome . reasoning about matter of religion not suffered in the church of rome , nor scarce to talk of it . bellarmine and such like writers scarce to be found in italy . page , &c. in his advertisement . of luther's conference with the devil . luth. de missprivat . & unct . sacerdot . tom . . fol. , &c. aug. confess . lib. . cap. . verum quidem est , quòd mendax sit ( sc . diabolus ) sed ejus mendacia non sunt simplicis artficis , sed longè callidiora & instructiora ad fallendum , quā humanus animus assequi possit . ipse sic adoritur , ut apprehendat aliquam , & solidam veritatem , quae negari non potest , atque eam adeò callidè & astutè urget & acuit , adeò speciose fucat suum mendacium , ut fallat vel cautissimos . uti cogitatio illa , quae judae cor percussit , vera erat , tradidi sanguinem justum : hoc judas negare non poterat . sed hoc erat mendacium , ergo est desper andum de gratia dei. et tamen diabolus hoc mendacium , hanc cogitationem tam violenter ursit , ut judas eam vincere non posset , sed desperaret . proinde , bone frater , domine papista , non mentitur satan , quando accusat , aut urget magnitudinem peccati , &c. sed ibi mentitur satan , quando ultra urget , ut desperem de gratia , &c. confessus quidem sum ( lege dei convictus ) coram diabolo , me peccasse , me damnatum esse , ut judam . sed verto me ad christum cum petro , &c. luth. loc . citat . fol. . breerl. apol. pag. . quid tunc egisti deus meus ? unde curasti ? unde sanasti ? nonne protulisti durum & acutum ex alterâ animâ convitium , tanquam medicinale ferrum , ex occultis provisionibus tuis , & uno ictu putredinem illam praecidisti ? illa enim irata , exagitare appetivit minorem dominam , non sanare , &c. at tu domine rector coelitum & terrenorum , ad usus tuos contorquens profunda torrentis , fluxum seculorum ordinans turbulentum , etiam de alterius animae in saniâ sanasti alteram . aug. confess . lib. . cap. . pag. . answ . zuinglius vindicated . hîc ergò nonnullorum infirmitate abusa adversariorum improbitas , zuinglium iniquissimum belli authorem , & violentum pacis publicae turbatorem fingit , &c. duo itaque hîc nobis agenda veniunt : primum quòd zuinglius nec belli author fuerit , nec violento gladio immanis & barbari militis instar , in aciem & pugnam eruperit : alterum , quòd non ideo vel miser , vel mendax , & blasphemus dici possit , quòd eo mortis genere sublatus fit . — licet his & communem patriae morem addere , quae non abs re militiis pro patria susceptis , verbi & rerum sacraru● ministros adhibere solet . — pug●ae non ut belli imperator , vel antesignanus , sed ut pastor pro more gentis , & civis fidelis , zuinglius interfuit . — obiit certè in bello zuinglius , & armatus obiit : sed bonus civis , & fidelis pastor suis periclitantibus deesse , nec gregem suum pereuntem deserere potuit . gualt . apol. pro zuingl . page . beza vindicated . poeticos meos lusus , quum ut res seriò dictas & scriptas interpretaris , quis te judex ae quus audiat ? beza apol. . ad claud. de . sainctes . cur , publico scripto à me abdicatos faetus aboleri non sinis ? beza ibid. et quaenam , illa est candida ? uxor mea scilicet , quam in meis versiculis , praegnantem super is commendo , quum uxor mea nunquam etiam pepererit . beza , ibid. quid , quum usque eò proveheris , ut meam cum honestissimo viro , & jam tum in senatu parisiensi advocato , quem vocant , nunc verò in civitate aureliensi magnâ cum dignitate versanti , amioitiam & familiaritatem summam ad nefarium & execrandum illud scelus transferas , &c. quis teipsum vir honestus non execretur ? beza ibid. breerl. apol. pag. , &c. page . of luther's writing against k. hen. . mihi conscius maximè sum gravissimè esse tuam majest , libello meo , quem non ingonio meo , sed incitantibus his qui majest . tuae parùm favebant , stultus & praeceps edidi — . quare his liter is prosterno me pedibus majest . tuae quàm possum humillimè , & per christi amorem , crucem & gloriam oro & obsecro , majest . tua dignetur sese submittere , & veniam donare in quibuscunque majest . tuam laesi , &c. deinde si majest . tuae sereniss . non videbitur contemnendum , ut alio libello publico palinodiam cantem , & nomen majest . tuae rursus honorem , det mihi clementem aliquam significationem , tum in me mora non erit ulla , faciam illud libentissime . luth. epist. ad reg. angl. tom . . superbè ad istud regis scriptum eram taciturus , nisi me mea epistola moveret , quom quicunque est libelli author , it a interpretatur , quasi palinodiam cecinerim , h. e. meam doctrinam retractaverim , ut omnino respondendum esse putem . — si quis vel regum vel principum arbitratur lutherum sese ita submissurum ipsis , ut quasi partim rectè piēque docuerit , petiturus sit veniam supplex : nemo omnium mortalinm ( quod ad doctrinam nostram attinet ) unquàm à me tanti fiet , ut eum sim vel flocci pensurus , tantum abest ut quisquam me palinodiam cantaturum sperare debeat . — absit nobis in causa religionis submissio : absit omnis patefactae veritatis revocatio . — si quis fortè libellum regis contra me scriptum legens , dubitet de me meâque constantiâ , & voluntate , quasi quae antea scripserim & docuerim , eâ epistolâ , quam regi seripsi privatim , recantaverim ; is hoc sibi persuadeat , adeò ●●e non recant●sse , nec recontaturum unquam , ut apertè sentiam me indies incredibiliter magis magisque divinâ gratiâ corroborari , tam procul abest ut apicem vel iota sim revocaturus . luth. ad maledic . & coutumel . script . reg. angl. lit . tom . . page . quod verò attiner ad populum , sunt quidem in ecclesiâ catholicâ plurimi mali , sed ex haereticis nullus est bonus ; & quanquam res ipsa notissima est , &c. bell. de not. eccles . l. . c. . of the people prosessing the protestant religion . sedillud apud genevates laudabile , si quid usquam gentium , quodque rempub. efficit , si non opibus , & imperii magnitudine , certè vitrutibus ac pietate florentem : illa scil . pontificum censura , quâ nihil magis , ac diviniùs cogitari potuit ad coercendas hominum cupiditates , & ca vitia quae legibus humanis ac judiciis emendari nullo modo possunt . — igitur nulla meretricia , nullae ebrietates , nullae saltationes , nulli mendici , nulli otiosi in câ civirate reperiuntur . bedin . method . histor . cap. . prope finem . page . answ . calvin vindicated . * so the name is printed whether rightly or no i know not . breerl. apol. p. . & . vide beza in vitâ calvin . breerl. apol. p. . bell. de not. eccles . lib. . cap. . & . breerl. in his advertisement beza in vitâ calvin . rivet . jes . vap. cap. : page . bel. de eccles . scriptor . mantuan . silv. lib. . page . &c. mat. . . page . answ . certum est , ecclesiae suffragia non prodesse beatis , nec damnatis , sed solum iis qui in purgatorio degunt . bel. de purgat . lib. . cap. . in initio . absolutus igitur dubio certamine fruitur nunc augustae memoriae theodosius luce perpetuâ , tranquillitate diuturnâ , & pro iis , quae in hoc gessit corpore , munerationis divinae fructibus gratulatur . ambros . de obitu theodos . da requiem perfectam servo tuo theodosio , requiem illam quam praeparasti sanctis tuis . ibid. in b. ushers answer p. . it is cited , da requiem perfecto servo tuo theodosio . but in my book edit . basil . . it is as i have alleadged , which reading doth seem much better then the other . dolendum est , quòd nobis citò raptus fit ; consolandum , quod ad meliora transierit . ambros . de obitu valentin . quod in terris seminasti , hîc mete . — in jacob patriarchae tranquillitate quiescas . ibid. nulla inhonoratos vos mea transibit oratio ; nulla nox non donatos aliquâ precum mearum contentione transcurret . omnibus vos oblationibus frequentabo . ibid. te quaeso summe deus , ut charissimos juvenes maturâ resurrectione suscites & resuscites : & immaturum hunc vitae istius cursum maturae resurrectione compenses . ibid. in fine . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . liturg. basil . & chrysost . cited by b. usher answ . p. . enimverò & pro animâ ejus orat , & refrigerium interim adpostulat ei , & in prima resurrectione consortium . tertul. de monogam . cap. . page . answ . hicron . ad marcel . epist. . socrat. lib. . cap. . ac quoniam nemo de eâ praeceptum literarum monumentis proditum potest oftendere , perspicuum est , apostolos liberam porestarem in eâdeui cujusque mentī & arbittio permisisse , &c. socrat. ibid. sozomen lib. . cap. . bel. de scrip. eccles . page . answ . nos nullum cypriano facimus injuriam , cum ejus quassibet literas à canonicâ divinarum scripturarum authoritate distinguimus . aug. contra a crescon . lib. cap. . unde est ista traditio ? utrumne de dominicâ & evangelica authoritate descendens , an de apostolorum mandatis atque epistolis veniens ? ea enim facienda esse , quae scripta sunt , deus testatur , & proponit ad jesum nave , dicens , non recedet liber legis , &c. item dominus apostolos suos mittens , mandat baptizari gentes , & do eri , ut observent quaecunque ille praecepit . si ergo aut in evangelio praecipitur , aut in apostolorum epistolis , aut actibus continetur , &c. observetur divina haec ●● sancta traditio . cyprian epist. . vide chemnit . exam. bel. de euchar. lib. . cap. . sect . caterum . dico vobis , non bibam amodò , &c. quâ in parte invenimus calicem mixtum fuisse , quem dominus obtulit , & vinum fuisse , quod sanguinem suum dixit . unde apparet , sanguinem christi non offerri , si desit vinum calici , &c. cypr. epist . . maldon . in mat. . . bellar. de euchar. lib. : cap. . sect . si rursus . jam quae de calice narrantur à lucâ , antequam acceptum panem commemoret , verisimile omninò est secundum augustini sententiam , intelligenda esse de calice sacro , quo scil . sanguinis sui participationem dominus tradidit , ut per prae occupationm illa lucas narraverit ante acceptum panem , &c. jan. concord . c. . sub ini● . vetùm verisimiliorem d. augustini sententiam , illud facit , &c. jansen . ibid. quidam catholici asserunt haee verha ( mat. . . mar. . ) non esse dicta à domino post calicem sacrum , sed post priorem illum calicem , cujus meminit lucas , quem volunt alium esse ab isto , &c. at istud non patitur ordo horum evangelistaruum . cum enim nullius alterius calicis feceri●t mentionem praeterquam sacri , quando dicitur , ex hoc genimine , nullus alius calix intelligi potest ab eis demonstratus , quàm cujus meminerunt . jansen . ib. sub finem cap. sic autem in sanctificando calice domini offerri aqua sola non potest , quomodo nec vinum solum potest . nahr●st vinum tantùm quis offerat , sangius christi incipit esse sine nobis : si verô aqua sit sola , plebs incipit esse sine christo . quando autem ut●umque miscetur , &c. tunc sacramentum spiritale & coeleste perficitur . sic verò calix domini non est aqua sola , aut vinum solum , &c. cypr. epist. . falsò chemnitius catholicis in commune tribuit , quòd asserant aquam in eucharistiâ esse de necessitate sacramenti cum paucissimi id affirment . bel. de euchar. lib. . cap. . sect . po●rò . acculat ( chemnitius ) ecclesiam , quòd existimet non posse esse calicem domini , nisi aqua adsit , & hanc vocat falsam opinionem necessariò taxandam . at opinio illa , quod attiner admodum loquendi , s. cyprian . est lib. . epist . . quod ad rem attinet , non est ecclesiae catholicae , fortasse etiam nec s. cypriani . bel. ibid. cap. . sect . quinto . page . answ . ritus non sunt nimis multiplicandi , ita ut sus● multitudine obruant quodammodo religionem , cui servire debent . — ita docet augustinus , epist . . c. . bell. de effect . sacram , l. . c. . sect . his addunt . bel. de bapt. lib. . cap. . & . & . nunc pro regionum varietate vel una , vel trina mersio adhibetur neutrum enim est de essentiâ sacramenti . bell. de bap. lib. . cap. . sect . quarta . ecclesia statuit , ut unâ tantùm mersione daretur baptismus , ut patet ex concil . . tolet. cap. . bell. de euchar. lib. . cap. . sect . ac primum . quinta ceremonia olim suit delibatio lactis & mellis , seu vini ; quae tamen hoc tempore non est in usu . bellar. de bapt. lib. . cap. . page . . answ . sed audio vos dolere , quòd non acceperit sacraments baptismatis . — non habet ergo gratiam , quam desideravit ? ambros . de obitu valentin . vide ibidem plura . vide etiam bernard . epist. . & aug. de bapt . contra donatist . l. . c. . baptismus fluminis , flaminis , & sanguinis . bell. de bapt . lib. . cap. . at sine dubio credendum est , veram conversionem supplere baptismum aquae , cum non ex contemptu , sed ex necessitate sine baptismo aquae aliqui decedunt . bellar. loc . citat . si baptismus est necessarius , peribunt sine suâ culpâ infiniti infantes ; quòd alienum videtur à dei misericordia . hoc argumentum petri martyris fuit etiam quorundam catholicorum , ut cajetani , gabrielis , & aliorum , &c. bellar. de baptis . lib. . cap. . sect . . cassand . consult . artic . . augustinus sexcentis locis docet aded esse omnibus eucharistiam ad salutem necessariam , ut ne infantes quidem nisi eâ sumptâ salvi esse possint . mald. ad joh. . . missam facio augustini & innocentii sententiam , quae circiter annos viguit in ecclesiâ , eucharistiam etiam infantibus esse necessariam . idem ibid. ad v. . venturus est dominus , &c. ditas partes facturus est , dextram & sinistram . sinist●is dicturus , ite in ignem aeternum , &c. dextris dicturus , venite benedicti , &c. nullus relictus est medius locus , ubi ponere queas infantes . — qui non in dextrâ , proculdubio in sinistrâ . ergo qui non in regno , proculdubio in ignem aeternum . aug. de verb. apost . serm . . constituunt scholastici communi consensu intra terram quatuor sinus , sive unum in quatuor partes divisum ; unum pro damnatis , alterum pro purgandis , tertium pro infantibus sine baptismo abeuntibus ; quartum pro justis , qui moriebantur ante christi passionem . — pro poenâ solius damni aeternâ est limbus puerorum . bellar. de purgat . lib. . cap. . page . answ . lombard . lib. dist . . apud vetres idem episcopi & presbyteri fuerunt . lomb. ibid. intra hunc gradum & ordinem contingit esse distinctionem dignitatum & officiorum , quae tamen novum gradum vel ordinem non constituunt , ut archipresbyter , episcopus , archiepiscopus , patriarcha , pontifex summus . — hanc ergo opinionem sustinendo dicamus , quod episcopatus praecise loquendo non est ordo , &c. bonavent . in sent. lib. . dist . . art . . quaest . . an episcopatus inter ordines ponendus sit , inter theologos & canonistas non convenit . convenit autem inter omnes , olim apostolorum aetate , inter episcopos & presbyteros , discrimen nullum fuisse , sed postmodum ordinis servandi , & schismatis evitandi causâ , episcopum presbyteris fuisse praepositum , cui soli chirotonia , id est , ordinandi potestas servata 〈◊〉 . cassand consult . artic . . apud veteres iidem episcopi & presbyteri fuerunt . hieron . epist . ad ocean . vide hieron . epist . ad evagr. cum omnes sint spirituales , & sacri , excellenter tamen canones duos tantùm sacros ordines appellari censent , diaconatus scil . & presbyteratus , quia hos solos primitiva ecclesia legitur habuisse , & de his solis praeceptum apostoli habemus . lomb. lib. . dist . . constat etiam sacros ordines proprie diaconatum , & presbyteratum , ut quos solos primitivam ecclesiam in usu habuisle legatur , id quod testatur urbanus papa , & annotavit chrysost . & ambros . in tim. ex . eo quod episcopi ordinationi statim diaconi ordinationem subjiciat . ad minores verò ordines quod attinet , qui olim quinque se ordine consequentes memorari consuerunt ; hi sanè praesente tempestate , neglectâ omni disciplinâ , & politiâ ecclesiasticâ prorsus confusi sunt , & eorum officia propemodum cessarunt , &c. cassand . consult . artic . . page ● . answ . sanctum & venerabilem fratrem nostrum papam alipium , ut meo obsequio salutes obsecro . hieron ad aug , epist . . memento mei , sancte et venerabilis papa . hier. epist . . ad aug. beatissime papa , epist . . ad aug. damasus & ursicinus , supra humanum modum ad rapiendam episcopalem sedem ardentes , scissis studiis asperrimè conflictabantur , adusque mortis vulnerúmque discrimina adjumentis utriusque progressis . — constatque in basilica sicinini , ubi ritus christiani est conventiculum , uno die centum trigin●a septum reperta cadavera peremptorum , &c. neque ego abnuo , ostentationem rerum considerans urbanarum , hujus rei cupidos , ob impetrandum quod apperunt , omni contentione laterum jurgari debere ; quum id adepti , futuri sint ita securi , ut ditentur oblationibus matronarum , procedantque vehiculis insidentes circumspectè vestiti , opulas curantes profusas , adeò ut eorum convivia regales superent menlas . qui esse poterant beati reverà , si magnitudine urbis despecta , quam vitiis opponunt , ad imitationem antistitum quorundam provincialium viverent , quos tenuitas edendi potandique parcissimè , vi●itas etiam indumentorum , & supercilia humum spectantia perpetuo nu●ini , verisque ejus cultoribus ut puros commendant , & verecundos . am. marcel ▪ lib. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . constantinopol . . can . . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . concil . chalced. can . . nune in occidente sol justitiae oritur ; i● oriente autem lucifer ille , qui ceciderat , supra sidera posuit thronum suum . hieron . ad damas . epist. . ubicunque fuerit episcopus , sive romae , sive eugubii , sive constantinopoli , sive rhegii , sive alexandriae , sive tanis , ejusdem meriti , ejusdem est & sacerdotii . potentia divitlarum , & paupertatis humilitas , vel sublimiorem , vel inferiorem episcopum non facit . ceterùm omnes apostolorum successores sunt . hieron . ad evagr. epist . . page . answ . ex hâc pauli doctrinâ habetur , quod melius ad aedificationem ecclesiae est orationes publicas , quae audiente populo dicuntur , dici linguâ communi clericis & populo , quam dici latinè . cajetan . in cor. . unde discere debèmus eligibilius esse , aut in ecclesiâ dicantur divina ( horae fell . canonicae , & missae ) intelligibiliter sine melodiâ musica , quàm sic ut non intelligi possint , qualiter sunt tam particulae quae sonis commi●untur , quàm quas cantus reddit imperceptibiles , &c. cajet . ibid. illud etiam ; quod jam auferre non possumus de ore cantantium populorim , super ipsum floriet sanctificatio mea , nihil profectò sententiae detrahit ; auditor tamen peritior mallet hoc corrigi , ut non floriet , sed florebit diceretur . aug. de doct . christ. lib. . cap. . habeo in abscondito quoddam ossum . sic enim potius loquamur . melius est , ut reprehendant nos grammatici , quàm non intelligant populi . aug. in psal . . nam & latina aliquando ( infans utique ) nulla noveram ; & tamen advertendo didici sine ullo metu atque cruciatu , inter etiam blandimenta nutricum , & joca arridentium , & laetitias alludentium . didici vero illa sine ulla poenali onere urgentium , cum me urgerer cor meum ad parienda concepta sua : & quia non esset nisi aliqua verba didicissem , non à docentibus , sed à loquentibus , in quorum & ego auribus parturiebam quicquid sentiebam . aug. confess . lib. . cap. . page . answ . vide stupiditatem nostram , & perversitatem . — o praeposteram religionem ! ferus in mat. . polyd. verg. de invent. l. . c. . nam quòd dicis eum vigilias execrari , facit & hoc contra vocabulum suum , quòd dormire velit vigilantius . hier. ad riparium , epist . . polyd. verg. loc . cit . bell. de cult . sanct. l. . c. . page . answ . dicit ( vigilantius ) quid necesse est te tanto honore non solum honorare , sed etiam adorare illud nescio quid , quod in modico vasculo transfer endo colis ? et rursus in eodem libro ; quid pulverem linteamine circumdatum , adorando oscularis ? et in consequentibus ; prope ritum gentilium videmus sub praetextu religionis introductum in ecclesias , sole adhuc fulgente moles cereorum accendi &c. quis enim , ô insanum caput , aliquando martyres adoravit ? — cereos autem non clarâ luce accendimus , sicut frustra calumni aris ; sed ut noctis tenebras hoc solatio temperemus , &c. hierón . contra vigilant . cap. . & . nos autem non dico martyrum reliquias , sed ne solem quidem & lunam , non angelos , non archangelos , non cherubim , non seraphim , & omne nomen quod nominatur & in praesenti seculo & in futuro , colimus & adoramus , &c. hieron . ad ripar . epist. . dolet martyrum reliquias pretioso óperiri velamine , & non vel pannis vel cilicio colligari , vel projici in sterquilinium . hieron . advers . vigilant . cap. . videas hodicpassimad quaestū ostentari lac mariae , quod honore propemodum aequant corpori christi consecrato ▪ prodigiosum oleum ; fragmenta crucis tam multa , ut si in acer vum redigantur , vix una navis oneraria vehat : hîc ostentari francisci cucullum , illîc intimam vestem mariae virginis ; alibi pectinem annae , alibi caligam joseph , alibi calceum thomae cantuariensis , alibi christi praeputium , quod cum sit res incerta , religiosiùs adorant quàm totum christum . neque verò haec ita proferunt tanquam toleranda , & pleboculae donanda affectibus ; verùm huc ferè summa religionis vocatur , &c. eras . in mat. . . page . answ . etiam imagines , quasdam quidem depictas , quasdam autem & de reliquâ materiâ fabricatas habent , dicentes formam christi factam à pilato , &c. iren. lib. . cap. . si statuas , & imagines frigidas mortuorum suorum simillimas non adoramus , quas milvi & mures , & araneae intelligunt , nonne laudem magis quàm poenam merebatur repudium agniti erroris ? tertul. apologet. cap. . etsi à numa concepta est curiositas superstitiosa , nondum tamen aut simulachris , aut templis res divina apud romanos constabat . ibid. cap. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . plut. in numa . cur nullas aras habent , templa nulla , nulla nota simulacra ? cacil . de . christianis apud minut. quod enim simulachrum deo fingam , eum si rectè existimes , sit dei homo ipse simulachrum ? minut. in octav. deum illum suum , quem nec ostendere possunt nec videre , &c. caecil . ibid. at enim quem colimus deum , nec ostendimus , nec videmus : imò ex hoc deum credimus , quod cum sentire possumus , videre non possumus . minut. ibid. an nunquid dicitis forte praesentians vobis quandam his numinum exhiberi simulachris ; & quia deos videre non datum est , eos ita coli , & munia officiosa praestari ? hoc qui dicit , & asserit , deos esse non credit ; nec habere convincitur suis religionibus fidem , cui opus est videre quod teneat , ne ina ne fortè sit , quod obscurum non videtur . deos ( inquitis ) per simulachra veneramur . quid ergò , si haec non sint , coli se dii nesciunt , hec impertiti à vobis ullum sibi existimabunt honorem ? arnob. contra gent. lib. . inveni velum pendens in foribus ecclesiae tinctum , atque depictum , & habens imaginem quasi christi , vel sancti cujusdam : non enim satis memini cujus imago fuerit . cum ergò hoc vidissem in ecclesiâ christi contra authoritatem scripturarum hominis pendere imaginem , scidi illud , & magis dedi consilium custodibus ejusdem loci , ut pauperem mortuum eo obvolverent , & efferrent . epiphan . ad johan . hierosolym . inter opera hieron . tom . . epist. . mirum est , quàm ex hoc loco iconomachi hodiè exultent . cum tamen ipsa verba planè demonstrent , non christi , aut fahcti alicujus , sed puri hominis eam fuisse imaginem . imò si quis diligenter locum expendet , constabit ex eodem contrarium maximè . cum enim superiùs dicat , inveni ibi velum , &c. dicere-videtur , talem fuisse eam imaginem , qualis soleat esse vel christi , vel alicujus sancti , quae in ecclesiis depingi solita sit . mar. victor . in annotat. ad . loc . communior & verior solutio est , verba illa esse supposititia . bell. de imagin . sanctor . lib. . cap. . sect . ad quintum . rain . confer . cap. . * si eundem deum observas , habes legem ejus , ne seceris similitudinem . si & praeceptum sactae posteà similitudinis respicis , & tu imitare mosen , ne facias adversus legem simulacrum aliquod , nisi & tibi deus jusserit . tertul. de . idolol . cap. . bell. de imagin . sanctor . l. . c. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . basil. homil . in martyr . barl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 &c. clem. alex. in protrept . edit . graec. in fol. pag. . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. pag. . zelum vos , ne quid manu factum adorari possit , habuisse laudamus ; sed frangere casde imagines non debuisse judicamus . idcircò enim pictura in ecclesiis adhibetur , ut hi qui literas nesciunt , contr saltem in par●etibus videndo legant , quae legere in codicibus non valent . tua ergo paternitas & illas servare , & ab earum adoratu populum prohibere debuit , &c. greg. lib. . epist . . et quidem quòd eas adorari vetuisses , omnino laudamus ; fregisse vero reprehendimus . — si quis imagines facere voluerit , minimè prohibe ; adorare vero imagines , modis omnibus devita . greg. lib. . epist . . non solùm autem licere in ecclesiâ imagines habere , & illis honorem & cultum adhibere ostendet . parochus , cum honos , qui eis exhibetur , referatur ad pro●otypa , verùm etiam maximo fidelium bono ad hanc usque diem factum declarabit . catechis . trident. p. . edit . colon. an . . sequitur quòd eadem reverentia exhibeatur imagini christi , & ipsi christo . cum ergo christus adoretur adoratione latriae , consequens est , quòd ejus imago sit adoratione latriae adoranda . thom. part . . qu. . art . . omnis reverentia quae imagini christi offertur , exhibetur christo . et proptereà imagini christi debet cultus latriae exhiberi . bonav . in sent. lib. . dist . . art . . quaest . . bell. de imag. lib. . cap. . admitti potest , imagines posse coli impropriè vel per accidens eodem genere cultûs , quo examplar ipsum colitur . — sic concionatotes alloquuntur imaginem crucifixi , eique dicunt , tunos redemisti , tu nos patri reconciliasti , &c. bell. de imagin . lib. . cap. . europ . specul . page . & . page . adomnem progressum , atque promotum , ad omnem●aditum & exitum , ad vestitum & calcoatum , ad lavacra mensas , ad lumina , ad cubilia , ad sedilia , quacunque nos conversatio exercet , frontenr crucis signaculo terimus . tertull. de cor. mil. cap. . harum & aliarum ejusmodi disciplinatum si legem expostules scripturarum , nullam invenies . ibid. et qui hominem summo supplicio pro facinore punitum , & crucis ligna feralia corum ceremonias fabulantur , congruentia perditis sceleratisque tribuunt altaria , ut id colant quod merentur . caecil . apud minut. cruces etiam nec colimus , nec optamus . minut in octav. page . answ . hic autor primus fuit , qui seriò , & copiosè scripsit de veritate corporis & sanguinis domini in eucharistiâ contra bertramum presbyterum , qui fuit ex primis qui eam in dubium revocarunt . bell. de paschasio ratherto in lib. de scriptor . eccles . quanquam librum istum magni non existimemus momenti , itaque non magnoperc laboraturi . simus , si vel nusquam sit , vel intercidat ; attamen cum jam saepè recusus sit , & lect us à plurimis , &c. in veteribus catholicis aliis plurimos feramus errores , & extenuemus , excusemus , excogitato commento persaepè negemus , & commodum iis sensium affingamus , dum opponuntur in disputationibus , aut in conflictionibus cum adversariis ; non videmus cur non eandem aequitatem , & diligentem recognitonem mereatur bertramus , ne haeretioi ogganniant nos antiquitatem pro ipsis facientem exurere , & prohibere . index expurgat . an . . pag. . non malè aut inconsultò igitur omittantur omnia haec à pa. . ( considerandum quoque quòd in pane illo &c. ) usque ad illud multo post ( sed aliud est quod exterius geritur , &c. ) — legendum invisibiliter pro visibiliter . ibid. p. . & . notes for div a -e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . basil . orat . in martyres . b. ush . answer of prayer to saints , pa. . si anima vel incellectus naturae in christo defuisse credetur humanae , quid in infante bonum malúmqne dicitur ignorasse ? ( citat isa . . . atque addit ) anima igitur humana , quae rationis capax naturaliter facta est , bonum malúmque in infante christo nesciisse dicitur , quae secundum evangelicam veritatem in puero jesu sapientiâ & gratiâ profecisse narratur . fulgent . ad trasim . lib. . aegrè spiritum traho , & assiduè expecto dum me anhelitus deficiat . satis est quòd christo vivo , & morior , qui suis lucrum est in vitâ & morte . calv. epist . . non habes ex hoc loco prudens lector à paulo conjugium esse sacramentum . cajetan . in ephes . . . argumenta prima probant , quòd matrimonium non est sacramentum strictè & proprie dictum , sicut alia sacramenta novae legis ; sed non probant quin sit sacrae rei signum , & sic largo modo sacramentum . durand . in sent. lib. . dist . . quaest . . num . . commune est omnibus sacramentis , ut ab alio dentur , ab alio accipiantur : neque ullus sibi ipse sacramentum administret . bellar. de missa lib. . c. . in initio . matrimonium non eget alio ministro praeter ipsos contrahentes . bel. de matr. l. . c. . sect . atque hinc . et c. . sect . ex his . necesse est conjuges ipsos esse proprios hujus sacramenti ministros . et ibid. sect . neque absurdum . propriè qui matrimonii sacramentum efficiunt , ipsi conjuges sunt . quanquam requiritur ex decreto ecclesiae minister ecclesiasticus , qui consensum conjugum exquirat , & eundem approbet & declaret , & benedictione sacerdotali confirmet ; tamen propriè qui matrimonii sacramentum efficiunt ipsi conjuges sunt . bell. de matr. l. . c. . sect . neque absurdum . die martis augusti, . it is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament, that the ministers about the citie of london, be desired to exhort the people to bestow old garments and apparell upon the distressed protestants in ireland, ... england and wales. parliament. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (thomason .f. [ ]). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing e c thomason .f. [ ] estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (thomason tracts ; : f [ ]) die martis augusti, . it is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament, that the ministers about the citie of london, be desired to exhort the people to bestow old garments and apparell upon the distressed protestants in ireland, ... england and wales. parliament. sheet ([ ] p.) s.n., [london : ] place and date of publication from wing. order to print signed: hen. elsynge, cler. parl. d. com. reproduction of the original in the british library. eng protestants -- ireland -- early works to . ireland -- economic conditions -- early works to . a r (thomason .f. [ ]). civilwar no die martis augusti, . it is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament, that the ministers about the citie of london, be desi england and wales. parliament. d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion die martis augusti , . it is this day ordered by the commons house of parliament , that the ministers about the citie of london , be desired to exhort the people to bestow old garments and apparell upon the distressed protestants in ireland , this house concieving it will be a very charitable act . hen. elsynge , cler. parl. d. com. septemb. . . york-shire hall in blackwell-hall , is by the honorable the lord maior of london , and the court of aldermen , appointed for the laying in of such clothes of all sorts ▪ for men , women and children , with shooes , hats and linnen , such as may be spared for clothing the poor naked protestants in ireland . it is desired that before the of october next , there may be brought in to the place aforesaid , what in that kinde shall be bestowed by well-disposed people , that the same may be ready for shipping then prepared for ireland . great news from dublin, giving a true account of the seizing of a ship coming from ireland, with fifty commissions from the late king james, to several gentlemen in lancashire, in order (as suppos'd) to a rebellion in england. together, with the relation of the papists seizing the protestants estates in ireland, and imprisoning the vice-provost of the colledge of dublin, and other worthy divines, on pretence of a plot, &c. with allowance. j. m. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing m b estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) great news from dublin, giving a true account of the seizing of a ship coming from ireland, with fifty commissions from the late king james, to several gentlemen in lancashire, in order (as suppos'd) to a rebellion in england. together, with the relation of the papists seizing the protestants estates in ireland, and imprisoning the vice-provost of the colledge of dublin, and other worthy divines, on pretence of a plot, &c. with allowance. j. m. sheet ([ ] p.) printed for w. downing, london : . caption title. dated at head of text: chester the th of june, . signed at end: from your humble servant, j.m. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- ireland -- early works to . dublin (ireland) -- history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - john pas sampled and proofread - john pas text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion great news from dublin , ●iving a true account of the seizing of a ship coming from ireland , with fifty commissions from the late king james , to several gentlemen in lancashire , in order ( as suppos'd ) to a rebellion in england . together , with the relation of the papists seizing the protestants estates in ireland , and imprisoning the vice-provost of the colledge of dublin , and other worthy divines , on pretence of a plot , &c. with allowance . chester the th of june , . sir , on the eleventh of this instant , arrived here a vessel , with some fugitive protestants aboad , which give an account , that the pretended parliament of dublin , after the general concurrence of both houses , for rescinding and abolishing the late act of settlement , proceeded to pass a bill for the forfeiture of all estates of protestants absent ; which , with all severity , even ●●e soldiers and rabble-papists put in execution : that upon the report of supplies ●eing landed at london-derry , they immediately issued out an order for securing all protestants of any note ; and particularly , they have clapt up the reverend doctor action , vice●rovost of the col●edg , and doctor king the minister of st. warbourgh's parish , and seve●l others , upon a blind pretence , that they were plotting against the government , ( as ●●ey stile it ) though all that could be said for harmless and innocent persons , was urg'd 〈◊〉 their behalf to the late king ; but such is the insolence and jealousie of the french minister , and his party , that it is now thought no longer in his power to deny or main●in any thing against them . yesterday came in a vessel from dublin to this port , in com●●ny of another small vessel , and king william's officers of his customs going on board her , ●emember'd the master had about five weeks before stole out of the harbour , without ●●king her entry at the custom-house , and the master besides being suspected for an ill man they gave notice to the mayor , and other the kings officers , who immediately re●●●t and seize on the kings vessels ; and , after strict search , find packt up fifty commis●●●● , directed to several persons in lancashire ; which commissions were forthwith sent to 〈◊〉 majesty , and 't is hoped , will give an ample discovery of all or most of the disaffected ●●●sons in that county : colonel kirk , with the ships and soldiers under his command , ●●●●'d from the isle of man the fifth instant , the wind at east south-east , a pretty strong ●●le , so that we doubt not , by this time , of his safe arrival : from dublin we hear , that the ●●●…ist army is extreamly discouraged with the vigorous resistance of the protestants in london-derry , that they begin to look nearer into matters , and do already shake their ●●ads , and wish they could handsomely unravel their past actions . doctor walker , and ●●eutenant baker , do labour indefatigably for the support of the town , which stands ●●●m yet , and in good condition ; though by continual watchings , and hard service , they ●o hourly wish and sigh for their long expected succours . the lord tyrconnel continues ●et indisposed with the black jaundice , which had like to have prov'd dangerous to him ; ●e seems to be sensibly afflicted for the loss of his reputed son the lord galmoy , ( who was ●ill'd before london-derry in the last great sally ) and is not well satisfied with the french ●anagement of affairs : many of the irish army desert daily , and take the boggs for ●●eir refuge , being either terrified with the haughty insolence of their french comman●rs , or tired with the continual drudgery of marching , counter-marching , and other ●…teigues of martial exercise and dangers : we have it confirm'd , that great numbers of boats and other small vessels , design'd ( as is thought ) for transportation of sol●●ers from any part of the north of ireland to scotland , have been seized and burnt by ●he ships from scotland . the protestants of dublin begin now to be very apprehensive 〈◊〉 their safety , especially since the confinement of those clergy men and encroachments 〈◊〉 the colledge : the late king hath put a stop to all passes ; and such is the strictness and severity of the searchers , that we are likely to have little or no intelligence from dublin . this is all that occurs at present from your humble servant , j. m. london . printed for w. downing ● a new letter from london-derry giving a farther account of the late good success, obtain'd by the protestants in ireland, against the french and irish papists: with the speech of that reverend divine, and protestant champion, mr. vvalker, to the soldiers of that garrison, before they made that last great sally upon the enemy. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing n estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a new letter from london-derry giving a farther account of the late good success, obtain'd by the protestants in ireland, against the french and irish papists: with the speech of that reverend divine, and protestant champion, mr. vvalker, to the soldiers of that garrison, before they made that last great sally upon the enemy. walker, george, of londonderry. sheet ([ ] p) printed by w. downing, london : . printed in two columns. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- ireland -- early works to . ireland -- history -- war of - -- early works to . londonderry (northern ireland) -- history -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion ●ew letter from london-derry : giving a farther account of the late good success , obtain'd by the protestants in ireland , against the french and irish papists : with the speech of that 〈◊〉 divine , and protestant champion , mr. walker , 〈◊〉 soldiers of that garrison , before they made that last great sally upon the enemy . licensed , and enter'd according to order . 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 our last fortunate and truly ●ictorious sally upon the enemy , 〈◊〉 action that must ever resound 〈◊〉 of our valiant and no less pi●●●mander , that truly christian 〈◊〉 , mr. walker our governour , 〈◊〉 little of present moment more to 〈◊〉 , by reason that the 〈◊〉 of the french and irish from 〈◊〉 walls , with the intire ruining 〈◊〉 works , and indeed the whole 〈◊〉 ( which god be praised ) we have 〈◊〉 them , has so disabled them , that 〈◊〉 at present in great quiet and rest , 〈◊〉 all our business now is only our 〈◊〉 preparation for the welcome 〈◊〉 of major general kirk , with his gallant english succours , whose approach is here the subject of vniversal joy within our walls of london-derry , and possibly of as much terrour without them . however , sir , as the glory of that heroick action , and indeed the whole conduct , courage , and gallantry of this small , but formidable town , will remain a lasting and recorded monument to the fame of our valiant leader ; so his generous and noble speech to the soldiers , that not a little contributed to our conquest , by animating that resolution that gain'd it , will be no disacceptable present to you , which i have here sent you , being as faithfully taken , as the hurry at the delivery of it would permit . the speech . gentlemen , and fellow-soldiers , as so extraordinary an occasion has at this time invited me to summon you together , i shall not consult the ordinary methods of ancient or modern gene●●ls , so much to instruct you in all the criticisms 〈◊〉 marshal discipline , as to inflame your hearts to a chearful resolution , and to incourage humility , vigilance , and constancy in your undertakings ; and being by several late proofs , convinc'd of your steady inclinations to live and die for that cause , which by god's signal providence , and our endeavours , we have with advantage hitherto maintain'd , i thought it a double duty incumbent on me , both as your pastor and captain , to lay before you those motives ●hat might at once enlighten your understanding , and excite your perseverance . how far we are obliged by the common principles of nature , and self-preservation , to defend our selves against all manifest and intended injuries against our persons and just interest , i need not here repeat : ( the meanest beast either by flight or resistance demonstrating their fixt aversion to all manner of hurt , and injurious dealing ; ) but when persons that are circumscrib'd , and ought to be protected by the just institution of laws , and the solemnity of oaths , promises , and conditions , are enchroach'd upon , and mark'd out as sacrifices to an arbitrary and unlimited power ; then i say , the laws of nature and of god , do warrant our resistance , and not only our country , but our consciences exact our utmost resolutions . what ? are we christians , protestants , and english-men , and shall we doubt to defend our religion , our country , and our liberties ? see how our numerous foes insult , and laugh , and please themselves with our destruction : hark! how they divide our lands , and cast lots for our proper habitations : mark but their faith to our distressed country-men , and see what usage we are like to trust to ; england was scarce secure , tho' ten to one against them ; can we then trust their power , being now not one to an hundred ; they broke through the sacred tyes that could be m●de by man to them ; and can we hope for faith in their performance ? what , has their new french piety , mixt with their irish punick faith and clemency , encouraged us to wear their well-known easie yoak ? are we so destitute of honest morals , as that we need to be dragoon'd into civility ? no , dear country-men , we know their ways , and are not now to be cajol'd into destruction ; scarce forty years are yet expir'd since we had pregnant proofs of their humanity : some mothers even in this town are living yet that now afresh lament the loss of fathers , husbands , brothers , children , not kill'd in heat of battel or assault , but in cold blood , and upon quarter given . possession of an horse , a cow , a coat , a piece of money , was crime enoug● exact the poor offenders life ; nay , when 〈◊〉 avarice could ask no more , tortures and 〈◊〉 have been apply'd for sport , and infants 〈◊〉 from their lamenting mothers breasts , have 〈◊〉 seen dangling on their cowards swords 〈◊〉 make the brutes diversion : cowards , 〈◊〉 country-men , we well may tearm them , 〈◊〉 they stood an equal combate , ( or 〈◊〉 now our great encouragement ) maintain'd a 〈◊〉 and rightful cause : 't is truth , they boast 〈◊〉 numbers and their strength , but we have 〈◊〉 and justice on our sides : god , that with 〈◊〉 small handful of men , hath baffled all their co●●sels and their force . let us therefore with courage and constan● dear brethren , go on and make answerable 〈◊〉 turns to that peculiar providence that hath hith●●to protected us : let us now raise the glory this little town , and prove it the worthy 〈◊〉 of our great patroness : england will ●●●tainly , and with speed assist us , nor will 〈◊〉 gracious sovereigns forget us , their goodnes● 〈◊〉 well as interest are engaged for us , and they 〈◊〉 soon make us rejoyce in our deliverance ; 〈◊〉 wants as yet are no way desperate , and we 〈◊〉 hitherto rather seen than felt the miseries 〈◊〉 hard seige ; when we think , fit we beat th●● from our walls , and often in our sallysclear 〈◊〉 trenches ; we have look'd their bugbear ge●●ral in the face , and broke their boasted 〈◊〉 into peices ; we have laugh'd at their 〈◊〉 granadoes ; their pretended almighty bombs 〈◊〉 not affright us ; our consciences are clear in 〈◊〉 we do , and the almighty god will to the 〈◊〉 defend us ; keep up your valiant hearts 〈◊〉 dear fellow-soldiers , if you have any 〈◊〉 for your wives , your children , your 〈◊〉 your liberties : but above all , if you have 〈◊〉 hope to enjoy that holy reform'd religion you 〈◊〉 , take courage : 't is for that chiefly we 〈◊〉 hunted and persecuted ; and 't is for that 〈◊〉 we shall , to the last , glory to suffer , and 〈◊〉 in the mean time , to the last drop of blood , ma●●tain and defend . so help us god. at which , all the garrison , wit● loud acclamations , cry'd amen london , printed by w. downing , . nevves from poland wherein is declared the cruell practice of the popish clergie against the protestants, and in particular against the ministers of the city of vilna, in the great dukedome of lithuania, under the governement of the most illustrious prince, duke radziwell / faithfully set downe by eleazar gilbert ... gilbert, eleazar. this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing g ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing g estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) nevves from poland wherein is declared the cruell practice of the popish clergie against the protestants, and in particular against the ministers of the city of vilna, in the great dukedome of lithuania, under the governement of the most illustrious prince, duke radziwell / faithfully set downe by eleazar gilbert ... gilbert, eleazar. [ ], p. by e.p. for nathanael butter, and are to be sold at his shop ..., london : . reproduction of original in british library. eng catholic church -- poland. protestants -- poland. vilna (poland) -- church history -- th century. a r (wing g ). civilwar no nevves from poland. wherein is declared the cruell practice of the popish clergie against the protestants, and in particular against the min gilbert, eleazar c the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the c category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion nevves from poland . wherein is declared the cruell practice of the popish clergie against the protestants , and in particular against the ministers of the city of vilna , in the great dukedome of lithuania , under the governement of the most illustrious prince , duke radzivill . faithfully set downe by eleazar gilbert , minister to the foresaid prince , and preacher to the scots congregation in keydon . read it over , and you shall find it a most unparalelld story for barbarous treacherie . noli altvm sapere printer's or publisher's device london : printed by e. p. for nathanael butter and are to be sold at his shop at st. austins gate , . to the right honovrable , robert , lord bruce , baron of byfleet , and onely sonne to the right honourable thomas , earle of elgin . eleasar gilbert wisheth all possible happinesse . right honourable , i have placed you here in the frontispiece of my dedicatory , first because you have a chiefe place in my affections as one whom god hath graced with a more than ordinary portion of his image , for ( to speak without flattery ) what grace ? what vertue ? what endowment , either of body , mind , or fortune ? finally , what perfection or excellency can make men truly honourable on earth , and eternally happy in heaven , which doth not shine in your lordship , in the fullest lustre , so farre as your condition and yeares can be capable of ? insomuch that if it please the lord , to addc yeares unto your life , as hee hath gifts unto your person , a starre more radiant then your selfe , i conceive , in our age will scarcely appeare in our brittish firmament : moreover , your lordship may justly challenge the first fruit of my publike labors , because i had the first encouragement tomy ministerial studies in your honourable familie , under your right honourable , most pious , & never without much reverence to bee mentioned , grandmother , magdalen , ladie bruce , where i have beene an eye-witnesse of your vertuous education ab imis , as i may say , incunabulis , from your very infancy , and where i have often observed , the most vigilant and religious care of your right honourable parents , in your vertuous education , which to this day doth most spectably appeare , as a pattern of imitation to all the nobles in the land . goe on therefore most noble and hopefull lord , good luck have you with your honour , continue that course , in these paths of vertue , w●ich you have begun to tread , especially seeing you have already made so good a progresse , for dimidium facti , qui bene coepit , habet . and you shall find , that although the way bee thorny , yet the end shall be honourable , that paines which you now take , and have taken to please and serve god , and your right honourable parents , shall produce unto you at length , not onely the favour of god , the love of your soveraign , ●ōmendation of your equals , & praise of all good men , but also contentment to your mind , peace unto your conscience , protection to your person , a blessing unto your estate , and a sweet relish to all the honours , wealth , and pleasures which you shall afterwards enjoy . which that you may doe , i shall never be wanting in my best devotion , to implore the gracious assistance of that father of lights , the watchman of israel , to double his spirit upon you , and wheresoever you goe , for good to be present with you , to guard you by his providence , guide you by his counsell , and when he hath here satiated your lordship with honours and pleasures temporall , bring you at length unto ioyes and happinesse eternall . so prayeth he , who desireth to bee reputed as he is one of your lordships most ancient and affect onately devoted servants , eleazar gilbert . from my study in st. mary-axe , this . decemb. . a true description of the present estate of the reformed protestant churches within the kingdome of poland , &c. the industrious policy , or rather politick industry of the roman clergie , for advancing their cause , and promoting the papisticall hierarchy , is as much ( if not more commendable ) then was that of the injust steward , luke . . did it not crosse the word , or law of god , ( which is the rule of righteousnesse ) and breake the bond of charity , which is the complement and perfection of that law . for what pains doe they not take ? how doe they stretch their wits ? what countries peopled , or worthy to be knowne or inhabited , have they not peragrated ? to accomplish their designes , and zealous ( if i may so call them ) devotions . so that if their cause were good , and their laborious indeavours to manage that cause guided by a good spirit , or squared to the rule of justice , they should certainly be no lesse then that which they call themselves and pretend to be , ( namely ) the onely true catholike church of christ , that royall priesthood , and chosen generation mentioned by the apostle peter . but true wisedome ( which is from above ) is onely justified by her children , who doe judge and estimate things , ( especially in matters of religion and divine worship ) not as men value them , but as god esteemeth them , for god seeth not as men see ; man oftentimes ( by reason of the corruption of his heart , weakenesse of judgement , perversion of will , and imperfection of knowledge , and understanding ) may both deceive & be deceived ; but so cannot god , who being all eye , estimateth and knoweth all things perfectly , and essentially , ( as they are ) as having within himselfe the expresse and true paterne and ideas of all things that ever have beene , are , or shall be . that therefore men , ( i meane onely christian men who are within the pale . of gods church ) may be the better setled and persuaded in the truth of that religion which they doe professe . it will be most necessary and profitable for them , to take speciall notice of some markes and symptomes , whereby the true and orthodoxe religion or church of christ may be distinguished and discerned from all false , antichristian , phanaticall , inventions , traditions , enthusiasmes , and in a word , from all hereticall , pragmaticall , schismaticall or diabolicall opinions , imaginations , doctrines and professions in the world : which for brevities sake , and that i may sooner come to my intended scope , i will onely at this time name , leaving the more large explication of them unto some other treatise . the first is the purity , or rather ( as i may say ) the spirituality of a religion , as it is cleansed from the drosse of externall ceremonies and exorbitant superstitions , for almighty god loveth best that religion or manner of his worship , which is most like himselfe , and agreeable to his word , who being a spirit , will be worshipped in spirit and truth , the more therefore that a religion hath of outward and gaudy pompes and ceremonies ( to dazle and delude the fancies , eyes , and affections of the ingorant and simple ) it is the farther from the nature of god , the more contrary to his will , it hath more drosse , and is the more to be suspected of falshood , and to be antichristian and idolatrous . secondly , the more that the grounds , doctrine , discipline & tenets of a religion , are adverse or to do crosse the corruption of nature , the impurity of mans life and manners , the fulfilling and executing of a mans own excessive lusts and desires , i say , that that religion is the more like to be orthodoxe and sound , my reason is , because god ( being of pure eyes , with whom dwelleth no iniquitie ) is a god of order , both inwardly in respect of himselfe , and outwardly , in respect of his creatures ; inwardly , in respect of himselfe , there is a prioritie of order of the father before the sonne , of the sonne before the holy-ghost ; outwardly , and in respect of the creatures , god made all things in order and measure , yea in such order and measure , that each creature keepeth its owne course and station , ( i speake not in regard of corrupted , but created nature ) for the mutuall comfort and conservation one of another : the more then that we crosse order and measure , the more i say that wee are excessive and exorbitant in our affections and actions ( especially in matters & exercises of religion and divine worship ) the greater cause have we to suspect our selves , and that religion which we professe , or which teacheth or warranteth us so to doe ; for what is sinne , but an obliquity in our affections and actions , and what is holinesse , or true religion ? but a conformity and rectitude of both these being sutable to gods revealed will , which is the rule of righteousnesse , that religion therefore , whose doctrine teacheth us most conformitie and rectitude in our affections and actions to gods word , must of necessity be a true and sound religion : this is the second . a third marke of true religion is , when the doctrins , & practice thereof doe tend more to the advancement of the honour and glory of christ then our owne worldly or private profit and advantage , and when they doe affect us with a sense & feeling of our owne wants and unworthinesse , so that we are ready to say ( not with the pharisee , i am not like this man , i have done thus and thus ) nor with the papist , i have performed this worke of condignity , that of congruity , a third of supererogation , by the working or doing whereof , i have deserved eternall life , both for my selfe and others ) but rather confesse with the apostle , non sunt condignae , these our momentary sufferings are not worthy of that glory that shall be revealed , and with that good martyr , onely christ , onely christ , or with that worthy father , meritum meum miserationes domini , onely the lords mercies are my chiefest merits . fourthly , that is surely a sound and warrantable religion , wherein most comfort is afforded and ministred to a distressed and perplexed conscience , through the assured confidence of gods love in our owne election , especially at the approach of death . for ( whereas some false and pretended religions , for sinistrous and bad ends , teach , that it is great and damnable presumption , to beleeve or be certainely perswaded , that god hath elected us to salvation , or that wee can have in this life any certaine feeling of gods love in the pardon of our sinnes ; true and pure religion exhorteth us with saint peter , to give diligence to make our owne calling and election sure , & no wayes to doubt , but to beleeve , ( for he th●t doubteth beleeveth not , and maketh god a lyar ) to beleeve i say , and be perswaded with saint paul , that nothing can separate us from his love , but that christ shall bee both in life and death our advantage . i could also mention a fifth marke of true religion , which is this , namely when the principles and doctrines thereof doe not onely teach , but move the professors thereof ( although , in respect of persons innumerable , yet in respect of opinion and affection , to be as one man , when of many hundreds or thousands of men and women that assemble themselves , and enter into the place of gods worship , the habitation of gods house , it can be said as it was of these in the primitive church {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} {non-roman} , they all entred into the church , as one man ; but because i am to speake more largely of this point about the end of this treatise , and i am loath that my citty should , as they say , runne out at the gates , or my preface prove larger then my history ; let these few passages serve to assure the reader , that such ( as is premised ) is our religion , ours , i say , de●ended and taught in this angelike monarchy , the doctrines that wee doe maintaine , the truths that we doe beleeve , and the circumstances , which i would at this time commend to the serious observation of all my brethren and countrie-men , especially to these that are addicted to the roman sea , within the kingdome of great britaine or elsewhere , to the effect they may ( not onely apprehend and perceive ) the true and solid grounds , which our religion and church is built upon , which is not the person , or succession of one particul●r peter ; but the doctrine and faith of many thousand pauls , or parvuli christi , even of all true christians , who by humility and faith , depend upon the merits of the sonne of god , and the gracious promises revealed in his word , or inspired scriptures which were given unto men , not by men , not by any humane tradition or invention , but by divine inspiration being profitable of themselves , through the working of the holy-ghost , to instruct , reprove , correct , and make the man of god perfect , wise unto salvation , and furnished unto every good worke ; but also behold and know the sandy foundation of the romish church , and all other pretended , srothy , hereticall , fantasticall , phanaticall , schismaticall fr●ctious and factious , idolatrous and superstitious religions in the world , which is no other but quircks and tricks of fleshly , worldly and naturall wisedome , not able soundly and savingly , to perceive the things that are of the spirit of god , yet permitted by god to remaine in his church , for the correcting , disciplining , and exercising of his militant members , who without such things would freeze to death , and settle themselves upon the lees of naturall corruption , and like an oxe to the slaughter , runne on with others , and precipitate themselves in that broad way that leadeth to destruction . and likewise in the third place , with griefe of heart bemoane the intollerable pride , insatiable avarice , unlimited ambition , unquenchable malice , hatred and tyrannie , which the romanists doe exercise , and where-with their chiefe prelates , doctors and ghostly fathers doe burne against their innocent , orthodoxe , and reformed brethren , and whereby they would ingrosse unto themselves , ( wheresoever they take footing or beare sway ) all power , authority and priviledges , as well in civill as ecclesiasticall affaires , fearing and sparing no lyes , reproaches , calumnies , perjuries , murthers , which , either the devils malice , or mans wickednesse can invent , for accomplishing their politick designes , and machiavel-like machinations , against all their opposers . the truth whereof wee shall see to appeare plainely , ( as in many other parts of europe , whereof also i suppose , this kingdome cannot be insensible ) so especially in the kingdome of poland , and more particularly in the great citty of vilna or the wilde , the metropolis of lithuania , a citty for sumptuous churches , faire buildings , multitude of people , frequency of commerce , and in a word , aboundance of all good things , ( except liberty of conscience and true religion ) little inferiour to the citty of london , being scituated in the heart or center of seven or eight antient kingdomes , now annexed and allyed to the crowne of poland , and namely , lithuania , samogitia , courlandia , livonia , alba-russia , prussia , and massovia , neere unto which citty , the author hereof hath ministred these three yeares last past , to a congregation of scots and english within the towne of keydan , which belongeth unto that most famous and illustrious prince , and chiefe protector of the reformed religion , ianussius radzivil , duke of birz and dubinka , prince of the sacred roman empire , lord high chamberlaine of the great dukedome of lithuania , administrator of mohilovia , governour of kasimerski , and kameninski , &c. who in anno . with the approbation and consent of a synode holden at the wilde , received him into the number of his stipendiary ministers , as appeareth more at length by his certificate . this great citty aforesaid , is the tribunall , or place of justice for the said great dukedome of lithuania , having a great university , of almost an innumerous multitude of students who resort thither for learning , and education , especially in the romish religion , from all places and corners of the kingdome , and who doe replenish as it were , or rather pester the whole citty . there be also therein many relig●ons professed and tolerated , whereunto also belong many churches and places of divine worship , as a synagogue to the jewes , whereof there be many thousands in that citty ; a ruthenian church to the russians ; a mahumetan church to the tartatians ; a church to the lutherans ; all which doe enjoy their exercises of religion without trouble or interruption ; these all being ( in respect , either of idolatry , superstition or errours , in league and consanguinity joyned with the papists ) whereof the maine body of that citty and kingdome doth consist . now amongst the rest , and a little before the decease of the illustrious prince duke christopher radzivil , of most honorable and blessed memory , who departed this life in the moneth of august . at his palace in vizounez , and was most magnificently buryed at vizounka twenty miles distant from the aforesaid citty , in the great dukedome of lithuania , upon the twelfth of february last , whereof the authour was an eye-witnesse ; a little i say before his departure , there was also within the aforesaid citty , a faire , spacious , and strong church which belonged to the protestants , whom they call calvinists , and whose church by the romanists is termed in derision by the name of zbor , or congregation , whereunto also is adjoyned a dutch church , both built of freestone , and environed with a high , strong and thick stone-wall , guarded also with a garrison of musketiers and souldiers , whom the aforesaid prince continually kept in pay for the safety of the said churches and professors ▪ these two churches were scituated within the heart as it were , or middle of the citty , and were invested with many priviledges and liberties , as any papist church in poland , which were also established and confirmed by many kings and parliaments successively unto these two churches , ( the one polish , and the other dutch ) belonged three ministers , the two polish ministers were , master balthazar labenski , and master yeurski , the dutch minister master andreas , who were assisted by george hartibius , rector of the protestant colledge , a man of sound learning , and unspotted conversation , as appeareth by the testimony of his very adversaries given unto him in divers places . but because these churches and ministers , being scituated as is said , and the ministers were in great repute , and much frequented by protestant noblemen and gentlemen , who resorted unto their sermons in great assemblies , from all places of the country , they could not chuse but be a great eye-sore unto their neighbours the jesuits , priests , & fryars , whose churches , cloisters , monasteries & colledges , were contiguous , and did incompasse them on every side . behold therefore what hellish tricks and stratagems , these jesuits ▪ popish priests and schollars used for the abolishing of these churches , and utter suppressing the exercise of the protestant religion , and colledge within the aforesaid citty . upon the fifth of october . a certaine polish gentleman named paul piekarski , with his servant ioseph rakouski , being at guest in the house of one naborowuski , close adjoyning to the protestant church , about three of the clocke in the afternoone ( amongst other passages and exercises of mirth and jollity ) did shoot some arrowes at a bird or fowle , which they perceived to be upon the top of the steeple of the protestant church , two of which arrowes , ( there blowing then much wind ) were driven to a popish church neere joyning , called saint michaels , and lighting at the west end thereof , stucke into the leg of the woodden image of an angell . now within the church-yard of this church , was and is a great monastery of franciscans , some whereof issuing out of their cloister , perceived these arrowes sticking in the leg of the image , which being so neere the protestant church , and they also so desirous to pick a quarrell against the protestants , did straight-way conceive and affirme , that these arrowes were shot out of the protestant church by the evangelick ministers , or by their appointment , and approbation in despight and contempt of their romish religion . the friars acquainted the jesuites and priests therewith , who burning with malice against the protestants , and daily seeking some occasion to doe them mischiefe , gave order to their schollars and students , to fall upon these hereticall churches , pull them down to the ground , and ( if they could ) apprehend , or kill these calvinist ministers , whom they would needs have to be the authors of that riot ; to the performance wherof , these devote and well disciplined schollars were not slacke , but straightwayes issued out of their schooles and colledges like a hive of bees assisted and accompanied with some thousands of priests , prentises and serving men who in great furie addressed themselves unto the aforesaid churches , with ladders , shovels , mattoks , and other instruments , beginning to undermine the wall , and uncover the roof of the protestant colledge . but there being at that instant ( through gods providence ) many protestant noble-men , and gentlemen with their servants , present at the christning of one of the ministers children , there being also a garrison of souldiers , which the aforesaid duke kept continually in pay for the safeguard of his churches , the souldiers and servants let flie a volly or two of shot amongst them , seeing they could not by any faire meanes be removed ; this confused army being hereby terrified , was presently disbanded ; and perceiving they could not accomplish their designes against the protestant churches , like theeves and robbers , more then like christians and schollars , being led by the devill their patron , they betooke themselves to the shops and houses of the scots , french , and dutch merchants there inhabiting , who for the greatest part are protestants , breaking open their doores , truncks , and cupbords , but especially the house & shop of one iacob de seans , a french merchant and elder of the protestants church , from whom they tooke above thirty thousand florens in goods and money . the day following , duke radzivil came to towne , who being for the time viovode or governour of the citty ; and being also well informed in the businesse , did first send for , and examine these two gentlemen formerly mentioned , that had shot the arrowes ; who ingenuously confessed in the tribunall before the judges , that they did shoot these arrowes , but not from the protestant church , but from the house of one naborouski where they were at guest , nor did they shoot them at the popish church , nor in despight of the romish religion , but at a bird or fowle , which was upon the top of the protestant church , although contrary to their expectation , they were driven by the wind , as is aforesaid , whereupon they were ready to depose their oath ; yet did they hereupon order these two gentlemen to be committed close prisoners , but the one of them viz. master piekarski , escaped and fled into the countrie . then did duke radzivil deale with the bishop and the jesuites , to keepe in and represse their schollars , least they should breake foorth into some further outrage against the protestants , this he obtained with much adoe , and letters patents affixed on all the gates and publick places of the citty to this purpose . the day following messengers are disp●tched away on both sides , with letters informatorie to the kings majestie , who was then at warsovia polish or dutch miles distant from the aforesaid citty , duke radzivil giving his majestie to know the true information and state of the businesse , the papist bishop againe ( whose name was abrah voyna or warre ) is very sutable to his nature , exasperating his majestie by many untruths , reproachfull speeches and blasphemies , which he surmised against the protestants , but especially their ministers , ( onely to put them out of the favour of the king and fellow-subjects ) alledging , though most impudently and falsely , that a little before the fact of the premisses , viz , the shooting of the arrowes , these calvin heretikes , had most profanely and blasphemously drawne the crucifixe or picture of our blessed saviour crucified , by the feet through the streets , as also the image of the blessed virgin , spitting upon and dawbing them with dirt and mire , thinking thereby to disgrace the romish religion . but the kings majestie , suspecting herby the malice of his ghostly fathers & the iniquity of the cause , gave for the present greater credit unto the duke radzivils information , and deferred the businesse to the next parliament , which was held at warsovia . in the moneth of june following , in the meane time shewing his princely care for the preservation of publicke peace , he sendeth diverse letters to the popish bishops , but more particularly to the bishop of vilna the aforesaid citty , to the jesuites , priests , monasteries and colledges there , giving them some private checks for their unjust proceedings , and promising unto them the continuance of his royall favour , and an improvement of their immunities & priviledges , if they would but desist and leave off further prosecuting that busines against duke radziv●ls churches ▪ but that royall fraternity of romish bishops and jesuits ( being to my thinking ) indeed & de facto king of poland , were the more inflamed and exasperated hereby against the protestants , and therefore now thinke it high time to muster up all their forces , and strain the quintessence of their deepest wit for accomplishing their designes against them , & providing themselves for the ensuing parliament , to this purpose they print libels and pamphlets against the protestants , and expose them to be sold in all places of the kingdome , they send also privately letters informatory to all the popish bishops , noblemen and judges of the land , who were all addicted to the roman sea , and to be present and chiefest members of the ensuing parliament , aggravating by many odious circumstances , how much and how farre the calvin hereticks and their preachers were troublers of the peace of the kingdome , and what wicked and blasphemous insolencies had beene lately practised by them in disgrace and contempt of their catholicke church . the parliament is set , and committees on both sides appointed for hearing and concluding the businesse : upon the protestant side , were the illustrious duke radzivil aforesaid , lord grozewski , lord rey , lord cocholewski , and some others , all men of admirable learning , eloquence , judgement , and integrity , who did so truly , plainely , punctually , and in such orientall colours display the case , and discover , these insupportable , insupposable , and unheard of injuries practised by the roman clergie against them , their brethren , churches , lands , and inheritances , contrary to the kings majestie his oath , ( who at his coronation is solemnly sworne to maintaine the peace and liberty of the protestants as well as of the papists ) to the lawes of the land , acts of parliament , and practise of other nations , that many of the honest popish bishops & noblemen were moved to teares and to commiserate the distresse of the said illustrious duke his churches & brethren ; but the maine body of the parliament being all papists , and rigidly addicted to the roman sea , and consequently maliciously bent against the protestant cause , did confederate and b●nd themselves together , against the said duke and the other protestants lords , commanding him to bee silent , and not to proceed any further in defending so b●d a cause , alledging , that they had witnesses sufficient against them , and that the aforesaid illustrious duke , spoke too well for a bad businesse , and was more fit to be an atturney then a prince . duke radzivil seeing his just cause like to be overwhelmed by the malevolent censures of a partiall multitude ; went to take his leave of the king , and to informe his majestie of their false and injurious proceedings against him ; but no sooner was he entred into conference with his majestie in his bed-chamber , the doores being shut , but straightway followed three popish bishops , viz. the bishop of cracovia , the bishop of loobleen , and the bishop of thoren , who fearing that duke radzivil by his speech with his majestie should obtaine some favour to prevent their purposes ( more like temporall monarchs and emperours ) then spirituall or ecclesiasticall prelats , did boldly and rudely knocke at the doore , perswading or rather threatning his majestie to forsake the discourse and company of duke radzivil , and to goe along with them , there being at that instant some urgent businesse which required his presence in the parliament . the day following , his majestie sent for the duke to dinner , but hee being ready upon his journey refused to come , and about two or three of the clocke in the afternoone ( admiring the injustice and ingratitude of that people for whom hee had done so many great services , with much griefe and discontentment departed the citty . immediatly after his departure his majestie being overswayed by the popish prelates and clergy men , , gave out this sentence and decree against duke radzivils churches and ministers , the tenor whereof followeth . quandoquidem inquisit to legitime est peracta , ex qua evidenter , de delicto & loco delicti constat , quod nimirum ex coetu evangelicorum sagittae ad frontispicium templi sancti michaelis , fuerint emissae ; ideo sacr. regia majestas discernit moniales ad convincendum , adversa parte potiores esse : quam convictionem , ut ejusmodi monasterii antistita cum septem monialibus , ex eodem monasterio , juramentum super personas in mandato specificatas ( quas ipsa sibi elegerit vilnae , in tribunali com●ositi judicii , a data hujus decreti hodierna , post octo septimanas , juxta formulam juramenti ex cancellaria nostra magni ducatus lithuaniae extraditam expediant mandamus , depoenis infligendis , sacr. reg. majestas deliberat . in english thus , for as much as after due examination , there is found a cle●re evidence touching this fact , and the place where it was committed ; namely that arrowes were shot from the protestant congregation , at the frontispice or forepart of saint michaels church , therefore the kings sacred majestie approving the cause of the nunnes to be more just and legall , then that of the protestants , doth command and charge the prioresse of that same cloister with seven nunnes more of the same monasterie , to appeare in the citty of vilna , eight weekes after the date hereof , and there take their corporall oath before the set bench against these parties that are convicted , and specified in the mandat , or against so many of them as they shall thinke fitting , according to the oath used in this nature drawne out of our chancery office of the great dukedome of lithuania , the punishment to be determined by the kings majestie . expeditio deliberationis , ejusdem anni die facta maii , . the execution of his majesties censure touching the delinquent , passed in the same yeare the of may , in this manner . sacra regia majestas expediendo deliberationem mandat , ut personae quas moniales convincent , subsint poeais legum , quarum executionem quilibet magistratus sub poenis de negligentibus officialibus sancitis , statim post executionem exequi debet , et quandoquidem constat situm ecclesiae evangelicae , inter templa romano-catholica occasionem tam praeteritorum quam praesentiii excessuum dedisse , & vero s. reg , m. ratione juramenti sui regii , obligatasit praescindere omnes occasi●nes , turbandae nedil violandae pacis inter dissid●ntes de religi 〈…〉 s. r●g . m. decreti hujus vigore vniversum exercitium religionis dissidentium , ( tam publicum quam privatum ) in perpetuum ex isto loco removet , ac ipsum etiam nomen zbor , coetus , consimilem in modum scholas , & xenodochia , convertendo illas structuras & areas , in aedes , & fundum mere privatum , & possessionem ejus in totum reservando illi vel illis quibus de jure competierit , sine ullo , ( vel privatissimo dissidentium exercitio ; & haec omnia expediri debent intra spatium & septimanarum post convictionem sub poena infamiae , & sub eadem , neque in alio quoquam loco ( intra regiae civitatis vilnensis maenia ) tam publicum quam privatum ejusdem religionis excercitium , sub ullo unquam praetextu resuscitabunt . similiter nec scholam , nec xenodochium praesentis decreti vigore , exceptis his qui peregre advenient , juxta sensum confoederationis . interim tamen , dissidentes in hortum sepulturis destinatum , exercitium hoc suum transferre poterunt , sub ejusdem confoederationis securitate . huic decreto ad majorem rei fidem magni ducatus lithuaniae sigillum appensum est . datum warsoviae in comitiis regni maii . thus englished . the kings sacred majestie , in the declaration of his decree , doth command & charge , that these persons that shall be convicted by the nuns , be liable to the punishment of the law , which every magistrate whom it doth concerne , presently after their conviction , shall execute under paine of contempt . and for as much as the scituation of the protestant church , ( being amongst the roman catholicks churches ) hath given occasion , not onely of this , but also of many former ryots , and likewise the kings majesty is by his royall oath obliged to prevent , & cut off all occasions , that may either disturbe , or breake the peace of his subject in point of religion ; his majestie therefore , by vertue of this decree , doth altogether prohibite and abolish all kind of exercise of the protestant religion , as well private as publicke , from that place for ever ; as also the names zbor , or congregation , their schooles likewise and alme-houses , changing the yards and buildings thereof into dwelling houses or private ground , reserving the possession thereof , to such to whom they doe lawfully appertaine ; and this shall be performed within six weekes after the conviction , under paine of infamy , nor shall the aforesaid protestants ( under the aforesaid penalty ) ever have or stirre up exercise or use of their religion , schoole , or hospitall within the walls of the regall citty of the wilde , strangers and travellers excepted , that are confederate with us ; howsoever they shall have toleration and licence ( in respect of the league aforesaid ) and no otherwise , to have the exercises of their religion in their buriall place , for the further ratification whereof this present decree is given under the seale of the great dukedome of lithuania , dated in the parliament at vvarso , maii . this decree of his majestie was seconded by an oath which seven nunnes , ( suborned by the aforesaid bishop and jesuites ) made at the wilde july . we a. b. c. d , &c. doe sweare by the holy trinity , that by the knowledge or approbation of the protestant ministers and guests , dwelling with them , arrowes were shot out of a bow from the protestant church , in disgrace and contempt of the roman catholicke church , but especially by one iohn yeurski , who at that time had a child christned , also by balthasar labenski , the eldest minister of that congregation , and george hartlibius rector of their colledge who all ( dwelling within the walls of the aforesaid church ) doe better know , and can tell the names of the other delinquents , but that this our oath , which we take against these men , as the principall authors of that fact is true and lawfull , so helpe us god and his holy evangell . now by the way , and before i goe any further , let me beseech the reader to observe a wonderfull expression of gods justice , for within some few houres after this oath was taken , one of these perjured nunnes was suddenly stroken with death , and fell downe dead before she could recover her owne cloister . and that this oath which these nunnes tooke , was notoriously false , doth appeare evidently by the contrary oath of the two above named gentlemen , paul piekarski , and ioseph rakowski , who not long after , in the city of novogard , swore before the whole tribunall or bench , that they and none other were the men that shot these arrowes , and that the protestant ministers were cleare of that fact ; neither knew any thing thereof , nor were they shot from their church , but from the dwelling house of one naborowski , nor did they any wayes ayme at the papist church to disgrace that religion , but in sport and merriment , they shot at a bird which was upon the top of the protestant church , although ( contrary to their expectation ) their arrowes were driven aside by the wind : yet behold , good reader , what a great fire a small sparkle kindleth , what a great mischiefe did insue upon so small occasion ; for that nothing might bee wanting to expresse the fury and malice of the romish prelate of the vvild and jesuites , against their innocent and harmelesse brethren , ( although they knew their cause to be unjust , and the oath which the nunnes had taken to be false , yet did they proceed to irritate and exasperate the judges to execute the sentence , according to the former decree , which in the moneth of aprill . followed in this manner , viz. that for as much as the parties convicted , were not only guilty of the aforesaid ryot as turbule●t persons , and breakers of the peace of the kingdome , but also by their hereticall preaching , disputations and conferences , did seduce and draw away many from the catholicke faith , that therefore they esteemed them guilty of death , yea more worthy of punishment , then the most wicked malefactors . it is therefore sentenced by this honorable bench , that the delinquents shall be taken to the market place of the city of vilna , the city where the fact was committed , and there be executed publickly as traitors to his majestie , and troublers of the publicke peace ( the manner of their death to be left to his majesties pleasure ) their lands and goods to be confiscated to the use of his majestie or assignes . item , that the exercises of the protestant religion , shall altogether cease and be suppressed within the walls of the royall citty of vilna , and that the churches where these exercises were had , shall bee converted altogether into dwelling houses , or to some other civill use , and that upon no pretext or cause whatsoever , there shall be preaching in that place , or anywhere else within the said gity , under the penalties formerly mentioned . the illustrious duke radzivil , perceiving the injustice , malice , and cruelty of these romanists , and condoling the estate of his distressed servants and ministers , a little before the publication of the sentence , about midnight , sent for them to his palace , where after some houres private conference , he wrote letters commendatory to the duke of prusia , and having furnished them with money , and a guard of a hundred tartarian horsemen , they were conveyed to the town of keydan ; from whence within or dayes after they departed to the tilz , from thence to the first great castle & town in prusia , belonging to the duke of prusia , from whence shortly after the death of the illustrious old duke radzivil , and the duke of brandeburgh , this duke of prusia his father , who both dyed in one moneth , viz. in the moneth of august ; fearing further persecution , they were removed to the towne of memble , a great strength upon the sea side under the duke of prusia , nor long after unto konisberg , and at length unto dantsk , where they remaine unto this day , being banished from their places , countries and families , without maintenance , and separated from all hope of future reliefe , unlesse the lord worke it by the charitable care and affection of their reformed brethren , as appeareth more fully , by that most unjust decree of proscription , since published against them , the coppy whereof shall god willing be imparted to the reader . neither can i omit in this historicall relation , that barbarous cruelty of the jesuites scollars in the wilde , in the day of the aforesaid tumult , against that good man master george hartlib rector of the protestant colledge , a man for learning , innocence and integrity , famous and excellent , yea , the popish bishop of the vvilde , his great enemy , in a publicke meeting , did not onely acknowledge his worthinesse , but also with great griefe , ( although it was too late ) condole his distresse more then any of the others . moreover one of these jesuites , travelling lately through dantsk into germanie , did confesse , that hee was innocent , and the reason why he was condemned and proscribed since , was no otther , but that hee disputed in publicke against the popish religion , and seduced the nobility and gentry committed to his trust ; in which regard they esteemed him to be more worthy of punishment then any malefactor . this good man , i say , walking peaceably from the protestant colledge unto his owne house , was by these catholicke christian schollars , apprehended as a thiefe , beaten with trees , buffered , and most dangerously wounded with stones in foure or five places of the head : not contented with this , as if it had beene too gentle a punishment , they threw him over a bridge into a deep river , from whence ( having once escape ) they threw him in againe , & at last perceiving that hee had escaped the second time , and that they could not thereby take away his life , they followeth him into a bathstove or hothouse , where some pittifull-hearted men and women , ( although papists ) commiserating his condition , had sheltered him , and assaulted his life , and those that tooke his part , with most inhumane and diabolicall fury , but he being hidden by a good old woman under a washing tub , continued there untill midnight , and at last , taking upon him the habit of that woman , by gods providence he escaped their outrage . moreover ( as if these things were too little to expresse their insolencies against the evangelick protestants ) they have proceeded further , and that by the same aforesaid meanes , namely by cavils , tricks of law and perjury , to abolish and take away all the protestant or evangelick churches , that were and are within the kings regall townes and chiefest citties throughout the whole realme of poland , such as were the church of krakovia , posenania , looblene , sendomerzee , polocia , bresta , all great and regall townes and chiefest citties of the kingdome , besides that of the vvilde , formerly mentioned . so that now there remaine no more protestants churches throughout the whole kingdome of poland , except two in the citty of dantsk , & the duke of brandeburg church in his konisbergh , called the sole , & so it may well indeed , for there is no more in all the citty of konisbergh , and the lutherians will suffer no more , but the church of vitepsia , the church of minski , the church of novoguard and the church of roseyn , all which also the popish jesuites and priests are daily plodding to take away . so that unles it please the lord to use some meanes to prevent their jesuiticall enterprises , the whole number of protestant churches , and consequently the whole publicke exercise of our reformed religion , throughout the whole kingdome of poland within few yeares , is like to be extirpated and extinguished . to conclude , of late and since the death of our illustrious patron duke christophe radzivil formerly mentioned , the pride and insolency of jesuites and papists is growne to such a heigth , that they spare not to persecute and assault our ministers and professors in the open streets , affronting them with opprobrious speeches , and sometimes with blowes , yea , often wounding them with gunnes , shables , clubs or stones , as they lately did two of our dukes ministers in the wilde , about the moneth of december last ( one whereof , a learned and reverend divine ) master iacobus , they afflicted with three severall wounds , one in the arme , another in the left cheeke , and a third on the backe of the left hand , whereof i my selfe was an eye-witnesse , so that they are now forced to forsake their ministeriall habits , and goe like merchants or souldiers , with coloured clothes and weapons . the truth whereof , i my selfe have lately experienced , having beene two severall times in great danger of my life , once , namely about the latter end of february last , travelling peaceably in my sled , from keydan the place of my residence , unto rogola , which is foure polish miles distant , i was set upon in the high-way by a polish boyarne or gentleman , who asked me what bishop i served under , but because i could not answer him in his owne language so well as he expected , or perhaps , by my habit , surmised me to be one of duke radzivils ministers , stroke at me most desperatly with his sh●ble or polish sword three or foure severall times , wounded me in the head , and had i not warded two or three of his blowes , with a thick cane , which i then had in mine hand , and which he did almost cut through , he had certainely bereft me of my life . not long after , being in the towne of kowan six polish miles from keydan , walking in the streets about nine of the clocke in the morning , going to buy some necessaries , because i saluted not the crucifix , which was then carryed by me in procession , and encountred me unawares ; the jesuite schollars accompanyed with two capushine fryars fell upon me , and assaulted me so fiercely , first with words , and then with blowes and stones , that i was forced to make more then ordinary haste to my lodging . thus have i discharged my duty to my illustrious patron , discovered unto you the afflicted estate of our reformed churches under the crowne of poland , and exposed to the world , the treacherous practices , malicious tyrannie , unreconciliable hatred , unlimited and unsatiable ambition of the romish prelats and their associates within the aforesaid kingdome . and yet i would not hereby absolutely and totally condemne the romish church ( as it is a church , and a part or member , although a diseased and rotten one ) of the true catholicke church of christ , and as it beleeveth , approveth and maintaineth with christs apostles and us , many essentiall and orthodoxe points of truth , both in doctrine and discipline , agreeable to the word of god and the analogy of f●ith . nor would i discourage too much the modest and better sort of papists , who living in simple ignorance , make innocencie and charity , the touchstone of their religion . for i am very confident , that he that cannot try the truth of his religion by these two , let him be protestant or papist , or of whatsoever other religion he will , all that he beleeveth , knoweth or professeth of that religion cannot profit him to salvation but is as founding brasse , or a tinckling cymball , because the faith or knowledge which he professeth or pretendeth to have , is meerely notionall and speculative , residing onely in the braine , and shewing it selfe onely by words or outward posture , but not inwardly affecting or heating the heart , with a desire to doe good , or frame our actions according to our profession . for that religion that must save us , must be a practicall religion , that faith that must justifie us before god , must be an effectuall operative faith , which worketh by love , and that knowledge of god and of his sonne christ , that knowledge , i say , of religion , and divine worship , which is true and able to doe us good , and bring us to life eternall , must bee such a knowledge , saith pet. mart. quia ita mutamur , ut quae scimus , opere conemur exprimere , p. m. inloe . com , otherwise , the better our religion is , and the more that we know of it , or are leaned in it , it will be the worse for us , for potentes potenter torquebuntur , that swimming learning or knowledge which we have , will but aggravate our condemnation , for according to our talent of knowledge , doth god expect from us a correspondent reckoning of obedience , whereas he doth not so to such unto whom he hath not shewed himselfe so bountifull a creditor . but first , i would hereby admonish and give notice unto all the simpler and more ignorant sort of papists , who either have beene lately seduced by these romish impostures , or have not as yet taken deepe footing , and are but newly entred into that antichristian laborynth , that they would in time , and before they passe too farre , retire and withdraw themselves , least in the end , they provoke the lord to complaine of them as he did of those in the fourth psalme , o yee sonnes of men , how long will you follow after vanities and seeke after leasings ? secondly , i would hereby bewayle and condemne crassam illam , & supinam pontificiorum ignorantiam , that most grosse , or rather wilfull and obstinate ignorance of the roman prelates and church-men , who i am perswaded in my conscience , beleeve in their hearts , know with their understanding , discerne by their judgement , although they will not confesse with their mouthes , most , if not all of these , humane inventions , unnecessary traditions , idolatrous superstitions , false , cruell , treacherous and ungodly practices , doctrines , devices and machinations , wherein they differ from us , and from that truly antient , catholicke and apostolike doctrine , professed and beleeved in the purer times of the church , many hundred yeares before ever there was the least mention of the popes holinesse , and by gods grace , is continued , beleeved , and maintained by us in this angel-like monarchy , i say , it is not possible , but that they must needs know these things which they teach , write , professe , and maintaine , for the grounds of their religion , and maintaining , improving , and advancing of their hierarchy to be unjust , false , unchristian and hereticall , and blasphemous : did they not ( by reason of that regnum ignorantiae & erroris ) that is , of that kingdome of ignorance that is amongst them , shut up the gates of truth , that is , of holy scriptures , ( which is the rule and ground of truth ) from themselves and their people . haeretici sacerdotes claudunt ianuam veritatis , the hereticall priests shut the gates of truth , because they know , that if the truth were knowne , their religion should be forsaken , and they cast downe and debased from their pontificall dignity , into the meane condition of ordinary people , yea , i should rather have said , did not the prince of this world , which ruleth in the hearts of the children of disobedience shut their eyes that they should not see , stop their eares , that they cannot heare , harden their hearts , that they should not understand nor discerne the wayes of truth wherein they should walke , and therefore it is no marvell , that god hath given them over , to a reprobate sense , to be like other sectaries and heretiks , obstinate in their errors , to beleeve strong delusions , and to hold the truth in unrighteousnesse . thirdly , i would hereby incourage my brethren and country-men , whether in this kingdome or else-where , to stand firme and constant in the truth of their profession , and not to be moved and-shaken with every winde of doctrine ; nor by their sects , schismes , separations , private and confused opinions or assemblies , rend the unseamed coat of their redeemer , or thereby teare that part of his mysticall body , which hee doth graciously please to continue in this kingdome , but to agree rather in one consent to keep the unity of the spirit , in the bond of peace to follow after peace with all men , and holinesse , yea to forbeare one another in love , and to follow after the truth in love , with peaceable and loving affections , not with hot and furious distempers , as some of us seeme to doe , who thinke they cannot be religious enough , unlesse they be enemies to peace , and that there can be no better patterne of wholesome doctrine , to hold fast , keep , and frame their faith by , then that which is of their owne weaving . i tell you ( good brethren ) this patterne of doctrine , which is maintained , and i hope shall be maintained in these kingdomes , is good enough , yea so good , that i know none in the world better ( and i am sure i have read , heard , knowne and seene as much of the world , almost , as any other of my coate and calling within this iland ) yea , i say , there is none so good , none so neare that patterne which paul commended to timothie , therefore keep it fast , which you cannot doe unlesse you love the truth and peace . say not one of you , i am of paul , another i am of apollos , a third , i am of cephas , a fourth , i am of christ : let me intreat you ( for christ his sake ) not to deceive your selves , for christ neither will not can be divided , nor will he ever send his spirit into you , to illuminate or inspire you with the truth , if hee see you inclined or addicted to schisme or faction , for in malevolam animam non introibit sapientia , heavenly wisedome and truth , will not enter into soules , that through fraction ; contention , schisme , or separation , are divided and dissipated , vna est columba mea , saith christ of his spouse the church , my dove is one , and as his church is one , so is his spirit , which once descended upon him in the likenesse of a dove , to teach all posterities , that he will never send his graces , but into dove-like soules , that is , into men and women , that are of a dove-like , innocent , humble and loving heart . certainely that knowledge which they have or professe of gods worship ( that are otherwise ) cannot be true and good , it cannot i say , be true , unlesse it make them one with their brethren , as christ is one with the father , iohn . . be not therefore divided , give not the papists occasion to say , ( as i have heard some of them lately say to my selfe ) the protestants have so many sects amongst them , that they know not what to embrace , nay said one , there are in this city ( for the present ) above ninety severall religions , each one differing from another , nay each one despising , excommunicating and separating themselves from other . o let not this be heard in gath , nor published in the streets of askalon : for shame , for shame , give not this occasion to the adversary , forsake not christs spouse for her blacke spots , nor his true reformed church in this land for her imperfections : what ? would you have a church militant , to be triumphant ? or doe you dreame of , or seeke for a church in this life that hath no blemish ? such men as these had best buy wings to themselves and flee beyond the moone to the garden of hesperide● , wherein ( some say ) was paradise , and which ( if wee will beleeve poets ) is altogether free from stormes and tempests , sure i am beneath the moone , there is no man , no religion , no church free from blemishes , nor possibly can be . seeing that of the apostle is as true of all the church , as of one of the church , here we see darkely through a glasse , we know but in part , but then we shall know as we are knowne ; cor. . . let us not say , in matters of religion , draw backwardly or contrariwayes like sampsons foxes , that were bound together tayle to tayle , for then can follow nothing but jars , contention , combustion and tumultuous confusion , but let us be rather like the cherubins , having our faces looking one towards another , that is , let us all with one consent and unity of mind , especially in matters of faith and religion , joyne together in love , opinion , judgement , and affection , to embrace , beleeve , and practice such a forme of doctrine , discipline and government , as hath been ever since christ , or at the least , in the purer times after christ received and followed in the christian church , and as i hope ( through gods goodnesse and providence , shall shortly be established in this kingdome , by the religious care and wisedome of our king and parliament ; which i am perswaded will be no other then such as shall be most pleasing unto god , justifiable and harmelesse to the people , sutable to the scriptures , and most approveable and comfortable to mens consciences . such , i say , as shall have for their ground and warrant , not mens inventions , humane policy and traditions , but absolutely and immediatly gods inspired scriptures , which are sufficient , in all things to instruct , reprove , correct in righteousnesse , and to make the man of god perfect , furnished throughly to every good work ; in a word , such as shall most conduce for the advancement of gods glory , and depressing the pride and ambition of mens hearts , such as are most contrary to the corruption of mans life & manners , such as are most spirituall & sutable to the nature of god , who is a spirit , and will be worshipped in spirit & truth : finally such as can afford most comfort and ease , unto troubled and perplexed consciences ; if , i say , such doctrines , discipline , and manner of government be admitted & established in our church , ( as i make no doubt they shall ) and also if all the people from dan to beersheba , both in city and country , from all places , and corners of the land , joyne together , as is aforesaid , without contention , preposterous zeale , schisme , and separation ; to approve , beleeve , receive and practice the same , then shall our church , like aarons rod , flourish to all possible perfection , even to the astonishment and admiration of all her enemies , being as mount sion which cannot be removed , but remaineth for ever : as the mountaines about ierusalem , so shall the lord be about his people from henceforth , and for ever , psa. . fourthly and lastly , let these and such like treacherous practices of jesuites and papists abovementioned , be a foelix quem faciunt , or warning-peale unto all the orthodoxe and reformed churches in the world , to make them ( not only hate and abhorre all popish and antichristian devices , but also abandon ( if they wish their owne welfare ) and ( as much as is possible ) exterminate and extirpate out of their lands and kingdomes , all pragmaticall and busie he●ded romanists , but especially these of the jesuited sort , which are more rigidly devoted and addicted to the roman sea . let this historie , i say , be as wormwood to the dug , to make the sons of our mother , the children of this church , forsake the paps of that antichristian whore , and not to admit upon any termes , much lesse to approve , or maintaine the least semblance of a papisticall hierarchie , least ( if they doe ) their ghostly fathers , prelates and fraternities shew them a tricke of machiavelisme , and how doggetly they can insult and domineere over their simple and reformed brethren , whersoever they take footing , as they have lately done these two yeares past in the kingdom of poland , over that famous illustrious and orthodoxe prince duke christopher radzivil , the father , and his distressed ministers , and are like to do still over his most excellent and illustrious sonne , prince ianussius , unlesse the lord provide some remedy to the contrary . but especially , let them take notice of this unto whom both god and his anointed our soveraigne , hath freely and graciously granted all sort of power , right , law , and prerogative to execute , establish and reforme matters tending to the preservation and welfare of this kingdome , for whom ( as true and naturall sonnes of this sion ) let us be carefull in our best devotion and prayers to sollicite and implore the favourable assistance , and gracious presence of the almighty , who hath the hearts of kings and great men in his hands , turning them ( like the rivers of water ) which way he listeth ; that he may be pleased so to affect and dispose the hearts of the peeres and princes , magistrates of this land , that they may speedily bethinke themselves of some opportune way and meanes , whereby all fractions , and factions , schismes , separations , sidings , and backslidings , contentions , combustions , confusions , prevarications , finally all antichristian , polypragmaticall , tyrannicall , and treacherous heresies , schismes , practices , professions , and enterprises may be quite , or at least as much as is possible , abolished and removed from the body and bounds of this monarchie , and that all his majesties subjects here and elsewhere , may from henceforth concurre and consent , in unity of mind , opinion , judgment , conscience , and affection , to embrace , professe , maintaine , retaine , beleeve and practice such a platforme and patterne of wholesome doctrine and religion , as is most consonant and agreeable to gods revealed will , loving the truth and peace , and following after the truth in love ; in a word , if it be possible , and as much as in them lyeth , following peace with all men and holinesse , that there may be amongst them all , but one body and one spirit , even as they are called in one hope of their vocation , one lord , one faith , one baptisme , one god and father of them all , in them all , and through them all , amen . ephes. . finis . lord william cavendise . anagr . a wise lord can live milde . acrost . let natures seeming lustre , gull or blind our dazeled eyes with earths vaine glistering rayes , rarest soule-filling pleasures you shall find deriv'd from thence , where grace and vertue swayes . were all perfections , in the earths great round inclosed and ingros'd in one free-hould , let pearles streame as the pibles , gold abound like silver , silver as the sand , yea could in one great magazing dame nature fold all that the heaven , or earth , and sea , containes , my muse hath here from truths bright fountaine told , combind in one , that yet the soule remaines a wandring , wondring , wavering pilgrim toile , voyde of her maker , barr'd from restfull blesse , ever with sinnes , feare , care , or sorrow soild , never appeased , in this vast wildernesse , did reason , season , wit , and faith comply in all these stormes with love , hopes anchor then should safely make this brittle barke of clay enter with joy into her wished haven . vestrae magnificentiae addictissimus , e. g. the state of the protestants of ireland under the late king james's government in which their carriage towards him is justified, and the absolute necessity of their endeavouring to be freed from his government, and of submitting to their present majesties is demonstrated. king, william, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing k estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the state of the protestants of ireland under the late king james's government in which their carriage towards him is justified, and the absolute necessity of their endeavouring to be freed from his government, and of submitting to their present majesties is demonstrated. king, william, - . [ ], , [ ] p. printed for robert clavell ..., london : . reproduction of original in duke university library. table of contents p. [ ]-[ ] advertisement p. 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texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- ireland -- early works to . ireland -- history -- james ii, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - john latta sampled and proofread - john latta text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion let this be printed . nottingham . white-hall , octob. . . the state of the protestants of ireland under the late king james's government ; in which their carriage towards him is justified , and the absolute necessity of their endeavouring to be freed from his government , and of submitting to their present majesties is demonstrated . london : printed for robert clavell , at the peacock , at the west-end of st. paul's . . heads of the discourse . the introduction . containing an explication of the doctrine of passive obedience , and stating the true notion and latitude of it . page n. . that a king who designs to destroy a people , abdicates the government of them ib. . the assertors of passive obedience own this , but alledge the case is not to be put p. . the arguments of passive obedience from reason and scripture reach only cases where the mischief is particular or tolerable p. . a war not always a greater evil than suffering p. . the division of the whole discourse into four parts ib. chap. . that it is lawful for one prince to interpose between another prince and his subjects when he uses them cruelly p. n. . this point already cleared by several ib. . . argument . one prince may have an interest in the people and government of another prince ib. . . argument . that tho destruction of a people by their prince may only be a step to the destruction of his neighbours ib. . . argument . charity and humanity oblige every one , who is able , to succour the oppressed p. . . argument . god seems for this reason to have divided the world into several principalities ib. . . argument . from the authority of christian casuists p. . . from the practice of christian princes , constantine the great , constantine his son , king pepin , the holy war , &c. ib. . the objection from the oath of allegiance , &c. answered from falkner p. . from it not being lawful to assist any prince in an ill cause p. . from king jame's abolishing those oaths here in ireland ib. chap. . king james designed to destroy the protestant religion p. sect. . the possibility of a king 's designing the destruction of his subjects ib. n. . that it is necessary the princes design should be very evident to justifie the opposition of his subjects ib. . an answer to the objection , who shall be judge ? ib. . example of princes that have had such designs against their subjects p. sect. . shewing from the obligations of his religion that king james designed to destroy protestant subjects p. n. . proved from the councils of lateran and constance , from king james's zeal , confessors and allies ib. . that no promises of the prince , nor laws of the land can secure protestant subjects p. account of jerome of prague's safe conduct ▪ p. sect. . king james's design to ruin his protestant subjects , proved from the profession of that whole party that were most privy to his councils , who privately warned their protestant friends of it ib. sect. . the same destructive designs proved from the officers employed by him p. n. . the ground of the different interests of ireland . account of the rebellion in ib. . the subjects security is , that the officers employed by the king are responsible for what they do amiss p. . the officers employed by king james not only not responsible , but fitted to destroy us , upon account of the five qualifications following p. sect. . upon account of their being men generally of no fortune p. n. . king james employed such in the army and civil offices ▪ and such were his favourites p. . he employed such in corporations p. . men of estates that followed him out of england had little interest with him ib. . the reason of this that they might not stick at illegal commands p. sect. . upon account of their insufficiency for their emploments ib. n. . the roman catholicks generally insufficient for business by their long disuse ib. . the inconveniences of this in the courts , and city p. . in the country p. . those employed were incapable of improvement p. sect. . upon account of their loose principles and want of moral honesty ib. n. . knavery , robbery or forgery no bar to preferments in king james his army , or employments ib. . the lewdest converts favour'd p. . all of them very uncharitable , and void of compassion to hereticks p. . many perjuries amongst them ib. sect. . upon account of their genius and inclination to destroy the laws , &c. p. n. . the ancient condition of the tenants and landlords of ireland ib. . the landlords that did not forfeit their estates , retained the genius of their ancestors p. . the humour and way of living of such as formerly forfeited , or had sold their estates ibid. . the english laws were intolerable to the old landlords , that retain'd their estates p. . much more to those that had lost them , and most of all to the popish clergy ibid. . king james employed and trusted those most , whose interest and temper made them greatest enemies to the laws p. by the laws in employing soldiers ibid. . secondly , that protestants would not serve his turn . answer , this only shews what he designed against us p. . thirdly , that such levies were necessary in the kings circumstances . answer , the papists had brought that necessity . the raising and modeling this army a plain instance of king james's design to destroy us ibid. sect. . secondly , king james's dealing with the courts of judicature p. . justice in the hands of ●it persons the support of a kingdom . king james put it into the most unfit hands ; being such as were bent to destroy the protestants , and english interest ibid. . chancery , primate boyle , and sir charles porter removed . fitton put in . his character . his inclination and behaviour towards protestants ; and great partiality to them . ibid. . masters of chancery of the same sort p. . on the other benches , one . protestant judg kept in for a colour , without power . the like done by burgesses in corporations p. . kings bench , nugent's character , great partiality . instance in captain fitz gerald , an● sir gregory birn . nugent's great hand in the bill of attainder ▪ &c. sir bryan ô neal's character p. , . exc●equer , sir stephen rice's character . his inveteracy to protestants , and enmity to the act of settlement p. . common pleas little to do , keating's and daley's characters p. . circuits . alike ill for protestants . instance tirrell's affidavit ibid. . attorney general , sir richard nagle , his character and partiality . instance in fitz gerald and sir william petty , speaker ▪ of the house of commons , drew up the acts of repeal and attainder , and betrayed the kings prerogative p. , . administration of the laws turned to the protestants ruin p. . instances in beating and injuring protestants ibid. . in disarming them p. . the dispensing power of more mischief still , than ill administration . first , only to be allowed in cases of necessity ibid. . secondly , in such cases the people have as much right to it as the king. instance in the sheriff of warwickshire , from dr. sanderson p. . thirdly , the wickedness either in king or people in pretending necessity where there is none p. . king james's employing popish officers was such a dispensation ibid. . and no necessity for it , unless such as was criminal p. . king james dispensed with all , when it was against protestants p. sect. . thirdly , king james's dealing with civil offices , and the privy council p. . several outed notwithstanding patents ibid. . act of parliament for voyding patents . irish hereby made keep●rs of records ; which before , they had corrupted , when they could get to them p. . revenue officers changed for roman catholicks , though to the prejudice of the revenue p. . sheriffs and justices of peace , from the scum of the people ibid. . privy-councellors , all in effect papists p. sect. . fourthly , king james's dealing with corporations p. . the peoples security in these kingdoms , is the choice of representatives in parliament . to preserve this , papists excluded from corporations in ireland . protestants had made great concessions to the king by their new rules for corporations . the king not satisfied with this , but would have all p. , . rice and nagle's managing of quo warranto's ; a horrid abuse of the kings prerogative and the law p. , . other methods of destroying charters p. . particular corporations in dublin how ordered ibid. . voyding charters led to voyding parents for estates ibid. . corporations by the new charters made absolute slaves to the kings will. first , by consequence no free parliament could be returned . secondly , protestants could not serve in the corporations p. , . protestants hereby driven from the kingdom ibid. sect. . fifthly , king james's destruction of the trade p. . trade to be destroyed that the king might have his will of his subjects . poor people willing to serve for little in an army , as in france ibid. . in order to ruin the protestants , who were the chief traders , driven hereby out of the kingdom p. . this ruined a great many that depended on them ibid. . the irish in employ , who had the ready mony , gave it only to papist tradesmen p. . exactions of the revenue-officers , great discouragement to merchants and traders p. . protestant shoopkeepers quitted for fear of being forced to trust ibid. . transportation of wooll connived at by lord tirconnell , to ruin our woollen trade p. . roman catholick principal traders ruined also by king james , by the act of repeal p. sect. . sixthly , king james's destruction of our liberty p. . no general pardon at king james's accession to the crown . protestants hereby questioned for things in the popish plot , on false evidences ibid. . protestants sworn into plots and seditious words . instance , . in county meath . . in county tipperary p. , . new magistrates in corporations , plagued protestants p. . new levies and rapparee's , imprisoned those that resisted their robberies . instance in mr. brice of wicklow . maxwel and levis , queens county . sir laurence parsons . p. . general imprisonment of protestants from midsummer . to christmas . no habeas corpus's allowed . protestants of drogheda barbarously used at the siege , and of the county of cork , by imprisonments p. , . hard usage of protestants in prisons . powder placed to blow them up . leak's evidence against the prisoners in dublin , defeated by an accident p. . k. james aware of all the ill treatment of protestants , informed at large by the bishop of limrick . all protestants confined by his proclamation to their parishes p. . arts to conceal this in england . intollerable staying in ireland . necessary to close in with king william p. sect. . seventhly , king james's destruction of our estates . . by disarming the protestants , by lord tirconnell p. . government dissolved that does not preserve property ibid. . the irish very low at the prince of oranges's invasion . would easily have been brought to submit . protestants able to have mastered them . lord mountjoy opposed seizing tirconnell p. , . protestants resolved not to be the aggressors : were inclined to submit to king james , till they found his destructive designs . monsieur d' avaux complained of the measures put on king james by tirconnell p. , . tirconnell's arts and lyes to gain time , pretending to be ready to submit to king william , till he form'd his new levies , lord chief justice keatings letters and observations on it p. . new levies necessary to be subsisted on plunder . this gave credit to the letter to lord mount alexander , decemb. . . p. . and made derry shut its gates against the earl of antrims regiment p. . obliged to do thus by their foundation p. . provoked to it by the unjust taking away their charter p. . this made also the enniskiliners , refuse two companies sent by lord tirconnell , and the northern gentlemen to enter into an association for their own defence ibid. . lord tirconnell hastened to run them into blood , before king james's coming p. . justification of their declaring for their present majesties ibid. . their defence of themselves of great benefit to the protestant cause , and almost miraculous p. . lord tirconnell's lyes and wheedles to lord mountjoy to send him to france p. . lord mountjoy's reasons to accept it . articles granted to him by tirconnell for the protestants , not kept p. . lord tirconnell proceeds to disarm the protestants . manner of doing it , and taking away their horses . a perfect dragooning p. . proclamation issued , after it had been done by verbal orders p. . the arms for the most part embezled by the soldiers who took them . this had like to have occasioned a worse dragooning , prevented by the bishop of meath p. , . the manner of taking up and embezling horses p. . miserable condition of the protestants , being disarmed amongst their irish enemies . protestants had the highest legal property in their arms. the government by taking them away , must design their ruin p. . no reason for disarming us but to make us a prey p. . it was necessary in king james's circumstances : but the necessity occasioned by his own fault ibid. sect. . secondly , lord tirconnell's attempts on the protestants personal fortunes p. . which he destroyed by encouraging popish tenants against their protestant landlords , and swearing them into plots . gentlemen forced to live , for some time before the turn , on their stocks p. , . forced into england with little ready mony. many burnt out of their houses in the country . many robbed , and some murthered p. , . protestants impoverished by vexatious law suits p. . by delays , and the treachery of popish council p. . by defending their charters , and being forced to take out new ones ibid. . by free quarters . inkeepers and houskeepers ruined p. . by the burden of priests and fryars p. sect. . thirdly , king james's own attempts on the same p. . quartering on private houses , contrary to the articles to lord mountjoy . most soldiers had many quarters . mischievous in their quarters . instance in brown , who robbed his landlord , and swore treason against him p. , . plundering and killing the protestants stock . vast numbers destroyed , and stolen p. . irish encouraged to do so : no redress upon complaints p . nugent avowed it . rapparees necessary evils . stop put to this trade , when they began to rob one another p. sect. . fourthly , king james's further methods to compleat the ruin of the protestants personal fortunes p. . taking away absentees goods . bill for it in parliament ibid. methods to drain those that staid , of their ready mony p. . by licences for ships to go for england ibid. . by pretended liberty of transporting goods p. . licences for persons to go for england ibid. . by protections granted , and voided ibid. . by seizing mony and plate upon informations ibid. . boiselot's dragooning of cork ibid. . act for the subsidy at l. per month on lands ibid. . second subsidy of l. per month on personal estates ibid. debates in council about this , and manner of ordering it ibid. . tax for the militia p. . tax for fortifying the avenues of dublin ibid. . tax for quartering soldiers , call'd bed-mony p. . brass mony. illegal . void the necessity of parliaments ibid. of what metal , and how much coined ( viz. l. ) in one year p. forced to be taken in all payments ibid. fitton forced it on trustees for orphans p. . lutterell forced it on pain of death , by the provost-martial ibid. on smith , leeson , bennet , widow chapman , her barbarous usage ibid. papists not forced to receive it from protestants p , . seizing of protestants wooll , hides , tallow p. peircy to have bin hanged for saying he was not willing to part with them p. protestants not permitted to export them . their imports seized ibid. . seizing of corn and mault . the treason of having bisket . giles meigh p. difficult for protestants to get corn or bread , this before harvest would have forced out all their silver ibid. . seizing wool as soon as shorn p. searching houses for copper and brass for the mint ; and taking private accompts of what else the protestants had in in their houses . ibid. . lord mayors rating of merchant goods . forced on the protestants , but disregarded by the papists : instance in the very lord mayor himself . ibid. . proclamation to rate silver and gold in exchange for brass , on pain of death . p. . inference from the whole . ibid. sect. . fifthly , king james's destruction of the protestants real estates . p. . explication of old and new interest , and account of the acts of settlement , and of the tenure by which the protestants held their estates . ibid. the papists outed of their estates by the late rebellion still kept up a claim to them , and made jointures and settlements of them , which were confirmed in king james's parliament . p. . king james at his first coming to the crown , gave out he would preserve the acts of settlement . lord clarendon , lord chancellor porter , and the judges in circuit directed to declare it . ibid. the papists knew it was only colour p. nagle's coventry letter first openly broke the matter , october . . ibid. tirconnell , at his coming governour , leaves it out of the proclamation ibid. nugent and rice sent to england to concert the methods of repealing it , but concealed for the present their success p. at their return prepared for a parliament ibid. for which matters had been fitted by the quo warranto's , and reversal of outlawries against the irish peers ibid. . papists had not patience to wait for their estates till a parliament ; but ▪ went to work by counterfeit deeds , and by old injunctions of the court of claims p. . matters ripe for a parliament , but put off till the parliament which was to sit in england , november . should take off the penal laws , &c. p. . at king james's arrival in ireland , it was against his interest to call a parliament , first , because of loss of time ; the kingdom not reduced ibid. . secondly , which was king james's allegation for not calling one in england , this reflected on his sincerity p. . thirdly , it was the way to disoblige all that were inclined to him in england , and scotland ibid. . fourthly , it disobliged a great many of the irish themselves ibid. . fifthly , it rendered all not under his power , desperate p. . against all reason and interest he called one , being resolved to dye a martyr or establish popery ibid. . this parliament fitted for our ruin , both in respect of the king and of both houses . ibid. . method of filling the house of lords with popish peers . only four or five protestant temporal , and four spiritual lords ibid. several acts past not by consent of these last ; though it be pretended in their preambles p. . house of commons how filled . manner of electing members , only two protestants ( that could be called such ) in it p. . the whole house a slave to the kings will. no protestations allowed p. . how much reason we , as well as england , had to dread papists in a parliament p. . first , account of the act of repeal ibid. secondly , of the act of attainder p. thirdly , clause in it of holding correspondence since aug. . . ibid. fourthly , clause of cutting off remainders p. fifthly , no protestant might hope to be reprized by the act of repeal ibid. sixthly , clause in the act of attainder against the kings pardoning , which was the reason this act was kept so secret . copy procured by mr. coghlan . upon account of sir thomas southwell's pardon sollicited by lord seaforth . king james in a passion with sir richard nagle , for betraying his prerogative by this clause against pardoning p. , , . observations , first , king james could not dispense when the irish pleased ibid. secondly , near three thousand protestants condemned for not coming in by a day , and yet the act , never published but kept ▪ secret ibid. thirdly , folly of attainted persons to think of ever being pardoned , if king james be restored , since it is not in his power p. fourthly , papists got into their estates before the time set in the act of repeal ibid. . means how the papists got possessions p. first , popish tenants attorn'd to their old popish landlords ibid. secondly , advantages taken of clauses in the act of repeal ibid. thirdly , from orders about garrisoning mansion-houses . sending the protestant owners to the goal , who must never have expected either their houses or lives , if king james had prevailed ibid. estates of absentees disposed of , and promised to papists p. . objection , that king james did not know the consequence of repealing the acts of settlement ibid. answer , first , king james understood them better than any ; and held ten thousand pounds a year by them when duke of york ibid. secondly , king james would not hear the protestants plead at the bar against the repeal p. thirdly , bishop of meath , in a speech in the house , set forth the ill consequences at large ibid. fourthly , the protestants opposed it from point to point ibid. fifthly , protestants were resolved to use their utmost , that the ill intents of their adversaries might appear the more p. sixthly , lord chief justice keating's paper given to king james in behalf of purchasers , rejected ibid. . protestants lost more in ireland , than all that favour king james's cause in england are worth . p. sect. . eighthly , the danger into which king james brought the lives of his protestant subjects in ireland ibid. . at king james's coming no general pardon , though it had been his interest in respect of england ibid. . is not chargeable with particular murders further than by arming such men as would be guilty of them p. . the governments design upon our lives ibid. first , by feigned plots ; and protecting the perjured witnesses . instance in spikes case . the dumb friar p. secondly , by wresting facts to treason . nugent declar'd protestants , having arms , to be so p. thirdly , by violating articles . mr. brown of cork . town of bandon . earl of inchiquin . captain boyle . sir thomas southwell and his party . lord mountjoy's soldiers . fort of culmore . king james's approach to derry . captain dixy . kenaght castle p. , fourthly . by violating protections p. protestants of down p. protestants brought before derry by general rosen . bishop of meath applyed to king james about it . king james excused rosen p. , captain barton of carrick mac cross p. fifthly , by private orders and proclamations with the penalty of death . several instances p. sixthly , by the act of attainder . abstract of it . archbishops duke temporal lords ladies bishops knights clergymen esquires and gentlemen — p. , not equalled by the proscription at rome . great part attainted on common fame p. observations on the act ibid. . leaves no room for the king to pardon ibid. . the act concealed . out of the power of an english parliament to repeal it , by the act for cutting off ireland from england p. . the hast in drawing it up ibid. . many left out , particularly the collegians , and how ibid. . applications in behalf of protestants made their case worse p. . allowing of time to prove innocency , a meer collusion ibid. . none knew what time was given ibid. . none knew what they would call innocency . instance desmineer and ginnery ibid. . the embargo on this side would not let them know on the other side . . the embargo on the other side would not let them come hither . . to have come would have been an unwise venture p. . objection , that few protestants lost their lives . p. answer , . when it is known how many have perished , they will not appear few ibid. . the irish papists would not venture at much murthering , till they were past an after reckoning , they feared such cruelty would be revenged on roman catholicks in england ibid. . protestants were cautious not to provoke them , and were true to one another p. . we dont know what would have been done with attainted persons ibid. . protestants if obnoxious absconded or escaped ibid. . the support of king james's army depended on the protestants p. scotch officers that came here wondered to find how protestants were used , having heard so much the contrary at home p. the same given out in england . pity but those who believed and forwarded it , had been sent hither ibid. the irish doing what they did in their circumstances , what would they have done if left to their swing ? ibid. sect. . ninthly , the method king james took to destroy our religion p. . the attempts against our lives and fortunes , no sudden thing but the result of a long design ; for which tirconnel had l. per annum ibid. . king james pretended liberty of conscience ; but not to be expected from a roman catholick ibid. . the laws and coronation oath secured our religion . the clergy had merited from king james by opposing the exclusion ; and disobliged their people p. . at his coming to the crown , the roman catholicks declared that his promises to the church were not intended for ireland p. sect. . first , by taking away our schools and universities p. . lord tirconnell put the schools , contrary to law , into the hands of papists ibid. . and would have put in popish fellows into the college ibid. . stopt the college pension of l. per annum from easter . turned out the fellows and students ; seized on the library and furniture p . forbid three of them on pain of death not to meet together p. . king james did not fill up vacant bishopricks and livings in his gift ibid. . and allowed nothing for supplying the cures p. . all the bishops and livings in the kingdom would soon have come into the kings hands . p. . this not the effect of our constitution , the same in popish countries . thirty five bishopricks void in france in . king james's ungratefulness to the protestant clergy ibid. sect. . secondly , by taking away the maintenance of the clergy p. . book-mony denyed by the papists from king james's coming to the crown ibid. . priests put in for tythes . hardly recovered by protestants p. . an act of their parliament applied papists tythes to the priests ibid. . and protestants tythes too when the priests had the benefices ibid. . the priests forc'd into possession of glebes , where there were any p. . protestant clergy little better for the tythes left to them . protestants had little tythings left . priests by dragoons seized what there was ; never wanted pretences ibid. . house-mony in corporations taken away by their parliament . pleaded against before the house of lords , but in vain p. . the same took away ulster table of tythes p. . duties payable to the king out of livings , were exacted wholly from the protestant incumbents though they had nothing left to them of their livings : their persons seized and sent to goal ibid. collonel moore clerk of the first fruits , imprisoned because he would not be severe against them . p. sect. . thirdly , by taking away the jurisdiction of the protestant church ibid. . the churches right by prescription to jurisdiction ibid. . act of their parliament destroyed this jurisdiction , by exempting all that please to be dissenters p. . in most diocesses the bishops dead or attainted ibid. . they encouraged the most refractory dissenters ( quakers ) against the church p. . likewise leud and debauched converts ibid. . the kings courts hindred bishops proceedings against debauched clergymen . instance in ross and the bishop of killmore ibid. . king james appointed chancellors . gordon a papist in dublin . king james asserted a power over his protestant , though not over his roman catholick clergy . a gross breach of trust and provoking temptation to his people p. , . papists encouraged debauchery ; and had rather have us of no religion than protestants . p. sect. . fourthly , by taking away their churches p. . priests declared they would have our churches . act of their parliament gave them to them , with the livings , as they fell ibid. . at duke schonberg's landing they set the rabble to deface them . instance in trim and other rudenesses p. . the churches seized in dublin , feb. . . to put arms in . september . . to search for arms. barbarities used in them . in october and november the churches seized throughout the kingdom ibid. . by the officers or magistrates of the army . christ church dublin seized p. . protestants complain and press to king james the act for liberty of conscience . are referred by him to the law ibid. . the injustice of this p. . for a colour to england and scotland king james issues a proclamation against seizing churches , which served only to hasten the doing of it ibid. . priests slighted the proclamation p. . applications made to the king for relief ibid. . on behalf of waterford and wexford . king james orders restitution ; but is refused to be obeyed by the mayors and officers ibid. . on new applications from the protestants , he refers waterford petition to the earl of tyrone governor of waterford , who calls their church a place of strength . and turns it into a garrison . the mayor of wexford turned out , but the church never restored p. . when king james would have kept his word to us , it was not in his power , by means of his clergy ibid. . act for liberty of conscience provides not against disturbers of assemblies p. . many disorders committed by their soldiers in our churches ibid. . christ church , dublin , shut up september . seized october . september . all protestants are forbid to assemble . july . . all protestants confined to their parishes though two or three parishes have but one church . june . more than five protestants forbid to meet on pain of death . had king james succeeded at the boyne , we should never have had our churches again . liberty of conscience brought to this p. , sect. . fifthly , by encouraging converts ; and ill treatment of the protestant clergy p. . protestant wives severely treated by their husbands . servants by their masters . tenants by their landords ibid. . those that turned escaped robberies , &c. p. . protestant clergy sure to be plundered . bishops of laughlin and waterford ibid. . without horses in the country , and afronted in the streets of dublin p. . dr. foy's treatment for resuting mr. hall. dr. king 's in his own church . mr. knight's by the mayor of scarborough , &c. ibid. . oaths tendered them , and upon their refusal imprisoned . hindred from visiting their sick by priests p. . forced the ministers to go about to take the number of their parishoners p. sect. . sixthly , by misrepresentations of them and their principles p. , . priests told ignorant people that our church allowed the king might oblige all his subjects to be of his faith ibid. . from the doctrine of non-resistance , they told us , the king might use us as the grand seignior or the french king does his subjects ibid. . king james warned the young mr. cecills against our bishops as ill men , and all false to him p. . yalden's weekly abhorrences . scandalous falshood of dr. king and dr. foy ibid. . defence upon the whole of desiring and promoting king william to rescue us p. . from the lawfulness of the grecians to desire or accept the like from a christian army ibid. chap. iv. that there remained no prospect of deliverance for us but from their present majesties p. . there remained no defence for us from the laws , or king james ibid. . unreasonable to trust to a new miracle ibid. . our adversaries scoft us with preaching patience , as julian did the christians ibid. mad at their prey , being rescued by his present majesty p. chap. v. a short account of those protestants who left the kingdom , and of those that stayed . sect. . concerning those who went away ibid. . reason of this section ibid. . no law against subjects transporting themselves into the english dominions ibid. . the danger of staying , and no prospect of doing good by their stay in ireland . no prospect of being able to subsist in ireland ibid. . the reason of clergy mens going . the going away of so many of all sorts could not be without sufficient cause p. . nor from a sudden and panick fear : because it continued to the last p. sect. . concerning those that stayed p. . distribution of those that stayed , into four sorts ibid. . first , the meaner people , either could not get away , or were left in charge with the concerns of those that went ibid. . secondly , the gentlemen dreaded to beg or starve in england ibid. . were willing to secure what they had , if they could p. . were desirous to protect their poor dependants ibid. . were useful in interceding for , and relieving many distrest p. . in counselling and advising inferior protestants ibid. . thirdly , those that had employments ; their stay of great importance in preserving records , &c. p. . not safe for them to decline acting till they were forced p. . in many cases they were very beneficial to their fellow protestants ibid. . the few that did otherwise ought to suffer ibid. . fourthly , the clergy need no apology for staying . their serviceableness in several instances p. conclusion . . disclaiming prejudice and partiality . p. . it were to be wished that commissions might issue to enquire into the damages of protestants ibid. . the irish may blame themselves for what they shall suffer in consequence of these troubles ibid. index of the appendix . the act of attainder in ireland at large p. the persuasions and suggestions the irish catholicks make to his majesty : supposed to be drawn up by talbot , titular archbishop of dublin , and found in collonel talbot's house july . . p. a copy of a letter of the irish clergy to king james in favour of the earl of tirconnell , found amongst bishop tirrell's . papers in dublin p. the copy of a letter sent the king august . . found in bishop tirrel's , but imperfect p. lord clarendon's speech in council , on his leaving the government of ireland . p. a general abstract of the gross produce of his majesties revenue in ireland in the three first years of the management , beginning at christmas . and ended christmas . p. sheriffs for the year . p. lord lieutenants , and debuty lieutenants of counties p. privy councellors appointed by letters from king james , dated february . . and such as were sworn since by particular letters p. the civil list of officers , and the times of their entring on their offices p. an account of the general and field officers of king james's army out of the muster rolls p. a copy of the letter dispersed about the massacre said to be designed on december . . p. lord mountjoy's circular letter on his going to france p. judge keating's letter to sir john temple , december . . p. proposals humbly offered to the earl of tyrconnell , lord deputy , by the bishop meath , about the intended search for arms p. an account of the conditions made in the field , between the high sheriff of gallway , and the prisoners afterwards condemned p. a copy of a letter from bishop maloony to bishop tyrrell , the original found amongst bishop tyrrell's papers , march . . p. presentment of the grand jury of tipperary against protestants p. a list of all the men of note that came with king james out of france , or that followed him after ; so far as could be collected p. a list of the lords that sate in the pretended parliament at dublin , held may . . p. the names of the knights , citizens , and burgesses returned to the parliament , beginning may . . p. an address to king james in behalf of purchasers under the act of settlement , by judg keating p. the lord bishop of meath's speech in parliament , june . . p. copies of the orders for giving possessions p. albaville's instructions to the commissioners of oyer and terminer p. a petition of the minister of wexford for his church , and the order thereupon p. mr. prowd , minister of trim , his account of the remarkable accident that happened upon plundering the church of trim p. general rosen's order to bring the protestants before derry p. advertisement , as it was published by mr. yalden in his weakly abhorrence , concerning dr. king and dr. foy p. collonel lutterell's order for numbering protestants p. collonel lutterell's order forbidding above five protestants to meet any where . p. the state of the protestants of ireland under the late king james's government ; in which their carriage towards him is justified , and the absolute necessity of their endeavouring to be freed from his government , and of submitting to their present majesties is demonstrated . introduction . containing an explication of the doctrine of passive obedience , and stating the true notion and latitude of it . . it is granted by some of the highest assertors of passive obedience , that if a king design to root out a people , or destroy one main part of his subjects in favour of another whom he loves better , that they may prevent it even by opposing him with force ; and that he is to be judged in such a case to have abdicated the government of those whom he designs to destroy contrary to justice and the laws . this is grotius's opinion in his book de jure belli & pacis , lib. . cap. . § . where , citing barclay , he says , if a king be carried with a malitious design to the destruction of a whole nation , he loses his kingdom , which i grant , since a will to govern and to destroy cannot consist together , therefore he who professes himself an enemy to a whole people , doth in that very act abdicate his kingdom : but it seems hardly possible that this should enter into the heart of a king who is not mad , if he govern only one people : but if he govern many , it may happen that in favour of one people he may desire the other were destroyed . doctor hammond asserts passive obedience as high as any , yet he approves this passage of grotius , and of barclay , in his vindication of christ's reprehending s. peter , from the exceptions of mr. marshall ( p. . of his first volume ) grotius , saith he , mentions some cases wherein a king may be resisted . as in case a king shall abdicate his kingdom , and manifestly relinquish his power ; then he turns private man , and may be dealt with as any other such . and some other the like . . and it is observable that generally in all books and sermons concerning obedience to governors , where this case is put , suppose a king endeavour to destroy his people , there are only two answers given to it , one is that his officers and ministers ought not to obey him ; if they do the law will punish them . the other is , that this case ought not to be put ; that we ought not to suppose that any king will designedly endeavour to destroy his people ; nay the author of jovian will not allow us to suppose that any king will attempt in england to govern altogether by arbitrary power and the sword. for says he chap. . p. . to suppose this , is plainly to suppose the utmost impossibility , and p. . if a king should shut up the courts , obstruct or pervert justice , he allows that all his good subjects , and all the bad too that tendered their own safety would desert him , and chap. . p. . he says he should be tempted to pray for the destruction of such a prince , as the only means of delivering the church . falkner in his christian loyalty , ( b. . chap. . n. , ) tells us , but if ever any such strange case as is supposed should really happen , i confess it would have its great difficulties . he brings in grotius , de jure . belli & pacis , lib. . cap. . n. . and bishop bilsons , christian subjection , part . p. . edit . . as allowing it , and seems to allow their judgment in the case : but then tells us that the case above-mentioned ought not at all to be supposed , or taken into consideration . all which plainly grants that if a king do in earnest design the destruction of his subjects , and get ministers and officers to concur with him in it , who are ready to execute his wicked intentions , and against whom the law yields no protection , that in such a case the subjects may desert their prince , decline his government and service , and seek protection where they can find it . . and indeed whoever considers the discourses that have been written concerning non-resistance , will find that the reasons given for it , either from the nature of the thing or scripture , reach only tolerable evils , and prove that a man ought to be patient under pressures laid on him by his governor when the mischief is not universal ; or if it be universal , where it is yet tolerable , and not so mischievous in the consequence as a civil-war ; and i am apt to believe were meant no otherwise by the authors . our homilies press with great force the inconveniencies of such a war , and the author of jovian designed his . chap : to shew that resistance would be a greater mischief than passive obedience ; and tells us in the body of the chapter that the inconvenience of resisting the sovereign would be of ten times worse consequence than it . which in the general is true , as it relates to private injuries or the ordinary male-administration of government ; but if it be applyed to the case of a governour who designs the destruction of the laws , lives and liberties of his people , and has gotten ministers ▪ to execute his intention ; it is a manifest mistake and is confuted by examples and experience in all ages . if we look back into history we shall find the best , the happiest most prosperous people , most jealous of their liberty ; and while they continued firm in their resolution of maintaining it against the encroachment of their governours even with the hazzard of their lives , they have continued great and happy ; but no sooner did they degenerate from this zeal , but they became contemptible and dwindled into nothing : and at this day let us look into the whole world , and we shall find every nation happy and thriving at home , and easie to their neighbours abroad , according as they have preserved themselves from slavery ; whereas all countries under unlimitted monarchies , decay in their strength and improvements ; and though they may flourish for a little time by the ruin of their lesser neighbours , yet they at last unpeople their own countries , and seem to be permitted by god to come to that exorbitant power , for their own ruin , and for a plague to mankind . and indeed the greatest mischief of a civil-war is the danger of subjecting the state to the absolute power of some potent general ; as it happened in rome , florence , and in england in the late civil-war : for to lose even half the subjects in a war is more tolerable than the loss of liberty ; since if liberty and good laws be preserved , an age or two will repair the loss of subjects and improvements though they be ever so great : but if liberty be lost it is never to be retrieved but brings certain and infallible destruction ; as it did to rome , and has brought , in a great measure , to florence , and will to england , if ever the prerogative do swallow up the liberties and priviledges of the subjects . so far it is from truth that the allowing of resistance in some cases of extremity has greater inconveniencies than absolute subjection . the scriptures do indeed command obedience without expressing any exception ; but cases of extream necessity may as reasonably be presumed to be excepted here , as in the command for observation of the sabbath ; which is as positive as any command for obedience to governors : thou shalt do no manner of work saith the commandment ; and yet it is acknowledged by all to contain a tacit exception for works of necessity and charity ; and whoever will consider the commands for obedience to governours , will find room in them for as reasonable an exception from that obedience , in cases of necessity , as for servile works on the sabbath day ; ( of which our saviour himself approves : ) it being as true that governours were ▪ made for their kingdoms , as the sabbath for man. . if then in some cases the mischiefs of tamely submitting to the tyranny and usurpation of a governour , may be worse and have more dangerous and mischievous consequences to the common-wealth , than a war ; i suppose it ought to be granted , that where this necessity is certain and apparent , people may lawfully resist and defend themselves even by a war , as being the lesser evil : and then there needs no more to justifie the protestants of ireland , for their deserting king james and accepting their majesties protection , than to shew i. that it is lawful for one prince or state to interpose between another prince and his subjects who uses them cruelly or endeavours to enslave or destroy them ; and to rescue them from his hands even by a war , if other means prove ineffectual : and that it is lawful for the subjects to accept of such interposition and protection , if they can find no better way to preserve themselves . ii. that king james designed to destroy and utterly ruin the protestant religion , the liberty and property of the subjects in general , the english interest in ireland in particular , and alter the very frame and constitution of the government . iii. that he not only design'd but attempted it with great success , and made a considerable progress in it . iv. that there remained no other prospect or human possibility of avoiding this slavery and destruction designed against the kingdom and protestants of ireland , but by accepting of the protection and submitting to the government of their present majesties . if i make these particulars manifest beyond contradiction , and if the very consciences of roman catholicks cannot but own them to be true , i do not see how they can condemn us for what we have done ; or what else they could have expected from us ; except they would have had us held up our throats till they cut them ; which no man had reason to expect from a whole body of people , and they least of all , who designed to be actors in it . chap. i. shewing , that it is lawful for one prince to interpose between another prince and his subjects when he uses them cruelly , or endeavours to enslave or destroy them . . this assertion has been made so clear in several discourses of late , that i shall not need insist much on it . a few arguments will be sufficient for this place . . first therefore it may be lawful for one prince to interpose between another prince and his subjects , because he may have an interest in that people and government , to defend which interest he may lawfully concern himself , and prevent their ruin by a war. such an interest is consanguinity , community of religion , but more especially a prospect of succession in the government ; for in that case , if the people be destroyed or weakened , the inheritance is the worse , and he is injured in his hopes which often are very valuable . the present possessor , who is only an usufructuary or tenant for life , by destroying the inheritance gives a just provocation to him who is in reversion , to cross his design by opposing him by all means that are in his power ; and this argument is the stronger , if there be just reason to suspect that there are any unlawful means used to defeat him of his succession ; which alone were sufficient to justifie their present majesties interposition between the late king and his subjects . . but secondly , the same may be lawful , if the destruction of a people by their prince , be only a step and degree to the destruction of a neighbouring people . in that case there is all the reason in the world , that the prince and people so threatened , should prevent their own ruin , by timely interposing in behalf of their neighbours , and by forcing their king to desist from his injustice and violence against his own subjects , tho it cost a war to compass it , if there appear no other means to do it . and this is not only charity to them , but a point of prudence which every prince ows to himself . now if we consider the state of europe at that time , the growing power of france , and how much the late king was in the french interests , it will clearly appear , that the measures he took with his subjects must have been fatal to all europe , especially to the protestant interest , which he almost openly declared that he designed to destroy : and therefore it concerned all europe , more especially holland , who lay nearer to destruction , to interpose in time , and nip these designs in the beginning ; which they and all europe saw would have ended in their destruction , as soon as the ruin of the protestants in england and ireland was accomplished : and the present confederacy shews this to be the general sense of all the states and princes in europe , as well of the roman catholicks , as of the protestants , the pope himself not excepted : so that this which has been done to king james , is not to be looked on as the single act of their present majesties , or of the people of england , but of all europe , as the only means to oppose the intolerable encroachments or the french king and his faction . . thirdly , the same is lawful by the common rights of humanity and charity which are due to the distressed : if i see a man about to kill or destroy another , tho i have no authority over either , or concern with them , yet humanity obliges me to succour and rescue the oppressed ; and tho it be a son that is thus wronged by his father , yet while the father proceeds with cruelty and apparent injustice , it alters not the case , or makes it any thing more unlawful for me to afford relief , or for him to desire and accept it , tho the father should take it so ill as to engage me in a quarrel to the loss of his life . much more is it lawful for princes to interpose with a neighbor-prince , when they see him cruelly and injustly oppress his subjects ; and there is much more reason for those subjects to desire and accept of the kind offers of such a deliverer , than for a son to accept it against his father . . fourthly , god seems purposely to have divided the world into several principalities and dominions , and ballanced them a mong themselves , that there might be a refuge for the oppressed and afflicted ; and that if one king should turn tyrant , or endeavour to destroy his people , the others might interpose and stop his hands ; and that the fear of being deserted by his subjects in such a quarrel , might oblige every one to preserve their love and affection by justice and good government . i have reason to believe , that the primitive church , and especially s. cyprian , was of this opinion , for they give this reason why the church was not trusted to one , but to many bishops ; saith s. cyprian , therefore the body of bishops is numerous , that if one be guilty of heresie , and dissipate the flock , the rest may interpose , and ▪ rescue them out of his hands . and sure the argument is as strong for the number of temporal as of spiritual governors , and the necessity and justice of their interposing with their neighbor princes , when they attempt the destruction of their people , is as great , as of a bishops being chastised and restrained by his fellow bishops , when he attempts to introduce heresie . . fifthly , this is agreeable to the opinion of christian civilians and casuists , for which i desire the reader may consult grotius de jure , &c. lib. . cap. . n. . where he tells us , that if it were granted , that subjects might not take arms lawfully , even in the extremest necessity ( which yet , saith he , i see is doubted by those who professedly defend the power of kings ) it would not follow from thence but others might take arms in their behalf . this he proves from reason and authority ; and answers the arguments brought against it . see more to the same purpose , lib. . cap. . s. . where he tells us , that it is so much more honorable to avenge the injuries done to another than to our selves , by how much there is less danger , that the sense of anothers pain ▪ should make us exceed in exacting such revenge , than of our own , or byass our judgment . . sixthly , the same appears to be lawful from the practice of christian princes who are celebrated in histories for doing it ; this was the case of constantine the great , and the cause of his quarrel to maxentius , whom for his tyranny over the romans , constantine invaded , and was received as their deliverer , when he had slain him . the cause of his invading licinius his brother in law , was of the like nature , against whom he commenced a war for his persecuting the christians ; and after he had overcome him , he was received by the christians in licinius's room , and celebrated by the church and historians of that time , as a most holy and generous champion in the cause of christ. when the king of persia persecuted the christians , the same prince threatened him with a war , in case he did not desist ; and no doubt but he would have been as good as his word , if the persian king had not complyed . we may observe the same to have been done in the cause of the orthodox against the arrians , by constantine the younger , son of constantine the great ; who threatened his elder brother constantius with a war , if he did not desist from persecuting the catholick bishops , and restore athanasius to his bishoprick of alexandria : that great and holy man accepted of this mediation , and was restored by it ; which he would not have done , if he had judged it unlawful . the same was practised by king pepin and charles the great against the lombards ; and by all the princes of europe in favour of the christians oppressed by the turks in the holy war. queen elizabeth did the same for holland : king james for the prince palatine : and king charles the first for rochel ; and bishop laud , who certainly understood the principles of our church , encouraged both : and it is one of the greatest blemishes of the reign of king charles the second , that he suffered the french king to proceed so far in destroying his protestant subjects , without interposing in their behalf ; which if he had effectually done , he had either prevented it , or got an opportunity of rendering his reign glorious , and his kingdom fa●e , by a war , which would in all probability have humbled that monarch to the advantage of all europe . . i know nothing that can be objected against this , except it be the peculiar obligation that lies on us from the oaths of supremacy and allegiance : which ( tho it should be allowed lawful for a foreign prince to interpose ) would yet make it necessary for us to fight for our own prince . but to this i answer ; . that those oaths were made by us to the king , as supreme governor of these kingdoms , and while he continued such , they did oblige us , but by endeavouring to destroy us , he ( as grotius observes ) in that very act abdicated the government ; since an intention of governing cannot consist with an intention of destroying ; and therefore in all equity we are absolved from oaths made to him as governor . that this may not seem a new doctrine , i would have the reader observe , that i only transcribe the learned falkner in his christian loyalty , l. . c. . s. . n. . such attempts , saith he , of ruining , do ipso facto include a disclaiming the governing those persos as subjects , and consequently of being their prince or king : and then the expression of our publick declaration and acknowledgment would still be secured , that it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take arms against the king. . but secondly , no oath of allegiance doth oblige any subject to assist his prince in an ill cause . if therefore a king should , against the rules of justice , attempt to destroy a neighbor nation , his subjects , who were convinced of this , ought not to fight for him in such a war ; and if they ought not to assist him to oppress foreigners , much less is it lawful for them to assist him to destroy themselves , or to fight against a prince who comes to rescue them from destruction intended against them ; and if no protestant subject could lawfully fight for king james in his quarrel against their present majesties , it is manifest that he himself had thereby voided that branch of the oath of allegiance , of fighting for him , by making the matter of it unlawful ; he having brought the nation into such a condition , that at the same time they defended his person , they must enable him to accomplish his destructive designs against them ; which no casuist will say they were obliged to do : they therefore that urge us with the obligation of the oaths of allegiance , ought either to make it appear , that it was lawful for us to fight for him in an ill cause , or else that it was not an ill cause to help him to destroy his people . or , thirdly , that he had no such design against us : none of which i have yet seen attempted in any paper that has appeared in his defence . . but thirdly , as to us particularly in ireland , his late majesty king james and his parliament here , by a formal act , did repeal and make void all former acts that required the tendering or taking those oaths ; and left not one legal standing oath in force , whereby we or any other subjects , besides soldiers , were obliged to profess subjection to him ; therefore those oaths being repealed and voided by the king 's own express act , how could he expect that we should look upon our selves to be bound or obliged by them ? and indeed we must conclude from his majesties consenting to repeal them , either that he designed to release us from the peculiar obligation arising from them , as too strict , or else that he did not design to depend on our oaths for our loyalty , and therefore laid them aside , as of no force to oblige us ; either of which must proceed from an intention to destroy the ancient government with which he was intrusted ; and can signifie nothing less than that he did not intend to rule us , as his predecessors did , or to depend on those obligations of subjection which they judged proper for the subjects of these kingdoms to give their king ; and that as he did not intend to keep his coronation oath to us , so he did not value our oath of allegiance to him , having left none that we know of in this kingdom which any law obliges us to take . chap. ii. king james designed to destroy the protestant religion , the liberty and property of his subjects in general , the english interest in particular , and so alter the very frame and constitution of the government . sect . i. shewing the possibility of a kings designing the destruction of his subjects . . i have in the former chapter shewed , that it is lawful for a prince to interpose between another prince and his subjects , if he attempt to destroy them ; i promised in the second place to shew , that the late king designed and endeavoured to destroy , and utterly ruin the protestant religion and english interest in ireland , and to alter the very frame and constitution of the government . this i look on as the most material point of our apology , and to need the most clear and full proof : for jealousies and fears in such a case ought not to pass for arguments , or be brought into competition with a certain and plain duty , that is , with obedience to lawful governors . the arguments therefore brought by subjects to prove their governors design to destroy them in those interests , to preserve which is the only reason of mens desiring or submitting to government ; ought to be so plain and evident , that the conscience of mankind cannot but see and be convinced of their truth ; especially the generality of the subjects themselves ought to be fully satisfied and acquiesce in them . . i know 't is commonly objected , who shall be judge ? and for this reason alone some conclude it can never be lawful to make any opposition against a governor , or to side with a deliverer that comes only to rescue miserable subjects ; but i answer , there are some cases so plain , that they need no judge at all : every man must be left to judge for himself ; and for his integrity he must be answerable to god and his own conscience . matters of fact are often of this nature , and i take this to be one of them ; for either the people must be left to judge of the designs of their governor by what they see and feel from him , or else they must be obliged to a blind and absolute submission , without employing their understanding in the case . and i dare appeal to all the world , whether it be safer to leave it to the judgments and consciences of a whole kingdom to determine concerning the designs of their governor , or to leave it to the will and conscience of the king , whether he will destroy them . one of these is unavoidable ; and i am assured it is less probable , that the generality of a kingdom will concur in a mistake of this nature , and less mischievous if they should mistake , than that a king by weakness , wicked counsellors , or false principles , should design to make his people slaves , subvert the ancient government , or destroy one part of his people , whom he hates , in favour of another . . that a prince may design to destroy his subjects ( tho the asserters of absolute passive obedience would make it an incredible thing ) is so far from being impossible , that it is very common , of which there are so many examples , both ancient and modern , that it is a wonder , that men , who know any thing of history , should overlook them . nero , caligula , domitian , maximinus , heliogabalus , commodus , not only endeavoured , but professed it ; and some of them were mightily concerned , that it was not in their power to accomplish it . no longer ago than the time of philip the second of spain , we have an example of a christian king no better than those heathens . whoever reads the story of his dealing with the low countries , must confess , that he design'd the utter destruction of the laws and liberties of those people ; and that in particular he was resolved , that not one protestant should be left alive amongst them . the same ▪ has been designed and effected in a great measure by the present french king against his protestant subjects , and he must have a great share either of impudence or stupidity , that can deny this prince to have designed and purposely contrived that destruction ; and by the same rule that a man can be so wicked and barbarous as to design the destruction of a third or fourth part of his people , he may design the destruction of the greatrr part , if they will be such fools as to suffer him to effect it . sect . ii. shewing from the obligations of his religion , that king james designed to destroy us . it is easie to demonstrate that every roman catholick king , if he throughly understand his religion , and do in earnest believe the principles of it , is obliged , if he be able , to destroy his protestant subjects ; and that nothing can excuse him from doing it but want of power . this is plain from the third chapter of the fourth lateran council , and from the council of constance in the bull that confirms it , read in the . session : if therefore a popish king can persuade his protestant subjects to submit to him whilst he doth it , he is obliged by his principles to destroy them , even when they are the greater part and body of his subjects . now king james was ( as is known to all the world ) a most zealous roman catholick , and ingaged with that party of them , that most zealously assert and practise this doctrine of rooting out hereticks . he gave himself up intirely to the conduct and guidance of jesuits , these were the governors and directors of his conscience , and he seemed to have no other sentiments than such as they inspired into him . if then these have prevailed with the french king ( whom some report to be a merciful man in his own nature , and certainly a mighty zealot for his honor ) to break his most solemn established laws , violate his repeated declarations and oaths , and in spite of all these , to persecute and destroy his protestant subjects : if the same have prevailed with the duke of savoy to do the like , though as he is now convinced , manifestly against his interest , nay almost to his own destruction , having lost thereby his best and most resolute and useful subjects , who would have served him most cordially against france , the enemy he ought most to dread , and which one day will swallow up his dukedom , if his allies do not prevent it . if , lastly , they have prevailed with the emperor to involve himself in a war , that has now lasted about twenty years , and almost lost him his empire , rather than suffer a few protestants to live quietly in hungary ; is not our late kings being of the same principles , and under the government of the same directors of conscience ; is not his fondness of france , and his alliance with it , his affecting to imitate that king in every thing , and above all his prosecuting the same , if not worse methods towards the protestants in ireland , that the king of france did with the hugonots in his ▪ dominions , a clear and full proof of both kings being in the same design , to root out not only the protestants of these kingdoms , but likewise of all europe ? and that we must all have expected the same usage our brethren met with in france . nor could our kings promises and engagements ▪ be any greater assurances to us than those of the french king were to his subjects . it is observable that king james was more than ordinarily liberal in his promises and declarations of favour towards protestants . he boasted in a declaration sent to england , and dispersed by his friends there , dated may . . at dublin , that his protestant subjects , their religion , priviledges and properties were his especial care since he came into ireland . he often professed that he made no distinction between them and roman catholicks , and both he here , and his party there , did much extol his kind dealings with his protestants in ireland . what those dealings truly were i shall have occasion to shew : the representation of them made in england by him and his party was no less false than his promises were unsincere ; it being plain he had a reserve in them all . it is a maxim , as i take it , in law , that if the king be deceived in his grant , though it pass the great seal , yet it is void : much more must all his verbal promises be void if he be deceived in them . now if we consider who were the directors of the kings conscience , we ought not to wonder that he made no great scruple to evade them : doctor cartwright , one of his instruments , gives us a right notion of king james's promises in his sermon at rippon ▪ where in effect he tells us that the kings promises are donatives , and ought not to be too strictly examined or urged , and that we must leave his majesty to explain his own meaning in them ; this gloss pleased king james so well that he rewarded the author with the bishoprick of chester , though very unfit for that character ; and shewed in all his actions that he meant to proceed accordingly : and the humour run through the whole party ; whenever they were at a pinch , and under a necessity of serving themselves by the assistance or credulity of protestants , they promised them fair , and stuck at no terms with them ; but when their turn was served , they would not allow us to mention their promise , much less to challenge the performance . . it plainly appeared that it was not in king james's power if he had been disposed himself , to perform his promises to us . the priests told us that they would have our churches , and our tyths , and that the king had nothing to do with them , and they were as good as their words ; nor could his majesty upon trial hinder them ▪ one mr. moore preached before the king in christs church in the beginning of the year . his sermon gave great offence : he told his majesty that he did not do justice to the church and churchmen ; and amongst other things said that kings ought to consult clergymen in their temporal affairs , the clergy having a temporal as well as a spiritual right in the kingdom ; but kings had nothing to do with the managing of spiritual affairs , but were to obey the orders of the church . it is true king james highly resented this , and the preacher was banished , or voluntarily withdrew from court ; but in this he spake the general sense of the clergy , indeed of the roman church , to which the king had given himself up , and must be forced to submit to it at last . the kings promises therefore or his laws , could signifie nothing towards the securing us , except he could get the roman church to join in them , and become a party to them ; for whilst the governours of that church challenge the whole management of spiritual things , and king james owned their power so ▪ far that he consented to abolish the oath of supremacy that denies it , for him to promise safety and liberty to hereticks , and make laws about the worship of god , and liberty of conscience , is clearly according to their doctrine , to give away what is not his own , and dispose the rights of another without consulting the party interessed ; and according to all casuists , such promises are void ; they that speak most favourably of the council of constance , which is supposed to determine that no faith is to be kept with hereticks , make this apology for the council . the emperor sigismond granted , without consulting the council , a safe conduct to jerome of prague ; the council condemned him for heresie , and ordered him to be burnt : the emperor interpos'd to justifie his safe conduct , but the council answered that he was not obliged to make it good to the heretick , because it was not in the emperor to grant a safe conduct to secure a man against the justice of the council , without consulting it ; this is the most favourable representation i have met with of this matter ; and even thus it is a sufficient caution for all protestants not to trust kings or princes of the roman communion , in matters that relate to the church or religion , without the express consent of that church or religion , without the express consent of that church ; if they do , it is at their own peril , and they cannot blame those princes when they fail in their promises , for they had sufficient warning not to trust them , since they engage for a thing that according to their own confession is not in their power , but is avowedly the right of another . sect . iii. the same proved from the professions of that whole party , who were most privy to king james's counsels . the second argument whence it appears that the king designed utterly to destroy and ruin his protestant subjects in ireland , is from the oaths , professions , and affirmations of those who were his confidents and instruments used by him to bring it to pass . from the very beginning of the french persecution , the papists of ireland began to shew their fondness of that monarch , and as their love to him commenced with that persecution : so it increased in proportion to his barbarity ; and they could never speak of it without passion and transport ; but after his late majesty came to the crown , they openly declared that they liked no government but that of france : that they would make the king as absolute here as that king was there ; they affirmed both publickly and privately with many oaths , that they would in a short time have our estates and churches ; that if they suffered us to live , they would make us hewers of wood and drawers of water : that ireland must be a catholick country whatever it cost , and as for the english , they would make them as poor devils as when they came first into ireland : and they assured us that this was no rash surmise of their own , but that it was premeditated and resolved , and that we should quickly find it by the effects : of which they were so confident ( though we could not believe them ) that some of the most serious amongst them advised their protestant friends in private , with all earnestness to change their religion ; for said they you will be forced to do it at length , and if you delay but a little time , it will be too late , and perhaps you may not be accepted ; for no protestant must expect to injoy any thing in this kingdom ; and we resolve to reduce all things to the state they were in under henry vii . before poinings act. in answer to this we told them that the laws were on our side , and the king had promised to govern according to law , and to protect our church and liberties ; but they laught at our credulity , pisht at the laws as mere trifles , and unanimously declared that the kings promises to maintain the government in church and state , were intended only for england ; and were not meant to reach us ; and withal intimated , that the same would be done in england , though not so soon ; for the truth of all which i may refer my self to almost as many protestants as were then in ireland , there being few but were witnesses of such discourses : and the kings conduct towards us was such as left no room for us to doubt but that these people knew his mind , and that all his promises and declarations in our favour , were perfectly coppied from the french kings declarations to preserve the edict of nants , and of as little sincerity ; and that notwithstanding these he had as fully determined our ruin as that king had resolved the voiding the edict of nants , when he made his solemn declarations to the contrary . sect . iv. the same destructive designs against his subjects , proved from the qualifications of the officers employed by king james . . this destructive design appears in the third place , from the persons he employed in all offices of trust or power . it is well known to the world , and to many thousands yet alive , that in the year . there was a most bloody massacre committed in this kingdom on the protestants , by their neighbours the papists ; in which some hundred thousands perished ; and that not one protestant whom they spared , escaped without being robbed and plundered of all he had , if not stripped and turned out naked to the extremities of cold and a desolate country : and to such a degree of madness they proceeded , that they destroyed the houses , buildings , churches and improvements of the kingdom , out of their malice and inveteracy to the protestants , the founders of them : but these barbarians at last were by the protestants subdued , and brought to submit to mercy : after which conquest the conquerors in the year . joined ( indeed were more forward than the people of england ) in bringing home king charles ii. and generously gave up themselves , together with the kingdom of ireland without articles or conditions , into his hands . the king in recompence of so signal a service , and to reprise the conquerors for their blood , treasure , and losses , gave them back a part of what they had given him ; but withal restored the conquered , under certain qualifications , to another part of the forfeited lands ; who though restored by the kings mere bounty , yet retained in them , the same principles of popery that at first stirred them up to rebellion , and to massacre their fellow subjects : and having besides this , their old hatred to the english new edged and heated by seeing the conquerors possest of the estates which they themselves by their rebellion and cruelty had lost ; they from time to time let us see their hopes and wishes of revenge ; to which the favour they found at the english court under the shelter of the late queen mother , and the prospect of the duke of yorks's coming to the crown , gave foundation and encouragement . neither could they hide their resentments so as to prevent a just fear and jealousie of them in the protestants who had so lately , and in so signal a manner , suffered by them in all their dearest interests : yet these were the persons whom king james chose for his ministers and officers , with whom he resolved to trust the employments , the strong holds , the arms , and justice of the nation : a thing so extravagant , that we challenge any one to shew a parallel case in any history . no body would ever have taken the arms and courts of justice out of the conquerors hands , and put them into the hands of the conquered , exasperated by the loss of their honours , liberties and estates , except he had a mind they should revenge themselves , and recover all that they had lost before : and they had been manifestly wanting to their own interest , if they had slipt this opportunity . if they hated us so much in , that without provocation , and whilst in possession of the● estates , they rose as one man , and attempted to destroy us ; if they were so set on it , that they ventured to do it without arms , discipline , or authority on their side , and where the hazard was so great , that it was ten to one if they succeeded , what could we expect they should do now , when provoked to the heighth by the loss of their estates , when armed , disciplined , and entrusted with all the places of strength , power , and profit in the kingdom ? this alone is a demonstration that the king who thus put us in the power of our inveterate and exasperated enemies , either was extremely mistaken in his measures , or designed our destruction : i am sure we must have been destroyed if god had not prevented it almost by a miracle . . it is a maxim in our law that the king can do no wrong ; because he executeth nothing in his own person , but has officers appointed by law to excute his commands , who are obliged not to obey him if he command any thing that is illegal : if any officer obey him in such unlawful commands it is at his own peril , and he is accountable for it ; the kings command being no excuse or protection to any man for his doing an illegal thing . whilst therefore the king employs only persons amenable to the laws , that have a value for their honor , for the liberty of their country , and the publick good , and have estates to answer for what wrong they do to the subjects in executing their offices , there is no great danger of his doing much harm to his people , though his intentions were ever so mischievous against them ; it being the great security of the subjects , and restraint on the officers of the king , that they cannot do any wrong , but the injured person has his remedy against them by law. . this i remember is all the humane security doctor hicks in his jovian allows us to preserve our liberties , &c. against a tyrannous king. and he supposes it so effectual a bar to all attempts of this nature , that he pronounces it impossible for our king to turn tyrant . but the event has sufficiently confuted his surmise , and shewn not only the possibility , but the actual performance of what he supposes impossible . for king james made it his business to find out and actually pitched on a set of officers and instruments , that ( as he expresses it in one of his declarations ) would obey him without reserve : against whom the current of the law was stopt , and who were in no condition to make amends for the mischiefs they did ; all which will appear if i make out , . that they were men of little or no fortunes . . unable and unsufficient to discharge the offices committed to their trust. . that many of them were men of such loose principles and morals , that they could not be supposed . to stick at any wickedness which was for their interest . . that their inclination and genius led them to destroy the laws , liberty , and religion of the kingdom . . that most of them were unqualified by law for the offices into which they were placed , and therefore could not be supposed to study the preservation of those laws , in defiance of which they acted ▪ now if it appears that these were the qualifications of most of king james's officers and instruments in ireland , i suppose it will be a further demonstration of his intentions , and of what we were to expect from him . sect . v. i. that the officers employed by king james were men generally of little or no fortune . . i suppose the true reason why one man is allowed to possess a greater estate in a common-wealth than another , and to maintain himself by the labor of other people , is , that he may be at leisure to attend the publick business of his country ; and that having such a considerable stock in the common bottom , he may be the more careful to preserve it from sinking . out of such men therefore of fortune and interest , every wise and well designing king , will supply himself with officers . for their interest will help to support him , and will procure his commands , obedience ; and their fortunes will secure the subjects from being injured by them , their estates being pawns to the publick for their good behaviour , and reprizals to those they have injured . but for this very reason king james generally employed men of little or no fortunes , and very often the scum and rascality of the world. this made him so fond of the irish , who had lost their estates , who depended wholly on him , and had no other possibility of subsisting , but by espousing his interest , and serving him without reserve . i cannot blame them for being ready to embrace the offer , but it was certainly very impolitickly done , or an indication of an ill design in him to employ and espouse men of such ruined and broken fortunes . i have put into the appendix a list of the civil officers , of the collonels and lieutenant-collonels of his regiments , and of the principal persons that he brought along with him from france , so far as i could gather them up ; and it will appear upon view , that very few of them were men of clear estates , and most had no pretence to any at all . the sheriffs and deputy lieutenants of counties were generally poor and mean people : many of them had been ▪ servants in the meanest condition to protestants ; who if they injured any body in their . employments , had not substance enough to answer the charges of a suit , much less the damages expected by way of reparation . . after the earl of tyrconnel had named his sheriffs of this stamp for the year , it will hardly be found that any protestant recovered any debt by execution . the main reason of this was the poverty of sheriffs , which made men unwilling to trust the execution of a bond for twenty pounds into their hands , they not being responsible even for such á small summ ; as too many found to their cost . the mayors and other magistrates in their new modelled corporations , were generally of the same sort . in dublin they could not pick up men enough that had the face to appear as burgesses ; and some of those that they named had not mony to buy themselves gowns . i think their number was never complete . it was yet worse in the country corporations ; in many places they were not able to pay the attorney general 's fees , which stopped their new charters , till the calling a parliament necessitated him to pass them gratis . as to the inferior officers of the army , such as captains , lieutenants and ensigns , some hundreds of them had been cow-herds , horse-boys or footmen , and perhaps these were none of their worst men ; for by reason of their education amongst protestants , they had seen and understood more than those who had lived wild on the mountains . . 't is observable , that the men of clear estates who followed his late majesty from england through france , as they were but very few , so they had but little interest with him : of which duke powis was one instance , and lord dover another . duke powis made the protestants believe , and perhaps he was sincere ▪ in it , that he was much against the proceedings of the pretended parliament ; and used his interest with the king to put a stop to them , but was not able to do it : lord dover was actually dismissed from all his employments , and ready to leave the kingdom , some time before the alteration happened by the victory at the boyn . now king james's aversion to employ or trust men of estates and fortunes , and the reason of his fondness of such creatures as had no being but what he gave them , was obvious enough to us that felt it ; and they themselves did not deny it ; nay , boasted of it as a great instance of his wisdom . he knew these could never thrive , but by making him absolute ; that they would never demur at any command , or enquire for any other law than his will ; that they were out of all fear of being questioned afterwards , or of having their estates forfeited , or families beggared ; all which are great restraints on men of estates and honor. . and surely , there cannot be a fuller demonstration of a prince's design to lay aside the laws , and to rule by force without controul , than his putting out men of substance , and employing men of broken and desperate fortunes in places of trust and honor ; who having nothing else to depend upon but the prince's pleasure , must be absolute slaves to it , and yield a blind obedience to all that is given them in commission . this is the misery of a people when servants rule over them . and this was the reason king james employed rather such than any others . and it was impossible the grand segnior should have fitted himself better with instruments for promoting an arbitrary government than he did . sect . vi. ii. the insufficiencies of the persons employed by king james , was of mischievous consequence to the kingdom . . the poverty and meanness of the men was not their worst fault . it is possible that a poor man may be both honest and able for the greatest trust. but the officers employed by king james were such , that tho they had been very honest , and willing to do justice , they yet must have done much mischief by their unskilfulness , and insufficiency for the offices with which he intrusted them . it was both king james's misfortune , and his subjects , that he employed very few of sober sense and experience about him ; whether it was that he could not get men of sense to go through with him , in all things that he would have had done , or whether it proceeded from the servility observable in dull people , whereby they flatter and gain on princes . or lastly from a humor incident to great men , which makes them unwilling to have servants able to pry into their designs . but however it was , it was remarkable in king james , that dull heavy men kept his favor longer , and more steadily , than men of sense and parts ; and he generallly chose out the most unfit and most uncapable for preferments . it is plain , that even in england he designed the army should be supplyed with irish ; and this project went farther than the army ; he was filling the burroughs and corporations with them also ; and no body knew where the humour would have stopped . now if there had been nothing else , their being kept out of all employments and trusts by the laws for many years past , must have incapacitated them ( and all roman catholicks ) for managing the affairs of the kingdom to advantage ; they neither had fit education , nor had they applyed their minds to the management of such affairs : they were absolute strangers to every thing that concerned the publick ; and then no wonder that they went aukwardly and untowardly about business . how was it conceivable , that they should escape signal and mischievous errors in the discharge of offices to which they had never been bred up , and of which they never thought till they were put to manage them ? and yet this they were constrained to do without the aid or assistance of any to help them , and that under the most difficult circumstances ; for the former officers looked on their offices as their freeholds , and conceived a great resentment against such as had turned them out of them against law and justice ; and therefore left them as in●●icate , and their successors as little information as they could ; who , according to the nature of ignorant men , were too proud to ask assistance from the others , if those had been willing to afford them instruction . . it is not imaginable how many inconveniences happened on this account ; nothing was done by any rule or method : the subjects were every day oppressed , and the officers made themselves ridiculous by their blunders and mistakes ; every body was petitioning by reason of these grievances , and no body knew how to redress them . none of the new officers understood his own business , or how to distinguish his province from another man's . the knavish part of offices , in putting tricks on people , and getting money , were all the study of the new employed gentlemen . the real and substantial parts of the offices for which they were instituted , and designed , were little known , and less minded ; nor could it be expected to be otherwise . could any imagine , for example , that chancellor fitton , that had lain in prison many years , and not appeared in any court , a stranger to the kingdom , to the laws , and to the practice and rules of court , and withal a man of a heavy and slow understanding , should on a sudden be able to dispatch the business of the highest court in the kingdom , and penetrate into the most intricate causes , which are commonly determined in that court ? he was so far from this , that he was forced to make many needless references to the masters , in causes that had no difficulty in them . this was the general way of his dispatching causes . and then what report could be expected from mr. stafford , one of these masters , a popish priest , noted and exposed by his own party for want of sense ; and who perhaps had never been within the courts , till he sate down as one of the masters of the chancery ; or from the other masters who were yet more ignorant and unexperienced ( if possible ) than he . . if we take a view of the country , we shall find their case rather worse . one that a few days before was no other than a cowherd to his protestant landlord , perhaps was set before him on the bench as a justice of the peace ; and preferred to command as captain in the field , or a deputy lieutenant in the county . i am assured , that some were thus preferred , without passing through any intermediate steps , to prepare or fit themselves for the better discharge of those places . the consequence of which is easie to be imagined : every one that is acquainted with business and dispatch , knows what a torment it is to have to do with raw and unexperienced officers , who must be taught by him , that comes to have his business done , how they should go about it ; and , which is often hardest to do , he must convince them that they are mistaken , or do not understand their own offices , which , such men are most unwillingly brought to own ; and yet no busisiness can be rightly done , till they are convinced of it . this was the condition of all the offices in ireland , from the king 's privy council and secretaries of state , to the high constables ; which , without any other defect , must and did bring many inconveniencies to the kingdom . . but after all , if none but men of ordinary parts , and tolerable natural fagacity , had been employed , tho unexperienced and uneducated , time might have taught them , and made them at least tolerable , if not dexterous at their business : but the generality of those who were preferred , had such weak understandings , and unimprovable capacities , that they who were superseded by them could not reflect on it without the greatest indignation , to see men , not much removed from idiots , put into their places and offices , which they had bought with their mony , and had taken considerable pains , and spent a good part of their lives to qualifie themselves to execute ; whereas those that succeeded them , had nothing of improvement or education ; and withal were so proud , and lazy , and dull , that they neither would , nor could , make themselves better , by application or industry , who had nothing to recommend them to the king , but that they were papists , and such as he believed would never scruple any command however illegal or absurd , so it tended to weaken or destroy protestants , which was the sole qualification that recommended them . sect . vii . iii. king james had gotten a sett of officers fitted to destroy a kingdom , by reason of their loose principles , and want of moral honesty . . the instruments king james used to carry on his design , were not only very poor and insufficient for their places , but they were likewise men fit to be employed in ill designs ; and it is hardly credible how rare it was to find amongst them a man that had ordinary moral honesty . it is true , they seemed to make conscience of hearing mass , and not eating flesh on fridays , but hardly of any thing else . to have been always reckoned a knave , was no exception , or bar to any man's preferment amongst them : they declared they must make use of such . those that were infamous whilst the government was in the hands of protestants , for forgeries , perjuries , robberies and burglaries , were all indifferently employed by them . that some such should be admitted into the army , is not so much to be wondered at ; but that honest gentlemen should be turned out to make room for them , was intolerable ; and yet here not only the army , but even the courts of justice were filled with such . one of the new examinators of the chancery was formerly detected of a forgery . several of their burgesses , nay , sheriffs , were notorious thieves , and some burnt in the hand . the speech of one of their new justices of the peace gave some diversion ; it was one mr. stafford , for whom the master of chancery , his son , had procured a commission of the peace : it was soon after the earl of tyrconnel came over governour ; and it fell to the new justice's turn to give the charge at the quarter-sessions ; in which he set forth , as well as he could , the happiness of the kingdom under the new government ; amongst other conveniences that we reap by it , said he , it has rid us of tories ; for all those are taken into the king's army . and the truth was , many of these , that had been indicted , outlawed , nay , condemned , got commissions . the famous tories the brannans , who had been guilty , not only of burglary and robbery , but of murther also , who were under sentence of death , and had escaped it , by breaking goal , were made , amongst the rest , officers : and the earl of tyrconnel seemed to bear a peculiar favour to these tories , and a spite to such as had been diligent to suppress them . there was a famous tory in munster , one power , who did abundance of mischief , and disturbed the whole country : mr. fitz-simons , a gentleman of the army , had rid the country of him ; by which piece of service he deserved very well ; but instead of being rewarded , he was one of the first protestant officers that was cashiered . there was another notable tory , one flemming , that was very troublesom and mischievous in leinster , some troopers , by their diligence , surprized him , and cut him off ; it was observed , that the earl call'd out those troopers first , and cashiered them , some considerable time before he turned out the rest of the troop ; which every body interpreted to be a mark of his displeasure for that service ▪ i have heard it observed , that there were at least twenty noted tories , officers in one regiment , and very few regiments were without some . . there was another sort of people had mighty favour with them ; i mean converts to their religion . a man may , i confess , upon just motives , or such as seem just to him , change his opinion and religion , and cannot justly be condemned of dishonesty for so doing ; but he is certainly a very dishonest man that dissembles or alters his opinion , without any other visible motive besides gain or preferment . now this was the case of many of their officers . several of the children of the papists of the kingdom had formerly been taken up , and bred by protestants , some in one station , and some in another ; they commonly were taught to read and write , and many of them by the kindness of their masters were preferred ; some became counsellors at law , some attornies , some clerks ; others continued menial servants and footmen . upon the change of affairs , most of these began to despise their benefactors or masters , and to count themselves better than those who had educated and taught them ; and in order to get preferments , altered their religion , in which their masters , with much care , had instructed them ; and declared , that in their hearts they had been all along roman catholicks . above one hundred footmen , on these declarations , were advanced to be captains . whereas their living so long in the profession of the protestant religion , if they did not believe it , was to all honest men an argument of so great hypocrisie , that the person guilty of it ( one would think ) should not have been trusted by any that valued either truth or honesty ; but if this declaration was only feigned , as i am apt to believe it was in many , then their conversion was an effect of covetousness , or ambition , and an act of h pocrisie to be abhorred by all good men. however , to perswade the world that they were real , they were very severe and mischievous to protestants in general , especially to those that had been kind to them , whilst in an inferior condition . and it was observable of these converts , that they immediately on their reconcilement , made themselves signal by some eminently wicked act. thus the earl of clancarty soon after his being reconciled , murthered a butcher at moyallo , by ●ossing him in a blanket . captain nangle after his , murthered one kelly in the street . lieutenant mac gennis murthered captain hamilton . sir maurice eustace murthered ( i think ) two upon his conversion . one warren murthered one wilton . captain waller murthered a player , one blacbourn . captain maurice murthered a poor piper , and was made high sheriff of the queens county . sir gregory birn turned , in order to carry a suit at law against captain fitz gerald , which he is supposed to have carried by very indirect means , as most that heard the tryal believed , it being strongly surmised by them , that he had suborned witnesses , and corrupted the sheriff to pack a jury ▪ captain callahan was content to introduce his conversion , by affronting the judge at waterford , breaking open a house , and beating the cryer of the court to the hazard of his life . in short , their converts , both men and women , became infamous , by very notorious wickednesses . the men by murthering , forgery , perjury , robbery , swearing and cursing : and the women by lewdness , and prostituting themselves ; yet those of both sexes were cherished and encouraged amongst them ; and for being converts were in special request , and next in the way to preferment . . lastly , it was remarkable amongst them all , converts and others , that they were very uncharitable , and void of all compassion . they turned vast numbers of protestants out of their houses , and left them no other way of subsisting but begging ; and yet we rarely found , that any of them gave a farthing to the most necessitous protestant beggar : they did not look on themselves , at least , did not act , as if they had owed faith , truth , justice or civility to any protestant . they affronted , abused , betrayed and imprisoned every body that would not be as wicked and as irreligious as themselves . they often drank damnation and confusion to all hereticks , especially to the prince and princess of orange ; and not content with this , if any protestant chanced to be in company , they would endeavour to force it on him , and abused or imprisoned him for his refusal . . when they came to put in for possessions of their ancient estates , it was frequently observed , that several put in for the same estate , and pretended to be the sons or descendents of the proprietors ; insomuch that four or five affidavits , point blank contrary to one another , have been produced in chancery at the same time ; the chancellor was a little at a loss what to do , till a protestant lawyer told him there was a survey taken of the kingdom , in which twelve men upon their oaths had returned who was proprietor of each parcel of land in . this he found to be a more certain rule , than a thousand affidavits ; so little value had the king's courts , and his popish chancellor for the oaths of those persons whom king james chose to employ and cherish instead of protestants . the truth is , they were people that made no distinction between right and wrong , but as they served their interest , and therefore he chose them purposely to destroy the liberties and laws of the kingdom in general , and the protestants in particular : and no body can deny but they were well chosen for the work for which he designed them , and unfit for any else . sect . viii . iv. king jame's officers were of such a genius and inclination , as led them to destroy the laws , liberties and religion of the kingdom . . whoever will be at the pains to look back on the state of ireland , before it was conquered by the english , will find , that the heads of septs were absolute over their tenants ; their wills passed for laws , , and all their proceedings were merely arbitrary and despotick . this was the ancient constitution of ireland , and the english who came over at first , had , by their conversation with the irish , learn'd much of their manners : they made their tenants vassals and slaves , as much as the irish had been to their chiefs ; except in the english pale ( which was a scope of ground that reached about twenty miles from dublin ) and even in some places there , the tenures of the country farmers were exactly that which the law of england calls villanage ; the tenant having nothing he could properly call his own . whatever the landlord had occasion for , he sent to his tenants house , and caused it to be brought to him without consideration or allowance ; or if he pleased , he went to the tenant's house with his retinue , and there staid as long as he thought fit , eating and drinking , and using every thing the tenant had as his own . this practice was called coshering , and several laws have been made against it . . the old landlords that had not forfeited their estates in , still kept up this way of dealing with their tenants , tho secretly ; and were so burthensom to them by their exactions and cosherings , that the tenants were miserable and poor , and their estates unimproved ; whereas the english , and those that had english education , and took to their manner of living , were content with their rents from their tenants ; who by that means were able to live well , grow rich , and improve their farms . the native irish , who happened to fall under a protestant landlord , would hardly ever after be perswaded to come under one of his own religion ; a little experience sufficiently shewing unto him the difference between a landlord who required no more than his due , and the old petty tyrants , that claimed not only a right to all his tenant's substance , but likewise a power over his life . . but many of the old landlords lost their estates by outlawries and attainders , for their rebellion in the year , and for their murthering the protestants at that time . many of them had sold their estates , and some had mortgaged them for more than their value two or three times to several persons ; a practice very common in ireland ; but it is observable , that it is the humor of these people to count an estate their own still , tho they have sold it on the most valuable considerations , or have been turned out of it by the most regular proceedings of justice ; so that they reckon every estate theirs , that either they or their ancestors had at any time in their possession , no matter how many years ago . and by their pretended title and gentility , they have such an influence on the poor tenants of their own nation and religion , who live on those lands , that these tenants look on them still , tho out of possession of their estates , as a kind of landlords ; maintain them after a fashion in idleness , and entertain them in their coshering manner . these vagabonds reckoned themselves great gentlemen , and that it would be a great disparagement to them to betake themselves to any calling , trade or way of industry ; and therefore either supported themselves by stealing and torying , or oppressing the poor farmers , and exacting some kind of maintenance , either from their clans and septs , or from those that lived on the estates to which they pretended . and these pretended gentlemen , together with the numerous coshering popish clergy that lived much after the same manner , were the two greatest grievances of the kingdom , and more especially hindered its settlement and happiness . the laws of england were intolerable to them both , nor could they subsist under them . . as to the popish landlords , who yet retained their estates , it put them out of all patience , to find that the bodough their tenant ( so as they call the meaner sort of people ) should have equal justice against them , as well as against his fellow churl , that a landlord ▪ should be called to an account for killing or robbing his tenant , or ravishing his daughter , seemed to them an unreasonable hardship . it was insufferable to men that had been used to no law , but their own will , to be levelled with the meanest in the administration of justice ; and every time they were crossed by a tenant that would not patiently bear their impositions , they cursed in their hearts the laws of england , and called to mind the glorious days of their ancestors , who , with a word of their mouths , could hang or ruin which of their dependents they pleased , and had in themselves the power of peace and war. . this humor in the gentry of ireland has from time to time been their ruin , and engaged them in frequent rebellions , being impatient of the restraint the laws of england put on their power , tho they enjoyed their estates : and they still watched an opportunity to restore themselves to their petty tyrannies , and were ready to buy the reftitution of them at any rate . the other sort of gentlemen i mentioned , as they called themselves , who were outed of their estates , as well as of their power by the same laws , hated them yet worse ; and their clergy pushed them on with all the arguments that ignorant zeal or interest could suggest : insomuch that all sober men as well as protestants , reckoned these the sworn enemies of the laws and liberties of the kingdom ; and were assured , that they would stick at no conditions to destroy them , their interest , inclination and principles , all concurring to engage them to do it . . now these very men were the officers and instruments king james employed and trusted , above all others . he espoused their interest from the time that he had thoughts of the crown ; they were his favourites and confidents ; and to provide for them he turned his english and protestant subjects , first out of the army , then out of their civil trusts and employments , and lastly out of their fortunes and estates . he knew very well , that the tempers and genius of those men were at enmity to the laws , and fitted for that constitution of slavery , under which he designed to bring the kingdoms . he found that none were more fawning to their superiors than they , nor did any flatter with more meanness and servility : and according to the nature of such people none are more insolent and tyrannous to their inferiors . and this was the reason that they were so dear to king james , and that he preferred and trusted them rather than his protestant and english subjects . the bargain between him and them was plainly this , restore us to our former power , estates and religion , and we will serve you as you please , in your own way . an expression that king james and all his creatures often used , and were very fond of . . these people found , that the king 's legal power could never restore them to the condition at which they aimed ; that the power and station they desired , was absolutely contrary to the laws in being ; and that no legal parliament would ever alter the laws and constitution of the kingdom to gratifie them . no wonder therefore if they espoused and promoted an absolute and despotick power in the king , and if he and they concurred so heartily to introduce it . to do them justice , they made no secret of it , but professed it publickly ; and on all occasions , and accordingly practised it in their several stations . they reckoned , and called every one a whig and rebel , that talked of any other law than the king's pleasure . they were liberal of their curses and imprecations on all occasions ; but they exceeded and became outrageous against any one that durst alledge , that their proceedings were against law : damn your laws , was frequently their word , it is the kings pleasure it should be so , we know no reason why our king should not be as absolute as the king of france ; and we will make him so before we have done . nay , so extravagant were many of them , that they would swear with repeated or ths , that all protestants were rebels , because they would not be of the king's religion . an expression , i suppose , they learned from the french dragoons . . some would undertake to argue the case with such as seemed more moderate amongst them , and put them in mind of the possibility of the change of the government ; and that then the argument would be good against themselves : but they had not patience to hear any such thing mentioned . and they generally swore with the most bloody oaths and bitter imprecations , that they would never subject themselves to any king that was not of their own religion ; and that they would lose the last drop of their blood , rather than part with the sword and power put into their hands , on any consideration whatsoever . these were not the discourses of one or two hot headed fellows amongst them , but they universally talked at this rate . and it was the common and encouraging speech of the earl of tyrconnel from the very beginning of his government , and particularly when he took leave of several privy councellors and officers at his going to wait on king james at chester , august , : i have put the sword into your hands . and then in his usual stile , prayed god to damn them all , if ever they parted with it again . . 't is further to be remembred , that their predecessors were so eager and earnest to recover this power over their vassals , and to establish their religion , that they attempted to gain their designs by that bloody rebellion and massacre in the year . an attempt no less desperate and unlikely to succeed than wicked ; and when their own power appeared insufficient to gain their ends , their supreme council at killkenny sent commissioners with instructions to offer up the kingdom and themselves to the pope , the king of spain , or any other foreign popish prince that would accept the offer . this was very well known to king james ; he was at the council-board when the original instructions , signed by order of the supreme council that then managed the affairs of the roman catholicks of ireland , were produced before king charles ii and his council in england , in the year ; empowering their agents to this effect : and he might very well conclude that they who were willing to submit themselves to a foreign power , to be rid of the laws of england , would heartily join with him to destroy them . . whosoever will consider circumstances , and lay things together , will be apt to believe what is averred by some , that king james before he declared his religion , had a desire and resolution to destroy the laws and liberties of these kingdoms , and make himself absolute , if ever he came to the crown , after the manner of france ; and that the great motive of declaring himself a roman catholick at first , wàs to make sure of that party : there are several things that rightly weighed will make this probable . . if we consider that no party amongst us was likely to be so wicked , as to have bought his favour by joining with him in such a design , except the papists . . amongst papists he chose out those , and preferred them which he thought would be most cordial to him , and serve him most effectually in that design . there can be no other reason given , why he should be fonder of the irish than the english papists , but that he thought the one more likely to go through with him than the other . the english papists are as zealous in their religion as the irish , and generally more honest men , yet the king rather chose to cherish and employ the latter . the only imaginable reason of his doing so was because the english were not so ready to give up the laws and liberties of the kingdom to the prerogative , as the irish ; and since king james's kindness was distributed according to the readiness he found in men to betray their country , rather than according to their zeal for their religion , have we not reason to conclude the first to be the true motive of his kindness rather than the latter ? . those protestants , or pretended protestants , that cordially and heartily espoused this design , and served him effectually to oppress and ruin their fellow subjects , kept his favour pretty well , and were employed by him , notwithstanding their being reputed protestants ; a certain sign that the reason he discharged protestants from their trusts and offices was chiefly because he thought they would not serve him as he expressed it without reserve , or contribute heartily to inslave themselves and their posterity . . he often declared , and more especially in his act for liberty of conscience made in his parliament in ireland , that it was his constant resolution that there should be no other test or distinction amongst his subjects but that of loyalty ; by which all knew that he meant an absolute submission in every thing to his will ; for he accounted every body disloyal that disputed or demurred at any of his commands . . as soon as the irish began to dispute his orders , and stand on the laws , he took it heinously from them ; and they lost much of his favour ; he spake hardly of them and wished at any rate to be rid of them : when the house of commons crost some proposal of his , he was very much out of humor and declared that all commons were the same , as he found by them ; when they quarrelled with the earl of melford , his secretary of state , he complained that they used him basely and unkindly , and that he never would have come amongst them if he had thought that they would not let him choose his own servants : when they would not suffer him to dispense with their act of attainder , or pardon any attained in it , with a non obstante , he is said to have fallen into so violent a passion that his nose fell a bleeding . he was very angry with some of his council when they demurred at his levying twenty thousand pounds per month without act of parliament , and said he could do nothing if he could not do that . from whence we see that he reckoned all his power nothing except he could impose taxes as the king of france doth ; and that this lay at the bottom of all his designs . nay it was commonly reported by the roman catholicks , that king james boasted and pleased himself mightily that he had made himself absolute , which none of his predecessors could do ; and had a more numerous army than any of them , and consequently was a more glorious king. if then his chiefest design was to oppress our laws and liberties , no body can doubt but he had instruments whose genius and temper inclined them to assist him , as long as they were like to go sharers with him in the purchase . sect . ix . v. the officers employed by king james were most of them unqualified by law , and consequently fit instruments to destroy the laws . . men may live very comfortably in a nation , and yet be excluded from the power or government of it ; therefore it is no injustice to exclude a certain rank of men that want such qualifications as may give the common-wealth confidence in them , from intermedling in the government . of this nature we have had laws in all countries in the world , and whatever be pretended they are very often both just and necessary : nor is it reasonable that the king should have a power to dispense with such ; since they are often made on purpose to secure the common-wealth against his encroachments . of this nature are our laws that disable papists from all employments civil and military , by an act of parliament made in the reign of henry viii . no man is to execute any employment till he has taken the oath of supremacy . this is repeated and confirmed by another in the second of elizabeth . and here it is observable how they evaded this statute . it positively requires that every officer shall take and receive a corporal oath there set down ; and if any refused to take it then he is to forfeit whatever office he hath at the time of the refusal , and be disabled to retain or exercise any office. now to elude this law , the oath was never tendered to their new officers , and consequently , said they , they never refused it , neither are they liable to the penalties of this act. this was plainly against the design of the statute , a playing with the words of it , and shewed us that all laws were insufficient to secure us against such jusuitical prevaricators . by an act made in the time of henry vii . it is treason to stir up the irish country to war against the english : and by several other laws made both in england and ireland , the papists , especially the irish , are disabled to hold places of power or trust : and particularly papists are excluded from freedom in corporations , by a clause in the act of settlement , on which the new rules for regulating corporations , made by the earl of essex , at his first coming to the government , are founded . now so great was king james's passion for these people , that he was not content to have them about him to shew them countenance and favour ; but in defiance of so many laws , he would needs thrust them into the government , and set them over protestants , who in making those laws had resolved not to be governed by them ; and the laws themselves being designed to exclude them , we must not imagine that king james made this bold adventure for nothing , or that he would disoblige the body of his people , without designing some signal advantage to himself by it : he must have some peculiar service for these unqualified persons to do , in which the rest of the nation would not assist him ; and that could be nothing else but the destruction of their laws and religion , for in every thing else they were rather too ready to comply with him ; but those that came into their places of trust and of profit , in defiance of the laws , merely by his favour , must be ingaged as deeply as he , to support the power that preferred them , and destroy the laws that laid such bars in their way to honor and profit . the contest is here between our laws , religion and liberties , on the one side , and the kings power on the other ; and the king was sure that those to whom the laws were enemies , would likewise be enemies to the laws , and never stick at any thing to support the power that made them what they were ; if they should , they must needs sink , having nothing else to support them besides it . whoever therefore accepted any place or preferment against the laws , did thereby oblige himself to a boundless submission to all the kings commands , and to execute them however illegal : and consequently was become a fit instrument to sacrifice the laws and religion of the kingdom to the will of his sovereign . if therefore king james designed the destruction of these , as i suppose is apparent that he did from what has been said in this chapter : we have no reason to imagin that he would not have been able to compass his design for want of assistants to execute it , having so many fitted to his hand in this kingdom . . and this answers that objection which we hear from some who will not understand our circumstances , but tell us that we ought to have had patience , and let king james take his course ; for though he had destructive designs , yet he was but one man , and could not execute them against us in his own person , nor procure others to execute them for him ; since all men would be afraid to obey his illegal commands , as long as they could not but know that they were accountable to the laws for every thing done against them : but it appears from the account i have given of those persons whom king james employed , that they neither knew , nor feared , nor cared for the laws . and that their business and enmity was as great against them , as against us , being resolved to destroy both together ; which they had effectually done had not god sent us a deliverer to prevent it . chap. iii. king james not only designed , but attempted , and made a considerable progress in our destruction . sect . i. the introduction to the proof of this head , grounded on a short view of the state of ireland , at the time of king james's coming to the crown ; and of the vain assurances protestants gave themselves of security from the consideration of their merits towards him ; the repute of his good nature , and his own true interest . . the destruction of a people is so horrid a thing , that it is not easie to persuade a good natured man that such an unnatural design can enter into any ones heart : and we our selves though almost ruined , dare hardly relate it to others lest they should not believe us . it is certain that if the protestants of these kingdoms could have believed that king james would have attempted what he did , they would never have entred into such feuds against their fellow subjects and friends to prevent his exclusion : but their zeal for the monarchy and succession , made them willing to overlook the danger ; and they persuaded themselves that the absurdity and difculty of the thing , would keep him if he came to the crown , from attempting it , notwithstanding they knew that his principles inclined him , and his counsellors would prompt him to it . i question much if any thing but sad experience would ever have opened the eyes , or convinced the generality of these nations that his designs were such as we found them in the event : and perhaps it is worth all our sufferings , though very heavy , to have learned ( as we have done ) by this example , never to trust men of king james's principles and religion with a power that may destroy us ; since it appears in him , that no interest , difficulties , or obligations are sufficient to hinder such from employing that power to effect it . no man could be under deeper obligations to use his power with moderation than king james was ; yet in the short time he possessed it , he employed it with so much diligence and earnestness to destroy us , that he in a great measure accomplished it ; and we must thank god only , and his present majesties victorious arms , that saved us from a total and final destruction , to which we were so manifestly devoted . to make this appear , it will be necessary to take a short view of the state of ireland , at , and since king james's coming to the crown , and by the alteration he introduced , it will plainly appear what he designed . at his coming to the crown , ireland was in a most flourishing condition ; lands were every where improved , and rents advanced to near double what they had been in a few years before ; the kingdom abounded with money , trade flourished , even to the envy of our neighbours ; cities , especially dublin , encreased exceedingly ; gentlemens seats were built , or building , every where , and parks , enclosures , and other ornaments were carefully promoted ; insomuch that many places of the kingdom equalled the improvements of england . the papists themselves , where rancour , pride or laziness did not hinder them , lived happily , and a great many of them got considerable estates , either by traffick , by the law , or by other arts and industry . . there was a free liberty of conscience by connivence , tho not by the law ; and the king's revenue encreased proportionably to the kingdom 's advance in wealth , and was every day growing : it amounted to more than three hundred thousand pounds per annum , a sum sufficient to defray all the expence of the crown , and to return yearly a considerable sum into england , to which this nation had formerly been a constant expence . if king james had minded either his own interest , or the kingdoms , he would not have interrupted this happy condition . but the protestants found , that neither this , nor the services of any towards him , nor his own good nature , were barrs sufficient to secure them from destruction . . it is certainly the interest of all kings to govern their subjects with justice and equity ; if therefore they understood or would mind their true interest , no king would ruin any of his subjects : but it often happens , that either men are so weak that they do not understand their interest , or else so little at their own command , that some foolish passion or humour sways them more than all the interest in the world : and from these proceeds all the ill government which has ruined so many kingdoms . now king james was so bent on gaining an absolute power over the lives and liberties of his subjects , and on introducing his religion , that he valued no interest when it came in competition with those . . every body that knew king james's interest , and the true interest of his kingdoms , knew that it concerned him to keep fair with protestants , especially with that party who were most devoted to him , and had set the crown on his head ; and this had been , in the opinion of thinking men the most effectual way to inlarge his power , and introduce his religion ; but because it did not suit with the methods his bigotted counsellors had proposed , he took a course directly contrary to his interest , and seemed to take a peculiar pleasure in affronting and oppressing those very men , whom in interest he was most concerned to cherish and support . his proceeding thus in england was visibly the cause of his ruin ; he had left himself no friend to stand by him , when he stood in greatest need of them . upon his coming to ireland the protestants had entertained some favourable hopes , that he would have seen , and been convinced of his error , and would now at last govern himself by other measures ; it was manifestly his interest to have done so , and nothing in probability could have allayed the heats of england and scotland so much as his justice and kindness to the protestants of ireland , nor could any thing have had so much the appearance of an answer to those many and evident arguments by which they demonstrated his destructive designs against those kingdoms , as to have had it to say , that in ireland , where it was in his power , he was far from doing what they surmised he intended to do in england , or if he had ever any such intentions , it was plain he had now altered them . these things were laid before him by some that wish'd well to his affairs , and had more prudence than his furious and bigotted counsellors ; and sometimes they seemed to make impressions on him , but the priests and needy courtiers , who had swallowed in their imaginations the spoils and estates of the protestants of england as well as of ireland , could not endure to hear of this . they seemed mightily afraid lest he should be restored to his throne by consent of his protestant subjects : for if so ( said they ) we know it will be on so strict conditions , that we shall gain but little by it , it will not be in his power to gratifie us . and not only they , but the irish in general likewise endeavoured to make his restitution by way of articles or peace impracticable and impossible . a design so extremely foolish , that it is strange any should be found so sillily wicked as to promote it , or that king james should be so imposed on as to hearken to it ; and yet it is certain he did , at least at some times , entertain it ; and was heard to express himself to one that pressed him to moderation to protestants on this account ; that he never expected to get into england but with fire and sword. however his counsellors were not so weak , but they saw what disadvantage his dealing with the protestants had on his interest in england , and therefore they took care to conceal it as much as possible ; they stopped all intercourse as far as they could with england ; they had a party to cry up the mildness of king james's government towards the protestants , to applaud the ease , the plenty , the security in which they lived , and to run down and discredit all relations to the contrary that came from ireland . these endeavoured to perswade the world , that there was no such thing as a bill of attainder , or of repeal ; no act taking away the preferments or maintenance of the clergy , nor any imprisonment or plundering of protestants ; no taking away of goods by private orders of the king , or levying of monies by proclamations . in short , they did that which on all occasions is the practice , and indeed support of popery . they endeavoured to face down plain matter of fact with forehead and confidence , and to perswade the world , that all these were mere forgeries of king james's enemies . as many as believed these allegations of theirs ▪ and were persuaded by them , that the protestants of ireland were well used by king james , were inclined to favour him ; a certain sign , that if they had been really well used by him , it would have gotten him many friends , and perhaps reconciled some of his worst enemies . but the design entertained by him and his party required the ruin of protestants , and of their religion ; whereas his interest required , that it should not be believed , that he designed either ; and therefore care was taken to prosecute the design with all eagerness , and deny the matter of fact with all impudence ; and his majesty took care to promote both : for he ruined the protestants of ireland by his acts of parliament , and by the other methods we shall hereafter speak of ; and by his proclamations sent privately into england to his partisans there , assured the world , that the protestant religion and interest were his special care , and that he had secured them against their enemies . it was his interest to have done , as well as pretended this ; but the carrying on his design was so much in his thoughts , that he chose to sacrifice his interest to it . . and no wonder , if it be true , what is reported of him , that he resolved to die a martyr , rather than not settle his religion , and that he had rather die the next day , that design being compassed , than live fifty years without effecting it . all which sufficiently explains that which seemed a riddle to many , how king james should be so very hard on his protestant ▪ subjects , when his interest required , that he should treat them with all imaginable kindness ; especially in the present circumstances of his affairs , whilst in ireland . the reasons of his acting contrary to his interest in so palpable an instance , were either from the persuasions of his ill counsellors , who assured him , that they would so order the matter , that what he did in ireland should not be heard of , or not be believed in england ; or else from a settled resolution not to mind any interest which came in competition with his grand designs of advancing popery , and the slavery of the nations . to effect which , it is manifest he was content to be a vassal to france ; for whosoever calls in a potent neighbour to his assistance , must reckon that will be the consequence if he get the better by his means ; of which the irish themselves were sensible , when they saw the french succors landed ; and the protestants could not but conclude , that king james was so intent upon destroying them , that ( so he compassed that design ) he cared not if he enslaved himself and the kingdoms . . nor had the services of any towards him , more influence on him than his own interest . never had any prince fairer opportunities to distinguish his friends from his enemies , than king james ; the struggle he had to get to the crown was so long , and the issue so doubtful , that there was no temptation for any one to dissemble his thoughts towards him ; and never had subjects a fairer opportunity to serve and merit from a prince . now his carriage to those that then proved his friends , who against their own interest , and against the endeavours of the most powerful , and most diffused faction that ever appeared in a kingdom , set the crown on his head , is a plain demonstration of what force , merit or service were with him , towards altering his private designs . no sooner did it appear , that those who were against the exclusion , designed to preserve the kingdom , as well as the succession , but he abandoned them , and not only laid them aside , but further exposed them to the revenge of those very men that they had provoked by espousing his quarrel . it is no news to any how king james cast off his fastest friends , when he saw that they would not proceed after his measures to destroy the liberty and religion of their country ; and took into his bosom and council those that had been his most bitter enemies , when he perceived , that they would assist him in that design . which is a plain demonstration , that he had no regard to services or merit , further than they tended to enslave the nations , and destroy the settled religion . but no protestant that had any value for his god , his conscience or country , could pretend to this merit ; and therefore in the king's opinion he could do nothing that his majesty would count a service . king james had no desire to be served by protestants , as was manifest by his turning many out , for no other reason , but because they would not change their religion . by preferring papists to all places of trust and profit , tho not so deserving or well qualified for them as those that possessed them . by his declaring , that he would have all that did eat his bread , of his own religion . if therefore he employed any , it was for a colour , either to cover his partiality , or because he could not find a papist fit for their places , or because he believed , that in time he might gain them to be of his religion , or lastly , because he had some odious work to do , which he thought he could the better excuse , if he could get a protestant to do it ; where these reasons ceased , he never employed any . but it is observable , where he did employ them , tho their places were considerable , yet they never had the interest with him , or power proper to their place ; but were mere cyphers in it . thus he made sir edward herbert chancellor of england , and caused a seal to be cut for him , but he never allowed him that interest with him , or had that regard for him in councils that his place required . the puny papist judges had more influence on the king , and could make bolder with him than he ; he was not admitted to the secret of affairs at all , and at the publick councils he was set below fitton , chancellor of ireland , and several others ; whom i am informed , whilst employed as chancellor of england , and in his masters presence , he ought to have preceded . but generally protestants were only admitted to inferior places , and for the most part with a companion ; and they had only the name , their companions must do all , and they durst not contradict them ; and tho they were intitled to rise according as vacancies fell , yet some inconsiderable papist was sure to get the start of them , and to be put over their heads ; so that it was never in their power to serve the king considerably , or merit at his hands . if they did chance to do any thing signal , yet their enemies had so much the advantage of king james's ear , that they were sure to be misrepresented ; and what those said , having the dead weight of religion to help it , did generally with him , outweigh the protestants service . of this sir charles murry is an instance ; he followed king james through france to ireland , and all along appeared zealous for his service . yet because he professed himself a protestant , upon his landing at kinsale , some that had an ill will to him prevailed with the king to clap him up a prisoner in the fort of kinsale , where he lay without being able to learn any reason for his confinement , from the twelfth of march ● / ● , till toward the end of the following summer ; and then they had occasion for him to help to order their camp , and fortifie ardee , which procured him his liberty ; tho he never could have the satisfaction to learn either his crime , or his accuser . my lord forbess , son to the earl of granard , is another remarkable instance : when the pretended parliament sate in dublin , both houses were informed , that my lord forbess adhered to king james's interest in england , and that he was a prisoner in the tower upon that account , his friends thought it proper to improve this occasion with the king , and the parliament , to save my lord's estate at mollingar , which he holds under the act of settlement . and this seemed the more feasible because the lands did , if not all , yet for the most part , formerly belong not to private persons , but to a corporation . but all the interest could be made , did not prevail ; all that could be obtained , was a clause implying , that the commissioners that should be appointed to execute the act , should set him out a reprizal under the same limitations , under which he held the town and lands of mollingar ; which ( as one of the house of commons expressed it ) was a mouthful of moonshine . so little regard was had to the services or merits of protestants . . and they had no reason to expect it should be otherwise ; for there was no regard had to the most considerable papists ▪ where their interest interfered with the general design . it was resolved to destroy the ▪ act of settlement , the foundation of the english and protestant interest in ireland . this brought along with it destruction to many papists that held estates under it , which they had purchased since the year , as well as to protestants . those papists were very numerous , and more wealthy than the rest ( especially in connaught ) and they were likewise very zealous for king james , and many of them in his actual service , and venturing their lives for him , at the time of passing the act of repeal ; yet this did not hinder him from giving away their estates by that act to the old proprietors . in short , if serving king james truly and faithfully , even to their own prejudice , whilst it was for his advantage and his circumstances needed their service , could have merited his favour , most protestants had supererogated ; but all this passed for nothing with him , he would be served his own way : that is , he would have protestants been active to destroy their properties , liberty and religion , he would have had them lend their hands to tie the chains of slavery for them and their posterity , to which they had already contributed too far to oblige his humor , both before and after his coming to the crown , against the common interest of the kingdom . nothing less than the same blind obedience , would serve him in the state , which his clergy require in the church , which we would not by any means pay him ; and therefore it was in vain for us to think of preserving our selves by any merit or service we could render him ; he did not think any thing a protestant could do with a good conscience , to be a service . and if we did all was required , yet there never wanted persons about his majesty who had malice enough towards us , and interest enough with him , to misrepresent our most meritorious actions . . nor was the good nature and merciful disposition of king james any greater security to the protestants of ireland , than their own merits towards him . there are , 't is true , kings in the world , that have an absolute power over the lives and liberties of their subjects ; and yet govern them with such justice and mercy , that they suffer very little inconveniency by it : but the examples of this kind are so very rare , that it is ill trusting any one with such a power . king james's partizans made it their business to represent their master as the most merciful and justest prince in the world ; and then they railed at us that grudged to lay our own and our posterities lives and liberties at his feet . perhaps if he alone had been to have had the disposal of them , and would have followed his natural inclinations , we should not so much have feared to have trusted him ; but whilst he had such ministers about him , and embraced a religion of such principles as he professed , we had no reason to depend much on his natural clemency or inclination , for these were sufficient to corrupt the best natured man in the world. . no doubt but charles the fifth of germany was of as compassionate and generous a nature as any man ; yet that did not keep him from making havock of his subjects on account of religion ; besides all his wars and bloodshed to suppress the reformation , he destroyed by way of legal process fifty thousand in the inquisition , a barbarity , i believe , hardly equalled by nero ▪ francis the first of france was a prince equal to any in generosity and nobleness of nature ; and yet he made no less havock and destruction in his dominions on the same account . the present french king is a demonstration , that neither love of glory , nor of interest , neither greatness of mind , nor goodness of nature , are antidotes against , the force of romish principles , or can restrain the prince that has throughly imbibed them , from blood and persecution ; otherwise he would never have made himself infamous by such horrid cruelties as he has committed on his protestant subjects , or brought an indelible blot on a reign which he would fain have represented to be more glorious than any of his predecessors . it is not necessary that what has been said should bring in question the good nature or merciful temper of king james , tho we confess we were unwilling to trust it too far . we had before our thoughts the proceedings in the west of england , where we saw his clemency did not interpose , but suffered more to be prosecuted , tryed , condemned , and executed for that one rebellion ( and yet it was not so considerable as many others ) than perhaps had suffered in that manner for many of the rebellions since the conquest . we found that he consented to attaint above two thousand five hundred of the most considerable persons of this kingdom ; and that his good nature might not be a temptation to pardon them , he put it out of his power to do it by the same act. after his coming into ireland , very few pardon 's passed the great seal , perhaps not three ; nor had many so much as the promise of a pardon given them , tho very many needed and desired it . many of the country people , who were not of the army , were brought up prisoners ; they pleaded that they were not concerned in the wars ; that they lived in their houses , and on their farms , and submitted only to the stronger , without engaging in the cause ; but all to no purpose : they were used worse than the soldiers who were prisoners , and suffered to starve in jails , if the charity of their fellow protestants had not relieved them . many who were wronged and oppressed , petitioned his majesty for redress , but their petitions were rejected , at best mislaid , and the petitioners were so far from obtaining any answer , that they often could never hear what became of their petitions . . the chief counsellors of the king were the popish clergy , and the descendents of such as had shed the blood of so many protestants in the year , who then ruined and destroyed the kingdom , and made it a heap of rubbish , and a slaughter-house ; and whilst he hearkened to the suggestions and councils of such , it was not possible for him to exert his good nature and clemency towards us . it was the continual business of these counsellors to incense the king against us , to represent us as people unworthy of any favour , humanity , or justice ; that we were all rogues , villains and traitors , and not fit to be allowed the common offices of humanity : this chancellor fitton declared on the bench : this the king's favourites and attendants suggested publickly to him at his times of eating , at his couchee and levee , and upon all occasions . however it was , it is evident by the effect , that king james in great measure completed the ruin of the protestants and english interest in this kingdom ; which will plainly appear , . in his dealing with the army . . with the courts of judicature . . with the privy council and offices . . with corporations . . with trade , and the trading people of the nation . . with our liberties . . with our fortunes . . with the lives of his protestant subjects . and . with their religion . sect . ii. i. king james's dealing with the army of ireland , in order to destroy the protestants and english interest . . the army of ireland which king james found at his coming to the crown , consisted of about seven thousand , as loyal men , and as cordial to the king's service as any could be ; both officers and soldiers had been inured to it for many years . they looked on him as their master and father , intirely depending on him , and expecting nothing from any body else . when monmouth's and argile's rebellion called for their assistance to suppress them , no people in the world could shew more chearfulness , or forwardness , than they did ; and it is observable , that no one man in ireland was ever found to be conscious or consenting to those rebellions ; the protestants of all sorts shewed great horror and detestation of them , and were discernably melancholy till the rebels were suppressed . most of the officers of this army had been so zealous to serve the king , that they had by his permission and encouragement bought their employments ; many of them had laid out their whole fortunes , and contracted debts to purchase a command ; yet no sooner was king james settled in his throne , but he began to turn out some of the officers , that had been most zealous for his service , and had deserved best of him , merely because they had been counted firm to the protestant religion and english interest . the first who were made examples to the rest , were the lord shannon , captain robert fitz-gerald , captain richard coote , and sir oliver s. george . the three first were earls sons , who either in their own persons , or by their fathers and relations , had been signally active in restoring king charles the second , and the royal family , to their just rights , ; so had sir oliver s. george : and they were all of them without any other exception , but their zeal for their religion , and the english interest in ireland . but the common saying was , that king james would regard no man for any service done to him , his father or brother , but only for future service that he expected from them : and since he could fot expect that these gentlemen should assist him to destroy the protestant religion or the liberties of his subjects , which was the service he then expected , he took their troops from them , and gave them to persons of mean or broken fortunes , who must do any thing to keep them ; some of them unqualified by law. it is fit their names should be known , that the reader may the better observe what kind of change the king began with , when he substituted captain kerney , if i remember right , one of the ruffians , captain anderson , a person of no fortune , captain sheldon , a professed papist , and captain graham , in the places of the lord shannon , captain fitz-gerald , captain coote , and ▪ sir oliver s. george . . but to convince the world , that no consideration was to be had , of loyalty or merit , except a man were a papist : the duke of ormond was sent for abruptly , and devested of the government , with such circumstances that did no ways correspond with the service he had rendered the crown in general , and king james in particular . immediately the modelling of the army was put into the hands of collonel richard talbott , a person more hated than any other man by the protestants , and who had been named by oates in his narrative for this very employment . when therefore the protestants saw him put into it , many who believed nothing of a plot before , gave credit now to his ▪ narrative , and the common saying was , that if oates was an ill evidence , he was certainly a good prophet . collonel talbott , afterwards earl of tyrconnell , knew the necessity of having the army fitted to his purpose , it being the engine he depended on for destroying the religion , liberty and laws of the kingdom ; and therefore set about it with all expedition , and prosecuted it in such a manner as might be expected from a man of his insolent temper . he exercised at the same time ▪ so much falshood and barbarity , that if the army had not been the best principled with loyalty and obedience of any in the world , they would have 〈◊〉 , or at least dispatched him . in the morning he would take an officer into his closet , and with all the oaths , curses and damnations , that were never wanting to him , he would profess friendship and kindness to him , and promise him the continuance of his commission ; and yet ▪ in the afternoon cashier him , with all the contempt he could heap on him ; nay perhaps , while he was thus caressing him , he had actually given away his commission . the officers of ireland , then cashiered , and their acquaintance , can vouch the truth of this in many instances . as for the soldiers and troopers , his way with them was to march them from their usual quarters , to some distant place where he thought they were least known , where they would be put to greatest hardships , and there he stripped them ; the foot , of their cloaths , for which they had payed ; and the troopers of their horses , boots , and furniture , bought with their own money ; and set them to walk barefooted one hundred , or one hundred and fifty miles to their homes or friends , if they had any . sometimes he would promise them something for their horses ; but then he told them , that they must come to dublin for it : if any came to demand the small pittance promised them for their horses or arrears of pay , he contrived it so , that they should be obliged to wait till they had spent twice as much as they expected ; and most of them after all got nothing . by this means two or three hundred protestant gentlemen , who had laid out all , or a good part of their fortunes , and contracted debts on commissions , were not left worth any thing , but were turned out without reason or any consideration , and sive or six thousand soldiers sent a begging ; a hardship perhaps never put on any army before , without any provocation ; against whom there was no other exception , but that they were english men and protestants , and king james by substituting irish men and papists in their places contrary to the laws , and to the very design of keeping a standing army in ireland , clearly demonstrated , that he had no regard to the laws , or to the preservation of the kingdom , and that he designed to advance the popish irish interest in ireland ; which every body knows cannot be done without the utter ruin of the english protestants . . yet all this we patiently endured , and exercised our charity in relieving the poor cashiered soldiers , and in putting the ruined gentlemen into a way of subsisting ; which was generally by sending them over seas to foreign service , and perhaps their clamours and sufferings did contribute to move the compassion of the prince of orange , our present sovereign , and forward his designs . . in the mean time , the new raised forces and officers being put into arms and command , to which they were strangers , into good cloaths , and mounted on horses for which others had paid , behaved themselves with all the insolence common to such sort of men when unworthily advanced . they every where insulted over the english , and had their mouths continually full of oaths , curses and imprecations against them ; they railed on them , and gave them all the opprobrious names they could ; and if any chastized them for their sauciness , though ever so much provoked , they had the judges and juries on their side . they might kill whom they pleased without fear of law , as appeared from captain nangles murthering his disbanded officer in the streets of dublin ; but if any killed or hurt them , they were sure to suffer ; as captain aston found to his cost , who was hanged for killing a papist upon his ▪ abusing the captains wife in the street . they immediately ruined all the protestant inns of ireland , partly by oppressing them with quarters , partly by paying nothing for what they had in their quarters , and partly by driving away other guests by their rudeness . . in this insolence they continued and daily increased , till the prince of orange came into england . but then new commissions were issued out with all dilligence , of one sort or another , sometimes five hundred in a day . all the scum and rascallity of the kingdom were made officers ; every where the papists arm'd and inlisted themselves , and the priests suffered no man to come to mass that did not arm himself with at least a skean and half pike . the new commissioned officers were obliged without pay to subsist their men , as they termed it , for three months , a thing impossible for them to do , since most of them were not able to maintain themselves . the better sort of their captains and inferiour officers had been footmen or servants to protestants : one gentlemans cowherd was made a lieutenant , but he would fain have capitulated with his master , to keep his place vacant for him if his commission did not hold . most of them were the sons or descendents of rebels in , who had murthered so many protestants . many were outlawed and condemned persons that had lived by torying and robbing . no less than fourteen notorious tories were officers in cormuck ô neals regiment ; and when forty or fifty thousand such were put into arms , without any mony to pay them , we must leave the world to judge what apprehensions this must breed in protestants , and whether they had not reason to fear the destruction that immediately fell on them ; they saw their enemies in arms , and their own lives in their power . they saw their goods at the mercy of those thieves and robbers and tories , now armed and authorized , from whom they could scarce keep them when it was in their power to pursue and hang them . and they had all the reason in the world to believe , that a government that had armed such men of desperate fortunes and resolutions , was so far from protecting them , which is the only end of all government , that on the contrary it designed to destroy both their lives and fortunes . the latter of which , as will appear by the sequel , they have in a manner intirely lost . . i could never hear any thing pretended for these proceedings , except it were either . that the army were the kings servants , and every man may employ what servants he pleases ; or . that protestants would not concur with the kings intentions , and therefore there was a necessity of dismissing them . and . as to the general arming the papists , and plundering the protestants , that it was necessary in order to raise and encourage an army , otherwise the king had had nothing to trust to . . as to the first of these , it is not true that every man may entertain what servants he pleases ; because one ought not to entertain any that are not qualified as the law requires . . if it were granted that the case were the same between the king and his army as between a master and his servants , and that a master might entertain what servants he pleased ( neither of which is true ) yet it is to be considered that where another pays the servants , the master must be obliged to keep such servants as well answer the design of such as afford the wages . now it was the kingdoms mony that paid the soldiers ; it was given the king by a protestant parliament , to preserve the protestant english interest , and suppress the conquered irish papists , as appears by the acts themselves ; it was paid by them out of their proper fortunes and estates ; and for the king to employ the mony so given , and paid him , to arm those whom it was designed to suppress ; and destroy those who gave it , is the greatest breach of trust and prevarication of which any can be guilty . . as to the second reason , that protestants would not concur with the kings intentions ; i believe it is true , but the reason was , because the kings intentions were to destroy the laws , liberty , and religion established in his kingdom : they had , and would have answered every just intention of the king ; nay such as were employed by him , had concurred further with him than was perhaps justifiable . and his laying them aside as unserviceable to his designs , is a plain demonstration that those designs were irreconcilable to the good of the kingdom , and the protestant english interest . . as to the third reason that it was necessary , in order to raise an army for the king , to arm all the rascallity of ireland ; and to let them destroy the protestants , to subsist and hearten them . i answer , that this owns a necessity , if not a design of destroying us : and considering that the papists only by their wicked counsels had brought that necessity on the kingdom , it can never be imputed to the protestants by any wise man as a crime , that they were unwilling to comply with the king to their own destruction , or that they rather chose to be delivered by his present majesty than ruined by king james and his foolish counsellors . upon the whole , the ordering the irish army as it was by king james , is a plain demonstration of his design to destroy us , and a great step towards it ; and he had effectually done it , had not the providence of god raised up his present majesty to relieve us . sect . iii. secondly , king james's ordering the courts of judicature in such a method as tended to destroy the protestant english interest of ireland . . the support and happiness of a kingdom consists chiefly in the equal and impartial administration of justice ; and that depends on the choice of ▪ fit and duly qualified persons for filling the courts , and executing the laws ; but king james made choice of such persons for these offices as were so far from answering the intent of their places , that they made it their business to destroy the protestant interest , and the laws that preserve the liberty of the subject in general ; by those laws no man was capable of being a judg , who had not taken the oath of supremacy . the judges he found on the bench , had taken it ; but yet some of them were known to be rather too favourable to papists ; and considering the influence king james had in his brothers time in disposing of offices , it is not to be imagined that he would suffer any man to sit as a judge , who had not been favourably represented unto him in that point ; though we must own he was mistaken in some of them ; hence it came that protestants did frequently complain of the favour and countenance their adversaries found in the courts of justice , even in king charles ii. time . but when king james came to the crown , moderate , nay favourable judges would not do the work he designed . he found it necessary to employ the most zealous of his party ; those who both by interest and inclination , were most deeply ingaged to destroy the protestant english interest ; and accordingly such were picked out and set on all the benches ▪ . the chancery is the great and highest court wherein the great frauds and other matters belonging to trusts and equity are determined ; and neither the lord primate boyle , who had managed that court about twenty years , nor sir charles porter who succeeded him , could answer the kings intention : but sir alexander fitton , of whom i have already given some account , a person detected of forgery not only at westminster , and chester , but likewise fined by the house of lords in parliament , must be brought out of goal , and set on the highest court of the kingdom , to keep the kings conscience , though he wanted law and natural capacity , as well as honesty and courage , to discharge such a trust ; and had no other quality to recommend him , besides his being a convert papist ; that is , a renegado to his religion and his country ; but the mystery of this was easily found out . the papists of ireland had gone a great way to retrieve the estates they had forfeited by the rebellion , by counterfeit settlements , forgeries , and perjuries , and to do their business in a great measure there needed no more than to find a judg that would be favourable to , and countenance such proceedings ; and where could they find a more favourable judg than one who was notoriously involved in the same guilt , and who probably in some cases did not esteem such arts unlawful ; but besides this , there is requisite to a chancellor , a peculiar quickness of parts and dexterity , to penetrate into the contrivances of cheats and forgeries , for which sir alexander fittons natural slowness and heaviness incapacitated him , but this very defect , together with his zeal for popery , fitted him to execute the kings design as effectually as any that could have been found . he could not understand the merit of a cause of any difficulty , and therefore never failed to give sentence according to his inclination , having no other rule to lead him ; and how he was inclined towards protestants ; appeared from his declarations on all occations against them ; he did not stick , on a hearing , to declare that they were all rogues , and that amongst forty thousand there was not one who was not a traitor , a rebel , and a villain : for this reason he would not allow the guardianship of a child to the protestant mother ; but gave it against the positive words of the law , to the popish relations : for this reason he refused to hear so much as a demurrer in the popish dean of christs church , mr. staffords case . for this cause he over-ruled both the common rules of practice of the courts , and the laws of the land , declaring in open court that the chancery was above all laws , that no law could bound his conscience ; and he acted accordingly in many cases where protestants were concerned . after hearing a cause between one of them and a papist , he would often declare that he would consult a divine before he gave a decree ; that is , he would have the opinion of a popish priest , his chaplain , educated in spain , and furnished with destinctions to satisfie his conscience how far he should do justice to protestants ; many papists came and made affidavits of being in possession when they never were , and got injunctions and orders without any more ado to quiet their possessions . but a protestant , though never so palpably disturbed , could not procure any order ; but was sent to the common-law to recover his possession , by a popish jury , returned by a popish sheriff , before a popish judg : that is , he must expect law from judges and officers that sate and acted in defiance of law. if at any time the chancellor was forced to grant an injunction or decree , it was with all the difficulties and delays that could be , and often the thing was lost and destroyed before the order came for recovering it . . the administration of justice and equity is the great end of government , and it is as good , nay better to be without governours than to have governors under whom men cannot reasonably hope for these . we see from the choice of a chancellor , what care king iames took for the administration of equity to protestants . to help the matter he added as assistants to the chancellor mr. stafford , a popish priest , for one master of the chancery ; and felix ô neal , son of turlogh ô neal , the great rebel in , and massacrer of the protestants , for another . to these generally the causes between protestants and papists were referred , and upon their report the chancellor past his orders and decrees . . the courts of common-law were put into the same method ; and great care taken to fill them with judges who might be ingaged in a profest enmity to the protestant interest . in ireland there are only three judges on a bench ; and it was thought fit , for a colour till things were riper , to keep one protestant on every bench ; but whilst there were two votes to one , the protestant judg could neither do right to protestants , or retard a sentence to be given in the favour of a papist . this mock method , of seeming to trust protestants , they took likewise in naming burgesses and aldermen for corporations ; they generally put some few into their new charters to serve for a pretence of impartiallity , and yet to signifie nothing : this method of continuing some few protestants in courts and corporations serving only to silence and exasperate us , to be thus imposed on , but contributed nothing to relieve us , as we found to our costs : and the protestant judges and burgesses , finding that they were made cyphers and properties , of themselves declined at last to act in their stations . . next to chancery , is the kings bench , where subjects are tryed for their lives and fortunes : upon this was set mr. thomas nugent ( made afterwards baron of riverstown ) the son of one who had been earl of westmeath , but had lost his honor and estate for being an actor in the late rebellion begun in . this mr. nugent who had never been taken notice of at the bar , but for a more than ordinary brogue on his tongue ( as they call it ) and ignorance in the law , was pitched on by king james , to judg whether the outlawries against his father and his fellow rebels should be reversed , and whether the settlement of ireland founded on those outlawries , should stand good . it was a demonstration to us what the king intended , when he assigned us such a chief justice ; and indeed the gentleman did not fail to answer the expectation conceived of him . he reversed the outlawries as fast as they came before him , notwithstanding a statute made in point against it : and in all the causes that ever came before him , wherein the plaintiffs and defendants were papist and protestant , i could not learn from the most diligent observer , that ever he gave sentence for the latter . nay it is shrewdly suspected that he went sharer in some considerable causes , and not only appeared for them on the bench , but also secretly incouraged and fomented them . before him a deed should be judged forged or not forged according as it served a popish interest . and a protestant needed no more to gain a cause against another protestant , than to turn papist ; which manifestly appear'd in sir gregory birns case , who merely by turning papist , as is noted before , in the midst of his suit against captain robert fitz gerald , got a deed condemned of forgery , and recovered five or six hundred pounds per annum ; notwithstanding mr. daniel birn his father , some years before , for pretending it was forged , had been sued in an action of the case ; and forced to pay two hundred pound damages : and though there appeared in court a bond under birns hand , obliging him to pay two hundred pound to the witnesses , in case they should prove captain fitz geralds deed to be forged , yet the proof was accepted . but these were common things in this court , and the mischief had been much greater had not a writ of error lyen from his court to the kings bench in england . in one thing more he signalized himself ; it was by committing and prosecuting people for feigned offences and treasons , and by countenancing and encouraging , and after discovery protecting false witnesses against protestants . many were brought in danger of their lives by his contrivances ; and when the accused were acquitted on tryal , by a palpable demonstration that the witnesses were perjured , he declared that they neither could nor should be prosecuted , for they only sware for the king , and he believed the accused persons guilty , though it could not be proved . in short he shewed all the venom and rigour against them he could ; he was set up to destroy them , and he went as far in it as his power could reach ; his weakness , not his inclination , hindred him from carrying it farther . it is not imaginable by any that have not seen and heard him , how furiously and partially he was bent against protestants : it may be guessed how he stood inclined to them by the great hand he had in promoting the bill of attainder , and the bill to vest all absentees goods in the king ; whereby much the greater part of the protestants of ireland lost all their estates , personal and real , of which we shall speak more hereafter . he was assisted on the bench by sir bryan ô neal , as puny judg , a weak man that had nothing to recommend him but venom and zeal , being otherwise disabled both in his reason and body . only he had the faculty to do what he was bid , especially when it suited with his own inveteracy against englishmen and protestants this character may seem rigid , but as many as knew him will not think it exceeds . . the next court for business ( though not for precedence ) is the exchequer : in which all actions wherein the kings revenue or any other mans estate is concerned , may be tryed . from this court no writ of error lies in england ; so they were free here from that check , which was so troublesom to them in other courts . upon this consideration it was that the whole business of the kingdom , so far as it concerned them , was brought into this court , though not so proper for it . here were brought all actions of trespasses and ejectments concerning estates ; all quo warranto's against corporations , and scire facias's about offices : and they thought themselves concerned to have an able man , and one throughly cordial to their interest for the chief judg in it : for if he had wanted sense or law , though willing , as they found by experience in some of the other courts , he might have been unable to serve them in all cases . they therefore fixed on mr. stephen rice , afterward sir stephen , who had formerly been noted for a rook and gamester at the inns of court. he was ( to give him his due ) a man of the best sense amongst them , well enough versed in the law , but most signal for his inveteracy against the protestant interest and settlement of ireland ; having been often heard to say , before he was a judg , that he would drive a coach and six horses through the act of settlement , upon which both depended . and before that act was repealed in their pretended parliament , he declared on the bench that it was against natural equity , and could not oblige . this man did king james choose for chief baron , and for the final determination of all the suits that lay between protestants and papists , either in common-law or equity . and it is no hard matter to conjecture what success the protestants met with in their suits before a judg that declared , as he did , that they should have no favour , but summum jus , that is the utmost rigour of the law. immediately his court was filled with popish plaintiffs : every one that had a forged deed or a false witness , met with favour and countenance from him ; and he knowing that they could not bring his sentences into england to be re-examined there , acted as a man that feared no after account or reckoning . it was some considerable time before he would allow a writ of error into the exchequer chamber , though that was in effect to themselves ; and when it was allowed , it was to little purpose before such judges . it was before him all the charters of the kingdom were damned , and that in a term or two , in such a manner that proved him a man of dispatch though not of justice . if he had been left alone , it was really believed that in few years he would , by some contrivance or other , have given away most of the protestants estates in ireland , without troubling a parliament to attaint them ; which was a more compendious , but not a more certain way to destroy them , than the methods he took . it was he that without hearing , after he had dissolved the corporations by giving sentence against their charters , declared void all the leases of lands or of perquisites made by them , though long before their dissolution , and on very good considerations ; and thereupon outed several protestants of their leases : but it were endless to mention all the oppressions and unjust proceedings of this court ; it were in effect to transcribe the records of it . let me only observe that the chief baron was assisted by sir henry lynch as second baron , who came indeed short of him in parts , but yielded nothing to him in malice to the protestant religion and interest . . the court of common pleas ▪ had little to do : the business , so far as concerned the protestants and papists , was intirely carried out of it to the kings bench , or exchequer , and therefore they permitted the lord chief justice keating still to sit in it , but pinioned with two of their own sort , that if any thing should chance to come before him , he might be out-voted by them . the truth is they were jealous of this court , not only because a protestant was chief justice in it , but likewise because judg dally sat as puny judg , who though a roman catholick yet understood the common-law so well , and behaved himself so impartially , that they did not care to bring their causes before him : so much did they dread the prospect of justice , though before judges that were of their own party and persuasion . . the circuits are an extention of the courts , whereby justice is carried into the country : these were managed much at the same rate with the courts , and where the sheriff and judg were both papists , it is not difficult to guess what justice protestants must expect ; what packing of juries there was amongst them , and how deeply the judges themselves were concerned in such practices , is evident to all that had any concerns in the country at that time . . it will be requisite to say something of the attourney general which king james made , instead of sir william domvile , whom he turned out after near thirty years supplying the place ; but he was a protestant , and would not consent to reverse the popish outlawries , nor to the other methods they took to destroy the settlement of ireland ; and therefore he was laid aside . in his place king james substituted mr. richard nagle , whom he afterwards knighted , and made secretary of state ; he was at first designed for a clergy-man , and educated amongst the jesuits ; but afterwards betook himself to the study of the law , in which he arrived to a good perfection , and was employed by many protestants , so that he knew the weak part of most of their titles . every body knows how great a part the attorney general has in the administration of justice , it being his office to prosecute , and in his power to stop any suit wherein the king is concerned . how he used this power will appear in one instance , tho many may be given . one fitz gerald of tycrohan , the heir of a forfeiting papist , had a suit for a great estate against sir william petty ; it was tryed in the exchequer before chief baron rice , and fitz gerald carried the cause by the perjury of two friars , and a woman , who swore a person to be dead in spain , and themselves to be present at his burial , upon whose life sir william's title depended . this person soon after appeared to be alive , and is so still for ought we know ; and his being alive was so notorious and manifest , that the attorney general could not deny it ; sir william's counsel and lawyers designed to indict the friars and woman for their perjury , but the grand jury refused to find the bill ; and i was credibly informed , that the attorney general said , that if they did not desist , he would enter a noli prosequi . it is certain he refused to prosecute it , and it was imputed to his contrivance , that they escaped . by such means the course of justice was stopped to protestants ; and the like tenderness the courts generally shewed to perjurers , when the perjury served their interest . and sure the protestants were in an ill case , whose lives and fortunes lay at the mercy of such judges and juries ; and they must conclude , that nothing less than destruction was designed for them , by a king who put them under such administrators of justice . the same sir richard nagle was the speaker of the house of commons in their pretended parliament , and had the chief hand in drawing up their acts ; king james confided chiefly in him : and the acts of repeal and attainder were looked on as his work ; in which his malice and jesuitical principles prevailed so far , that he was not content to out two thirds of the protestant gentlemen of their estates by the act of repeal , ( by which all estates acquired since , were taken away ) and to attaint most of those that had old estates by the bill of attainder ; but to make sure work , he put it out of the king's power to pardon them ; therein betraying the king's prerogative , as the king himself told him , when he discovered it to him . of which and of him we shall have occasion to give a further account hereafter . . into such hands as we have been speaking of , the administration of justice and of the laws was put , which were so far from preventing our ruin , that they were made the means and instruments thereof , and it had been much better for us to have had no laws at all , and been left to our natural defence , than to be cheated into a necessity of submission by laws that were executed only to punish , and not to defend us . . it was common for some of those that served king james , to come upon the exchange , and without any reason or provocation to fall upon protestant gentlemen , if they looked a little more fashionable than other people , and beat them . one was thus beaten with a cane severely , before the gentleman was aware ; he was advised for an experiment to indict the ruffian that used him thus , to see what protection the law would give us after they had taken away our swords ; but the grand jury did not think it worth while to trouble the courts with redressing the grievances of protestants , and so would not find the bill . a merchant in thomas street , dublin , found a fellow that had broken into his ware house , and was conveying his goods ▪ out at the window to his fellow soldiers that stood in the street to receive them ; he seised him and brought an indictment against him for felony , but the jury acquitted him ; and then he brought his action against the merchant for false imprisonment and slander , and it cost a good sum of money to compound the matter . this trick was very common ; and at last , no protestant , tho he had ever so good evidence against a papist , durst prosecute him ; for he was sure to be acquitted , and then the prosecutor was liable to the revenge of an action of the case , and the damages that a popish jury pleased to give against him . . there is an act of parliament , henrici . cap. . that forbids keeping guns or ordnance without license from the lord lieutenant or deputy . the design of it was to prevent the irish from fortifying themselves in their little castles , whereby at that time they created the government great trouble , and raised daily rebellions . but the lord chief justice nugent interpreted this to the disarming of all protestants ; and because there chanced to be a sword and case of pistols found , september ▪ , in some outward by place in christs church , dublin , one wolf the subverger was committed to newgate , indicted and found guilty , and had good luck to escape with his life , the chief justice declaring it was treason , tho wolf was only indicted for a misdemeanour . . but had the laws been in never so good hands , it could not have secured us from destruction , when the king , who designed that destruction against us , pretended to be above all laws , and made no scruple to dispense with them ; every law in these kingdoms is really a compact between the king and people , wherein by mutual consent they agree on a rule by which he is to govern , and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him obedience . but there is no general rule but in some cases it may prove inconvenient ; it is therefore agreed by all , that in cases of sudden and unforeseen necessity , there is no law but may be dispensed with : but then first it is observable , that this necessity must be so visible and apparent , that all reasonable men may see and be satisfied that it is not pretended ; and where the necessity has been thus real , no man can shew that either the people or parliament ever quarrelled with a king for using a dispensing power . . secondly , it must be observed , that this power of dispensing , in cases of necessity is mutual , and belongs to the people as well as the king ; it being as lawful for a subject , in cases of necessity , to dispense with his obedience to a law , nay , with his allegiance to his king ; as for a king to dispense with the execution of a law , or the exacting obedience : and this mutual power of dispensing with the laws , which are publick compacts in cases of necessity , is tacitly understood in them as well as in all other covenants . doctor sanderson proves this power of dispensing to belong to the people as well as to the prince , in his tenth praelection , n. . and he gives an example in n. . the case is thus : the conspirators , after the gunpowder treason was discovered , fled into warwickshire , and made an insurrection : the sheriff raises the posse comitatus against them , they fled from thence into worcestershire , where , by the law the sheriffs of warwick could not follow them , but the sheriff dispensed with the law , judging ( saith he ) as he ought to have done , that , if he would perform right the office of a good subject , the observation of the law in that case of necessity was very unseasonable ; and he ought to obey the supreme law , which is the safety of his country . the sheriff did accordingly , and was highly commended by king james the first for it . there might be many examples of this kind given , in which the people are allowed to dispense even with their allegiance in case of necessity . it is against the allegiance of a subject to own the power of an usurper , to bear arms , to judge of life and death , or administer justice between man and man , by his commission ; and yet dr. sanderson determines it to be the duty of a good man to do all these , if required by an usurper , praelect . . n. . and accordingly we find judge hales acted under the worst of usurpers , oliver cromwell , and executed the office of a judge , as may be seen in his life . . thirdly , 't is the most wicked as well as hazardous thing , that a king or people can do , to pretend a necessity for dispensing with those publick compacts , when the pretence is not real : for the publick faith is hereby violated , the party unconsulted is abused , a just reason of distrust raised between the king and people , and they of the two that assume to themselves this power of dispensing upon a pretended , not real necessity , in cases of great moment to the kingdom , are in a fair way to lay a real necessity on the other party to dispense with their part of the compact ; that is to say , if the king will pretend a necessity where there is none , for his not governing by laws in cases that concern the common safety of the kingdom , he gives a shrewd temptation , and a justifiable colour to his people to dispense with their submission and allegiance to him . and it is full as good a reason for a peoples taking arms to defend themselves against illegal violence , to alledge that they were necessitated to do so , to prevent the ruin and destruction of them and their posterity , as it is for a king to alledge , that he uses illegal officers and force to preserve himself , and his kingdoms . and if the allegation be real , i do not see why it should not justifie the one as well as the other , tho the one be against the oath of allegiance , and the other against the coronation oath ; cases of extreme necessity being tacitly excepted in both . kings therefore that take on themselves to dispense with laws , without the consent , either tacit or express of their people , give an ill precedent against themselves , and must blame themselves , if their people , taught by them , return it upon them . . 't is plain , the officers employed by king james in ireland , both civil and military , were unqualified and uncapable by law , of those employments . if lord tirconnell ( for instance ) claimed subjection of us by the laws , i do not see why he should expect the people to be better observers of the laws than he was . suppose that it was against the law for them to resist him , it was likewise against the laws that he should command them ; if he dispensed in one case , they only dispensed in the other : and in this case it was as lawful for the one to dispense as the other . i suppose the only reason in a settled government , why one man can claim our submission and not another , is , because the known laws give the one and not another the power of commanding ; but the laws as well as the interest of this kingdom said positively , that the earl of tirconnell , and men of his character and religion , should not have any office civil or military , and therefore those protestants that stood on their defence against him , did not look on themselves to have resisted any persons legally commissioned by the king ; nor was there any need of a judge , or judgment in the case : the question being no other , than , whether the law required , that our governors and army should not be papists ? and , whether the earl of tirconnell and those he employed were papists ? both which were notorious and confessed by all without the determination of a court or judges . . as to the point of necessity ; 't is as plain there was no necessity on king james to employ these persons , whom the law had disabled to serve him ; protestants were numerous enough , and willing enough to serve him in every thing that was for the interest of the kingdom ; but he not only refused to entertain them , but turned out such as he found employed , without the least crime or accusation ; and put in their places persons not only unqualified by law for the employments into which he put them , but also unfit and uncapable to discharge them ; which sufficiently shewed , that it was choice , not necessity , made him employ them . but he foresaw , that such persons as the laws designed for employments , would not assist to destroy the laws , liberties and religion of the kingdom ; and therefore he exchanged them for those new servants , whose interest it was to join with him in his ill designs , and whose service was their crime ; who deserved the most severe punishments , not only for accepting these employments against the laws , but likewise using them to the subversion of all law and justice . if therefore there was any necessity on king james to employ such servants , it was a criminal necessity , and intirely of his own making ; and if he imagined , that such a necessity would excuse him from his coronation oath , of governing according to the laws , and justifie his dispensing with all the laws made for the security of his subjects , why should he not allow the same liberty to his subjects , and think that an inevitable necessity of avoiding ruin , should be a sufficient reason for them to dispense with their obedience to him , notwithstanding their oaths of allegiance ; especially where the necessity is not pretended or created by themselves , as his was , but apparent and forced on them by him ? according therefore to his own rules , he cannot blame them for refusing to obey him where no law required their obedience ; or for resisting him in those unlawful methods they saw him engaged in , to their manifest destruction . but king james was resolved to venture all , and , as many of his favourites expressed it , would not be a slave to the laws , and therefore endeavoured to be their master . in england he granted without any apparent necessity , nay ( against not only the interest and safety of the kingdom but even ) to his own prejudice , several dispensations : but these passed in some colour or form of law , and many of them at least passed the offices and seals ; but in ireland they did not trouble themselves with these formalities . a verbal command from the king was a sufficient dispensation to all laws made in favour of a protestant ; the officers acted , and the courts judged , as if there had been no such laws in being . here the dispensations went much higher than in england , even to dispensing with the laws against robbing and taking away property ; for if king james had a mind to any thing , he sent an officer with a file of musquetiers , and fetched it away , without considering the owners ; and to shew us , that his commands were not merely pretended by these officers ( which i confess often happened ) when they did such illegal things , the king himself to shew , i say , that it was his determinate resolution to act us , did sometimes send orders under his hand to take away many things of great value without offering any retribution or satisfaction to the owners . many instauces of this kind may be given : i shall only mention one , because it made some noise . a grant , in nature of a lease , with a reserv'd rent to the crown , was made by king charles the second to some of his courtiers , as a gratuity for considerable services ; whereby the sole liberty to coin copper-money in the kingdom of ireland for one and twenty years was given to them . this grant was purschased at a dear rate from the grantees by sir john knox , late lord mayor of dublin , and was renewed not without great trouble and charges to him by king james , after his accession to the crown . when he came into ireland , he found this grant in the hands of collonel roger moor , to whom it came by way of legacy from the purchaser . king james designing to set up a brass mint , sent for this grant , and had it strictly canvast , to see if any flaw could be found in it : none could be found ; nor would the collonel be persuaded to give it up . the king therefore commanded it to be laid aside , and his own mint to be proceeded on , without regard to it . but having occasion for the coining tools and engines belonging to this , without consulting the owner , or enquiring whether he was willing to part with them , he sent and seised on them violently , forcing open the doors , and taking away to a considerable value . collonel moore petitioned for redress , or at least some consideration for his loss , but his petition was rejected , without being heard . such proceedings were common , and shews us plainly what a weak barrier laws are against a person who designs absolute power , and who believes , according to our late act of recognition , that the decision in all cases of a misused authority by a lawful hereditary king , must be left to the sole judgment of god. sect . iv. iii. king james's progress to destroy his protestant subjects , by his disposing of civil offices , and ordering the privy council . . i have already taken notice how king james disposed the military offices , in such a method , as must unavoidably ruin the protestant interest in ireland , it was not altogether so easie to out men of their civil employment , as of their military . . because many had patents for life , or good behaviour . and . because some of the offices themselves were so difficult to be managed , that it was not easie to find roman catholicks capable of discharging them ; yet it appeared necessary , in order to ruin the protestants , that they should be turned out of them ; and therefore king james and his ministers resolved to do it as fast as they could . as soon as they could find a papist that would or durst undertake them , they put him in ; and they plainly declared , that no protestant after a little while should have any office of trust or profit left in his hands . some offices they disposed of without more ado , by new patents , and put the patentee in possession without taking notice that there was another patent in being , leaving the former proprietor to bring his action at law if he pleased . thus they served sir charles meredith for his chancellorship of the exchequer ; and thus they served sir john topham , and sir john coghill , for their masterships of the chancery . and the inferior bodies of cities learned this trick from them ; and by it outed their protestant recorders , even before their new charters . some officers that claimed a title to their offices by law , were not allowed a legal tryal : but the chancellor called them before him , and on a private hearing , turned them out . thus he served mr. charles baldwin one of the examinators of the chancery . . but to proceed by retail seemed tedious , and therefore to make short work , and rid their hands of protestant civil officers at once , as they had done of the military . they made an act in their pretended parliament , to void all patents for offices during life or good behaviour , though granted by king james himself , and though the protestants had laid out their fortunes to purchase them by king james's own consent , and permission , as many had done . now let the world judg what a step the disposal of these offices was , to the destruction of protestants , when some of them were of such consequence , that an unfaithful officer in them , might undo many , by destroying their evidences for their estates ; in what condition must protestants be , when the records by which they held their estates , were put into the hands of those who were their adversaries in the claim , and had nothing to bar them , but these records , of which they were now made keepers , who had often before shocked the protestant titles , by setting up counterfeit deeds , nay and corrupting the records themselves , even whilst protestants had the keeping of them ; of which , the records in the common pleas office , are yet an unanswerable evidence , counterfeit judgments being entred there , to the sum of some one thousand pound , by the treachery of corrupting papists . i have for the satisfaction of the reader set down in the appendix the names of the most considerable officers belonging to the courts , that the change may be more visible . . the next sort of officers were such as were concerned in the revenue ; these were , many of them , during pleasure . the revenue had for five or six years last past been managed by commissioners to very great advantage . they had gotten under them a set of very sharp and severe officers ; many of which having been formerly concerned in trade themselves , knew all the arts of cheating the king in his duties ; and were able to discover them , and he who was most acute and made greatest advantage for the king , was sure to keep his place and to be advanced . it was hard to find a set of commissioners and officers that could serve the king in his revenue at the rate these persons did ; and therefore they were forced to be slow in changing them : yet they did it by degrees , and with such circumstances , as plainly discovered that they were resolved , as soon as was possible , to employ roman catholicks only . to do them justice they generally owned it ; and when any of them had a friend to prefer to an office in the revenue , his argument to remove the protestant possessor usually was , this man must be removed , and why not now ? as the popish bishop of elphin wrote to sir patrick trant from gallway , in order to remove a protestant gauger employed there . in most places they turned out the protestant collectors and officers , and put in their popish friends , though much to the kings loss , as it often proved , and as they themselves knew it would be , and did not scruple to own it . their new collectors , either being so ignorant as not to make the best of their places , or so very corrupt that they run away with the mony when collected ; as it happened at clonmell ; or so abused their trust , that they were obliged to change no less than five or six at a time , king james himself declaring publickly that they deserved to be hanged . that there remained any protestants employed in the revenue was plainly from their not having time enough to train up others in their room , and not from their intentions to continue protestants in it ; to whom they envied even the hated office of being publicans . . the third sort of officers in the kingdom are such , as have trust or honour annexed to them , but little profit ; of this sort i reckon sheriffs and justices of the peace . it was no easie matter to find roman catholicks to put into these offices , and it was a most provoking sight to protestants , to see with what kind of men they supplyed them : they were forced to rake into the very scum and sink of the people , to find a few to set on the bench , as i shewed before ; men without freehold , without sense , and without honesty , were made sherifs ; and yet they were forced to continue most of them two years , not being able to find in some counties any roman catholick that could pretend to be capable of such an employment . thus in the county of tyrone , turlogh ô donelly served two years as sheriff , who had not one foot of freehold ; and for his honesty you may guess at it by this story , which is notoriously true : his son had stolen some bullocks from his neighbour mr. hamilton of callidon , and brought them to his father the sheriffs house : some of them were killed and eaten in the house . the owner pursued and found the remainder , which were restored ; and to compound the matter , a bond of sixteen pound was entred into by the sheriff for such as were eaten ; and if i remember right , a warrant of attorney for judgment . when he came to dublin to pass his accompts as sheriff , he was sued for the mony , but to avoid the suit , he listed himself a foot soldier in the lord maguires company , and pretended he was enlisted in the company two or three days before the arrest ; which my lord likewise vouched , though really he was not enlisted till after the arrest or execution . upon which the attorney that took out the action or execution , i do not remember which , and the person to whom he owed mony were brought into great trouble , and forced to abscond for violating the privilege of the army ; and obliged for peace sake to depart from their claim . we had many such sheriffs and justices of the peace ; and to demonstrate that they designed to out protestants of all power , there was not one protestant sheriff in all ireland , for the year , as may be seen in the catalogue which i i have given of their names in the appendix , except charles hamilton of cavan , who was put in by mistake ( as was supposed ) insteed of john hamilton of killeneur , who is a roman catholick . nay it was designed that not one protestant should sit on the bench as justice of peace ; and the design in a great measure effected ; not indeed by revoking their commissions , but by making it impossible for them to act. it was now almost a necessary qualification to preserve a man in his place , to change or dissemble his religion ; and some did worse , that is betrayed it by their compliance , whilst yet they profest it . many who would not be guilty of such servility , were turned out even from the mean employments of a high or petty constable , of a goalour or turn-key ; of all which it were easie to give examples ; but the thing being universal , makes that unnecessary . even these mean employments were now counted too good for protestants ; and all this contrary to the express letter of the law , which admitted none but such as would take the oath of supremacy , to any office ; but they took a peculiar pleasure to act in contempt and despite of the laws ; and it seemed to them a kind of conquest to turn a man out of his employment , office , or freehold , contrary to law. in the mean time it was a melancholy thing for protestants to live under such illegal officers , and have their lives , estates , and liberties , at the mercy of sheriffs , justices , and juries ; some of whose fathers or nearest relations , they had either hanged for thieving , robbery and murthering , or killed in the very act of torying . . i reckon as a fourth sort of officers in the kingdom , such as were of the privy-council , which in ireland is a great part of the constitution , and has considerable privileges and power annexed to it . regularly no act of parliament can pass in ireland , till the chief governor and privy-council do first certifie the causes and reasons of it . it was therefore no less than necessary that king james should model this to his mind ; and he quickly ordered it so , that the papists made the majority in it ; and whereas before it was a refuge and sanctuary to the oppressed , it now became a most effectual instrument to strengthen the popish interest , and give reputation to their proceedings . we may guess what kind of government king james designed , when he was attended with such a council ; and yet it is certain even some of these , who were protestants , would have been turned out , if they had not absented themselves , and declined appearing at the board ; but whether they appeared or no , was of no consideration , since it is plain they could do protestants little service . sect . v. fourthly , king james's ordering corporations was an effectual means to destroy his protestant subjects , and to alter the very nature of the government . . woever knows the constitution of england and ireland , must observe that the subjects have no other security for their liberties , properties and lives , except the interest they have of choosing their own representatives in parliament . this is the only barrier they have against the encroachments of their governor . take it away , and they are as absolute slaves to the kings will , and as miserable as the peasants in france . whoever therefore goes about to deprive them of this right , utterly destroys the very constitution and foundation of the government . now the protestants of ireland finding the necessity of securing this right in their own hands , to preserve the kingdom in prosperity and peace , had procured many corporations to be founded , and built many considerable corporate towns at their own cost and charges . they thought it reasonable to keep these in their own hands , as being the foundation of the legislative power ; and therefore secluded papists as enemies to the english interest in ireland , from freedom and votes in them by the very foundation and rules of planting them . this caution they extended by a law , to all other corporations in the kingdom , excluding papists likewise from them , which they justly did , if we remember that these papists had forfeited their right in them , by their rebellion in ; and by their having turned those towns , where they had interest , into nests of traitors against the king , and into places of refuge for the murtherers of the english ; insomuch that it cost england some millions to reduce them again into obedience ; witness killkenny , waterford , galway , lymerick , and every other place where they had power to do it . add to this , that generally the trading industrious men of the kingdom were protestants , who had built most of the corporate towns ( above thirty at once in king james the first 's time ) and a great part of the freeholds of the kingdom did also belong to men of the same religion : insomuch that if a fair election had been allowed , in probability no papist could have carryed it in any one county of ireland . all which considered , it was but reasonable that the protestants that had by so much blood and treasure , brought the kingdom into subjection to the laws of england , and planted it in such a manner as to render it worth the governing by the king , should be secured of their representatives in parliament ; especially when out of their great loyalty , and confidence in the kings kind intention to them , they by some new rules had condescended , that none should officiate as majors , portrieves , magistrates , or sheriffs in the chief towns , till approved by the kings chief governor for the time being . their yielding this to the king , was a sufficient security , one would have thought , to the royal interest . a great diminution of their liberties , and such as never was yielded before to any king ; but this would not serve king james to be absolute , he must have the intire disposition of them , and the power to put in and turn out whom he pleased , without troubling the formalities of law. to bring them therefore to this , it was resolved to dissolve them all . tyrconnel knew that the protestants would never give up their charters , without being compelled by law : and therefore he endeavoured to prevail with them to admit papists to freedom and offices in them , that by their means he might have them surrendred ; but the resolution of sir john knox , then lord mayor of dublin , and of the then table of aldermen , spoiled that design , and forced the king to bring quo warranto's against them , since they would not easily consent to destroy themselves . . the chief baron rice , and the attorney general nagle , were employed as the fittest instruments to carry on this work. to prevent writs of error into england , all these quo warranto's were brought in the exchequer ; and in about two terms , judgments were entred against most charters . whereas if either equity or law had been regarded , longer time ought to have been allowed in matters of such consequence for the defendants to draw up their plea , than the chief baron took to dispatch the whole cause , and seize their franchises . attorney general nagle plaid all the little tricks that could be thought of ; and had an ordinary attorney brought such demurrers or pleadings into court , in a common cause , as he did in this most weighty affair of the kingdom ; he would have received a publick rebuke , and been struck out of the roll for his knavery or ignorance . after all , there was not one corporation found to have forfeited by a legal tryal neither was any crime or cause of forfeiture objected against them ; yet the chief baron gave judgment against a hundred charters or thereabouts , upon such little exceptions , and pittiful cavils , that it must be the greatest affront to the understanding of mankind , to think to put such on them for justice ; and the greatest profanation of the name of law , to endeavour to pass such proceedings for legal . admit that a corporation , which is an invisible body in law , could do any thing to destroy its own being ; or that it were reasonable it should be divested of a particular privilege , which it has manifestly abused ; or when , by alteration of circumstances , such a privilegde becomes a prejudice to the publick ; as it sometimes happens . yet to dissolve all the corporations in a kingdom , without the least reason or pretence of abuse of priviledge or forfeiture , to take advantage from the ignorance of a lawyer , or the mistake of a clerk , nay to pretend these when really there is no such thing , is such an abuse of the kings prerogative and the law , that it is enough to make the people , oppressed by colour of them , to hate both , at least to wish the administration of them in other hands ; and this was clearly the case of the corporations in ireland . the city of dublin was not allowed so much time to put in their plea as was really sufficient to transcribe it as it ought to have been . the clerk mistakes the date of one of their charters ; they pray leave to mend it ; this is denyed them ; and the chief baron gives judgment . the same term the charter of londonderry , in which the city of london was so deeply concerned , was condemned on a yet more frivolous pretence , upon which the chief baron gave judgment against the charter . and upon the like wrangling cavils were the rest dissolved ; except a few which were on noblemens estates . some of these noblemen employed , roman catholick agents or receivers ; who so managed their estates for them , as chiefly to encourage papists , and now became the instruments to betray their corporations . those agents employed the power and interest they had amongst their masters tenants , by threats and intrigues , to procure surrenders ; and by these means , some few were influenced . thus one potter , a papist , employed as a receiver by the earl of kildare , betrayed his lord , and prevailed with athy and some other corporations on his estate to surrender . . whether they did not think fit to destroy the charters upon their usual and trivial pretence of defective pleading , there they found out other expedients , without tryal , to destroy them . and that was , by granting a new charter ( as in the case of bangor in the county of down ) to such men as the attorney general thought fit ; who by the sheriff should be put in possession of the government of the town , and then if the former possessors thought themselves injured , they might bring their actions against the intruders : in the tryal of which , they had reason to expect no more fairness , than they found in the proceedings against their charters . . this contrivance , of superseding a former charter by granting a new one , served to very good purpose . there were many particular charters granted to corporations in the city of dublin . such were the corporations of taylors , skinners , feltmakers , &c. where these refused to surrender , they got a few of the trade to take out a new charter , by which papists were constituted masters and wardens , and as soon as they had taken it out they committed to prison such of the ancient members as would not submit to them . . every body dreaded the effects of these proceedings , the gentry considered that they held their estates by patents from the king ; and the title was no stronger than that of a charter . and if men were outed of their priviledges and freedoms by such tricks and shaddows of law , they began to fear that one day or other the like might be found to void their patents . . as soon as the corporations came to be supplied with new charters , it plainly appeared that no english or protestant freeman could expect a comfortable life in ireland ; for in the first place , the corporations were made absolute slaves to the king's will , it being one clause in all the new charters , that the king 's chief governor should have power to turn out , or put in whom he pleased , without giving any reason , and without any form of legal proceeding ; by which the corporations were so much in the king's power , that he might with as much reason have named his regiment of guards , a free parliament , as the burgesses return'd by such elections . the whole kingdom had therefore reason to resent such proceedings , as being absolutely destructive to their liberties ; but more especially the english protestants ; for it plainly appeared in the second place , that all this regulation was more immediately designed for their destruction . the persons every where named for aldermen and burgesses in the new charters being above two thirds papists , some few protestants were kept in for form sake , that they might not seem absolutely to discountenance them ; and to avoid discovering their designs of turning them out of all : but yet so few , in comparison of the papists , that they were incapable of doing either good or hurt . and when they saw that they must be insignificant , they generally declined serving at all . the papists employed , were commonly the most inveterate and exasperated persons against protestants and their interest , that could be found . many of them never saw the corporations for which they were named ; they were never concerned in trade or business ; many of them were named for several corporations , because they wanted men qualified as they would have had them , to make up the number of aldermen or burgesses . most of them were poor and mean , and such whose very names spake barbarities . . the protestants foresaw very well , what they were to expect from corporations thus settled ; and a great many of the richest trading citizens , removed themselves and their effects into england . the gentry likewise endeavoured to make provisions for themselves there ; and such as could compass money laid it out in england , and fled after it to avoid the storm they saw coming on ireland . the truth is ▪ 't was intolerable to them to live under the government of their footmen and servants , which many must have done , had they staid ; and they could not but dread a parliament , that should not only be slaves to the king's will , who they saw was bent to settle popery at any rate , but which must consist of members that they knew to be their inveterate and hereditary enemies , who would not stick to sacrifice the liberties and laws of the kingdom to the king's will , so they might procure from him revenge on the protestants , and turn them out of their estates . for what would they stick at , that were so servile as to accept such precarious charters ? they saw in this their own ruin design'd ; and the event has shewn that they were not mistaken , perhaps no king in the world , much less a king who had been obliged in so high a manner as king james had been , by his protestant subjects , did ever take so much pains to ruin his enemies , or condescend to such mean acts as he did to ruin us . sect . vi. v. king james's destructive attempts upon the trade and trading part of the nation . . trade is of so great advantage to a kingdom , and the profit it brings to the exchequer is so considerable , that it is hardly credible that any king should contrive to destroy it in his own kingdom ; and yet king james has given us just reason to conclude , that he designed the ruin of it in all his kingdoms , at least was well pleased with it . many roman catholicks , who pretended to know his mind , have confidently affirm'd , that he purposely let the ships of england decay and rot , that the french might grow great at sea , and destroy the trade of the english. the reason pretended for doing so , was to humble his subjects , and take away their wealth from them , that made them proud and surly , so that the king could not have his will of them ; i speak the language of these roman catholicks ; and the king himself ▪ could not sometimes forbear words to the same purpose . and if we consider the condition in which their present majesties found the english fleet , the thing will not want probability . it was further pretended by many of king james's officers ▪ that it was more for the king's advantage , to have his subjects poor than rich ; for , said they , you see how willing the poor irish are to enlist themselves soldiers for two pence a day , who know no better way of living : but it were impossible to bring the rich churls of england ( so they usually called them ) from their farms and shops , on such terms , to serve the king. they further alledged , that the poverty of the generality of france , is the reason that they are so willing to be soldiers , and makes them so easily maintain'd when they are enrolled . upon such destructive maxims did they found their design of ruining trade in these kingdoms . . but whatever be said to the general design , it is certain king james ruined the trade of ireland , in prosecution of his purpose of destroying the protestants there . the money and wealth circulated in their hands , and few others had either stock , understanding or credit , to carry on a trade besides them . they innocently imagined , if there had been no other reason , that this alone would have prevailed with the then government to have permitted them to live secure , easie and quiet ; but they quickly found that king james and his ministers wou'd rather have no trade at all in the kingdom , than it should be in the hands of protestants . merchants have generally their stock in moveables , so that it is easie for them to transport themselves and their effects into another country , if they find themselves uneasie in their own . and sure the protestant merchants could not be easie in towns which they had formerly governed , and in which they were now subjected to mean inconsiderable people ; many of which had formerly been their own menial servants , but now advanced to the honor of being magistrates , treated their late masters with such affronts and abuses , as are intolerable to free men , and , which solomon observes , make even wise men mad . . this , together with the apprehension of danger to their lives and fortunes , from the advancement of such indigent and malicious persons to ▪ power , did drive most of the rich traders out of the kingdom . the rest contracted their stocks , called in their debts , and resolved to give over trading , or else follow their neighbours into england , as soon as they could clear themselves of their business ; the effect of this resolution of theirs was ruinous to all such as were indebted to them , or in their books ; for it was impossible to raise money to answer those debts , when called for so suddenly , tho they had stock enough to answer them if time had been allowed them , as they expected when they contracted them ; by which means protestants were forced to ruin one another , as well as some papists that depended on them ; a great many being forced thereby to shut up shop , and break for small debts , that bare no proportion to their stocks and credit , whose payment had been good , if they had not been called on too suddenly , and if the circulation of trade had not been stopped . . the next thing that destroyed the trade of ireland was the advancing persons of mean or no fortunes unto places of profit . these had no ready money to give the merchants , and yet were necessitated to live high , and appear in fine cloaths ; and either by force or fraud they got into the shop-books ; and by refusing to pay , disabled the merchants to make their usual returns , and by that means broke their credit , which is the foundation of trade . the protestant soldiers and officers , in whose places the indigent papists were substituted , were generally so good husbands as to have some little thing in store ; and hence were enabled to take up at the best hand , and punctualy pay what they had expended ; but these new-comers gave their creditors , where they chanced to be trusted , only oaths , and curses , and abuses , instead of payment ; a general stop of trading immediately followed ; especially the manufactures set up in the kingdom , which were very considerable to its trade , came to be neglected ; and every thing upon tyrconnell's coming to the government , was at a stand . the clothier would not lay out his money to make cloth , and pay workmen , when it must either lie on his hands , or he be obliged to trust it to such debtors that would only return him abuses for his money . the builder would not go on in his building , and part with his ready money , when he could have no security of enjoying it , or receiving rent for it , if he let it . by these means great numbers of tradesmen and laborers , all generally protestants , were reduced to beggary , and their families starved . such sort of people as these , are the men that carry on trade , and enrich a place ; but were now forced to leave the kingdom , and seek elsewhere for work : their going away stopped the usual consumption of commodities , and made trade yet more dead and heavy . . there was a third thing that did further discourage the merchants , and that was the ▪ exaction of the custom houses . the officers found , that by the decay of trade , the king's revenue must fall , and that then they would be in hazard to lose their places ; to prevent which , they used all the rigor and exactions imaginable : they had valuators of their own chusing , which put what rates on goods they pleased ; and then the merchant must pay the duties accordingly without remedy . frequently the values set on goods were double , nay treble to what they ought to have been , and to the true intrinsick worth of the commodity , or what they could be sold for ; the consequence whereof was , that the merchant paid often double or treble duties to what he ought ; and this was a great discouragement to trading . the complaints of all people in general as well as of merchants were great on the account of exactions of the officers of the revenue , who were grown up to a high degree of exorbitance ; which , with many other abuses in the kingdom , proceeded from the long disuse of parliaments , the inferior officers being freed from that fear for twenty four years , did forget that there were any , to whom they were accountable , besides their own masters ; and therefore not only exacted upon and oppressed the subjects , but likewise treated them with insufferable insolence , while the commissioners or farmers strained and perverted the laws for their own profit , or to ingratiate themselves with the courtiers , on whose favour they depended . . there was a fourth thing that more peculiarly ruined the protestant trade , and 't was thus ; the king's revenue in ireland was so considerable a part of each man's estate , that most of the current coin in the kingdom came into the treasury once in a year , either for hearth money , crown rents , or some other duties . and the king having turned protestants out of all profitable employments , and out of the army , and put in papists , his revenue was paid out again to them , and ought to have circulated indifferently amongst his subjects , as it used to do . but so great was the malice of these new officers to protestants , that they combined amongst themselves , to let them have as little of it as was possible ; and therefore where-ever they could lay it out with one of their own religion , they did it . and very few protestants ever received a groat of their money , as the citizens of dublin can universally witness . when they wanted money they came to the protestant shops , where they abused and affronted and terrified them , if they refused to trust ; calling them dogs , whigs , rebels and traitors , swearing with many oaths , that they would be revenged on them . but if they had ready money , tho they had been formerly customers to protestants , and in their books , they never came near them any more . this practice was so universal amongst them , that even the women learn'd it ; particularly the lady tyrconnel's daughters : for thus the lady ross and her sister dillon treated several shopkeepers , falling furiously upon them in the former terms , because their servants refused to trust . by the like rudeness the exchange was intirely ruined ; neither buyers nor sellers being able to keep in it , by reason of the insolencies of the new popish officers who walked in it , affronted and assaulted every body , or extorted their goods from them for nothing , the shopkeepers not daring to refuse to trust them . by this means the rich shopkeepers were driven away , and most of the considerable shops shut up , even in the principal streets of the city , long before we heard any news of the prince of orange . as soon as the earl of tyrconnel came to the government , there was almost a desolation in the town ; and there were at least fourteen or fifteen trades that had nothing to do ; the government knew very well that this would be the effect of their proceedings , and that the trade , manufactures and improvements of the kingdom must cease , if they went on at the rate they did ; but they were so far from being concerned at it , that they rather seemed well pleased with it . . and to ruin our trade intirely , they suffered and connived at the transportation of our wool to france ; a thing so fatal to england as well as to ireland , that the law has made it felony to be punished with death . the new mayor of gallway , mr. kyrovan was catched in the very fact ; and the delivery of a considerable cargo sent by him into france , was fully proved ; for which he ought to have been hanged : but the lord deputy tyrconnel , notwithstanding all his oaths and pretended displeasure , when the mischief of it was laid before him , quickly shewed this to be only a copy of his countenance ; for he not only granted him a pardon , and remitted his forfeiture of about l. but as a further mark of his favour , he continued him in his mayoralty for another year . thus the trade of the kingdom was ruined , and the protestants , who with vast hazard and charge carried it on , had it left to their choice whether they would stay here and starve , or remove themselves to another kingdom ; and i believe no body will wonder if they had no great affection for a government that designedly brought this hardship upon them . . it must be acknowledged , that king james did not only ruin the protestant trade , but that he went a great way in destroying the trade of the roman catholicks also . it is well known , that the citizens of gallway are the most considerable roman catholick traders in ireland ; many of whom had purchased estates under the acts of settlement and explanation , and must therefore fall together with them . they foresaw their own ruin in the repeal of th●se acts , and petitioned the parliament , that consideration might be had of their purchases and improvements ; but this reasonable request was denyed them ; those acts were repealed , and by their repeal left the most considerable roman catholick traders in ireland , without estates or credit to follow their trade , or to answer their correspondents abroad . i might add here the further steps made by king james towards ruining the protestant trade , by his coining brass money , by his lodging it in protestants hands , seising their stocks and commodities , whereby they were utterly disabled to trade ; whilst papists were not only spared , but had the protestants goods put into their hand . but these with the other influences the brass money had to destroy us , will be more proper , when we come to consider the invasions made on our properties . sect . vii . vi. king james's destructive proceedings against the liberties of his protestant subjects . . there is no worldly thing more valuable to man than liberty . many prefer it to life ; and few can live long without it . 't is the darling of our laws , and there is nothing of which they are more tender . but the protestants of ireland from the very beginning of king james's reign , had their liberties invaded , and at last intirely destroyed . 't was observable , that at his coming to the crown he made no proclamation for a general pardon , as has been usual with kings ; neither did he pass any act of grace in his first ▪ parliament , which gave a fair opportunity to the papists of ireland to revenge themselves on their protestant neighbors . no sooner had they gotten judges and juries that would believe them , but they began a trade of swearing , and ripping up what they pretended their neighbors had said of his late majesty , whilst duke of york some years before , especially in time of the popish plot. the new justices of the peace were eager to exercise their offices , and therefore on the slightest occasion , bound over and committed their protestant neighbors , many times without any reason at all ; at least , without any given in their warrants : it was time enough to invent some against the next assizes . there never wanted evidence enough to accuse a man ; the very priests being forward to encourage such perjuries , as were to the prejudice of protestants . of this there are several instances on record in the courts of justice ; where we find them sometimes swearing falshoods themselves , and sometimes encouraging others to do it . of which the courts , even in spite of all their partiality , were satisfied . i gave one example before in sir william petty's case . there is another of mr. balfours in the county of fermanagh , where the false affidavit of one hultaghan a priest , had almost destroyed his cause , and lost him a considerable estate . . upon this account perjuries became so common , that if a tenant owed his protestant landlord his rent , he payed him by swearing him into a plot , or by fixing on him some treasonable or seditious words . if a papist had any former quarrel with his protestant neigbor , or owed him money , he paid him in the same coin. many were indicted by these contrivances ; many found guilty , and excessively fin'd ; some were imprisoned for their fines , not being able to satisfie the king , who seised both their bodies and estates ▪ hardly any county in ireland was free from numerous indictments of this kind , and very few country gentlemen escaped being accused . great numbers were indicted and found guilty in the counties of wexford and wicklow , to the number at least of sixty , the most considerable gentlemen in the county of meath were indicted , but had better luck ; the perjury of their accusers being made so manifest , that even a popish bench had not the confidence to countenance it , nor a popish jury to find it . thus mr. meredith , mr. parry , mr. chetwin a minister , and several others , escaped ; having discovered the very bottom of a wicked contrivance to carry on a trade of swearing against all the gentlemen in the country ; but though they discovered it , yet they durst not prosecute it , by reason of some priests being concerned in it , and of the discountenance of the courts ; a great many in the county of tipperary , were likewise brought into trouble , but escaped the first time by a kind of miracle ; one of the jurors was so maliciously bent against them , that he swore he would die before he would acquit them : it happened to him according to his own desire , he fell dead in the place , whilst they were disputing about returning the verdict , which saved the gentlemen for that time . yet this did not discourage their prosecutors , they caused them to be indicted anew , and upon their second tryal justin macarty ( afterwards made lord mountcashell by king james ) came into the court ▪ threatened and hectored sir john mead , who then sate as judge for the duke of ormond ( it being within his graces palatinate ) because he would not direct the jury to find them guilty ; but sir john stood his ground , and declared , that there was no sufficient evidence against them ; upon which they were acquitted . it vexed them , that they could not bring their popish judges and sheriffs into that county , as they did into the rest of ireland , by reason that the nomination of them was in his grace , as lord of the regalities ; and therefore in their pretended parliament they not only attainted him , but likewise , by a particular act , dissolved his principality . their first plot against the gentlemen of the county having miscarried , they began a second , and got depositions against several ; but they were as unlucky in this as in the first . they laid the scheme of their affairs so unskilfully , that the witnesses swore that the gentlemen met to carry on their plot at nenagh , a place above sixty miles from dublin , on the same day that some of them had been examined before the council board on the first informations . this appearing to the council by an entry made in their own books , quashed the design against them , and saved them a third time . it would make a volume to enumerate all the particulars of this nature . . the new mayors and justices of the peace were no less troublesome to protestants in their employments ; they made no scruple to send their tokens and warrants for persons of the best quality . and wherever a papist and protestant had any difference , there needed no more but a complaint to procure a committal , and to be sure it was done with all the indignity and affronting circumstances imaginable . sir thomas hackett , whilst lord mayor of dublin , did so many brutish and barbarous things of this nature , that it were endless to recount them ; taking example from the lord tyrconnel , who made him mayor , he treated every body with oaths , curses , ill names , and barbarous language . the lord primate boyles family could not escape his warrants ; he ( or his clerk , as he afterwards pretended ) sent one for mr. francis cuff , and mr. jephson , who lived in my lords family , being his son in law and nephew : their crime was , refusing to contribute to the maintenance of two begging fryars ; one of them was one magee , a debauchee and renegado , who had the impudence to have demanded it from my lord primate if he had been permitted access . the fryars vexed that they should be repulsed , procured a warrant for the two gentlemen that refused them , and attempted the execution of it in my lord primates house , with a rabble of near two hundred . sir thomas was not content to execute his authority within his own precincts , but extended it where the mayors power was never owned . he sent his warrant and committed the officers of christs church , dublin , to the stocks , because he fancied they did not make the bells ring merrily enough for the birth of the prince of wales . it was in vain for the officers to tell him , that their church and persons were not subject to his jurisdiction ; that if the bells did not ring merrily enough as he alledged , it was the ringers fault , not theirs . that no body , besides his lordship , could observe any such thing in their ringing . his brutish passion would not give him leave to hearken to reason ; but upon all occasions he proceeded in the same method ; which made every body , that valued his liberty , get out of his power ; and prevailed with a great many to leave their estates and concerns , and transport themselves , and what effects they could carry with them into england . it was unsafe and uneasie living both in the city and in the country , and he reckoned himself happy that could get out of them at any rate . . but when the descent was made by his present majesty into england , things grew yet more troublesome . the protestants were every where robbed and plundered . the new commissioned officers and their souldiers , under the new name of rapperies , committed many outrages and devastations on their protestant neighbours ; insomuch that they could not be safe in their houses . if any endeavoured to keep their houses , though merely to secure themselves from the robbers and tories , immediately they were besieged ; and though they surrendred themselves as soon as summoned , having no design to resist authority , and put themselves into the hands of king james's officers , upon promise of freedom , nay on articles , yet afterward they were imprisoned and prosecuted , as mr. price of wicklow . some of them condemned and executed ; which happened to mr. maxwel and one lewis , in the queens county . they thought it not safe to execute some till the war was over , and therefore only kept them in prison . so sir laurence parsons , and many others were served . . at last it came to a general seizure , and almost all the protestant gentlemen , without reason or pretence of reason , without so much as a warrant , or form of law , were put in goals under the custody of mean and barbarous guards . whose very captains had had no better education than that of footmen or cowherds ; who exercised what understanding they had , to invent new methods of vexing their prisoners . this general confinement continued with most , from the middle of summer , till winter ; and with some , till his majesties victory at the boyne set them all at liberty : during all which time , no reason or ground of their committal was given ; nor were habeas corpus's allowed them , though earnestly sollicited . one indeed was allowed to mr. thomas king , a minister , which being the only one that took place , it may be proper to give the reader an account of the case . the reason of his committal was really a quarrel picked designedly with him by an officer of the guards , because he refused to admit one ambrose , the popish quarter-master of the city , for a godfather to a protestant child , whom he christened : in revenge whereof , the officer intruded into his company whilst at meat , as was common with them , and would needs oblige him to drink confussion and damnation to the prince of orange ; which he modestly declining , and alledging that it was unfit for a christian , much more for a clergy-man , to drink damnation to any : the officer hurried him away to newgate by his own authority , and after lying there till the term , his habeas corpus was allowed him . upon the return made by the goalour , the court was so vexed at it , that they fined the goalour for making such a return , but in earnest because he made any , for that was the contrivance they had to keep people in goal : and after all he was still kept a prisoner notwithstanding his habeas corpus , till most were bailed ; and then upon bail of five thousand pound he was permitted to go out : under which bail he continued as all the rest did , under the like sums , till the general deliverance . after his ; no more habeas corpus's were allowed . most of the prisoners towards the depth of winter were indeed bailed , and continued so from term to term , till the news of his present majesties arrival , and then all were confined anew , notwithstanding their bail , with some that had not been confined before . at the hour when the last of king james's forces were leaving dublin , they were ordered to carry away four hundred prisoners along with them ; but the officers were too much afraid of a pursuit , and too busie in carrying off their own baggage , to embarrass themselves with prisoners ; and therefore for a little gold dismissed them . how the protestants of drogheda , who were all made prisoners , were used , whilst the town was surrounded , is not to be forgotten . they carried them to the mount where they expected the canon would play , tyed them together and set them to receive the shot , if the town had been attacked : but their hearts failed them who were to defend it , and so it pleased god to preserve the poor protestants , they being delivered , together with the town , to his majesty , upon summons and articles . the protestants of cork , and other towns , were yet worse used ; they were carried from their own homes to some remote castles , and there kept without conveniencies till many of them perished . there were some very barbarous circumstances in their sufferings , which i must leave to the persons themselves to relate , having not yet had full information . . during their confinement , the prisoners were kept very strictly , their servants , children , and wives , were often debarred from seeing them ; or when admitted , not suffered to speak to them , but in presence of the soldiers . in dublin , when they had filled the goals , the hospitals , the college , and other places of confinement , they at last imprisoned the citizens in churches . they were crowded into stinking , nasty , unhealthy rooms , sometimes twenty , sometimes forty in a room . at the college , and at a house called white friars , where there were many prisoners , they put barrels of powder under them , threatning to blow them up if they should be prest , and not able to keep the places . collonel luttrell , governor of dublin , denyed indeed that this was done by his order ; but ▪ yet when he was informed of it by sir john davis , then a prisoner and witness of it , he commended the discretion of the officer that did it . this confinement did not only fall on gentlemen , but also on the clergy , nay on the meanest citizens . whoever pleased , had a power to commit protestants ; and if at any time they asked by what authority they were committed , those that committed them made no other answer than that they committed them , let them get out as they could . some few gentlemen were indeed committed by c. j. nugents warrant , upon a kind of affidavit made by one leak , whom most of them had never seen : several of these , by express orders of the lord chief justice , were sent to newgate , and committed in the common goal , in the same room with thieves and common rogues , though gentlemen of the best quality in the kingdom : and so hasty was his lordship in it , that he did it before he knew some of their names ; which he was forced afterward to send for , and learn from themselves . a bill was prepared against them , and offered to the grand jury ; but leak was unwittingly clapt up , by one of themselves , for a former robbery , at the time he should have given evidence , and so the gentlemen escaped being tryed . the confinement was yet more severe and uneasie in the country ; the gentlemen being at such distances from their own homes , that they could hardly be supplyed with necessaries . . it may be thought that these things were unknown to king james , and therefore are not to be imputed to him : but it is certain , that if he did not contrive and and order them , he yet consented to them ; neither did he seem to have the least resentment or pity for their sufferings ; as appeared from his carriage to the bishop of lymerick . his lordship , by his majesties command , on a particular service waited often on him ; he took one of those opportunities that seemed most favourable , to lay before his majesty the manifold hardships which were put on the clergy , and the protestants in general , of his diocess . he represented to him how they were first robbed of all , and then laid in goal ; and that they had no way offended his majesty , or disturbed his government ; and begged his favour in their behalf . his majesty heard him , but made him no answer ; instead thereof , he fell into discourse of another affair , with a papist that chanced to be by , and that with an air more than ordinarily pleasant and unconcerned . indeed his majesty had by one general order and proclamation , dated july . , confined all protestants , without distinction of age or sex , to their parishes and cities , though their occasions were such that he very well knew that this alone , without any more , was a very great encroachment on their liberty , and a mighty inconveniency to their affairs ; especially when it was continued without reason or limitation . no body knew when this would be relaxed ; and it was executed with great strictness , till his present majesties success put an end to it , and to the power that imposed it . . but least these hardships and restraints should either be avoided by our flight , or known in england , where king james had a party to cry up the mildness of his government , and face down the world that the protestants lived easily and happily under him in ireland , a most strict embargo was laid on all ships , and effectual care taken to destroy all correspondence with our friends there : insomuch that to avoid a goal , great numbers of gentlemen and other persons were forced to make their escapes in small wherries and fishing-boats , which before these times durst never venture out of the sight of the shoar : but it seemed more tolerable , to every body that could compass it , to cross the irish seas , so famous for their boisterousness and shipwracks , in that hazardous manner , than to continue under a government where they could call nothing their own ; where it was in the power of any that pleased , to deprive them of their liberty ; where they durst not travel three miles for fear of incurring the severest penalties ; where they could not send a letter to a friend , though in the next town , and about the most necessary occasions ; and where , tho never so cautious and innocent , they were sure at last to be sent to a goal . a government that thus encroached on our liberties , could not expect we should continue under it longer than we needs must ; and it had been unpardonable folly in us not to desire , much more to refuse a deliverance , especially from england : which if blood and treasure , or a possession of five hundred years can give a right to a country , is justly intitled to the government of ireland . and which , if it had no other exception against king james's government , but his carriage towards ireland , and his attempts to separate it from its dependence on england , must be justified by all the world , in their laying him aside , as a destroyer of his people , and a disinheritor of the crown of his ancestors . sect . viii . . the preparations made by the earl of tyrconnel to ruin the estates and fortunes of the protestants , by taking away their arms. . 't is property that makes government necessary ; and the immediate end of government is to preserve property ; where therefore a government , instead of preserving , intirely ruins the property of the subject , that government dissolves it self . now this was the state of the protestants in ireland : the government depriv'd them contrary to law and justice ( nay , for the most part , without so much as the pretence of a crime ) of every thing to which persons can have a property ; even of the necessaries of life , food and rayment . to lay this more fully before the reader , i will shew first , that king james took away the arms of protestants . secondly , that he took away their personal ; and thirdly , their real estates . . when his present majesty made his descent into england , king james had an army of papists in ireland , consisting of between and , of which , near were sent over to him into england ; there remain'd then about behind , scattered up and down the kingdom ; which were but a handful to the protestants , there being men and arms enough in dublin alone , to have dealt with them : when therefore the news came , that k. j. had sent commissioners to treat with the prince of orange , it was propos'd by some to seize the castle of dublin ▪ where the stores of arms and ammunition lay ; the possibility of this was demonstrated , and the success extreamly probable ; insomuch that the persons who offer'd to undertake it , made no doubt of effecting it ; they considered that the papists , besides the of the army , were generally without arms ; that those who were in arms , were raw and cowardly , and might easily be supprest ; that to do it effectually ▪ there needed no more but to seize the deputy tyrconnel , who had not then above men in the city to guard him , and secure it ; that their hearts were generally sunk , and they openly declar'd themselves to be desirous to lay down their arms ; proposing to themselves no other conditions , but to return to the station in which they were when k. j. came to the crown . this was so universally talk'd of by themselves , that if any one could have assured them of these terms , there was no doubt but they would readily have comply'd , and have left the lord tyrconnel to shift for himself ; nay , it is probable , the wiser sort amongst them would have bin glad that the protestants had seiz'd him ; and he himself a commanded some protestants to signifie to their friends in england , that he was willing to part with the sword on these terms , so he might have leave to do it from k. j. but the protestants had bin educated in such a mighty veneration to the very name of authority , and in so deep a sense of loyalty , that notwithstanding the many provocations given them , and their fear of being serv'd as in , the memory of which was still fresh to them , they yet abhorr'd any thing that look'd like an insurrection against the government ; and generally condemn'd the design of medling with the lord deputy , tho they knew he was no legal governour , and uncapable by the law of that trust. especially the lord mountjoy laboured for his safety , and prevented the forementioned proposal of seizing him and the castle , with as much industry as if he himself had bin to perish in it . the truth is , it was an unanimous resolution of all the protestants of the kingdom , that they would not be the aggressors ; and they held steadily to their resolution . none offered or attempted any thing , till they saw the whole body of the papists in ireland forming themselves into troops and companies , and these new rais'd men permitted , nay , put under a necessity to rob and plunder for their subsistence . they pitied the hard fortune of k. j. and notwithstanding they were half ruin'd themselves when he came into the kingdom ; yet if he had carried himself with any tolerable moderation towards them , and his designs to ruin them had not bin so apparent , he might have prevail'd on them in a great measure . but his behaviour was such , as shall appear in the sequel of this discourse , that it left no room for them to expect or hope for any safety under his government ; of which such protestants as had followed him from england were generally so sensible , that many of them repented too late their having stuck to his interest , and heartily wished themselves at home again : openly professing , that they could not have believ'd that he was such a man , or his designs such as they found them : nay , several of the english papists that came from france with him , abhorr'd his proceedings ; and us'd to alledge , that he not only hated the english protestant , but also the english man. the very ambassador d'avaux , if he might be believ'd , was dissatisfied with k. j's measures , and condemned them ; alledging that he had intirely given himself up to the conduct of the bigotted irish clergy , and of tyrconnel ; who in earnest was the only minister he trusted , and would effectually ruin him and the kingdom : whatever the ambassador thought , it is certain he has discours'd in this manner , and the event has answer'd the prediction . . but to return to the lord tyrconnel's dealing with the protestants : when he found himself so very weak , and so much in the power of the protestants , that nothing but their own principles of loyalty secur'd him against them , he betook himself to his usual arts , that is , of falshood , of dissimulalation , and of flattery ; which he practis'd with the deepest oaths and curses ; protesting that he would be rid of the government very willingly , so it might be with honour ; that it was easie for him to ruin and destroy the kingdom , and make it not worth one groat , but impossible to preserve it for his master . every body wondred to find so great a truth come so frankly out of the mouth of one they usually stil'd lying dick talbot , and who had bin known , not without reason , many years by that name . some believed that in earnest he intended to part with the sword , and perhaps if it had bin demanded before k. j. went into france , it had not bin denied ; there wanted not several to second the same truth to him , with all earnestness and application , both in writing and by word of mouth , which the deputy seem'd to approve ; all that he answered to their perswasions to surrender and save the kingdom was , that he could not do it with honour , till it was demanded ; and sometimes he ask'd them in raillery , if they would have him cast the sword over the castle-walls . what he desired the world should at that time believe concerning his intentions , may be best collected by the letters he procur'd to be written and sent into england . i have in the appendix given the copy of one written by his command , and perused by him before it was sent ; it was from a protestant of good sense and interest in the kingdom , to another in london : several were written by his order to the same purpose . 't is observable in this letter in the appendix , st . that the lord deputy owns the robberies then committed , but would have it believ'd , that the members of the army were not the robbers ; which sufficiently shews the falshood of the allegation whereby the papists would excuse themselves , as if they had not begun to rob till the protestant associations were set on foot ; whereas those were some while after this letter , and occasion'd by the robberies mentioned in it . ly . he would have it believ'd that the papists fear'd a massacre from the protestants , as much as the protestants from the papists , which had no ground ; the arms , forts , magazins , &c. being in the papists hands , and a vast number of men every where enlisted by their new officers ; it is true , that the priests did by order of their grandees , endeavour to spread such a rumour , to make their own people arm the faster ; which if it were at all credited by some few of them , was look'd on as ridiculous by all others . ly . he would have the people in england believe , that he and the roman catholicks were willing to give up the sword , and return to the condition in which they were before the death of king charles the second . this is plainly the main design of the letter ; and some think he was sincere in it , till the coming over of coll. richard hamilton altered his measures ; but that is not at all probable , his actions all along signifying his resolution to destroy the kingdom rather than part with his greatness . however he made a shift to perswade some protestants that he meant it ; their own earnest desires that it might be so , helping to impose on them ; amongst whom the writer of this letter happened to be one , but was not singular , many of good sense being deceived as well as he . lastly , it appears from the letter , that the roman catholicks as well as the protestants were of opinion , that the kingdom must be ruined , if not yielded up to the prince of orange : and if so , had not the protestants in the north reason to do that which in the opinion of all could only save the kingdom ? the case then stood thus with them , if they joined with king james or sate still , they were certainly undone ; if he perished they must perish with him ; if he conquered , he would then be in a capacity to execute his destructive intentions against them which he had entertained long before : but if they joyned with their present majesties , they were sure of safety and protection as long as england is able to master ireland , which in probability will be for ever . but whatever the lord tyrconnel profest of his being desirous to give up the sword , 't is certain he meant nothing less , and the generality of protestants believed , that he only designed to gain time and delude them , till he had gotten something like an army to master them ; and they had the more reason to believe it , because whilst he profest the greatest inclinations to peace and accommodation , he was most intent on providing for war , and gave out about five hundred commissions of one sort or other in a day ; which yet he did in such a manner , as to make the least noise , not passing them in the regular forms , or entring them in the usual offices , but antedating them , the more to delude and amuse the protestants ; which put the muster-masters office out of order ever after , most of these commissions being never entred in it : nor was it ever able to furnish a perfect list of the very field officers , as will appear from the list it self in the appendix . . these new made officers were set on foot , partly on the first noise of the prince of orange's descent , and partly in the beginning of december , , and were without mony , estate , or any other visible means , to raise their troops and companies , and to subsist ( so they term'd maintaining ) them for three months , from the first of january ; a thing impossible , without allowing them to steal and plunder . it was this struck so much terror into protestants , and made them so jealous and apprehensive of danger , that they fled into england in great numbers , especially when they found that the new raised men , as they surmised , began to make havock of all things . it was this gave credit to a letter dated december the third , , sent to the lord mount alexander , whether true or counterfeit i cannot determine , intimating a design to destroy the protestants on sunday the ninth of the same month , which letter was spread over the whole kingdom . the people of derry had beside this , several letters and intimations of mischief designed against them , and against the protestants of ireland . and though that directed to the lord mount alexander , may not seem of great weight , yet whoever considers the circumstances of the protestants of ireland at that time , will acknowledge that it was not to be despised . in the year , the seizing of dublin by the lord mac guire , was prevented by as improbable a discovery as this letter ; while the protestants in the rest of the kingdom were massacred through the incredulity of some who could not be perswaded to give ear to such intimations of the design , as were brought before them . in england the gun-powder treason was revealed , and the destruction of the three kingdoms prevented by a letter as insignificant as that directed to the lord mount alexander . about the very time intimated in the letter for the massacre , a new raised regiment belonging to the earl of antrim , appeared before the town without the king's livery , without any officers of note , or the least warning given by the earl of their coming ; lastly , without any arms besides skeans , clubs , and such other weapons as kearnes and tories used . . the people of the town were frightened at the sight , and refused them entrance into the city ; this was the first rub or provocation the lord deputy met with ; it was a meer accident , and proceeded from his own ignorance or negligence , who had left that garrison , the only one of any considerable strength in ulster , where most protestants lived , without one soldier to guard it ; and then sent such a pack of ruffians to take possession of it , many of whose captains and officers were well known to the citizens , having lain long in their jails for thefts and robberies . when therefore such a body of men came to demand entrance at the very time that they expected a massacre , what could they imagin but that these men came to execute it ; and who could blame them for shutting their gates ? they were well assured that these were men fit for such an execution and that they were ready on command to do it ; and perhaps would not stay for an order . the lord deputy bethought himself too late of his error , but could never retrieve it ; though by means of the lord mountjoy he did all in it that was possible , having brought the city to accept of a pardon , and receive a garrison of soldiers ; but then it was such a garrison as they were able to master , and no more by the articles were to be admitted into it before the ensuing march. . we ought to remember the reason of building londonderry , and 't is plain from its charter granted by king james the first , that it was founded to be a shelter and refuge for protestants against the insurrections and massacres of the natives , who were known always to design and be ready to execute their malice on their conquerors : to keep them therefore in awe , and secure the plantation , was the design of building the city ; it was upon this condition , and by these covenants the proprietors of the city held their estates ; and the inhabitants had been false to the very design and end of their foundation , if they had given up the city , with the keeping of which they were intrusted , into the hands of those very men against whom by the charter it was designed to be a security and bulwark . at this rate the lord deputy might give away any mans estate , and have bestowed it on his greatest enemy , and that with much less injury to the publick . the people therefore of londonderry had good reason to refuse to deliver their city to the kearnes and tories of ulster , though inlisted under the earl of antrim , by a commission from a pretended lord deputy ; these were excluded by their very charter , and by the design of building the place from possessing it : much less had they reason to deliver it to a parcel of men of whose commission they knew nothing , and whose errand they had reason to believe was to cut their throats . . 't is to be considered , that londonderry was under a further provocation to lay hold on the first opportunity to do themselves justice , and that was the wicked ▪ and illegal invasion made on their charter , liberties , priviledges and estates by a most unjust and oppressive sentence given by an unqualified lord chief baron , on a quo warranto , for which there was not the least pretence in the world , as may appear to any one that will be at the pains to view the proceedings in court : by this sentence grounded on a foolish nicety objected to the plea , the whole english interest and plantations in that county were ruined , and the whole designs of them destroyed and perverted ; and therefore it was not to be wondered if they took the first opportunity to save themselves from imminent destruction . they concluded that a government , who on a nicety could take away their charter , their priviledges , their estates , and subvert the design of building their city , might as easily and unavoidably find another nicety to take away what remained , together with their lives ; and therefore they cannot be much blamed , if they had been under no other temptation but this , that they were willing to withdraw themselves from a government whom they durst not trust , and which took all advantages against them to destroy them . . the shutting up of derry against the earl of antrim's regiment , was all that was done by any protestant in ireland in opposition to the government , till king james deserted ▪ england ; except what was done at enniskillin , where the people were under the same circumstances with those of derry , having about the same time refused to quarter two companies sent to them by the lord deputy . they were not so much as summoned by him , nor did they enter into any act of hostility or association , or offend any till assaulted , being content to stand on their guard against such as they knew to be mortal enemies to the english interest ; to subdue whom , they were planted in that wild and fast country . but as soon as the news of king james's deserting the government came into ireland , all protestants look'd on themselves as obliged to take care of their own preservation ; and finding that continual robberies and plunderings were committed by such as the lord deputy , against the laws of the kingdom and the interest of the nation , had intrusted with arms and employments , and that no care was taken by him to prevent those mischiefs , ( but on the contrary the robbers were secretly cherished and encouraged , ) the gentlemen in the north to prevent their own ruin , and the ruin of all the protestants of ireland , which they saw unavoidable , entred into associations to defend themselves from these robbers ; their associations did really reach no farther than this , nor did they attempt any thing upon the armed robbers , except in their own defence , when invaded and assaulted by them : insomuch that i could never hear of one act of hostility committed , wherein they were not on the defensive . their crime then if any , was only this ; they were not willing to suffer themselves to be robb'd and plundered as their neighbours were , without opposition , but disarmed some of those who under colour of being king james's soldiers , destroyed the country : this was all the reason the lord deputy and council had to call them rebels , and to charge them in their proclamation dated march the th , , with actual rebellion , and with killing and murdering several of his majesties subjects , and with pillaging and plundering the country ; whereas it was notorious they never killed any whom they did not find actually robbing , to kill whom , the laws of the kingdom not only indemnified them , but likewise assigned them a reward ; and for plundering , it is no less notorious that they preserved the whole country within their associations from being pillaged , when all the rest of ireland was destroyed : and their great care of themselves and their country was the crime which truly provoked the lord deputy , and made him except from pardon twelve of the principal estated men in the north , when he sent down lieutenant general hamilton , with an army which he tells us in the same proclamation would inevitably occasion the total ruin and destruction of the north. . and lest there should be any terms proposed or accepted by the people in the north , and so that country escape being plundered and undone , he made all the haste he could to involve the kingdom in blood : king james was every day expected from france , and landed at kinsale , march the th , but no perswasions would prevail with the lord deputy to defer sending the army to the north , till the king came , though he had good assurance given him by several who knew their minds and tempers , that in all probability if king james himself appeared amongst them and offered them terms , they would have complyed with him , at least so far as to submit quietly to his government : but it was the lord deputy's design to destroy the protestants there as well as in the rest of the kingdom ; and therefore he hasted to make the parties irreconcilable , by engaging them in blood , and by letting loose the army to spoil and plunder . the war therefore was entirely imputable to him , and the protestants were forced into it , having no other choice than either to be undone without offering to make any defence for themselves , or else with their arms in their hands , to try what they could do in their own preservation . . but it must be considered that ireland is a kingdom dependent on the crown of england , and part of the inheritance thereof , and therefore must follow its fate , which it cannot decline without most apparent ruin to the english interest in it . now king james having abdicated the government of england , and others being actually possessed of the throne , it was the business of the protestants of ireland to preserve themselves rather than dispute the titles of princes ; they were sure it was their interest and their duty to be subject to the crown of england , but whether king james was rightly intitled to that crown , is not so easily determinable by the common people : no wonder therefore they declared for king william and his queen , whom they found actually in the throne of england , and own'd as rightful possessors by those who had best reason to know , rather than for king james who indeed pretended to it , but with this disadvantage amongst many others , that he was out of possession ; and he had not used the power when he was in possession so well , that they should be desirous to restore him to it , with the danger of their own ruin . . they considered further , that their defending themselves and those places of which they were possest would in all probability very much contribute to save not only themselves , but likewise the three kingdoms , and the protestant interest in europe ; to which it did certainly in some measure contribute . king james and his party believed it , and declared themselves to this effect ; and some of them were very liberal of their curses on the rebels in the north , as they called them , for this reason ; had ( said they ) the rebels in the north joined with king james , he had such a party in england and scotland , which ( together with the succours he might then have sent from ireland , and the assistance of the french king , ) would in all probability have shaken the government of england before it had been settled ; but the opposition of enniskillin and derry lost the opportunity , that will not easily be retrieved . how far this conjecture of theirs was probable , i leave it to the reader ; what has happened since , shews that it was not altogether groundless ; if the design had taken , the condition of europe , especially of the protestants , had been most deplorable ; but it pleased god to spoil all their measures by the opposition made by a small town , mann'd with people before that time of● no extraordinary reputation in the world , for arms , valour or estates , and who perhaps had never before seen an enemy in arms : king james was pleased to call them a rabble , but it must be remembred to their honour , that they outdid in conduct , courage and resolution all his experienced generals . to a man that seriously reflects on it , the thing must almost seem miraculous , all circumstances considered ; the rest of the kingdom , except enniskillin , had yielded without a blow ; most of the chief officers , gentlemen and persons of note , courage or interest in the north , had deserted their new rais'd troops without fighting ; the succours designed for them from england came at the very time when the town was ready to be invested , and the officers that came with those succors , as well as their own officers , were of opinion that the place was not to be defended ; that they had neither provision nor necessaries to hold out a siege : the officers therefore privately took a resolution to return for england , and carried along with them most of the gentlemen and leaders of the town , without leaving any governor or instructions for the people what they were to do , and without offering to make any conditions for them ; but neither this nor their extream want of provision , to which they were at last reduced , nor the consideration of their friends whom their enemies treated barbarously in their sight , could prevail with them to give up themselves or their cause ; but by patience and resolution they wearied out their enemies , and instead of letting them make approaches to their walls , they enlarged their out-works upon them , and made them confess after a siege of fifteen weeks , that if the walls of derry had been made of canvas , they could not have taken it . the same may be said of the people of enniskillin , who lived in a wild country , and untenable place , surrounded with enemies on every side , and removed from almost all possibility of succour , being in the heart of ireland ; yet they chose to run all hazards and extremities , rather than trust their faithless enemies , or contribute to the ruin of the protestant interest by yielding . after almost all their gentry of estates or note had left them , or refused to joyn heartily with them , they formed themselves into parties , and though in a manner without arms and ammunition , yet by meer resolution and courage , they worsted several parties of the enemy , and almost naked , recovered arms and ammunition out of their hands , and signalized themselves in many engagements , by which they not only saved themselves , but likewise did considerable service to the protestants that were under the power of king james ; for this handful of men , by their frequent incursions and carrying off prisoners in every engagement , terrified even the papists of dublin into better humour , and more moderate proceedings , as to the lives of protestants that lived amongst them , than perhaps they would otherwise have been inclined to : they saw from this , that their game was not so sure as they imagined , and the prisoners taken by those of enniskillin , were hostages for their friends that lived in dublin ; and the humanity with which the prisoners were used there , was a reproach on the barbarity exercised by the other party . in short , it appeared that it was neither malice nor factiousness that engaged them in arms , but meer self-preservation and the obligation of their tenures and plantations , by which they were bound to keep arms , and defend themselves and their country from the power of the popish natives which were then armed against them . . but to return to the lord deputy's proceedings in his new levies , in order to gain time and delude the protestants , he sent for the lord mountjoy out of the north , after he had compounded the business of derry , and perswaded him to go with chief baron rice to king james into france , to represent to him the weakness of the kingdom , and the necessity to yield to the time , and wait a better opportunity to serve himself of his irish subjects . the lord tyrconnel swore most solemnly that he was in earnest in this message , and that he knew the court of france would oppose it with all their power ; for said he , that court minds nothing but their own interest , and they would not care if ireland were sunk to the pit of hell , ( they are his own words ▪ ) so they could give the prince of orange but three months diversion ; but he added , if the king be perswaded to ruin his fastest friends to do himself no service , only to gratify france , he is neither so merciful nor so wise as i believe him to be . if he recover england , ireland will fall to him in course , but he can never expect to conquer england by ireland ; if he attempts it , he ruins ireland to do himself no kindness , but rather to exasperate england the more against him , and make his restoration impossible ; and he intimated , that if the king would not do it , he would look on his refusal to be forced on him ▪ by those in whose power he was , and that he would think himself obliged to do it without his consent . . every body told the lord mountjoy , that this was all sham and trick , and that the design was only to amuse the protestants , and get him , who was the likeliest man to head them , out of the way : but his answer was , that his going into france could have no influence on the councils of england , who were neither privy nor parties to it ; and if they had a mind to reduce the kingdom , it was easy to do it without his assistance ; that he must either go on this message , now the deputy had put him upon it , or enter into an actual war against him , and against such as adhered to king jame's interest ; that he did not think it safe to do the latter , having no order or encouragement from england ; but on the contrary all the advice he received from thence , was to be quiet and not to meddle ; that he was obliged to king james , and neither honour , conscience , nor gratitude would permit him in his present circumstances to make a war on his own authority against him , whilst there was any possibility of doing the business without one . upon these considerations , against the general opinion of all the protestants in ireland , he undertook the business , and went away from dublin about the tenth of january , , having first had these general concessions made him in behalf of the protestants : . that no more commissions should be given out , or new men raised : . that no more of the army should be sent into the north . that none should be questioned for what was passed . and . that no private house should be garrison'd or disturb'd with soldiers ; these he sent about with a letter which will be found in the appendix . but he was no sooner gone , but the lord deputy , according to his usual method of falshood , denyed these concessions , seemed mighty angry at the dispersing the letter , and refused to observe any of them . the first news we heard from france , was that the lord mountjoy was put into the bastile , which further exasperated the protestants against king james , and made them look on him as a violater of publick faith to his subjects . as for the lord deputy , this clearly ruined his credit ( if ever he had any ) amongst them , and they could never after be brought to give the least belief to what he said ; on the contrary they look'd on it as a sure sign that a thing was false if he earnestly affirmed it . . but it was not yet in his power to master them ; he had not sufficiently trained and exercised his men ; but as soon as he found that nothing was to be feared from england before the end of summer , and that he was assured king james would be with him soon , he laid aside his vizour , and fell upon disarming them : it was no difficult matter to do this , for in the very beginning of king james's reign , the protestant militia had been dissolved , and though they had bought their own arms , yet they were required to bring them into the stores , and they punctually obeyed the order : such of the protestant army as remained in the kingdom after their cashiering , were likewise without arms , being as i shewed before , both disarmed and strip'd upon their being turned out . it was therefore a wonder that the protestants had any arms at all , especially when it is to be remembred , that during king james's reign , they durst not be seen to buy or import them , being under the jealousy and suspicion of the government : however some they had , enough to make the papists afraid , and to beat them too , if they had had a little assistance and encouragement of authority to attempt it . the lord deputy was therefore resolved to have their arms , and in order to get them , he drew nine or ten regiments to dublin , and a proportional party to every place where the number of protestants was considerable ; and without the least notice or declaration premised , on the th of february , , he took away their ▪ arms and horses throughout the whole kingdom , except in the north where he durst not yet attempt it . the method of doing it in dublin was this , he filled all the streets and lanes with foot and horse ; and then for so much of the city as lies within the walls , he sent the city officers to signify to every house , that if they did not send in every sword and bayonet , as well as fire-arms in their possession into the churches , ( which were generally seized for this use and filled with soldiers , ) they should be left to the mercy and discretion of the soldiers , both as to their lives and goods : this was perfect dragooning to the protestants ; nor is it easie to express what a consternation it caused amongst them ; the preparation at first looked like a design to put in execution ( what they long feared , ) a general massacre , and which had never been out of their minds since the lord mount alexander's letter was dispersed . while they had their arms in their hands , it gave them some heart , resolving to sell their lives dear ; but when they saw these now taken from them , this support failed , and they had no prospect of defence , but generally imagined that their arms were taken away in order to the more easie execution of the designed massacre . they knew themselves to be the only persons qualified by law to keep or carry arms ; they knew the malicious designs of the irish against them ; they considered how necessary their arms were at this time , not only to preserve their goods , which were every day robb'd , and their houses that were every night broken open , but likewise to secure their persons , that were daily assaulted ; and yet to avoid this terrible dragooning , they were forced to part with them , and immediately delivered in near fire-arms , besides swords , bayonets and pikes in dublin only . at the same time some hundreds of horses were likewise taken , without any other reason than that they belong'd to protestants . without the walls it was much worse than in the city ; the inhabitants there were not so much as required to bring in their arms , but generally the soldiers came and searched for them , on pretence of which , five or six parties after one another , without method or order , rifled the houses : in many places they pull'd up the boards of the floors , brake down the wainscots , stealing and plundering whatever they could lay their hands on , and sometimes torturing the poor people to make them confess their arms. . the next day after this disorderly dragooning , came out a proclamation dated february , , signifying that this disarming and taking away horses , was done by order of the government , throughout all ireland , there being only a verbal order for it before , of which the protestants knew nothing , and which the proclamation contradicted ; for wearing swords were excepted in it , whereas the verbal order is said to have mentioned them , and they were delivered with great exactness before the proclamation came out ; for no body could hope to conceal them , it being known that every gentleman had a wearing sword , yet none were redelivered to them though demanded ; and a second proclamation published by king james himself , dated july , , did expressly forbid all protestants to wear or keep any swords , under the penalty of being counted rebels and triators , and used as such ; and lest some should wear them and not be discovered , they beset all the church doors on sunday morning , february the d , , whilst the protestants were at their devotion , to their great terror , being ignorant of the design ; and the soldiers searched every one whether he had a sword or no. . but to return to the general disarming , though the protestants lost in it thei● horses and arms , the kings stores gained little by them ; 〈◊〉 the soldiers who received the arms , imbezel'd all that were better than ordinary amongst them , conveying them away privately , and converting them to their own use . the arms of the citizens were generally fine , and the gentlemens swords were silver , and the soldiers that got them were wiser than to return such to the stores . the lord deputy seemed angry that so few arms were returned , imputed it to the citizens as an effect of their obstinacy ; and an order was ready drawn for him to sign , wherein it was declared , that all protestants with whom any arms were found , should be given up to the mercy of the soldiers ; so that there needed only some ill fellows to come into a house and drop a bayonet or sword in a corner , and pretend to find it there , for the soldiers to have rifled whom they pleased ; besides which , all protestants were to be require● upon oath to discover their arms. this order had been signed and put into execution , if the bishop of meath had not come in seasonably to the lord deputy , and by discoursing him calmly , prevailed to have it laid aside : the reasons and proposals that he made use of to divert this inconveniency from the city , may be seen in the appendix ; by them he got leave to enquire into the number of arms taken away ; and found upon examination , that more had been taken from one parish , than had been returned into the store from the whole city . the talk of putting the citizens to their oaths on this occasion , did mightily alarm them ; they knew not where it would end , if once the government got into the method of imposing oaths on them ; and therefore the bishop took care to caution them against it , and they unanimously determined to take no oaths at all , whatever hardships they suffered ; and it is certain , they might have eased themselves of many , if they would have engaged themselves by oaths ; but the remedy was counted worse than the disease ; and in many places of the kingdom they chose to lye in jail , rather than take some new invented oath that was put to them without any law to enjoyn it . . the management of taking up horses was yet more disorderly ; whoever pleased took 〈◊〉 , and was not so much as obliged to tell his name ; the proclamation mentioned only serviceable horses , but the verbal order that went before , and on which they were taken , made no distinction ; so all were taken that could be found : at the best , it was left to the discretion of a dragoon , what he would count a serviceable horse , and what he would do with them when he had taken them ; so that of horses at least that were taken from the protestants at that time , the king received not , nor had he one troop raised out of them , but whoever could get a horse , whether he were officer or soldier , from a protestant , went away with it , and converted it to his private use ; of which the lord deputy complains in a proclamation , dated march the st , ; but this proclamation though dated the st of march , was not published till the th ; the reason of the delay was this , the proclamation ordered horses that were not fit for service to be restored , and if it had come out according to the date thereof , many protestants that knew in whose hands their horses were , would have claimed them : to defeat them therefore , some that had interest with the deputy , got the proclamation delayed till those that took them might have time to convey them far enough from being found . and this was their usual method , they first did the mischief they intended to the protestants , and then they published some antedated proclamation , forbidding it to be done ; and sometimes when a proclamation came out , before they had gone through with what they intended , they denyed to be concluded by it , alledging it came out surreptitiously ; as it happened in this very case of searching for arms. . now arms are the hedges that secure and preserve our goods and lives , especially in a conquered country , such as ireland is ; and it was but reason that the law did allow none but protestants to have them ; though they never hindred any man from arming himself so far as was necessary for his own defence : when therefore they saw the keeping of arms was made penal to them in the highest degree , ( king james's proclamation having made it treason and rebellion , as i shewed before , ) and some would needs perswade them it was really so , to which opinion the lord chief justice inclined , when he gave charge to the jury concerning one wolf , who was indicted for keeping some arms , and fined for it as a misdemeanor , ) when i say , they saw that which the law required them to do , made so highly criminal , ( for the law requires every freeman of dublin to keep arms , ) and those arms put into the hands of tories and ruffians , who had already robb'd them of a great part of their substance , had they not reason to believe that they were disarm'd purposely , that they might be the more easily robb'd or massacred ? and that it was as easy for a government , that in one day disarmed them through the whole kingdom , against reason , law and justice , to find a pretence at another time to take away their lives ? they could neither doubt their inclinations , nor question their ability to do it . if one should tye a mans hands , and turn him naked amongst wild beasts , all the world would believe he designed they should devour him ; and sure we had reason to suppose the same of our governours ; and they that treated us thus without provocation , and against the laws , could not expect that we should be unwilling to change our masters if a fair opportunity offered . by the law we have as much property in our arms and horses that we buy with our mony , and in a conquered country such as ireland is , where every forty years we constantly have had a rebellion , they are as necessary for us as our cloathes or estates , which indeed can signify nothing without them . and the king might as justly pretend that he had occasion for them , and take them from us without consideration , as our horses and arms ; the oppression to us in our circumstances was really equal . . it may perhaps be imagined by those who are strangers to our affairs , that we had abused our arms to oppress and wrong our neighbours , or to oppose the king , and therefore deserv'd to lose them ; but it is observable , that it doth not appear that any one protestant in ireland before this disarming , had used his arms to injure any r. c. nor did they hurt any that was not either actually robbing them of their goods , or assaulting their persons , no not in the north , where they refused to give up their arms ; they kept even there on the defensive , and offended no man but when first assaulted : so that there was not the least reason or colour to disarm us , except that we might be plundered and robb'd , without being able to make resistance . our crime for which we lost our arms , for which we were exposed naked to our enemies , and for which the best gentlemen in the kingdom were obliged to walk without a sword , was because they suspected that we would not otherwise tamely part with our goods , or suffer our selves to be abused and affronted in the streets by every ruffian , which was the condition of the best amongst us . . 't is true king james could not carry on a war for the advancement of popery , without our goods , and he could not be secure of them whilst we had arms ; but i hope all the world is convinced , that it was not our counsels nor actings that brought him to these straits ; nor was it to be expected that we should be content to be undone , to repair the errors and faults of those wicked counsellors , who put him on those desperate courses which lost him his crown . all our crime is , then , that we could not be content to be undone with him and by him , and rather chose to desire protection , liberty and the restitution of our priviledges and arms from their present majesties than to be in the condition of the vilest of slaves under king james ; a crime for which i am confident no papist condemns us in his conscience , however he may rail at us and call us disloyal . sect . ix . the attempts made on the personal estates of protestants , before the revolution in england . . the earl of tyrconnel when made deputy of ireland , found the riches of the kingdom in the hands of protestants ; the flocks , the herds , the rich houshold-stuff and plate , beneficial leases , improved rents , trade and mony were almost intirely theirs ; whereas the papists by their idleness , ignorance , and numerous begging clergy , were so low in their fortunes , that they were in no condition to raise or maintain such an army , as was necessary to carry on his designs in this kingdom ; and he was sure the protestants that had the riches , would not contribute to support them : he therefore applied himself with all art and industry to impoverish them . he did what he could , as i have already shew'd , to destroy their trade ; he put all the hardships imaginable on protestant tenants , that they might not be able to pay their rents , and he encouraged the popish tenants to oppose their landlords : it was whispered amongst them , that they need not pay their rents , for the land in a little time would be their own ; they were taught to answer when their rents were demanded , that they had spent what they designed for their landlords , to fit themselves or their sons for the king's service ; and he was sure to be represented as disaffected , that did not sit down with this answer . if any landlord was so hardy as to sue them , they either got themselves inlisted in the army , or got a particular protection against arrests . if any distrained , they let their cattle be taken to the pound , and then by night they either stole or forced them from thence ; and when they had thus secretly recovered and conveyed them away , they brought actions against the landlord that distrained , as if he had imbezelled them ; in which case they were sure to meet with favour and countenance in the courts . sometimes they avoided paying rents , by swearing their protestant landlords into a plot , or by affixing treasonable words on them ; insomuch that hardly any protestant durst distrain , or even demand his rent : and for two years before the revolution in england , very few received any profit out of their estates . this stop of receits for so long time , obliged gentlemen to live upon the main stock , and for want of their growing rents , which should have answered their expences , they were as low as possible in ready mony , when the late . troubles fell upon them ; and this made many of them on their flight to england , need charity for their subsistence . . this hardship was the more heavy upon them , by the necessity they lay under of leaving their farms and setled manner of living in the country , and of either repairing to dublin , or removing into england , where nothing could be useful to them but ready mony ; yet this was unavoidable , for there was no living for them amongst a people that made no conscience to pilfer or rob them of their goods , or to lay snares for their lives by false oaths and suborned evidence : neither did their repairing to cities and towns protect them , but the same persons that drove them from their country houses by their robberies and oppressions , did afterwards indict and imprison them for leaving them , of which i have given an example in the appendix . some indeed notwithstanding all the hard usage they met with , ventured to stay on their concerns in the country ; but were at last burnt out of their houses , and forced to follow their nighbours . a house within four miles of dublin was burnt , and several women and children murthered in it at the very beginning of modelling the army . thus mr. thomas corker's house in the county of meath by navan was burnt , as supposed , by the popish parish priest ; who after he had done this injury to the gentleman , gave out that mr. corker had burnt his own house , to make the roman catholicks odious . mr. henry gonnes , a ministers house in connaught , was likewise burnt , because they could not otherwise prevait with him to leave the country : and many others were served in the same way , and their families murthered ; or else were put to a vast charge to guard their houses against these cut-throats and robbers . even about dublin hardly any gentleman's house escaped without being robbed , or at least several times attempted ; and if any were caught in the fact , they easily got a pardon for it . . add to this in the third place , that though of a good while the protestants got nothing out of their estates , yet they were put to vast charges to defend them ; for the papists having gotten judges , juries and sheriffs of their own , brought in their counterfeit deeds and false claims in great numbers , and either in forma pauperum , or by the favour of the courts , carried on their suits with little expences ; and when worsted in them , as sometimes in spite of the most manifest partiality , they were , there was nothing to be recovered of them ; whereas the protestants were forced to row against the stream , and to struggle with all the expensive delays and tricks the courts could put on them . if at any time they were found tardy in the least circumstance or form of law , though no advantage used formerly to be made of such mistakes , yet they were sure to pay severely for it ; every body who has been concerned in law business , knows the difference of these cases as to expences ; and the consequence was , that protestants were forced to part with a considerable share of their ready mony , to recover or defend their estates , which when in their possession yielded them nothing . . they met with the same measure from the treasury , as from their tenants ; where any salary , pension or payment was due to any of them from the king , they either did not get it at all , or if by importunity and interest they did get any thing , it was with such expences , bribes to courtiers , and delays , that they lost the benefit of it . but where any thing was due from them , it was exacted with all the rigour imaginable , and the most strict punctilio's observed to bring them under fines and forfeitures . the chief baron rice could not contain himself on the bench ; but on occasion of a protestant lawyers pressing somewhat importunately for his client that he might have justice , he answered he should have justice , but as i said before , that it should be summum jus. nay such discouragement and discountenance was given to the protestant lawyers , that many of the most celebrated counsellors forsook their practice and the kingdom ; and such as staid could hardly come in for a share of the fees expended by their former protestant clients ; for it was enough to destroy a cause , to have them appear at the bar for it . the consequence of which was , that the protestants were forced to employ their enemies for counsel , and give them their mony too often to betray their cause ; at least they could not expect lawyers that wished so ill to it and them in their hearts , would be earnest to carry it for them . . in cities and corporate towns , the townsmen were put to great charges to defend their charters ; and when judgment was given against them , they were put to another charge to take them out anew , and to purchase their freedoms . it is true , some few papists generally joined to take out the new charter ; but when it was taken out , they forced the protestants to pay for it at what rate they pleased , or obliged them to leave the town . the attorny general got some thousands for his share , and every petty officer and head of a country borrough , enrich'd himself with some part of the protestants spoil on this account . . the next means used to impoverish them was that of free quarters , by which they extorted from the inn-keepers vast sums of mony : it was a hardship in time of peace to be obliged to entertain such rude nasty guests as the private soldiers generally were , and to endure the insolencies of their officers , who practised several arts with a design to destroy their quarters . sometimes they would quarter a whole troop of horse on two or three protestant inns for some months together , till they wearied them out of their trade , drove away their guests , and broke them : sometimes they would compound for a sum of mony to be gone , and then immediately send another party as bad as themselves , to succeed them ; by which means they ruined all the little towns about dublin , and broke the inhabitants . the very first thing they did after they had gotten into the army , was to set a rate on diet , on hay and on oats , not above ▪ of what it cost the innkeeper ; a thing to which they had been strangers before ; but it seemed tolerable , in respect of the free quarters to which they pretended afterwards , though in effect it came to the same thing , for they went away and never paid a farthing for meat or drink , or any other conveniencies allowed them in their quarters ; only some gave bills which were never paid ; nay they were not content to have their meat and drink and quarters free , but they so ordered the matter , that their quarters were generally better to them than their pay : they commonly had billets on . three or four houses apiece , every one of which paid them a certain rate per week ; one private soldier bragg'd that he had fifteen quarters ; the rate paid out of them was according to the quality of the house , and the person that had the billet ; the very least was d. or d. per week , and the allowance to the officers was proportional : the truth of this is notorious to all in dublin , and is demonstrable from the number of publick houses which were obliged to quarter men , compared with the number of men quartered in them . the houses were double in number to the soldiers , and yet every house had one or two soldiers at the least , some three some four quartered on them , for which they paid weekly ; and yet so unreasonable were these creatures , that this would not satisfie them , but they would go up and down the country stealing and plundering meat and drink , and forcing the poor protestants to bring forth their whole stock of provisions , of which they used to eat what they pleased , and then destroy the rest , that the damned whigs , ( that is , in their constant dialect , the protestants , ) might not have the benefit of it : it was in vain to grumble or complain ; instead of remedy they were sure to have the injury redoubled upon them . if any ventured to prosecute a notorious robbery committed by a soldier , their officers appeared in the court for them , and openly threatned the jury if they found them guilty . thus colonel luttrel , afterwards governour of dublin , appeared at killmainham , and brought off his soldiers who were guilty of a robbery , by threatning the jury , and telling them that it should be worse for them if they found his men guilty ; that the king's souldiers must not be discouraged , and must be allowed , when in want , to take from those that had , meaning the protestants ; and by his authority he saved them , being not only an officer , but one of the justices of the sessions . and in the very council , allbaville publickly owned that the protestants durst not complain , except they had a mind to be massacred : i use his words . . the priests and fryars were no less oppressive than the soldiers ; they multiplied in dublin to three or four hundred at the least ; they were well fed and well cloathed ; there were not more lusty plump fellows in the town than they , insomuch that they were remarkable for it ; and reckoning that they consumed but twenty pound apiece one with another , which was the least , they cost the town eight thousand pound per annum ; which is near four times more than all the protestant clergy in town received ; they built about fourteen chappels and convents in dublin , and set up two nunneries , all which came to a great sum ; and a great part of it came out of the protestants pockets , for they were such experienced beggars , that none escaped them , and so importunate that none durst refuse them ; if any did , they must expect to be the next who were robbed : they must be content to be accused and committed either on some secret whisper , or false accusation . the insolency of the friars may be guessed at by their carriage to the lord primate boyle ; two of them , as i had before occasion to remark , came to demand mony of him ; and because he refused them , they procured a warrant from sir thomas hacket , to commit his son in law and nephew ; but others were forced to buy their peace by large contributions to them . sect . x. the progress king james made in destroying the personal estates of protestants after the revolution in england . . thus the case stood with the protestants of ireland , long before the revolution happened in england ; their rents and receipts were stopt , their expences multiplied , and many were driven from their houses and farms ; their trade decayed , and their towns and villages destroyed by robberies and free quarters ; but as soon as the new levies upon pretence of resisting the prince of orange , were made , the mischief became much more universal and intolerable ; whereas before , only inns and publick houses , together with brewers , bakers , butchers and chandlers , were obliged to quarter soldiers , this burden was now extended to all gentlemen of the best quality , if protestants , none being exempted ; this happened soon after the lord mountjoys going to france , though the lord deputy , as i noted before did possitively engage to him to the contrary in his articles ; these new guests committed all manner of rudeness and insolencies in their quarters , and drove away as many of the gentry and citizens as could steal a passage , or procure a license to be gone by bribing the secretary . sir william domvile a gentlemen of about years of age , who had been attorny general near thirty years , as has been said , had his house filled with them ; they treated the old gentleman so rudely and barbarously , that all concluded it hastened his death . some roman catholicks , that were not known to belong to the army , would come to the houses of protestants , and agree with them for their best rooms and suitable attendance , and when they were to go away , and should have paid , instead of mony they would present a billet , and then triumph in the trick they had put on their landlords . there are in dublin about seven thousand houses , and it was very rare that king james had four thousand of the army in town , and yet they ordered it so , that every house had more or less quartered upon it : some gentlemen had ten , some twenty , nay some thirty quartered on them ; if there was no other room they turned the master or mistriss of the family out of their own beds , and sent both them and their lodgers to provide for themselves ; not only soldiers were thus quartered , but likewise all gentlemen , priests , fryars and some noblemen that came with king james from france , together with their servants and retinue . all the houses in town were taken up with such guests , who were often treacherous spies on their hosts , and reckoned themselves very kind , if they did not procure them to be clapt up by a false information . the story of one gentleman is remarkable , related to a good family in england of his name , as he pretended , which was brown ; he lodged at one mr. brocks , from whom he stole several things of value , and sold them : mr. brock found him out , but he thought to have prevented the discovery by swearing treason against him , which he did before chief justice nugent ; but the justice of the peace who took the examinations of the theft , having gotten some of the things into his custody , traced them so clearly to the thief , that there was no denying it . the gentleman upon this , to prevent further prosecution , was forced to certify under his hand that he was prejured in what he had sworn before the lord chief justice . how heavy these things fell on the citizens , may be conjectured from this ; the rents of the city were considerable , and many gentlemens estates consisted in them : but now they thought themselves happy , if their tennants would stay in their houses , and keep them in repair , though they paid no rents at all . in the best inhabited places of the town , where houses about two years before yielded sixty pound apiece , they were well contented if they got ten pound , or the ground-rent ; but it was a chance if they got so much . . thus estates both in city and country were rendred fruitless to protestants ; but yet whilst the cattle and the great manufactories and staple commodities of the kingdom were in their hands ; whilst they had the wool , the hides , the tallow and butter , which bring in all the mony that is in the kingdom , all the former arts would not have undone them , and therefore some means must be used to get their stocks from them ; it seemed not decent for the government to seize on them , as they seized on our horses and arms ; it was not thought fit to give a positive order for doing it ; the truth is , there was no need of it ; it was sufficient to connive at the new raised men , to have it effectually done ; the priests had made every man that came to mass , to get a skean , and half pike at least , and they whispered to the people , that it was not for nothing that they were thus armed . they assured them , that whatever injury they did their protestant neighbours , would be forgiven them , only they advised them not to shed blood. sometimes they went along to see it effectually done ; and sometimes they imposed it as a pennance on such as came to them for absolution , to rob some of their protestant neighbours : this may seem improbable , but we have had credible informations of it , and it will not seem so unlikely , if we consider that the priests often led them out to these plunders , and stood by whilst they committed them ; that all these robbers are absolved by them , without restoring one sheep ; which could not be , if the priests reckoned the taking and keeping them a sin. and lastly , that some of the greatest of these robberies were committed in lent , when they do their pennances , and eat no flesh ; and therefore they could not be tempted at that time to steal and kill in order to eat : for in some places they killed whole flocks and left them dead on the place ▪ these robberies began in november , , and by the end of march next after , they left hardly one protestant in ireland a cow or sheep . ireland has always been famous for its pastures , and the riches of it has always consisted in cattle , of which many gentlemen had vast stocks ; for a man to have six , eight , or ten thousand sheep was very common ; some had more , even to twenty thousand : all these were gone in three months , to the value of at least a million of mony , which if rightly managed , would with the cows and bullocks , of which there were likewise great herds , have furnished an army of an hundred thousand men with flesh enough for three years . those who took them from the protestants , destroyed them without consideration , they killed them by fifties and sixties , and threw them into bog-pits ; they took off their skins , and left their carcases to rot , and made all the hovo●k of them imaginable . . nor was the government at all displeased at this , but on the contrary , did plainly encourage them ; no complaints made against them were minded ; none of them were punished or called to account for it ; and there happened two or three remarkable things that plainly discovered it to be their design that the protestants should lose all : for first , when these robberies began , some protestants got together , overtook the robbers , rescued the prey from them , and killed some of them ; this being done in two or three places , they were frightened and quiet for some time , but the lord deputy saw that if this were suffered , his design would not take , and therefore ordered our arms to be seized ; this was the true motive of his taking away so suddenly the arms of the protestants . these arms he put into the hands of those very robbers , whom the protestants in the defence of their cattle , had beaten and wounded , and whose relations they had killed ; who now knowing that their adversaries could make no further resistence , vowed revenge , and perfected what they had begun , not leaving them a beast , and forcing them to flee for their lives ; and then they plundered their houses as well as their cattle , and left them nothing that could be found with them : nay so far did the government countenance them , that they had suffered those men , who had thus defended their cattle , to be indicted , and bills were found against them , who had killed some of those robbers in the actual fact of robbing ; to do which they are empowered , and ought to have been rewarded by a particular statute of ireland . . but secondly , it appears that the robbing of the protestants was designed by the government , from the confession of chief justice nugent , who boasted of it as a piece of policy , and own'd that they could not have done their work without it ; and at the assizes at cork , publickly called such robbers necessary evils , and from the beginning he took care not to discourage them . the forementioned proclamation february , , acknowledges that the robberies were occasioned by the carelessness and neglect of the civil magistrate . and thirdly , that it was a meer design to ruin the protestants , is manifest from this , that as soon as their stocks were gone , and those who took them began to rob their papist neighbours , the government put a stop to it , and issued out a commission to hang them ; which accordingly was executed at wicklow , and the naas , and several other places ; and that it might be effectually executed , they joined some protestants in it , which might as well have been done before ; and there is no reason that it was not done , but because it would have prevented the ruin of the protestants , as well as it now preserv'd the papists . it is manifest what the government designed , when by a few robberies committed on papists , it was alarm'd , and issued out commissions to hang the robbers yet could not be prevailed with to take notice of the many thousand robberies committed on the protestants . for the proof of this , see albavill's instructions to the forementioned commissioners in the appendix . sect . xi . the methods by which kings james compleated the ruin of the protestants personal fortunes . . the protestants by the deputies taking away their horses , and the army their cattle , were put out of a possibility of living in the country , or of making any thing of their farms by plowing or grazing , and had saved nothing but their houshold-stuff and mony ; only some of them , when they saw the irish taking away their cattle , slaughtered part of them , barrelled them up , and sent them to dublin , and other towns ; they preserved likewise their hides and tallow of the year , not having any vent for them ; and the merchants upon the same account were stored with such commodities as used to be sent yearly into england or foreign parts ; and many of these went out of the kingdom for their own safety , and left their goods in the hands of their servants or friends . their going away , though they had license for it , and those licenses not expired , was made a pretence to seize their goods ; and in march , the officers of the army throughout the kingdom , without any law or legal authority , by order from the lord deputy , seized all goods , houses , lands , &c. belonging to any who were out of the kingdom ; there was no other reason given for this , but that it was the deputies pleasure it should be so ; in may , the commissioners of the revenue took it out of the soldiers hands ; and that they might be the better able to go through with it , endeavoured to procure from their pretended parliament , an act to confirm all they had done till that time , and further to empower them to examin witnesses upon oath concerning concealed goods of absentees : the bill as it was drawn by the commons , added a power to oblige every body to discover upon oath what they concealed , belonging to their absent friends , and to commit whom they pleased without bail or mainprize during pleasure , not excepting the peers of the realm ; which made the house of lords correct these clauses , and several others in the bill , upon the motion and earnest struggling of the bishop of meath ; though the commissioners did in a great measure put the act in execution , as the commons intended it ▪ for where-ever they expected any good of absentees to be , they sent and seized all that was in the place , and then refused to restore any thing to the owners , but upon oath that it was their own proper goods ; the rest they supposed to belong to some absentee , and made it lawful prize ; all such being by the act vested in the king , though the owners who were absent without any fault of their own should have come back and claimed , by which act all protestants that had fled for their refuge into england , or any other place , or were gone upon their lawful occasions , to the number of many thousands , were absolutely divested of all their personal fortunes , and cut off from all claim to their goods and chattels whatever . the condition of those who staid behind , was very little better , so many contrivances were set on foot to ruin them , and take away the little goods that were yet left them , that they were as effectually destroy'd as their neighbours that went for england ; they knew that besides goods , the protestants had some ready money and plate ; their chief aim was to come by them , and several ways were thought of to effect it ; sometimes they were for setting up a mint , and for forcing every body to bring in on oath to be coined , whatever plate was in their possession ; sometimes they were for searching houses , and seizing all they found , but these methods were looked on as too violent , and not likely to succeed if they should put them in practice ; they therefore defer'd these for the present , and appli'd themselves to the following courses , by which they got from us a great part of our mony , plate and goods ; and if our deliverance had not been speedy , would ●●fallibly have got the rest . . they would pretend for a summ of mony to procure license for a ship to go off , and when they had gotten the mony , and the people had ship'd themselves and their effects , they then ordered the ship to be unloaded again , and seized all the mony and plate they found , which had been privately conveyed on shipboard , tho' not forfeited by any law. . they would take off the embargo which was generally laid on ships , and pretend that they would suffer the merchants to trade : and as soon as they had got the custom-houses full of goods , and receiv'd vast rates for custom , besides bribes to the officers that attended the ships , they would put on the embargo again , stop the goods , and not return one farthing . . they promised licenses for england to all who would pay for them ; and when they had gotten vast summs from the crowd that press'd to get away , they would then stop the ships , and make their licenses useless : there was nothing to be done without a bribe , at what rate may be imagined from this , that an ordinary tide-waiter , one white at rings-end , was accounted to have gotten in bribes for conniving at peoples going off , at least l. in a few months . . all protestants that lived in the country , were forced to take out protections ; these were sold at great rates , and it was not sufficient to buy them once , they were often voided , either by new orders , or the change of governors ; and then they were obliged to take them out a new ; some had protections not only for their goods , but likewise for some arms and horses , and renewed them five or six times , paying a good rate for them every time , and yet at last they lost all their horses , arms and goods , as well as their neighbors who had no protections . . where they learnt any man had mony , they seiz'd him , on some pretence or other ; and if they found the mony , it was sufficient evidence of his guilt ; they sent him to goal , and converted the mony to their own use ; at the worst , they knew it was only restoring it in brass : thus they serv'd mr. heuston in bridg-street , and mr. gabriel king in the county of roscommon , who could never get any satisfaction for his silver and plate thus taken from him ; and the case was the same with many others . . in several places the governors went into mens houses and shops , and seiz'd wh●● they found , without the formality of a pretence , and took it away : cork was used at this rate ; their governor mounsieur boiselot , not failing in any punctilio of his country dragooning ; and he is supposed to have sent off for frame to the value of l. in mony , leather , and other commodities ; the spoils of the protestants in that rich town . . the parliament granted the king a tax of l. per month for thirteen months , which the kingdom could hardly have paid if it had been in its most flourishing condition ; but they knew it would fall most heavy on the protestants , who must be forced to pay it out of their ready mony , having lost their stocks generally by plundering , and deprived of their rents and incomes . . because the protestants in and about dublin had saved some hides , tallow , wooll , &c. king james , by ▪ pretence of his prerogative royal , laid a tax of l. per. month , for three months , on chattels , because the l. per month granted by the parliament was only on lands . this way of levying mony did startle every body ; the pretended parliament was then in being , and was adjourned till january . . which happened to be about the very time when the king and his council were upon this project . some in the council oppos'd it , and pleaded the no necessity of using extraordinary ways of levying mony , when the king might have it in the ordinary way ; and further , that it would give advantage to his enemies , and be an argument of his affecting an arbitrary power ; but he was very angry with those that oppos'd it , and told them , that they had made him believe it was a branch of his prerogative to levy mony , and if he could not do it , he could do nothing . chancellor fitton appear'd zealously for it , and 't was carried , that the mony should be raised ; but it being a new thing , they were at a loss how to go about it ; at last they issued out a proclamation , dated february . . wherein 't is ordered and declared , that a contribution of l. per month , for the space of three months , ending the last day of january last past , shall be forthwith applotted , laid in and levied upon the personal estates of all sorts . and the applotment is order'd to be made by commissioners to be nam'd by the king , who were to proceed according to instructions forthwith to be published by him : albaville , the secretary of state , thought it sufficient to send letters , signed only by himself ; in which he named and instructed the commissioners ; but the persons so named for dublin , judged this authority insufficient , and demur'd on the execution till they had their nomination and instructions according to the proclamation , from the king himself , under the great seal . the king was heartily angry at them for this demur , and was hardly prevailed on to issue a commission under the seal in the usual forms , as judging his secretaries letter a sufficient warrant : but at last the commission was issued , in which the commissioners were named , and impower'd to nominate sub-commissioners for every barony in their respective counties , to make the applotment ; of which sub-commissioners the high-constable was to be one . the commissioners of dublin , and other cities , were not yet satisfied ; for their counties had neither baronies nor high-constables ; and therefore the commission could not be duly executed in them ; they therefore applied a new to the lords of the treasury , for a more ample commission , which put the lords and attorney-general in as great a passion as the king was in before ; and all the answer return'd to the commissioners was , that they should go about their business without such frivolous scruples , or they should take a course with them : the commissioners being thus appointed , were most of them papists ; and the few protestants that were named , declin'd acting as much as they durst ; by which means the papists had the applotting intirely in their own hands , and never fail'd to lay the greatest burden on their protestant neighbours , who , in effect , paid all taxes that king james ever receiv'd in ireland . . the papists raised a militia , and inasmuch as protestants were not qualified to serve in it , by the proclamation , which did not allow them to bear arms , they were assess'd at a certain rate for the maintenance of the militia , and sent to prison if they refused to pay it . the tax was as great as either of the former , amounting , in the small parish of st. w●rburghs dublin ▪ in which not above one half of the protestant-dwellers were left , to l. per annum . . they pretended to make some small ditches at the several avenues of the town , and for these likewise the protestants must pay ; and they tax'd them at what rate they pleased , distraining or committing them to goal , if they refused to pay what was exacted , or wanted mony : before they form'd this militia business into a tax , the officers of the militia went about weekly for several weeks , and demanded and took what they pleased from every house with great rigor , committing those who disputed their demands , which was , for the time it lasted , a heavy burthen , and a prodigious tax . . towards the middle of winter . their forces were dispersed into their winter-quarters ; very few being left in dublin , it was most convenient to have such as remain'd in it , quarter'd together ; at least it was judged unsafe to have them dispersed in protestant houses ; therefore they seiz'd on wast houses , and filled them with the soldiers ; the rest they quarter'd in the colledge . nevertheless , that the protestants might not escape free , they obliged them to send in beds to the soldiers ; but instead of beds they took a composition in mony , the rate was from s. to l. for every house : this fell intirely on the protestants , the papists being conniv'd at , and the conditions were not generally made good to them after they paid , for within two or three months some had soldiers quartered on them again ; tho while it lasted it must be confess'd it was a great convenience and ease , to be rid of such guests at any rate . . all these contrivances to get mony from protestants , did indeed impoverish them ; but by their industry and charity to one another , they made a shift to subsist , and to keep something in reserve ; but the contrivance of making brass mony pass instead of silver , and at an equal value with it , was an utter and unavoidable ruin to them : it is true , the coining of mony is a prerogative of the crown , and the reason of its being so , is to prevent its being adulterated , the king's honor and interest being the engagement and security for the coin that bears his impression : but sure the meaning was not , that he should give a value to what has no value in it self ; otherwise the cautiousness of our forefathers was ridiculous , who would not allow the king by his prerogative to raise mony either by loan or subsidy from the subject ; since if it be allowed , that he may set what value he pleases upon brass , he may have what he thinks fit from the kingdom without troubling a parliament ; but king james's council used not to stick at the formalities of law or reason , and therefore vast quantities of brass mony were coined , and made current by a proclamation dated june . . under severe penalties . the metal of which this mony was made was the worst kind of brass ; old guns , and the refuse of metals were melted down to make it ; work-men rated it at three-pence or a groat a pound , which being coined into six-pence's , shillings or half-crowns , one pound weight made about l. and by another proclamation dated . the half-crowns were called in , and being stamp'd anew , were made to pass for crowns ; so that then d. or d. worth of metal made l. there was coined in all , from the first setting up of the mint , to the rout at the boyne , being about twelve months , l. in this coin king james paid all his appointments , and all that received the king's pay being generally papists , they forced the protestants to part with their goods out of their shops for this mony , and to receive their debts in it ▪ but the protestants having only good silver or gold , and goods bought with these , when they wanted any thing from papists , they were forced to part with their gold and silver , having no means of coming by the brass mony out of the king's hands ; so that the loss by the brass mony did in a manner intirely fall on the protestants , being defrauded ( for i can call it no better ) of about l. per month by this stratagem , which must in a few months utterly exhaust them , when the papists had gotten most of their saleable goods from their protestant neighbours , and yet great quantities of brass mony remain'd in their hands , they began to consider how many of them who had estates , had engaged them to protestants by judgments , statute staples and mortgages ; this was all the reserve of their fortunes left the protestants : and to take this likewise from them , they procured a proclamation dated february . . to make the brass mony current in all payments whatsoever , whereas at first judgments , &c. were excepted : thus they rid themselves of their brass mony , and put it on protestants . the chancellor fitton compelling the trustees for orphans and widows , to receive their mortgages , &c. in this coin , as well as others , tho they pleaded that they knew not how to dispose of it , nor if they did know , could they legally receive it , or make use of it , being only trustees . sometimes it was pleaded , that by the original covenants they were to have a certain time of warning , before they should be obliged to receive their mony , tho offered them in silver ; but all signified nothing , the chancellor over-rul'd all their pleas , and placed the brass mony on them , not so much as allowing it to remain in the court. . the governor of dublin , the provost-marshal , and their deputies , assumed the same power , and threatned to hang all that refused the brass mony ; of which we had many instances one mr. bennet a tanner owed mony to one alderman smith , and to mr. hugh leeson a clergy-man ; bennet having some goods taken from him for which he was paid in brass mony , tendered it to them , but upon a civil refusal he complained to governor luttrell , who gave him two warrants to the provost-martial to take them ; he shewed them to alderman smith , who immediately complied and received his mony ; but luttrell being informed of it , was angry that bennet had compounded the business , and therefore directed the provost to take him ; by whom he was kept a fortnight , and not released till he paid l. fees. leeson was likewise taken and committed with him . one chapman a widow was used yet worse by the provost-martial's deputy one kerney ; a petition was preferred against her , by the sollicitor of one who owed her l. by bond , alledging falsly that she had refused to receive it in brass : kerney sent his troopers for her at ten a clock at night ; he told her , with many oaths and execrations , that he would have her burnt next morning ; that he had power to put to what death he pleased , any that should refuse or undervalue the brass mony , and would exercise it on her . her debtor was present , and acknowledged that the allegation in the petition was false , that he had never tendered the mony , only sent to her house , and received answer that she was not at home , and that his sollicitor had wronged her in the petition ; yet the deputy-provost abated nothing of his rigour , but made her be thrust into a dark closet for that night , without bed or candle : her sollicitor offered any security for her till next morning , but he threatned to tye him neck and heels , send him to newgate , and hang him next day at his own door , for interceding for her . at nine next morning he sent a messenger to her to prepare for death , for he would have her burnt immediately . she had often , whilst in custody , proffered to receive her mony , and never before refused it , which some represented to him so effectually , that he at last consented to release her , she paying l. fees , and s. to her adversary's sollicitor that prefer'd the false petition against her , and signing an acknowledgment to be entered on record , and a general release : she demurr'd a little at the general release , but the provost renewing his threats of burning her , and hanging her sollicitor , obliged her to perfect it . but where papists were creditors , and protestants debtors , the case was otherwise ; of which mr. rose a merchant is an instance ; he had received l. from some roman catholicks , for which he drew a bill of exchange into england on his correspondent ; the seas being shut up , they sued for the mony , tho it was supposed on all hands to be paid in england : whilst they went on with the suit , the brass mony came into play , and then they would have withdrawn it , but mr. rose having great quantities of this mony put on him for goods taken away from him , persisted in it ; the declaration against him being filed ; however the judge kept him three terms , taking occasion from the sickness of the attorney , or any other little matter , to adjourn the cause . at last mr. rose brought the mony and deposited it in court , which the judge called an affront , and the receiving it was demurr'd to , and there the cause remain'd till the change of the government , without any determination . . by these means vast quantities of brass mony were lodged in the hands of protestants ; and not knowing what else to do with it , they laid it out on the staple commodities of the kingdom , such as hides , tallow , wooll , corn , &c. these they bought up at any rate , as supposing they might sometimes turn to account , whereas the brass mony could signifie nothing . the papists were aware of it , and therefore put the king upon taking these again out of their hands , which they contrived thus , they put out a proclamation , by which they set a rate upon commodities , dated february . . then the king declared he wanted certain quantities of these goods , and that he would have them at the proclamation rates . the lord-mayor first , then the commissioners of the revenue , and afterwards sir thomas hackett , and others , were employ'd to search for them and seize them . they first sent out officers to take an inventory of all they could find in the hands of protestants ; some few escaped by giving good bribes : the searchers return'd an account of the following quantities in dublin , viz. stones of wooll , hundred weight of tallow , raw hides , tan'd hides ; what return was made from other places we could not learn ; but we find when they came to seize , that the following parcels were actually taken up , viz.   wooll stone tallow c raw hides tan'd hides c q in dublin ½ - in the rest of the kingdom - total ½ - computing stones to a bag of wooll , weight to a cask of tallow , and four tan'd hides to an hundred weight ; which appears to be the proportions in dublin , where both the number and weight is return'd . some gentlemen had saved their wooll of the year . and had placed it in dublin and the port-towns , designing to send it off as soon as the seas were open ; and it was all they had to begin the world with , their estates being taken from them by act of parliament , and their stocks and household goods by robbers ; but now this remainder of their fortunes was taken from them by the king himself , and when they press'd the commissioners of the revenue to know the reason why they were thus used , it was answered them by sir patrick trant , that he would not give any reason to such rogues ; but at last , when urged , he told them , it was because they were protestants : some , particularly mr. piercy the merchant , being ask'd by sir thomas hacket , whether he was willing to part with his goods ; answered very calmly , that he was not willing if he could help it . his saying so was reckoned a high crime , and he was brought before colonel luttrell governour of dublin , who put the same question to him , and upon his making the same answer , condemned him , in his passion , to be hanged , for opposing the king's will : he sent up and down for the provo's to execute the sentence , and swore many oaths that he would have it done immediately . mr. piercy continued under this sentence for two hours , during which time the provo's could not be found , though diligent search was made for them ▪ at last the governour , wearied with waiting , and not able to find any to execute his sentence , was , by some intercession made to him , content to dismiss mr. piercy for that time . some protestants offered to transport their goods themselves into france , and bring back such things as the king needed ; but this was refused them ; and the design being to ruin them , such goods as came to them from france were seiz'd on , and put into the hands of papists , to be disposed of by them , and the right owners not suffered so much as to oblige a friend with a little salt or a rundlet of brandy thus mr. bell , a protestant merchant , was served , with a ship that came to him from france ; and without any crime alledged against him , that he might think no more of trading , he was confined in close prison , and no body allowed to speak to him . as to the goods thus taken up , king james dispos'd of them to mr. labady and other papists ; so that this appear'd to be a meer contrivance to get the goods out of the protestants hands , and enrich the papists ; and not , as was pretended , to supply the king's necessity . . some protestants had laid out their brass mony in corn and malt ; of this commodity brewers , maltsters and bakers had good quantities , and some private persons laid in enough for themselves and families , and perhaps a little to spare . some likewise had provisions of bisket , barrelled beef and bacon , not knowing how the market might be furnish'd , after such destruction of provisions : there was a general search made for all these , and they were , for the most part , taken away , or seized , for the king's use ; it was criminal to have barrelled beef or bisket in a house , and alderman giles meigh was clap'd up in prison for the treason of having some hundred of bisket : the like happened to several others , they alledging that such as had them , designed them for schonberg's army ; we were at a loss what the meaning of taking away corn from protestant farmers , house-keepers and bakers should be , when there was no scarcity in the kingdom , and the markets , if left open , were sufficient to furnish all ; but sir robert parker , and some others , blab'd it out in the coffee-house , that they designed to starve one half of the protestants , and hang the other , and that it would never be well till this were done . we were very sensible that they were in earnest , by the event ; for no protestant could get a bit of bread , and hardly a drop of drink in the whole city ; twenty or thirty soldiers stood constantly about every bake-house , and would not suffer a protestant to come nigh them ; if they sent into the country , and by interest and a great price , got a barrel of wheat from a popish farmer , it was seiz'd as it came to town ; and though there was plenty of all things , yet several protestant families could not get one loa● of bread , sometimes in a week , sometimes in a fortnight ; there was a general cry for bread , and the protestants could find no way to come by it , but by buying it from the soldiers , who sold their two-penny loaves for a shilling or eighteen pence ; it was confidently reported , that the popish store-keepers design'd to get all the corn in the kingdom into the king's stores , and then to let the protestants have none out but for silver and gold ; which they did in good measure effect ; and it is certain before harvest , they would have starved many , and drained all . . some few protestants had , under shelter of a good natured popish landlord or neighbour , preserved a few sheep ; as soon as these were shorn , the commissioners immediately seiz'd the wooll , and it was resolv'd to seize their corn likewise , where they had any , as soon as it was cut and made up . they found it a hard matter to get copper or brass to serve the mint , there were on this account several searches made in town ; and first the braziers shops were pillaged , and then the citizens kitchens of their brass pots , skellets , boylers ; and their houses of other brass utensils , even to the knockers of doors ; hardly one such was left in the whole city : under the pretence of this they ordered their emissaries to take a private inventory of whatever they saw in the possession of protestants , of which they made their uses as they had occasion , and intended more if their power had continued . . the deputy-mayor of dublin , edmund reily , issued out an order , dated sept. . . for regulating the rates of provisions , country goods , and manufactories , to be sold in the city of dublin ; in which he took care to set a very low rate on such goods as were then most in the hands of protestants , the rate at which he ordered them to be sold , was not one half of what they generally yielded . when therefore any papist had a mind to put off his brass mony , he went to some protestant neighbor , whom he knew to have a quantity of these goods , offered him the mayor's rate in brass , and carried away the goods by force . this was practised even by the lady tyrconnel , and several of their grandees : but the case was otherwise with papists , they sold at what rate they pleased , not minding the proclamation ; of which alderman reily , who issued it , was an instance ; he had a quantity of salt in his hands , and sold it at excessive rates , above what he compelled protestants to part with theirs ; complaint was made against him , and he was indicted at the tholsel , which is the city court , that very term in which the proclamation came out ; upon the traverse the petty-jury found him guilty , and the court fin'd him in an l. but all this was only a blind , for the sheriffs set him at liberty on his parole after he was committed to them : he brought his writ of error returnable into the king's-bench , but the record was never remov'd nor the fine levied . and the consequence was , that neither he nor any papist took notice of the order , and yet kept it in its full force against protestants . . they saw therefore that it was resolved to leave them nothing that was easily to be found ; for sir thomas hacket had made a proposal to seize feather-beds , and other furniture of houses ; alledging that they would be good commodities in france ; upon which the protestants thought it the best way to exchange what brass mony they had , into silver and gold , and gave l. s. l. l. and at last l. for a guiney ; but even so 't was thought too beneficial for them , and to stop it , they procured a proclamation , dated june . . whereby it is made death to give above l. s. for a guiney , or for a louis d'or above l. s. &c. the papists needed not fear a proclamation , or the penalty of it ; they had interest enough to avoid it , and therefore still bought up gold at what rate they pleased ; but if any protestant had been found transgressing , he must have expected the utmost severity . . and thus the case stood when his majesty's victory at the boyn delivered us ; and let any one judge whether we had reason to be pleased with the success , and gratefully receive him , that came to restore to us , not only our goods and fortunes , but the very necessaries of life ; and what obligations we could have of fidelity or allegiance to king james , who treated us plainly as prisoners of war , and as enemies not subjects , and by designing and endeavoring our ruin , declared , in effect , he would govern us no longer ; but more expresly at his going away , freely allowed us to shift for our selves ; and advised those about him , both at the boyn when he quitted the field , and the next morning in council at the castle of dublin , to make the best terms they could , and quietly submit to the conqueror , who , he said , was a merciful prince . sect . xii . king james destroyed the real , as well as the personal , estates of his protestant subjects in ireland . . there remains yet to be spoken of , a third part of the property belonging to protestants ; i mean , their real estates , and care was effectually taken to divest them of these , as well as of their personal fortunes : their estates of inheritance were either acquir'd before the year . and were call'd old interest , or else since that time , and pass'd by the name of new interest . the greater part of estates belonging to protestants were of this last sort , and they stood on this ground : the papists of ireland ( as i have noted before ) had raised a most horrid rebellion against the king , and barbarously murthered some hundred thousands of protestants in cold blood in . for which most of their gentry were indicted and outlawed by due course of law , and consequently their estates forfeited . the english , after a war of twelve years , reduced them with vast expence of blood and treasure ; and according to an act of parliament past car. i. at westminster , the forfeited estates were to be disposed of . when king charles ii. was restored , he restored many of the papists , and after two years deliberation , and the full hearing of all parties before himself and council in england , he pass'd an act in a parliament held at dublin , commonly call'd , the act of settlement , whereby a general settlement was made of the kingdom , and commissioners appointed to hear and determine every man's claim . after this , upon some doubts that arose , another act pass'd car. ii. commonly call'd , the act of explanation ; which made a further and final settlement : every protestant made his claim before the commissioners of claims , and was forced to prosecute it at vast expences : after this , he got a certificate from those commissioners , of what appear'd to belong to him for arrears or debentures ; and having retrenched a third of what was actually set out to him , and in his possession , and paid one years full improv'd value of what remain'd , every man pass'd a patent for it , a certain considerable yearly rent , called quit-rent , being reserved to the king out of every acre ; these two acts of parliament at dublin , with that and other acts at westminster , together with a certificate from the court of claims , and letters patents from the king , pursuant to the certificate from the commissioners , made up the title which two thirds of the protestants in ireland had to their estates . those papists that had forfeited in . were commonly known by the name of old proprietors , who notwithstanding their outlawries and forfeitures , and the acts of parliament that were against them , still kept up a kind of claim to their forfeited estates ; they were still suggesting new scruples and doubts ; and either disturbing the protestant possessors with suits , in which by letters from court they obtained favour from some of the judges or else threatning them with an after-reckoning . the protestants earnestly desired a new parliament , which might settle things beyond any doubt , and cut the papists off from their hopes and expectations ; but king james , when duke of york , had so great interest with his brother king charles ii. that he kept off a parliament against all the sollicitations that could be made for it for twenty four years , to the no small damage of the kingdom , on other accounts as well as this ; and he so encouraged those forfeiting proprietors , and so kept them in heart by countenancing them , that they did not doubt some time or other to recover their estates ; and they often told the english , when heated by drink or passion , that the time was drawing near , when they would out them of their estates and improvements , and send them to dig or beg. this hope kept the irish idle , and hindred them from applying themselves to any thing else ; and they were so sure of regaining their forfeited estates , that they disposed of them by wills and settlements , as if in possession ; which wills and settlements made by them whilst out of possession , are confirmed by a particular act made in their late pretended parliament . . when king james came to the crown , they reckoned they had gained their point , and did not fail to labour it with all possible industry ; and no doubt but his majesty designed to gratifie them in it , but he did not think fit to let the protestants know his intentions ; on the contrary , he industriously concealed them : he sent over the lord clarendon lord-lieutenant in the year . who arrived here january . he gave him in charge to declare , that he would preserve the acts of settlement and explanation inviolable : and accordingly the lord clarendon made this declaration in council , and further gave it in charge to all the judges , who solemnly declared on the bench in their respective circuits , the kings firm intentions to preserve those acts , and in them the protestant english interest of ireland . at the same time sir charles porter was sent over chancellor of ireland ; and he likewise had a command from the king , to assure all his subjects , that he would preserve these acts as the magna charta of ireland ; and sir charles , at his entrance on his office , declared this solemnly on the bench , ( as chancellor fitton also after did ; and used withall , to term it , the darling of the nation ) and that it was the king's pleasure to give his subjects this assurance : these kind of declarations were often repeated , and gain'd belief from the credulous protestants , especially that made by sir charles , who behaving himself with courage and integrity in his office , went a great way to perswade them : but the papists were nothing daunted at it , they knew that this was only a piece of policy to ●ull us asleep , till the army was modelled , and things fitted for repealing these acts , and then all the protestations to the contrary would signifie nothing . the new attorney general nagle , was the first that durst openly propose the repealing of them , in his letter from coventry , dated october . . in which he endeavours to shew some nullities and invalidities in the acts ; but mainly insists on the inconveniency it would bring to the popish interest , to have those acts continued . when the earl of tyrconnel came to the government things were riper , and so king james ventured to discover his intentions a little further ; and therefore in the first proclamation issued out by the lord-deputy tyrconnel , and dated feb. . . he promised to defend the laws , liberties and established religion ; but upon debate at the council-board , leaves out the preservation of the acts of settlement and explanation . in spring . he sends over to england chief justice nugent and baron rice , to concert the methods of repealing it . that this was their errand was publickly known , and is confessed by my lord sunderland in his letter to his friend in london , dated march . . and if we believe him , they bid l. to gain his lordship to assist them ; but whatever his lordship did with them , it is certain they succeeded in their design ( though perhaps a little delay'd in point of time ) and agreed on the several steps , by which they were to bring it to pass ; they knew it was generally discoursed that they went on this errand , and it would have alarm'd the whole kingdom if they had own'd their success ; they therefore dissembled it , and contrived to have it given out , that the king had rejected their proposals , but granted others that were very beneficial to the kingdom , the heads of which they took care to have published . in the mean while they fell on prosecuting their design according to the secret resolutions agreed on , and began immediately to put things in order to have a parliament that would be sure to answer their intentions ; they proceeded to finish the regulations of corporations , against which quo warranto's had before been issued , as we have already shewed ; and that things might not stick in the house of lords , by reason of the numerousness of the protestant peers and bishops , a list was drawn up of such papists as the king might by writ call into the house to out-vote them : the sons of such lords as had been indicted and out-lawed for the rebellion in . had brought writs of error to reverse their father's outlawries , which made them uncapable of sitting ; which was in effect to destroy the act of settlement that was founded on those out-lawries . the protestants saw the consequence of the reversing them , and therefore earnestly opposed it ; but lord chief justice nugent , and his fellow-judges over-ruled all oppositions that could be made , and reversed as many as desired it : some of them , when they had reversed the outlawries , ask'd the attorney general whether they might not now sue ▪ for their estates : he answered , that they should have a little patience , perhaps they would come more easily ; meaning , that when a parliament sate , it would ( by repealing the act of settlement ) give them their estates without a suit. . but many had not patience to wait the general restitution ; and therefore as soon as they had judges and sheriffs to their mind , they set up counterfeit deeds , and easily obtained verdicts ; if the protestants brought a writ of error , yet that did not benefit them , nor stop their being outed of possession ; for the sheriffs , on their own heads , gave the old proprietors possession , and left the protestants to recover it , by injunction out of chancery , or by common-law . thus doctor gorge was outed by mr. barnwell of a great estate , and many others , notwithstanding their writs of error . some old proprietors had gotten some conditional orders from the commissioners of the court of claims , for estates ; many of which only enabled them to bring their actions at common-law . these had la●● dormant since the sitting of the court of claims , which was above twenty years ; but now instead of bringing their actions into the court , they carried their old injunctions which they had procured from the court of claims , and which they thought not fit in all this time to execute , as knowing legally they could not ; yet , i say , so long after the dissolution of the court which granted them , they carried them to the sheriffs , and they , without any more ado , put them into possession ; whereby they deprived the subject of the benefit of those laws that make fines , levied with non-claim , a perpetual bar ; and also dispossess'd and put by , all intermediate purchases and settlements . this was the bishop of meath's case , whose father purchased an estate in . and both he and the bishop had continued in peaceable possession of it ever since ; yet he was now outed of it , by an old injunction from the court of claims , granted on a pretended deed of settlement , made for portions to the daughters of the man that had sold it to the bishop's father : this deed ought to have been proved at common-law , before he should have been disturbed ; but the popish sheriff of the county of meath , one nangle executed the injunction on the bishop , and two other protestants , without any such formality ; some papists were as deeply concern'd as they , as holding part of the same estate , but the sheriff durst not , or would not execute the injunction on their part , though he did it on that part which was in the hands of protestants ; at this rate many protestants were outed of their estates , and the old proprietors having gotten possession , put the suit and proof on protestants to recover them ; near a hundred english gentlemen lost considerable estates in less than a year , and the papists were in hopes to do their work by their false oaths , forged deeds , corrupt judges , and partial juries : no one suit that i could learn , having been determin'd against them in either the king's-bench or exchequer . . but this was not the way design'd by the grandees ; they saw it was like to be tedious , expensive , and must have been in many cases , insuccessful ; and therefore they were intent on a parliament ; and they had in less than nine months fitted all things for it : so that we should infallibly have had one next winter , if the closeted parliament , design'd to sit at westminster in november . had succeeded , and the news of the prince of orange's intended descent into england , had not diverted them ; but it was not judged convenient to proceed farther in ireland till the penal laws and test were removed in england . . after king james's deserting england , and getting into france , which mightily rejoyced them , their great care was to get him into their own hands ; and they easily prevailed on him to come into ireland , where he landed at kinsale , march . . and made his entry into dublin on palm-sunday , march . upon his coming into dublin , every body was intent to see what he would do , in relation to the affairs of ireland ; it was manifestly against his interest to call a parliament , and much more unseasonable to pass such acts in it , as he knew the papists expected . for first , the kingdom was not intirely in obedience to him , london-derry , enniskillin , and a great part of the north being then unreduced ; which gave occasion to many , even of his own party , to ridicule him and his councils , who , so contrary to his interest , had call'd a parliament to spend their time in wrangling about settling the kingdom , and disposing estates , before they had reduced it . but had they , instead of passing such acts as made them odious to all good men , applied themselves to the siege of derry , it is like it had been reduced before the succors came , and then all ireland had been their own , and no body can tell what might have been the consequence of it . . secondly , it a little reflected on king james's sincerity , who in his answer to the petition of the lords for a parliament in england , presented nov. . . gave it as one reason why he could not comply , because it was impossible , whilst part of the kingdom was in the enemies hands , to have a free parliament ▪ the same impossibility lay on him against holding a parliament in ireland , at his coming to dublin , if that had been the true reason ; and his not acting uniformly to it , plainly discover'd , that the true reason why he would not hold a parliament in england , and yet held one in ireland , under the same circumstances , was not the pretended impossibility , but because the english parliament would have secured the liberties and religion of the kingdom , whereas he was sure the irish parliament would subvert them . . thirdly , his compliance with all the most extravagant proposals of the papists in ireland , was unavoidable if he call'd a parliament ; and to comply with them , was to do so palpable and inexcusable injustice , to the protestants and english interest of ireland , that he could not expect but that he should lose the hearts of those protestants in england and scotland who were indifferent or well affected to him before , as soon as they were fully inform'd of what he had done in ireland ; and to lose their assistance , was to lose the fairest hopes he could have of recovering his crown . . fourthly , by holding a parliament , he manifesty weakened his forces in ireland ; for the papists , whom he was to restore to their estates , were most of them poor insignificant people , not able or capable to do him service ; for the richer sort of papists were either disoblig'd by it ( being losers as well as the protestants ) or else under a necessity to neglect the king's service , and spend their time to make interest to secure themselves of reprizals , for what they lost by the parliament . . fifthly , he strengthened and united his enemies , by rendering all the protestants , that were not under his power , desperate ; and by convincing the rest of the necessity of joyning with them as fast as they could ; since no other choice was left them , but either to do this or to be ruined . . all these reasons lay before the king against calling a parliament ; and made it manifestly unseasonable to do it now , however bent to comply with the long and earnest sollicitations of the irish , as we see in nagles coventry letter , and the two papers in the appendix . but contrary to all the rules of interest and true policy , he was resolv'd to gratifie them ; for which we were able to give no other reason , but the resolution ascribed to him in the liege letter , either to dye a martyr , or to establish popery ; and therefore he issued out a proclamation for a parliament , to sit may . . at dublin . the proclamation was dated march . the next day after he came to dublin , but was not published till april . it was said to be antedated four days , but of that i can say nothing . . every body foresaw what a kind of parliament this would be , and what was like to be done in it . our constitution lodges the legislative power in the king , lords and commons , and each of these is a check on the other , that if any one of them attempt a thing prejudicial to the kingdom , the other may oppose and stop it ; but our enemies had made all these for their purpose , and therefore no law could signifie any thing to oppose them , it being in their power to remove any law when they pleased by repealing it . the king was their own , both inclined of himself , and easie to be prevail'd on by them , to do what they would have him : so that we could promise our selves no help from his negative vote . . the house of lords , if regularly assembled , had consisted for the most part of protestants , and might have been a check to the king's intentions of taking away our laws in a legal method , there being , if we reckon the bishops , about ninety protestant lords to forty five papists , taking in the new creations and attainted lords . but first , to remove this obstacle , care had been taken to reverse the outlawries of the popish lords , in order to capacitate them to sit in the house . . new creations were made , sir alexander fitton , the chancellor , was made baron of gosworth ; thomas nugent , the chief justice , baron of riverston ; justin m'carty viscount mountcashell ; sir valentine brown viscount kenmare : a list was made of more to be call'd into the house , if there were occasion . . they had several popish titular bishops in the kingdom , and it was not doubted , but if necessity required , those would be call'd by writs into the house . . it was easie to call the eldest sons of noble-men into the parliament by writ , which would not augment the nobility , and yet fill the house . but there were already sufficient to over-vote the protestants , for there remain'd of about sixty nine protestant temporal lords , only four or five in ireland to sit in the house ; and of twenty two spiritual lords , only seven left in the kingdom , of which dr. michael boyle , arch-bishop of ardmah , dr. hugh gore bishop of waterford , dr. roan bishop of killal●o , were excused , on the account of age and sickness . the other four were dr. anthony dopping , bishop of meath ; dr. thomas otway , bishop of ossory ; dr. simon digby , bishop of lymerick ; and dr. edward wettenhall , bishop of cork and ross ; these were oblig'd to appear upon their writs directed to them , and king james was forced sometimes to make use of them to moderate ▪ by way of counterpoise , the madness of his own party , when their votes displeas'd him : but in the general , they protested against most of the acts ▪ and entered their dissent . it is observable , that all these acts of this pretended parliament , are said to be by the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal , whereas not one spiritual lord consented to many of them , but on the contrary , unanimously protested against them ; and at passing the act of attainder , of which more hereafter , they were not so much as present . they complain'd of this , but were refus'd redress , and the express mention of their consent continued : of thirty seven papist lords , there appear'd , besides the new created lords , twenty four at times ; of which fifteen were under attainders by indictments and outlawries ; two or three were under age ▪ and there remain'd only six or seven capable of sitting and acting . chancellor fitton , now baron of gosworth , was speaker of the house of lords . king james was present constantly in the house , and directed them not only in their debates , but likewise in their forms and ceremonies ; hardly one in either house having ever sate in a parliament before . . the house of commons makes the third estate in parliament , and 't is by them that the people have a more immediate interest in the legislative power ; the members of this house being such as are return'd by the peoples free election ; which is look'd on as the fundamental security of the lives , liberties and properties of the subject . these members of the house of commons are elected either by the free-holders of counties , or the free-men of corporations : and i have already shew'd , how king james wrested these out of the hands of protestants , and put them into popish hands , in the new constitution of corporations , by which the free-men and free-holders of cities or boroughs , to whom the election of burgesses originally belongs , are excluded , and the election put into the hands of a small number of men named by the king , and removable at his pleasure . the protestant free-holders , if they had been in the kingdom , were much more than the papist free-holders , but now being gone , tho many counties could not make a jury , as appear'd at the intended tryal of mr. price , and other protestants at wicklow , who could not be tried for want of free-holders yet notwithstanding the paucity of these , they made a shift to return knights of the shire . the common way of election was thus , the earl of tyrconnel , together with the writ for election , commonly sent a letter , recommending the persons he design'd should be chosen ; the sheriff or mayor being his creature , on receipt of this , call'd so many of the free-holders of a county , or burgesses of a corporation , together , as he thought fit , and , without any noise , made the return : it was easie to do this in boroughs , because , by their new charters , the electors were not above twelve or thirteen , and in the greatest cities but ; and commonly not half of these on the place . the method of the sheriffs proceeding was the same ; the number of popish freeholders being very small , sometimes not a dozen in a county , it was easie to give notice to them to appear , so that the protestants either did not know of the election , or durst not appear at it . by these means the pretended parliament consisted of the most bigotted papists , and of such as were most deeply interested to destroy the protestant religion and protestants of ireland . one gerrard dillon serjeant at law , a most furious papist , was recorder of dublin , and he stood to be chosen one of the burgesses for the city , but could not prevail , because he had purchased a considerable estate under the act of settlement , and they fear'd lest this might engage him to defend it . several corporations had no representatives , either because they were in the enemies hands , or else because the persons , named by the charter for electors , were so far remote , that they could not come in such numbers , as to secure the elections for papists , against the few protestants that were left still in the charters , and who lived generally on the place . i have mark'd the boroughs and counties that had no representatives , in number about twenty nine , few protestants could be prevail'd with to stand , tho they might have been chosen , because they foresaw no possibility of doing good , and thought it unsafe to sit in a parliament , which they judged in their conscience illegal , and purposely design'd for mischief to them and their religion ; however it was thought convenient that some should be in it , to observe how things went ; and with much perswasion and intreaty , sir john mead and mr. joseph coghlan counsellors at law , were prevail'd on to stand for the university of dublin ; the university must chuse , and it could not stand with their honor to chuse papists , and therefore they pitch'd on these two gentlemen , who were hardly brought to accept of it , as thinking it scandalous to be in so ill company ; and they could not prevail with themselves to sit out the whole session , but withdrew before the act of attainder came to be concluded , not enduring to be present at the passing of that and some other barbarous acts , against which they found their votes signified nothing while they staid . there were four more protestants return'd , of whose behaviour i can give no account , or how they came to be return'd : the generality of the houses consisted of the sons and descendents of the forfeiting persons in . men that had no freeholds or estates in the kingdom , but were purposely elected to make themselves estates by taking them away from protestants . . now whilst the power of making and repealing laws was in such hands , what security could protestants promise themselves from any laws , or what probability was there that any laws already made in their favour would be continued ? especially if we consider further , that this parliament openly profess'd it self a slave to the king's will , and he was look'd on as factiously and rebelliously inclin'd , that would dare to move any thing after any favorite in the house had affirm'd that it was contrary to the king's pleasure . several bills were begun in the house of commons ; one for erecting an inns of court ; another for repealing an act commonly call'd poinings act ; which requires that all acts should be perused by the king and council of england before they be offered to be pass'd by the parliament in ireland ; but king james signified his dissatisfaction to these bills , and for that reason they and several others were let fall ; tho the irish had talk'd much , and earnestly desir'd the repeal of poinings act , it being the greatest sign and means of their subjection to england : there was a doubt made in the house , concerning the earl of strafford , whether he should be attainted for estate and life ; several moved in his behalf , but it was carried against him upon this evidence ; colonel simon lutterell affirmed in the house , that he had heard the king say some hard things of him : the king's pleasure therefore was the law , to which we were to trust for our lives and fortunes , our enemies having entirely engross'd the power of making and repealing laws , and devolved it on the king's pleasure ; the very protestant lords and bishops being denied their priviledge of entering their protestations against such votes as they conceiv'd destructive to the kingdom : the king told them , that protestations against votes were only used in rebellious times , and with much ado they were allowed to enter their dissent ; tho after that was allowed them , the clerk of the parliament , one polewheele , a nephew of chancellor fitton 's , shifted them off and did not enter their dissent to some votes ▪ tho often sollicited and press'd to do it , according to the orders of the house . . when king james had labour'd as much as in him lay , to get a parliament that would repeal the penal laws and test in england , and open the houses to papists , he found at last that the great obstacle that rendered the kingdom so averse to this , was the general fear and apprehension , that the legislative authority would be engross'd by them , and turn'd against protestants ; this was so obvious and reasonable a surmise , that he knew there was no hopes that the people would side with him against their present majesties , if something were not done to satisfie them ; and therefore to remove this fear , he published his proclamation dated sept. . . wherein he declares himself willing that roman catholicks should remain incapable to be members of the house of commons ; if the protestants of england had reason to apprehend , that papists would engross the legislative authority in england , and from the example of queen mary's house of commons , to dread such law givers , how much more reason had the protestants of ireland to dread that power , when entirely engrossed by their most inveterate popish enemies , whose interest , as well as religion , oblig'd them to divest all those that profess'd the reform'd religion , not only of the favour , but likewise of the benefits of law ? . they sate from the seventh of may , till the twentieth of july following , and in that short time entirely destroy'd the settlement of ireland , and outed both the protestant clergy and laity of their freeholds and inheritances . it is not to be exspected i should give an account of all their acts ; that which concerns this present section , is to shew how they destroy'd the protestants real estates . . and that was first by an act of repeal , whereby they took away the acts of settlement and explanation ; by virtue of which ( as i have already shew'd ) two thirds of the protestants of the kingdom held their estates , that is , all that which is call'd new interest , was lost by this repeal ; there is no consideration had in it , how any man came to his estate ; but tho he purchased it at ever so dear a rate , he must lose it , and it is to be restor'd ( without exception ) to the proprietor or his descendent that had it before , october . . upon what account soever he lost it ; tho they themselves did not deny but many deserv'd to lose their estates ; even sir phelim o neal's son , the great murtherer and rebel , was restor'd . . in order to make a final extirpation of protestants , they contrive and pass an act of attainder , by which all protestants , whose names they could find , of all ages , sexes and degrees , are attainted of high treason , and their estates vested in the king ; the pretence of this attainder , was their being out of the kingdom at the time of passing the act , as shall be shewn in the next section . . least some should be forgotten of those that were absent , and not put into the bill of attainder , they contriv'd a general clause in the act of repeal , whereby the real estates of all who dwelt or staid in any place of the three kingdoms , which did not own king jame's power , or corresponded with any such as they term rebels , or were any ways aiding , abetting or assisting to them from the first day of august . are declared to be forfeited and vested in his majesty , and that without any office or inquisition found thereof : by which clause almost every protestant that could write in the kingdom , had forfeited his estate ; for the packets went from london to dublin , and back again , constantly from august to march . and few had friends in england , or in the north , but corresponded with them by letters , and every such letter is made by this clause a forfeiture of estate . they had intercepted and search'd every packet that went or came , the later part of this time , and kept vast heaps of letters , which were of no consequence at all to the government ; we wondered what the meaning of their doing so should be , but by this parliament we came to understand it , for now these letters were produced as evidences in the house of commons , against those that appear'd in behalf of their absent friends , or oppos'd the attainting of such protestants as they had some kindness for ; and they were further reserv'd to prove a correspondence against the few estated men that were in the kingdom . lastly , it was the end of sept. . before we heard any thing of the prince of orange's design to make a descent into england , and yet to have been in england or scotland any time in the month before , or to have corresponded with any there , is made forfeiture of estate by the letter of this statute . . least the children and descendents of the protestants thus attainted , who had estates before . should come in and claim them after the death of the attainted persons , by virtue of settlements made on valuable considerations , and upon marriages , all such remainders and reversions are cut off ; for there is an express exception to all remainders on such as are commonly call'd plantation-lands , and likewise to such lands , &c. as are held by grants from the crown , or upon grants by commissioners upon defective titles : it were too tedious to explain these several kinds of tenures ; it is sufficient to let the reader know , that they comprehend all those estates which were acquir'd by protestants before the year . thus then the case stood with the protestants ; if they purchased or acquired their estates since the year . out of any of the lands then forfeited , they were to lose them , whether guilty or innocent , by the act of repeal ; if their estates were such as belong'd to protestants before . and consequently were what we call old interest , then to have been in england or scotland , or to have corresponded with any of their friends there , or in the north since august . . was a forfeiture of estate , and a bar for their remainders for ever , tho the heirs had done nothing to divest themselves of the estates derived to them by legal settlements on valuable considerations . and here the partiality of this parliament is visible , for there is a saving in the act for all such remainders as they thought might relate to any papist ; whereas all the remainders in which they did imagine protestants could be concern'd , are bar'd . . there is indeed a promise of reprizing purchasers in the act of repeal , which was put in to qualifie the manifest injustice of it , and to satisfie the clamors of several amongst themselves , who were to lose their estates by it , as having purchased new interested land : but least any protestant , who staid in the kingdom , should hope for benefit by this clause , or be repriz'd for the lands he had purchased , perhaps from a papist , they contrive a clause in the latter end of the act — whereby the king is enabled to gratifie meriting persons , and to order the commissioners to set forth reprizals , and likewise to appoint and ascertain where and what lands should be set out to them : by which the protestants were excluded from all hopes of reprizals ; for to be sure where any of them put in for a piece of land , there would never want a meriting papist to put in for the same ; and when it was left intirely to k. james , which he would prefer of those two , let the world judge what hope any protestant could have of a reprizal . thus when sir thomas newcomen put in proposals for a custodiam in order to a reprizal , mr. robert longfield a convert , and clerk of the quit-rents and absentees goods , is said to have put his own name to sir thomas's proposal , and to have got the custodiam for himself . . lastly , some might think , that tho near protestants were attainted , and the estates of all the rest in a manner vested in the king , yet this was only done in terrorem , and that k. james never meant to take the forfeiture . to this i answer , that it was not left in his power to pardon any that was attainted , or whose estate was vested in him by this act ; this was ( if we believe his majesty ) more than he knew when he pass'd it , and was one reason why the act of attainder was made so great a secret , that no copy could be gotten of it by any protestant , till the easter after it was pass'd , and then it was gotten by a meer accident . we had from the beginning labor'd to get it , and offer'd largely for a copy , but could not by any means prevail ; chancellor fitton keeping the rolls lock'd up in his closet , till at last a gentleman procur'd it by a stratagem , which was thus , sir thomas southwell had been condemned for high-treason against king james , amongst other gentlemen at gallway , in march . and attainted in the act of attainder also , he continued a prisoner till my lord seaforth became acquainted with him ; my lord undertook to reconcile him to the king , and to get his pardon ; k. james promis'd it on the earl's application , and order was given to draw up a warrant for it . the gentleman i mentioned being a lawyer , and an acquaintance of sir thomas's , was employ'd to draw it up ; he immediately apprehended this to be a good opportunity to get a copy of the act of attainder , which he had labor'd for in vain before , and which was kept from us by so much injustice : he told the earl therefore , and sir thomas ( what was the real truth ) that he could not draw up an effectual pardon , except he saw the act that attainted him . hereupon the earl obtain'd an express order from the king , to have a copy deliver'd to him . thus i believe was the only copy taken of it after it was inrolled ; it was taken for the use of a papist , and was lent to the earl , who was permitted to shew it to his lawyer ; and accordingly left it with him only for one day , who immediately imploy'd several persons to copy it , and the copy was sent by the first opportunity into england . the list of the names of those that were attainted , had been obtained the january before , with difficulty ; the commissioners in the custom-house , who seiz'd absentees goods , and set their estates , could not do their work without such a list ; and that which was printed in england , with some of the acts of our irish parliament , was coppied from thence , but the act it self could not then be procured , and therefore was not printed with them . when the lawyer had drawn up the warrant for sir thomas's pardon , with a full non obstante to the act of attainder , the earl brought it to the attorney general , sir richard nagle , to have a fiant drawn ; the attorney read it , and with indignation threw it aside ; the earl began to expostulate with him for using the king's warrant at that rate . the attorney told him , that the king did not know what he had done , that he had attempted to do a thing that was not in his power to do , that if the earl understood our laws , or had seen the act of attainder , he would be satisfied that the king could not dispense with it : my lord answered , that he understood sense and reason , and that he was not a stranger to the act of attainder . sir richard would not believe him till he shewed the copy , which much surpriz'd sir richard ; he began to enquire how his lordship came by it , and intimated that the keepers of the rolls were treacherous , in letting any one see it , much more in letting a copy of it go abroad . his lordship , with good reason , express'd his admiration , that an act of parliament should be made a secret ; and the laws , upon the observation of which , the lives and fortunes of so many men depended , should be conceal'd with so much care from them : at last the attorny told him , that he himself would draw up a warrant for sir thomas southwell's pardon , that should do his business , and get the king to sign it : but the earl refused to accept his offer , unless his lawyer might first peruse it ; which being granted , the lawyer , upon perusal , found it to be such as would not hold in law , and intended only to delude him . the earl made new application to king james , and sir richard being sent for , the king ask'd him why he did not prepare a fiant for sir thomas southwell's pardon , according to the warrant sent to him : he answered , that his majesty could not grant such a pardon ; that his majesty was only a trustee for forfeited estates , and could not dispense with the act ; that by an express clause in it , all pardons that should be granted were declar'd void . the king in some passion told him , that he hoped they did not intend to retrench his prerogative : sir richard replied , that his majesty had read the act before he pass'd it : the king answered , he had betray'd him ; that he depended on him for drawing the act , and if he had drawn it so that there was no room for dispensing and pardoning , he had been false to him , or words to that effect . thus the matter ended , and sir thomas went into scotland with my lord seaforth , without being able to obtain his pardon for estate or life , the act voiding any pardon granted to any attainted by it after nov. . . or not enrolled before the last day of that month. . and now i doubt not but the reader , from this story which is literally true , will observe first the juggling of the popish lawyers with king james , and will pity a prince who gave himself up to such false and double-dealing counsellors , when an act of parliament is made against a papist , then it is no less than treason to question the king 's pardoning and dispensing power ; but when an act bears hard on a protestant , and the king has a mind to ease him , then the king has no power to dispense , he cannot grant a pardon tho he earnestly desire it : from whence we may see , that the dispensing power was only set up to shelter papists from the law , and ruin protestants ; and that papists , in their hearts , are as much against it as protestants . . we may observe what fair justice was design'd for protestants ; a law was made to turn near out of their estates , and to take away their lives if they did not come in against a certain day ; and yet the law that subjected them to this penalty was made a secret , and they not suffer'd to know one word of it , till the time allow'd them to come in was past at least three months ; but there was an intrigue in this , they knew they had a party in england , who were to face down the world , that there were no such acts made ; a party that were to represent it as a sham and contrivance of king james's enemies to make him odious ; and the great argument they were to urge to prove it , must be to alledge , where is the act ? why doth it not appear ? if there were any such act , would not the people that came so often from ireland , and tell such frightful stories , have brought it with them ? this is the part the favourers of king james were to act in england and scotland , and this is the reason the act was so long kept secret. . we may observe the folly of those men who were attainted in this act themselves , and yet flatter themselves with the hopes of living happily and enjoying their estates , nay , and getting preferment under k. james when restor'd to his kingdoms : these men do not consider that this act would be restor'd , together with him , and that then it is not in his power to do this for them ; that if they expect any such thing , they must be oblig'd to an irish popish parliament for it ; and he is much a stranger to ireland , that knows not what mercy an english-man and a protestant is to exspect from them , especially when they can give him nothing but what is taken from one of themselves . till therefore the papists of ireland become so good natur'd as to give away , by their own voluntary act , their estates ( of which they were in actual possession ) to protestants , it is the greatest folly in the world , for any protestant to think of enjoying any estate in ireland . . for 't is observable that the protestants estates were not only given away by this act of attainder , but the papists were likewise in possession of them by the following means ; the act of repeal was to be executed by commissioners appointed by the king , who were to determine the claims of the proprietors , or heirs to the proprietors of the respective estates , october . . and give injunctions to the sheriff to put them in possession . in the mean time the protestants were to keep their possessions till the first of may . and to pay rent to the popish proprietors . the same commissioners were to set out reprizals to reprizable persons : but notwithstanding this , no such commissioners ever sate ; the protestants were generally outed , and the papists possess'd both of their old estates , and likewise of the estates of protestants ; they compass'd this by several stratagems . . wherever the protestants had set their lands to papist tenants , those tenants forsook their protestant landlords , and became tenants to the pretended popish proprietors : several protestants complained in chancery of this , as contrary to the act , which allowed them to keep possession till may . which not being yet come , nor any commissioners being yet appointed to execute the act , they mov'd for an injunction to quite their possessions ; but the chancellor answer'd , that this did not concern landlords , that set their lands , but only such as occupied farms themselves ; and that the parliament had granted that indulgence to them , only that they might have time to dispose of their stocks , which not being their case who had tenants , they must go to common law , and try their titles ; by this means most of the old popish proprietors got into their estates . nay , they not only outed the landlords of their estates , but even the protestant tenants of their leases , made in consideration of a valuable reserv'd rent , though this was positively against the intent of the act , which confirm'd such leases , and only gave the reserved rent to the restor'd proprietor . . but they found a way to elude this by another clause in the same act , which orders the mansion house and demeasnes of the proprietor or his assignee in . to be restor'd , and the leases made of such to be void . now they never wanted an affidavit to prove any beneficial farm or good house , they found in the hands of a protestant , to have been demeasnes , and a mansion house ; and then the leiutenants of the counties put them in possession . . the same lieutenants had an order from albiville , secretary of state , to turn all protestants out of their houses , if they judged them to be houses of any strength , and to garrison them with papists : we could never procure any copy of this order from the office , though they own'd there was such an order , and we found the effects of it ; the reasons of concealing it i suppose were the same with concealing the act of attainder . the design of the order was to turn out the few protestant gentlemen that liv'd on their ancient estates , and had neither forfeited them by the act of attainder , nor lost them by the act of repeal ; it was left to the discretion of the lieutenant of the county whom they would turn out ; and they acted according to their inclinations , and turn'd out almost every body ; and 't was with great difficulty and interest , that any procured to be eased of this trouble . i have given a copy of some of their orders in the appendix . in short , the soldiers or militia took possessions of such gentlemens houses as durst venture to live in the country , and they themselves were sent to jail ; and had k. james got the better , they must never have expected to have gotten possession of their houses , or been releas'd of their confinement , till they had gone to execution ; for though they had been very cautious how they convers'd , yet there would not have wanted witnesses to prove they had corresponded with some body in england or scotland , since the first of august , . and then their estates were forfeited . the gentlemen thus used were very sensible of one inconveniency that befel them on this account ; it troubled them , more than their confinement , to see their houses and improvements destroy'd : for when the soldiers got into the houses , under pretence of garrisoning them , they sometimes burnt them , and always spoil'd the improvements . as for the estates of absentees , the commissioners of the revenue dispos'd of them , and hardly one estate in ireland but was already promis'd to some favourite papist or other , who by leases from the commissioners were in actual possession of them through the whole kingdoms , as far as king james's authority was owned . . it may be imagined by some , that king james did not know that the repealing the acts of settlement and explanation was of such mischievous consequence to protestants , and that the protestants were wanting to themselves and him in not giving him due information . but these persons will find themselves mistaken in their surmises , if they consider . . that king james , when duke of york , was present at all the debates concerning the settlement of ireland at the council board in england , and was one of the council , when those acts of settlement and explanation past it ; he had heard every clause in them debated for near two years ; and from time to time he had perfect information , and was continually sollicited about them , having a fair estate in ireland settled on him by them , containing by estimation acres , to the value of m . pounds per annum ; and perhaps there was not any thing he understood better relating to the affairs of his kingdoms , then the consequence of these acts. we have seen before , how many promises and assurances king james had given for maintaining them ; as well knowing the importance of them to this kingdom . but notwithstanding this , he of his own accord was the first that motioned the repealing of them , in his speech at the opening the parliament in dublin . . the protestants prest , and earnestly sollicited to be heard at the bar of the lords house upon the subject of those acts , that they might shew the reasonableness of them , and demonstrate the injustice and mischief of repealing them , but were deny'd to be heard ; and an order made , that nothing should be offered in their favour . if therefore king james wanted information , it was because he would not receive it . . the bishop of meath , so far as was allow'd him , laid open the consequences of repealing these acts so fully , in his speech which he made in the house of lords , when he voted against the act of repeal , that no man who heard him , as his majesty did , could pretend to want information . . the protestants were so far from being silent , or letting things pass without opposition , that they laboured every point with all imaginable industry , and used all the industry they could with king james , to inform and perswade him ; and when they could not gain one point , they stuck at the next , and endeavour'd to gain it , till he had deliberately over-rul'd all their reasons and pleas from point to point ; and this they did to make his designs against them the more undeniably plain ; not out of any hope of success , or expectation to prevail with him ; for they knew their appearing for a thing in the parliament was enough to damn it , of which they had many experiments . one was so remarkable , that i shall mention it ▪ mr. coghlan had a mind to procure a favour for a friend from the house of commons , whereof he was a member ; he knew if he mentioned it , it would miscarry , and therefore he got a papist to propose it ; the house seem'd averse to it , and he , for experiments sake , rose up , and with some seeming warmness oppos'd it ; immediately the house took the alarm , and , in opposition to him , voted it . they knew likewise , that it was determined to destroy them , and gratifie their enemies ; and that the reason why they were not allow'd to debate the main point , the justice and reasonableness of the acts of settlement and explanation , was because that could not be done , without shewing what traitors and murtherers the papists had been , whom king james was then about to gratifie ; a thing which he would by no means endure to hear . . the reason therefore why the protestants made so vigorous an opposition , and plyed the king and his pretended parliament with so many petitions , representations and intercessions , was to stop the mouths of those that they foresaw would be apt to impute their misfortunes to their sullenness or negligence , that would not be at the pains of an application to save themselves , and to demonstrate to the world ▪ that the destruction brought on them was not a thing of chance , but that it proceeded from a formed and unalterable design of their enemies to destroy them , insomuch that they never could have expected to enjoy one foot of estate or quiet hour in the kingdom , if king james had continued his government over them . . the case of the purchasers and improvers in ireland seem'd the hardest : the land forfeited by the rebellion in . was set out to those that had been adventurers and soldiers in that war ; and many of these had sold them at twelve or fifteen years purchase ; the purchasers had built fair houses and villages on them , inclos'd deer-parks , planted orchards and gardens , and laid out vast sums in these and other improvements ; it seem'd hard to turn them out without consideration ; to try therefore whether any thing would make king james relent , they endeavour'd to see what he would do for these poor men : how their case was prest and represented to king james , may be judged by a paper given him by the lord granard , and drawn up by the chief justice keating , with the approbation of other protestants ; 't is in the appendix . king james read it , and made no other answer to it , but , that he would not do evil that good might come of it ; the meaning of which words , as then apply'd , is not easily understood . it has been a common question put to the gentlemen of ireland , by some that neither know them nor their affairs , what have you lost ? but sure whosoever knows the extent of ireland , and the value of land in it , will see that the interest of the english protestants ruined by king james , since he came to the crown , is of greater value than the estates of all that favour his cause in england and scotland ; and i suppose it would put them out of conceit with him , or any other king , that should take away but one half of their estates from them . sect . xiii . eighthly , king james brought the lives of his protestant subjects in ireland into imminent danger . . i suppose from the former sections , it is sufficiently apparent , what invasions king james made on the liberties and fortunes of his protestant subjects ; there remained to them only their lives , and these , as will appear from this section , were put in imminent danger by him ; many were lost , and the rest escap'd with the greatest hazard . when king james came into ireland , it was certainly his interest to exercise his clemency towards his protestant subjects ; and he knew it to be so ; and therefore in his declaration which he sent privately into england , he made large professions of his tenderness towards them , and boasted how much their safety had been his care ; every body expected a proclamation for a general pardon and indemnity should have been sent before him ; and that ●e would have put an effectual stop to the illegal prosecutions against their lives , and to the robberies of their fortunes , that every where were going on at his coming ; but on the contrary , he rather pusht on both ; and not content with the laws that already were in force , which partial judges and juries wr●sted to destroy them , he made new snares for them by acts of his pretended parliament , and by several private declarations ; whereby not only he , but his inferior officers , took on them to dispose of the lives of protestants . . it is not reasonable to charge his majesty with the private murther committed on men in their houses , which were many up and down the kingdom ; several even in the city of dublin . only thus far in some degree he may be thought responsible for them : he knew very well with what barbarous murthers the papists of ireland had been charg'd in the rebellion of ; he knew what inveterate hatred they carried towards the protestants , and how many tories and robbers constantly disturbed the peace of the kingdom ; and yet without any necessity at all , he threw himself upon these people , he encouraged them , he armed them , he gave commissions even to those that had been tories , and guilty of murthers , and therefore cannot altogether be excused from the irregularities committed by them ; especially when there was no search made after , or prosecution of the murthers ; as it happened in the case of colonel murry of westmeath , brother in law to my lord granard , an old gentleman who had serv'd king charles the first and second , and suffered considerably for his loyalty ; he was way-laid and shot dead as he rode to his own house under king james's protection , and with some marks as he imagined of his favour . yet no enquiry was made after it . there were many such private murthers but i do not think it necessary to insist on them : i shall confine my self to such as are of a more publick nature , which gave us just reasons to fear that the government had a design upon our lives . . such were first encouraging witnesses to swear us into feigned plots and conspiracies ; of these there were many set up in the kingdom ; almost every county had one set up in it , and many were put into prison and indicted for high treason , as captain phillips , and mr. bowen in the county o● westmeath , and several others in other places , some of which i have before mentioned ; and when the perjuries of the witnesses came to be plainly discovered , they yet were encouraged and protected from any legal prosecution . of this nature a conspiracy was framing against one mr. william spike , and if it had taken effect it would have reached to a great many more . the contrivance was thus ; one dennis connor had a mind to a small employment which mr spike held in the castle ; he had petitioned for it , but spike , by the interest of my lord powis , tho a protestant , kept his place , being found diligent in it . connor resolv'd to try another experiment to get him removed : he framed a letter as from one in inniskilling , directed to spike , in which the writer thanks him for his intelligence , and refers to a method agreed on for seizing the castle of dublin on a certain day . the letter ( to make the thing more credible ) abuses ▪ king james in very ill terms : connor drops this letter in the castle , where spike came every day , knowing that as soon as it was found , spike would be seized , and then he might manage the plot as he pleased ; but his contrivance was spoiled , for the sentinel saw him drop the paper , and procured him immediately to be seized : he was examined before the chief justice , and i think before king james also , why he wrote such a wicked letter : he said it was for the kings service to remove spike , whom he believed to be a rogue , and who being a protestant would betray the king. spike prosecuted him in the kings-bench ; but after all that could be done , the jury brought connor in not guilty , pretending that it did not appear that this was the very letter dropt by connor , tho he had confest it before the king and the lord cheif justice , and tho it was proved and owned to be his hand , and a rough draft of it found with him , and the sentinel swore he dropt a letter , which he delivered to the officer ; and the officer swore that was the letter , delivered by the sentinel to him , tho he did not see it dropt . about the same time a fryer was brought up to town , who pretended to be dumb and maimed ; the popish clergy gave out that duke schomberg had cut out his tongue and thus maimed him , and declared that he would serve all the priests and fryers after the same manner , and they made proposals to revenge it on the protestant clergy . king james caused the fryer to be examined , and discovered the deceit ; which falling immediately on mr spikes business , made the king say in great anger , that for ought he saw the protestants were wronged , and misrepresented unto him , and that there were some as great rogues among the roman catholicks , as amongst them . the fryers to acquit themselves of the cheat , got their brother fryer severely lasht ; pretending that he was a spy and none of their fraternity ; upon which he was carryed naked through the town on a cart in a savage manner , to execution as was suppos'd , but was brought back and put into prison , from which after sometime he was dismissed and his habit restor'd him . many such contrivances there were against the lives of protestants , and they could not look on themselves as safe while such wicked men were unpunished ; the courts also declaring that the witnesses , though perjur'd , could not be punisht , because they swore for the king. no protestant was secure of his life , because the courts wrested such facts to treason as were not declared so by any law. thus cheif justice nugent declared it was treason for any protestant to keep arms , or wear a sword after the king had forbidden it by his proclamation , and declared them rebels that did so ; several gentlemen in the country had kept their horses and arm'd their servants , to watch them against the robbers , commonly call'd rapparies that plundered them ; this was construed a levying war against the king ; and the pretended parliament attainted them of high treason . in the county of cork , one mr brown had appear'd in a company of men who endeavoured to make their escape from those that came to plunder them of their arms and horses ; but misliking the design , went home to his own houfe : he was brought before judg dally for this at limerick , who upon examination of the matter , dismist him , judging him innocent of any crime that would bear an indictment ; but he was taken up again for the same fact at cork , and brought before judg nugent , at the time when king james came first thither : judg nugent seem'd at first to be of the same opinion with judg dally ; but after he had discours'd his majesty , he proceeded vigourously against the gentleman , and procured him to be found guilty by a partial jury . every body lookt on this only as an occasion sought for the king to shew his clemency ; mrs. brown the convicted gentlemans wife with five or six children , presented him a petition begging her husbands life at his feet , as the first act of grace on his coming into the kingdom ; but he rejected her petition ; and notwithstanding she reinforc't it with all the friends and interest she could make , the gentleman was hanged , drawn and quartered . this awakened all the protestants in ireland ; it made them remember the bloody executions in the west of england on the account of monmouth's rebellion , and how small a matter serv'd to take away mens lives there ; they suspected that judg nugent would act the same part in ireland , that chief justice jeffreys had done in england ; and they knew that if the king did not interpose , neither juryes nor witnesses would be wanting to destroy them ; in short they became very sensible that their lives were in imminent danger , when they saw a gentleman of some estate and credit in his country , hang'd for being but in the company for a little time ( without acting any thing ) of some others who endeavoured to make their escape from a crew of robbers that without order or commission came to plunder them of their horses and arms ; they had the more reason to be apprehensive of their lives , when they found that no advantage was let slip against them , nor any articles or promises , however solemnly made to them for their safety and indemnity , were regarded : of which there were many examples . . at the time of the disarming , february . the town of bandon near cork , being frightned and surpriz'd with such an unjust and sudden thing , and not knowing where it would end , shut up their gates , and turn'd out some dragoons who were appointed to disarm them . general mac carty went to reduce them , and they believing him to be a man of honour , yielded to him upon articles , for which they paid him l. ster . by the articles they were to be indemnified for what was past , and a pardon to be granted them . notwithstanding which articles the grand jury at cork , by direction of chief justice nugent , found bills against them , resolving to serve them as he had served mr. browne : and it was suppos'd that he was encouraged to do it by king james himself . the time allowed him for the assizes would not permit him to try them then ; and for this reason and on the importunity and menaces of general mac carty ; who being on the place thought himself obliged to make good his articles , he put off their tryal till the next assizes . these bills lay over their heads , no pardon was granted them , and some of them were condemned in the act of attainder . the earl of inchiquin and captain henry boyle had put themselves under general mac carty's protection , and he engaged to secure them and their houses , but he did not perform his promise ; for castle-martyr , belonging to captain henry boyle , with all the improvements and furniture , to the value of some thousands of pounds , were destroyed and plundered by his soldiers , assisted with the rabble , and he with the earl were glad to provide for their safety by leaving all and flying into england . in connaught some protestants got into headford castle , belonging to sir oliver st. george , to avoid the violence of the rabble : they were besieged by the lord gallway , and surrendred on articles of pardon and safety . but at the next assizes a bill was prepared against them , and presented the grand jury at gallway : the jury , tho papists , considered , as they said , that it might be their own case another day , and some stickled so earnestly against the bill , that there were not enough to find it . however no body knew whether every jury would be of that humour ; and no care was taken to discountenance such proceedings . sir thomas southwell , with some gentlemen of munster , were unwilling to part with their horses and arms , many of them having been robbed and plunder'd of their stocks before , and justly suspecting that as soon as their arms were gone , neither their lives , nor the remainder of their substance could be safe . they got together therefore with their servants , to the number of near two hundred , and resolved to march to sligoe to joyn the lord kingston , for their common defence , but were met in the way by a small party of king james his dragoons , to whom they surrendred themselves on articles of safety and liberty . notwithstanding which they were robb'd and made prisoners ; and tho many of them had plentiful estates , yet these were seized by king james's commissioners , and nothing allowed them to preserve their lives , except the charitable contributions of their fellow protestants from several parts of the kingdom : they were brought to tryal before judge martin , who perswaded them to plead guilty , assuring them of the kings mercy , who was just then landed . they were over perswaded by him , tho they had not been guilty of any overt act that could be construed treason , or proved against them , as their lawyers informed them . the judge as soon as he had prevailed with them to confess themselves guilty , past sentence of death on them ; and with much ado , and a sum of money , they procured a reprieve ; which they were forced to renew from time to time . they continued under the sentence of death in close imprisonment , being removed from jail to jail , till the general deliverance by his majesty's victory : all which time they were not only in a starving condition , but likewise had once a summons sent them , either in jest or earnest , to prepare for execution by the earl of clanrickard ; who came to gallway about the beginning of november . and sent them word that they must prepare for death on the sixth of the same month ; for it was his majesty's pleasure that they should then be executed : and accordingly the sheriff appear'd with all necessary preparation for their execution on the day appointed . there was indeed no such order ; but his lordship being a new convert , thought it allowable to put this jest on them , as a testimony of his zeal against hereticks : and there was no other reason but this given why he put so many gentlemen into that terrible fright . but all protestants who heard it were very ill pleased , that the lives of so many of them should be thought a proper subject for a jest , and no notice taken of those who made it ; and considering the solemnity and circumstances with which he carried on this jest , the very roman catholicks judged it unseasonable . . the protestants had reason to fear their lives , when they saw that they were in the hands of such , as not only broke all articles and conditions with them , but likewise violated the kings protections granted to poor innocent people that had no ways offended him . this was the case of many in the county of down , tho they had protections granted them , and lived quietly ; yet not only their goods were taken from them , but likewise their wives and daughters were ravished by the soldiers . they were most sensible and impatient of this injury , and yet proceeded no further than to complain of it to the chief officers , and to demand redress from them . the answer they had was , that these robbers and ravishers had no authority from the king for what they did ; and therefore they advised the complainants to fall on them and oppose them if they made any further attempts on the country . the poor people were satisfied with the answer , and resolv'd to do as they were directed ; and accordingly fell upon the next party of soldiers they found plundering and committing outrages on the country people , and they killed some of them . this instead of being approved , as they were made to believe it would be , was counted a rebellion : and immediately major gen. bohan was sent among them with a party , who massacred about five or six hundred of them in cold blood for several days together . many of those who were killed were poor , old , impotent people ; many were killed at their work , and while they were busie about their own affairs and suspected no such matter . king james was so far from resenting the barbarous usage of these poor people , that he rail'd on this occasion against protestants in general , representing them as false and perfidious ; for , said he , many were killed with my protestions in their pockets ; not considering the reflection was on his own party , against whom his protection , as appear'd by his own confession , was no security . and when men were thus slaughtered with his approbation , notwithstanding his protections in their pockets , it was but reasonable for such as survived to think of some other way of protecting their lives . if he had design'd in earnest to have secured his subjects lives , or to prevent their destruction , he would have made examples of those who robb'd or kill'd such as had been at the charges of taking out four or five protections , and yet were never the safer or securer of their fortunes or lives . the violation of protections in the county of derry and donnegall was yet more barbarous , and satisfied all protestants , that they ought not to expect any security of their lives , whilst under the power of such men. the noise of the siege of derry has fill'd the world , and such an account is given of it as supersedes my insisting on it . the city is neither well scituated , nor well fortified ; it has no more about it , nor counterscarp , and the bastions are so small , that they are not capable of so many men as are requisite to defend the curtains against a vigorous attack , and so ill placed that their guns do hardly clear it . yet the whole strength of king james's army , assisted with his french engineers , could never come so near it as to dismount one cannon on the walls , or make a breach in them : this proceeded from the cowardize of the besiegers ; who , according to the nature of cowards , stuck at no cruelty to gain their purpose . they considered that the besieged had many relations in the neighbouring country , and that they had a general kindness for all the inhabitants thereabout , being , if not their relations and acquaintance , at least their countrymen , and protestants . the besiegers therefore hop'd to take advantage of this tenderness and good nature of the besieged to reduce the town ; and in order to it made use of this stratagem , which i think was of their own invention ; for i do not remember to have met any thing like it in history ; nor do i believe it was ever practis'd by any nation , unless the french have used it in their late wars . thus it was ; general rosen issued out orders to bring together all the protestants , men , women and children , protected , and not protected , and to set th●● before the walls , there to receive the shot of the besieged , whilst the besiegers made their approaches under their covert , and in the mean time to starve and famish them , if their friends in the town would not , out of compassion to them , yield up themselves and city into the hands of these murtherers . the dragoons and soldiers executed this order with the utmost rigour ; they first stript , and then drove the whole country for thirty miles about before them , not sparing nurses with their sucking children , women big with child , nor old decrepit creatures ; some women in labour , some that were just brought to bed , were driven amongst the rest ; the very papist officers that executed the thing , confest that it was the most dismal sight they had ever seen , and that the cries of the poor people seem'd to be still in their ears : they owned that they gathered above . others say . and that they kept many of them without meat or drink for a whole week ; that several hundreds dyed in the place before they were dismist , and many more on the way as they went home again to their houses ; nor were they better when they came there , for the stragling soldiers , raparies and pilferers that follow'd the army , had left them neither meat , drink , houshold-stuff nor cattel , but had taken away all in their absence ; so that the generality of them afterwards perish'd for want , and many were knockt on the head by the soldiers . i need not trouble the reader with the success of this cruel and foolish stratagem ; it was the same which any thinking man would have expected ; it confirm'd the besieg'd in their resolutions , never to yield to such barbarous people , and it made them set up gallows , and threaten to hang all the prisoners they had in their hands , if their friends were not immediately dismist ; with which the besiegers being startled ( and finding that it did not answer their design to keep them still under the walls ) did at last comply , after they had kept them there three days without meat ; this was the security men had of their lives by king james's protections ; the news of this order came to dublin before it was executed , and the bishop of meath went immediately to king james to see if he could prevail with him to prevent such a barbarous proceeding : his majesty very calmly told the bishop , that he had heard of it before , and that he had sent orders to stop it ; that general rosen was a forreigner , and us'd to such proceedings as were strange to us , though common in other places ; and that if he had been his own subject he would have call'd him to account for it : yet he continued him still in his employment . 't was he burnt the country about derry , when he was forced to raise the siege , and l●●t , after the french custom , the gentlemens houses and villages , that lay in his way towards dublin , in ashes . it was commonly said , that he and mámmo , who was kill'd before derry , were the persons employ'd to dragoon the protestants of languedock , and that committed so many barbarities on those poor people : if so , it is not strange that they should commit the like on the protestants of ireland : but it is strange that king james should employ such men , and not at all punish such monstrous violation of faith , as well as of humanity , and yet expect that we should depend on him for our protection . his protections were in every place alike insignificant ; many protestants lost the value of three , many of four , and some of m. pounds sterling , notwithstanding their repeated protections , and their approv'd and peaceable demeaning themselves ; of which captain barton , in the county of monaghan , was a signal example ; he had a protection for his house , at carrick mac ross , and arms , and had left his servants in his house , to preserve it and his goods , he himself staying in dublin , as a hostage to the government , that they might not suspect him to have any design to withdraw to the north , or join with such protestants as were in arms there ; yet in his absence , a party of colonel mac mahon's regiment , about february . came and demanded the house ; the servants shew'd their protection , and told him who commanded the soldiers , that they had orders from the government to keep the house ; the commander assur'd them that he would not disturb them , and that he only design'd to lodge some of his men in it , to secure it more effectually for the king and the owner ; upon which promise the servants let him and his soldiers into the house ; they no sooner had obtain'd entrance , but they fell a plundring , destroying and defacing ; and in a few hours , by ruining his improvements , and robbing his goods , stock and furniture , they damnified him to near the value of m. pounds : he complain'd of this false and injurious dealing to the government , but could never obtain any redress , or procure the actors of it to be brought to any account or punishment ; instead of obtaining any thing of that nature , they added new injuries to their former , and at last burnt his house to the ground . and here it will not be amiss , by the way , to give some further instances of their violation of articles , as well as of protections . about thirty soldiers , january . deserted from dublin , and endeavour'd to make their escape to inniskilling : they were pursued by one captain nugent with a party of horse , and overtaken near navan , within twenty miles of dublin ; they put themselves in a posture to fight , and were ready to fire at him ; but he by fair promises and good words ▪ perswaded them to capitulate , and at last upon articles to yield : he covenanted with them that they should be safe and free , and should suffer no other injury but the loss of their arms ; notwithstanding which , as soon as they gave up their arms , he stript and pinion'd them , and with much interest they escaped ▪ present death ; this mercy was due to the circumstances of the time , which obliged the government to reserve them in jail till a more proper season , though in a condition more grievous than if they had been hang'd immediately . the fort of culmore near derry yielded on articles to king james , by which the gentlemen that surrendred it were to be indemnified , and liberty allow'd them either to live secure and quietly in the kingdom , or else go to any other place where they thought fit ; but notwithstanding these articles , they were were disarm'd and stript , and several of them seiz'd and put into prison , nay attainted in their pretended act of parliament . the garrison of londonderry , after the forces which came under colonel cuningham and colonel richards to succour it , had resolved to return for england , sent one captain white to king james , to receive proposals from him , it being the opinion of many of those that remain'd in the town that they must surrender it ; the conditions were not difficult to concert ; in the mean time it was agreed , as a preliminary article ; that the army should not march within four miles of the town ; but before the terms could be adjusted , or any answer be return'd from the city , the king himself marched his army towards it , and was in view almost as soon as the commissioners that came with the proposals : this being against his engagement , and an absolute breach of the preliminary article already agreed on , put a stop to the treaty , and contributed to the resolution of the besieged ; who durst never trust any articles after this , but rather than depend on the faith of king james or his party , chose to suffer the utmost extremity . the breach of articles by my lord galmoy to mr. dixey a young gentleman , ( son to the dean of kilmore ) and mr. charlton was yet more barbarous ; the lord galmoy went down in march ▪ to the county of cavan and surpriz'd these two gentlemen ; he had a party of the army with him , and took up his quarters at belturbet . his two prisoners were to be exchanged for one captain mac gwire , then prisoner at crum , a small castle , and the only place that stood out against king james in that county ; the owner of the castle was one captain creighton , who permitted captain mac gwire to go to belturbet on his parol to be a true prisoner ; mac gwire so negotiated the matter , that he return'd with a summons and proposals as well for inniskilling as the castle of crum ; and he suppos'd them not averse to a surrender on good terms ; but the lord galmoy immagined that these proposals would make the people of crum secure , and therefore that very night , without waiting for any answer , he march'd to the castle before they were aware , and had almost surpriz'd them ; but the resolution of those within prevented the success of his perfidious design , and forc'd him back without being able to do any other mischeif than the venting his anger on his two prisoners , whom after his return to belturbet , he , contrary to his faith and engagement , hang'd on a sign-post , and suffer'd their bodies to lie unburied , and be barbarously abused . this was captain mac gwires own account of the matter ; the consequence of which falshood was , that those people would never hear of any terms afterwards ; and upon trial found much more safety in their arms , than in the promises of king james , or of any of his party ; having baffled and cut off several considerable bodies of his forces sent against them , and taken many and considerable prisoners , whom yet they used with all humanity , as it were to reproach the barbarous and perfidious usage which their prisoners met with ; but it was avowed and profest by the generality of king james's men , that they did not look on themselves to be obliged to treat the rebels of the north , as they call'd them ▪ as fair enemies , but as traitors and infamous persons , whom they might destroy at any rate . in the county of longford some protestants got into the castle of kenaught , belonging to sir thomas newcomen ; his lady , and those with her , surrendred it on articles january . , to brigadier nugent , ( slain afterwards by the inniskillin men at cavan ) one of the articles was for the goods belonging to those in the house , and their friends ; notwithstanding which , nugent seiz'd and took away several parcels of goods ; and several that were in the house , as soon as they came out , were plundered and stript naked . another article was , that the house of kenaught should not be burnt nor injured , notwithstanding which it was burnt to the ground by colonel cohannaught mac gwire . in short it was observ'd that amongst all the articles into which king james , or his officers entred , they never kept any to protestants . a fifth invasion on our lives was , that both king james and his inferiour officers , took on them to dispose of them by private orders and proclamations , the penalty of violating which was often present death : thus the proclamation that required us to bring in our arms , was on the penalty of being left to the discretion of the soldiers ; which was to expose our lives and fortunes to the mercy of our greatest enemies . by a proclamation dated july th , all protestants are required to bring in their swords and other arms , on penalty of being dealt with as rebels and traitors . the proclamation dated june . , forbad any to change a guiney &c. for more than s. in brass , under pain of death ; and colonel lutterel published a declaration , forbidding more than five protestants to assemble together , or to be out of their lodgings after ten of the clock at night , on the same penalty ; the declaration was of his own penning , and to gratifie the curious , i have put it in the appendix ; the order to the ministers to number the protestants , was likewise penned by him ; and in it he declared that every one who did not enter in their names by a certain day , should be treated as a spy or enemy ; nay sometimes he took on him to make death the penalty of his verbal orders , without a declaration published : thus he commanded the fellows and scholars of the colledge of dublin , upon pain of death , not to meet together , or converse above two or three at a time ; and he would needs hang mr. piercy the merchant , as i shewed before , without any notice given , for saying that he was unwilling to part with his goods . in april . the quarter-sessions for the county of dublin were held at kilmainham , near dublin ; colonel lutterel governour of dublin , was on the bench , and in a speech declared that king james wanted wheat and other grain for his horses , and that he had given the countrey farmers three weeks to bring in their corn , and had waited for their complyance during that time ; that he resolv'd to wait further til the saturday after , and if they did not bring it in by that time he would compel them ; that it was the king's will they should do it , and he the king's servant , who would see his masters commands executed ; and with a grear oath swore , he would hang that man before his own door that did not obey and bring in his corn according to order . of this speech the whole bench and country were witnesses . may the . . the lord mayor thought fit to reinforce a former proclamation about the rate of goods in the market , but colonel lutterell did not think the mayors order sufficient , and therefore published an order of his own by beat of drum , declaring that whoever transgrest the lord mayors order either by buying or selling , should be hanged before their own doors . about the same time brigadier sarsfield published an order requiring all protestants on the borders , to leave their houses , and retire ten miles from the frontiers on pain of death . these were the laws king james's council and ministers prescribed us by their proclamations and orders ; and these were the acts of his generals and governours , whom he made guardians of the lives and fortunes of protestants , and yet they all came short of the inhumanity of his parliament . . it has been usual in parliaments to attaint notorious rebels and traitors , who were too strong for the law , or who being kill'd in their rebellion , could not be tryed or condemned by the ordinary course of it ; and when one or two in a king's reign were thus attainted upon the most evident proof , and notoriety of the fact , it was counted a great matter ; even in the late irish rebellion , none were attainted but by the legal course of juries . but king james and his parliament intended to do the work of protestants speedily and effectually , and not to wait the slow methods of proceeding at the common law : they resolv'd therefore on a bill of attainder ; and in order to it , every member of the house of commons return'd the names of such protestant gentlemen as liv'd near him , or in the county or burrough for which he serv'd ; and if he was a stranger to it , he sent into the county or place for information ; they were in great haste , and many escaped them ; on the other hand , some that were actually in king james's service , and fighting for him at derry , ( of which cornet edmund keating , nephew to my lord chief justice keating , was one , ) were return'd as absent , and attainted in the act. when they had made a collection of names , they cast them into several forms , and attainted them under several qualifications , and accordingly allow'd them time to come in , and put themselves on tryal ; the qualifications and numbers were as follow . . persons attainted of rebellion , who had time given them till till the tenth of august to surrender themselves and be tryed , provided they were in the kingdom and amenable to the law at the time of making the act , otherwise were absolutely attainted . one archbishop . one duke . fourteen earls . seventeen viscounts , and one viscountess . two bishops . twelve barons . twenty six baronets . twenty two knights . fifty six clergymen . eleven hundred fifty three esquires , gentlemen , &c. . persons who were absentees before the fifth of novem. ▪ not returning according to the proclamation of the twenty fifth of march , attainted if they do not appear by the first of september , . one lord. seven knights . eight clergymen . sixty five esquires , gentlemen , &c. . persons who were absentees before the fifth of november . not returning according to the proclamation of the twenty fifth of march , attainted if they do not appear by the first day of october . one archbishop . one earl. one viscount . five bishops . seven baronets . eight knights . nineteen clergymen . four hunder'd thirteen esquires , gentlemen , &c. . persons usually resident in england , who are to signifie their loyalty , in case the king goes there the first of october . and on his majesties certificate to the chief governour here , they to be discharged , otherwise to stand attainted . one earl. fifteen viscounts and lords . fourteen knights . four hunder'd ninety two esquires , gentlemen , &c. . absentees by reason of sickness and noneage , on proving their loyalty before the last day of the first term after their return , to be acquitted and restor'd ; in the mean time their estates real and personal are vested in his majesty . one earl. seven countesses . one viscountess . thirteen ladies . one baronet . fifty nine gentlemen and gentlewomen . . they vest all lands , &c. belonging to minors , ladies , gentlewomen , in the king till they return ; and then upon proof of their loyalty and faithfulness to king james , they are allow'd to sue for their estates before the commissioners for executing the acts of repeal and attainder , if sitting , or in the high court of chancery , or court of exchequer ; and upon a decree obtain'd for them there , the sheriffs are to put them in possession of so much , as by the decree of one of those courts shall be adjudged them . the clauses in the act are so many and so considerable that it never having been printed intire , i thought it convenient to put it into the appendix . perhaps it was never equall'd in any nation since the time of the proscription in rome ; and not then neither , for here is more than half as many condemned in the small kingdom of ireland , as was at that time proscribed in the greatest part of the then known world ; yet that was esteemed an unparallel'd cruelty . when sir richard nagle , speaker of the house of commons , presented the bill to king james for his royal assent , he told him that many were attainted in that act by the house of commons , upon such evidence as fully satisfied the house ; the rest of them were attainted , he said , upon common fame . a speech so very brutish , that i can hardly perswade my self that i shall gain credit to the relation ; but it is certainly true , the houses of lords and commons , of their pretended parliament , are witnesses of it ; and let the world judge what security protestants could have of their lives , when so considerable a lawyer as sir richard nagle declares in so solemn an occasion , and king james with his parliament approves , that common fame is a sufficient evidence to deprive , without hearing , so many of the gentry , nobility and clergy , of their lives and fortunes , without possibility of pardon ; and not not only cut off them , but their children and posterity likewise . by a particular clause from advantages , of which the former laws of the kingdom would not have deprived them , though their fathers had been found guilty of the worst of treasons in particular tryals . . i shall only add a few observations on this act , and leave the reader to make others , as he shall find occasion . . then this act leaves no room for the king to pardon after the last day of november . if the pardon be not enroll'd before that time , the act declares it absolutely void and null . . the act was conceal'd , and no protestant for any money permitted to see it , much less take a copy of it , till the time limited for pardons was past at least four months : so that the state of the persons here attainted is desperate and irrecoverable , except an irish popish parliament will relieve them ; for king james took care to put it out of the power of any english parliament ( as well as out of his own power ) to help them , by consenting to another act of this pretended parliament , intituled , an act declaring that the parliaments of england cannot bind ireland , and against writs of errors and repeals out of ireland into england . . it is observable , with what hast and confusion this act was drawn up and past ; perhaps no man ever heard of such a crude imperfect thing , so ill digested and compos'd ▪ past on the world for a law. we find the same person brought in under different qualifications ; in one place he is expresly allow'd till the first of october to come and submit to tryal● ; and yet in another place he is attainted if he do not come in by the first of september ; many are attainted by wrong names ; many have their christian names left out ; and many whose names and sirnames are both put in , are not distinguished by any character , whereby they may be known from others of the same names . . many considerable persons are left out , which certainly had been put in , if they could have gotten their names ; which is a further proof of their hast and confusion in passing the bill . it is observable , the provost , fellow● , and scholars of the colledge by dublin , are all omitted ; the reason was this , mr. coghlan served as one of the burgesses for the colledge ; the house of commons requir'd him to come into the house ( for he had withdrawn himself from it , as we observed before , at the passing this act ) and to give in the names of the absent members of the colledge , that they might be put into the bill : he demurr'd at first , but was over-rul'd ; then upon consultation with doctor acton , the vice provost , he moved the house to send for the colledge buttler , alledging that he had the buttery book , wherein the names of the collegians were in order , and without this he could not get them : the house hereupon ordered a serjeant at arms to be sent for the butler , but he on mr. coghlans intimation absconded for some days . the house was in haste to pass the bill , and by this means the collegians escaped an attainder . . it was observable that any application made in behalf of absentees by their friends who staid , or were in the house , constantly made their condition worse : the application of mr. henry temple , in behalf of his brother sir john temple , removed him upwards into the first rank of attainted persons ; the like petition had the same effect as as to mr. richard warburton , and so upon several others . the papists did this to rid themselves of trouble and importunity , and to let the protestants know that all their endeavours for themselves and friends should do them no service , and that their ruin was absolutely resolved on . . that their allowing persons a certain time to come in and submit to tryal to prove their innocency , was a meer nothing : for they very well knew , that it was impossible any body should certainly know , what time was given each man to come in ; and it had been a foolish venture for such as were absent , to come into a place where , for ought they knew , they were already condemned , and should be immediately hang'd without a tryal . . no body knew what they could call innocency ; perhaps writing to , or petitioning any one that had king william's commission , nay , conversing with such , might be reckoned corresponding with rebels , and sufficient evidence of their guilt ; and indeed judge nugent had in a manner determin'd this case : for he interpreted one mr. desminiers answering a bill of exchange for sir thomas southwell , who was prisoner at galloway , a corresponding with rebels , and committed him to jail for it : he likewise put one mr. ginnery in jail for high treason , because being agent for the prisoners at galloway , to procure them a reprieve and other affairs , he received letters from them , though mr. ginnery's father and brother were amongst them . . when this pretended parliament past this act , they were very well aware that the embargo here was so exceedingly strict , that from the time of passing the act , till the first of october , nay of november following , which was the longest time allowed any one to come in , not one ship or boat was suffered to pass from hence into england ; so that it was absolutely impossible the persons concern'd in this law , should have had any knowledge of it before they were condemned by it , to the loss of life and estate , beyond the power of the king to pardon them . . king james and his parliament knew perfectly well , that the embargo was so strict on the other side , that if the gentlemen could have had information , yet it was impossible for them to have gotten out of england , to tender themselves to justice , within the time wherein the act required they should do it , on no less penalty than the irrecoverable forfeiture of life and estate : which is a plain demonstration that the allowing time for the attainted persons to come in , and prove their innocency , was a meer colour and had nothing of sincerity in it , since they themselves that made the law were fully informed and satisfied that this was an impossible condition . . suppose it had been possible , yet it had been a very unwise part for such protestants as were safe in england , to have left it , and to have come into ireland , a ruinous kingdom , the actual seat of a war , where all the goods and moveables they had left behind them , were imbezell'd by robbers , or by those that had seiz'd them for king james ; and their real estates given away to such as were descendents of their fathers murtherers , or at least had been in that rebellion ; where they must abide a tryal before judges and juryes of profest enemies ; whether their lives should be their own ; and after all , if acquitted , could have no other prospect of supporting themselves , but begging amongst a people that had reduced them to this condition . these considerations were of such weight with all people , that they who were absent , were so far from thinking of a return , that on the contrary , men of the best estates , who had stayed here , wished themselves away , and many were content to leave all , and venture their lives in little boats to the mercy of the seas , in the depth of winter ; reckoning any thing safer and easier , than to stay under a government , which had effectually destroyed all the measures of right and wrong , and condemned so many gentlemen to the loss of all , without allowing them either the favour of being tryed , or so much as heard . . i know it will be objected that very few protestants lost their lives in ireland under king james , notwithstanding all the severe proclamations and laws , and the apprehensions under which they lay of danger . but to this i answer ; first , that when a full enquiry comes to be made concerning those that were kill'd by the soldiers , murthered in their houses , executed by martial law , starv'd and famish'd in jails , and that perished by other violences , the number will not be so small as is imagined . . it is to be considered that the irish papists lay under the strictest obligations not to begin acts of cruelty ; for the murthers they had committed in the last rebellion , were chiefly objected against them ; they were sensible they had gained nothing by them , and that the cruelty exercised in them , was the thing that especially rendred them odious , and lost them their estates ; and therefore they thought it the best way not to be too forward in the like practises , till they were sure not to be call'd to an after-reckoning . they further considered that many of their own friends were prisoners in the north , and that if they began with examples of cruelty on the protestants who were in their power , their friends must expect the like from the enemy in whose hands they were . 't was this made them dismiss the poor people they had resolv'd to starve before derry . and they were made believe that not only the prisoners would suffer , but that the cruelties they exercised on the protestants , would be revenged on all the roman catholicks in england . this was given out by some who understood king james's true interest , and that he depended on some protestants in england for succour and assistance , rather more than on the roman catholicks ; now they knew very well that murther is so hateful a thing , that if they once fell a massacring , it would shock many of their friends in england and scotland , from whom they expected great matters ; and therefore they thought it their interest to be as tender of lives as they could ; and even the priests , when they encouraged them to rob their protestant neighbours , charg'd them not to kill them , assuring them that every thing else would be forgiven them . . the protestants were extreamly cautious not to give the least offence ; they walked so warily and prudently , that it was hardly possible to find any occasion against them ; and they were so true to one another , and conversed so little with any of king james's party , that it was as difficult to fix any thing on them , or to get any information against them , though several designs were laid against them , and several false witnesses produc'd , as has been shewn ; yet their stories still destroyed themselves by their improbabilities , inconsistency , and the notorious infamy of the witnesses . . we had no experiment of what would have been done with the attainted absentees ; for none of them run the hazard of a tryal , but we are sure no good could have been done them , for they could neither have been pardoned for estate nor life ; and the best they could have expected , was to have been sent to some other kingdom , as sir thomas southwell was sent to scotland , for there could have been no living for them in ireland . . when any protestant found himself obnoxious to the government , or but fancyed they had any thing to object against him , he got out of the kingdom , or made his escape to the north as well as he could , and in the mean time absconded ; many escaped hanging by these means , which otherwise in all probability had been executed . lastly , it was so much the interest of king james in his circumstances , to have been kind to the protestan●s of ireland , that we might rather have expected to have been courted than ill used by him ; the whole support and maintenance of his army in ireland depended on them ; they clothed , fed , armed , and quartered them , ( which they could not avoid doing with any safety to themselves , or indeed possibility of living , ) and the officers of the army were so sensible of this , that when it was propos'd to turn all the protestants out of the city of dublin , one of them answered , that whenever they were turned out , the army must go with them ; for they could not be furnished with what they wanted , by others . and as it was king james's interest to use them well upon the account of their being necessary to him in ireland , so his affairs in england and scotland did more particularly require it ; and he was forced to employ his emissaries there to give it out that he did so . sir daniel mac daniel , who came out of the isles of scotland to dublin in winter . and several gentlemen of the highlands with him , declared that their ministers in the pulpit had assured them , that the protestants in ireland lived under king james in the greatest freedom , quiet , and security , both as to their properties and religion ; and that if their countrymen knew the truth of the matter , as they then found it here , they would never fight one stroak for him : and they seemed to stand amazed at what they saw , and could hardly believe their own eyes . it is certain that king james had the like instruments in england , as i have noted before , who forced down the world in coffee-houses and publick places , that the protestants in ireland lived easie and happy under his government ; however this shews how much it was really his interest to have given his protestant subjects here no just cause of complaint ; and that it must proceed from a strange eagerness to destroy them , that king james and his party ventured in their circumstances to go so far in it as they did : their own imminent danger disswaded them from severity , and their interest manifestly obliged them to mildness : and if notwithstanding these , they condemned near three thousand of the most eminent gentlemen , citizens , clergymen , and nobility of the kingdom to death , and loss of estates ; we may easily guess what they would have done when their fear and interest were removed , and they left to the swing of their own natural inclinations , and the tendency of their principles . whosoever considers all circumstances , will conclude , that no less was designed by them , than the execution of the third chapter of the lateran council , the utter extirpation of the hereticks of these kingdoms . sect . xiv . ninthly , shewing king james's methods for destroying the protestant religion . . the design against the lives and fortunes of the protestants is so apparent from the execution thereof , especially by the acts of the late pretended parliament , that they themselves can hardly deny it ; nay some were apt to glory in it : and to let us know that it was not a late design , taken up since the revolt of england ( as they call it ) from king james , they thought fit to settle on the duke of tirconnel above m. pounds per annum in value , out of the estates of some protestant gentlemen attainted by them , as aforesaid , in consideration of his signal service of twenty years , which he spent in contriving this work , and bringing it to pass , as one of their most eminent members exprest it in his speech in parliament , and the particular act which vests this estate in him shews . . but it may be thought that king james was more tender in the matter of religion ; and that he who gloried so much in his resolution to settle liberty of conscience wherever he had power , as he told his pretended parliament , and set forth almost in every proclamation , would never have made any open invasion on the consciences of his protestant subjects . but they found by experience that a papist , whatever he professes , is but an ill guardian of liberty of conscience : and that the same religion that obliged the king of spain to set up an inquisition , could not long endure the king of england to maintain liberty . if indeed king james had prevailed with italy or spain to have tolerated the open exercise of the protestant religion , it had been , i believe , a convincing argument to england to have granted roman catholicks liberty in these dominions ; but whilst the inquisition is kept up to the height in those countries , and worse than an inquisition in france , against the publick edicts and laws of the kingdom , and against the solemn oath and faith of the king , it is too gross to go about to perswade us , that we might expect a free exercise of our religion , any other way than the protestants enjoy it in france , ( that is under the discipline of dragoons , ) after the papists had gotten the arms , the offices , the estates , and courts of judicature into their hands . . the protestant religion and clergy were established in ireland by as firm laws as the properties of the laity : the king by his coronation oath was obliged to maintain them : their tithes and benefices were their free-holds ; and their priviledges and jurisdiction were settled and confirmed to them by the known and current laws of the kingdom ; according to which the king was obliged to govern them , and whereof he was the guardian . the clergy had beside all this , peculiar obligations on him , and a title to his protection ; for they had espous'd his interest most cordially . whilst duke of york , they used their utmost diligence to perswade the people to submit to gods providence , and be content with his succession to the crown , in case his brother dyed before him : and they prest that point so far , that many of their people were dissatisfied with them , and told them often with heat and concern , what reward they must expect for their pains if ever he came to the throne : they saw their danger , but could not imagine any man would be so unpolitick and ungrateful as to destroy such as had brought him to the throne , and could only keep him safe in it ; and therefore they ventured all to serve him ; and many of them by their zeal for him , lost the affections of their people , and their interest with them . it was chiefly due to their diligence and care , that his title , from the beginning , met not the least opposition in ireland , tho the army in it were intirely protestant . had they and the rest of the protestants in this kingdom been in any measure disloyally principled in the time of monmouth and argile's rebellion , they might easily have made an insurrection more dangerous than both those ; and the least mutiny or revolt amongst them , could hardly have failed to have ruined king james's affairs at that critical time : but they were so far from attempting any such thing , that they were as ready and as zealous to assist him , as his very guards at whitehall ; which he himself could not but acknowledge : how he rewarded them i have already shewn ; and how grateful he was to the clergy that thus principled them , will appear by the sequel . . first therefore when his majesty came to the crown he declared that he would protect the church of england in her government and priviledges ; under which we suppos'd the church of ireland to be concluded : and accordingly the clergy and people of this kingdom return'd his majesty their address of thanks ; though they very well knew that this was no more than was due to them by the laws , and by the king's coronation oath in particular : but they were soon told by the roman catholicks , that his majesty did not intend to include ireland in that declaration ; and that it must be a catholick kingdom , as they term'd it . every discerning protestant soon found by the method they saw his majesty take , that he in earnest intended to settle popery in england , as well as ireland ; but he thought himself so sure of effecting it suddenly in ireland , that his instruments made no scruple to declare their intentions ; nay , they were so hasty to ruin our religion , that they did not so much as consult their own safety ; but even before it was either seasonable or safe , in the opinion of the wiser sort amongst themselves ; they began openly to apply all their arts and engines to effect it . . by hindring the succession and supplies of clergy-men . . by taking away their maintenance . . by weakning , and then invading their jurisdiction . . by seizing on their churches , and hindring their religious assemblies . . by violence against their persons . and . by slandering and misrepresenting them and their principles . sect . xv. . king james , in order to destroy the protestant religion , hindred the education and succession of clergy-men . . the good and support of religion doth very much depend on the educating and principling youth in schools and universities ; and the law had taken special care , that these should be in the hands of english men and protestants ; and the better to secure them , the nomination of the schoolmasters in every diocess , except four , is by a particular act of parliament lodged in the lord lieutenant , or chief governour for the time being . the clergy of each diocess , by the act , are obliged to maintain a schoolmaster ; and his qualifications are described in the act. but when the earl of tyrconnel came to the government , he took no notice of those laws ; but when any school became void , he either left it unsupplyed , or put a papist into it . and in the mean time great care was taken to discourage such protestant schoolmasters as remain'd , and to set up popish schools in opposition to them . thus they dealt with the school of killkenny , founded and endowed by the charitable piety of the late duke of ormond ; they set up a jesuits school in the town , and procured them a charter for a colledge there ; they drove away the protestant schoolmaster , doctor hinton , who had officiated in it with great industry and success , and seiz'd on the school-house , commonly call'd the colledge , and converted it to an hospital for their soldiers . thus in a few years they would not have left one publick school in the hands of a protestant for the education of their youth . . there is but one university in ireland , and there is a clause in the statutes thereof that gives the king power to dispense with the said statutes ; it was founded by queen elizabeth ; and certainly never designed by her , or her successors , to be converted against the fundamental design of its institution , into a seminary of popery : yet advantage was taken of this clause ( though we had reason to believe it would have been done if there had been no such clause ) to put in popish fellows , as soon as the fellowships became vacant ; one doyle a convert was the first who was named ; a person of so exceedingly lewd and vicious a conversation , ( as was fully prov'd before the lord tyrconnell ) and of so little sence or learning , that it seemed impossible that any government should have countenanc'd such a man ; yet this did not much weigh with his excellency ; and therefore the colledge insisted upon another point ; the dispensation that doyle had gotten , through his ignorance , was not for his purpose ; for it required in express terms , that he should take the oath of a fellow , and that oath includes in it the oath of supremacy ; the provost tendered it to him , but he durst not take it , for fear of disobliging his own party ; upon this they refused to admit him ; he insists on his claim , and complains to the lord deputy : upon a hearing , justice nugent , baron rice , and the attorny general , supplyed the place of advocates for him ; but the case was so plain , that even justice nugent had not the confidence to deny the insufficiency of his dispensation ; and therefore they ordered him to get another . but to be even with the colledge for demurring on the king's mandate , they stopt the money due to it out of the exchequer . . the foundation consists of a provost , seven senior , and nine junior fellows , and seventy two scholars ; these are partly maintain'd by a pension out of the exchequer of . l. per annum ; this pension the earl of tyrconnel stopt from easter . and could not be prevail'd with by any intercession or intreaties to grant his warrant after that time for it ; by which means he in effect dissolv'd the foundation , and stopt the fountains of learning and of religion ; this appeared to have been his design more plainly afterwards ; for king james and his party not content to take their maintenance from them , proceeded and turn'd out the vice provost , fellows and scholars ; seiz'd upon the furniture , books , and publick library , together with the chappel , communion plate , and all things belonging to the colledge , or to the private fellows or scholars ; notwithstanding that when they waited on him upon his first arrival in dublin , he promis'd , that he would preserve them in their liberties and properties , and rather augment than diminish the priviledges and immunities granted to them by his predecessors . in the house they placed a popish garrison , turn'd the chappel into a magazin , and many of the chambers into prisons for protestants ; the garrison destroy'd the doors , wainscots , closets and floors , and damnified it in the building and furniture of private rooms , to at least the value of . l. one doctor moore , a popish priest , was nominated provost ; one macarty library keeper , and the whole designed for them and others of their fraternity . . it is observable , that there was not the least colour or pretence of law for this violence , nor could they give the least reason in law or equity for their proceeding , except the necessity of destroying of the protestant seminaries of learning , in order to destroy their religion : this made them so eager against the collegians , that they were not content to turn them , without process or colour of law , out of their free-holds , but they sent a guard after them to sieze and apprehend their persons ; and it cost the bishop of meath , their vice-chancellor , all his cunning and interest , with the governour lutterell , to prevent their imprisonment . with much ado he was prevailed on to let them enjoy their liberties ; but with this condition , that on pain of death no three of them should meet together . so sollicitous were they to prevent the education of protestants under persons of the same profession , and that there might be none to succeed the present clergy . . with the same design they hindred the succession , of bishops and inferiour clergy-men , into the room of those that dyed or were removed ; the support of religion ( as is well known ) depends very much on the choice and settling of able and fit persons in vacancies ; and it so happened , that partly by the uncertainty of estates , partly by frequent forfeitures to the king , partly by the grasping of the prerogative and other accidents , most of the considerable preferments and benefices of the church were in the disposal of the crown ; there are very few livings in ireland in the presentation of lay patrons , but they either belong to the king , or the bishops . the bishopricks are all in the king ; and all the livings in the bishops patronage , are in the vacancy of the bishoprick , likewise the kings . this is a great trust , and the king is bound to dispose of it for the good of the church : but king james plainly design'd , by the means of his trust , to destroy the church that had intrusted him : for instead of giving the preferments , as they fell , to good and able men , who might preserve and maintain the interest of their religion , he seiz'd them into his own hand , had the profits of them returned into the exchequer , and let the cures lye neglected . the archbishoprick of cashell , the bishopricks of clogher , of elphin , and of clonfert , were thus seiz'd , with many inferiour livings , and the money received out of them dispos'd to the maintenance of popish bishops and priests , directly against the laws and constitution of the kingdom . . at this rate in a few years all the preferments and livings of the kingdom of any value must have fallen into the king's hands , and we must have expected to have seen them thus dispos'd of ; for as many as fell after king james's time , were put to this use ; and we were assured by the popish priests , that all the rest as they became vacant were design'd to the same purpose ; and they were so unreasonable , that though both law and justice allow a competency for serving the cure , whilst a living upon any account whatsoever is in the king's hand , yet the commissioners of the revenue , and barons of the exchequer , would allow nothing ; the bishop of meath made an experiment of this : some livings in his diocess , upon the death of one mr. duddle the incumbent , were seiz'd by the commissioners of the revenue , being in the king's presentation ; the bishop did what was in his power towards supplying the cure , and , according to his duty , appointed a curate , assigning him a salary according to the canons , but the commissioners would not allow him any thing ; and though the bishop endeavoured it , and petition'd both ▪ the commissioners and barons of the exchequer , yet he could never get any thing for the curate . this was a precedent , and the same was practis'd in all other cases : all the absentees cures were in the same condition , and though they yielded plentifully to king james , yet the curates had no other maintenance , than the voluntary contributions of the poor plunder'd protestant parishioners , who were forced to pay their tythes either to king james's commissioners , or to popish priests , who had grants of them . . this was an effectual , though a slow way , of putting an end to the ministry ; at least to deprive them of all legal title to preferments ; for the bishops being most of them old , would soon have dropt off ; and king james was resolved to have named no more , and so the legal successions of bishops must in a short time have ceas'd , and all the livings depending on them , must likewise have gone in course to maintain popish priests ; that is all the deanries , dignitaries , and most other benefices . . the papists upbraided us with out want of power , and seem'd to laugh at the snare into which we were fallen by means of our popish king ; not considering that this proceeded from a manifest breach of trust and faith in him ; and that the case is the same in all trusts , if the trustees prove faithless ; and even in all popish countries the kings have the nomination of bishops , as well as in england , and that the succession of bishops had almost lately failed in portugal , upon some difference between the king and pope ; and the advocate general of france , mr. dennis tallon , tells us in . that thirty five bishopricks ( being about a third part of the whole number ) were vacant in that kingdom on the same account : and 't is like more are vacant since . it is true , the church has power to nominate bishops , without the consent of the civil magistrate ; but then they must not expect the temporalities , which are the gifts or grants of kings , and such bishops and clergy must intirely depend on the voluntary contributions of their people for their maintenance , and on their voluntary submission for their juisdiction : and here the protestant clergy had the greatest reason in the world to complain of king james ; to set him on the throne , the clergy disobliged many of their people , and he in requital deprived them of all other worldly support or power , besides what must depend on the free choice of those very people , whom for his sake they had not only disobliged , but likewise help'd to bring under many inconveniencies . sect . xvi . . king james took away the maintenance of the present protestant clergy . . but king james did not only endeavour to hinder the education and succession of the protestant clergy , but he likewise took away all their present maintenance . immediately upon his coming to the crown , their popish parishioners began to deny the payment of book-moneies , which is a considerable part of the ecclesiastical revenue of ireland ? a great part of the tithes of ireland are impropriate ; in some places the whole tythes , in many two third parts , and in most the one half ; and there is little left for the vicar that serves the cure , except it be the third part of the tythes , or the small fees due out of burials , marriages , or easter offerings ; these dues are call'd commonly book-moneys ; and though very inconsiderable in themselves , yet make a great part , and in some places the whole of what falls to the vicar's portion ; against these the popish judges declar'd in their circuits ; and by their encouragement most people , and the papists universally deny'd to pay them . . the priests began to declare that the tythes belong'd to them , and forbad their people to pay them to the protestant clergy ; with this the people complied willingly ; and for two years before the late revolution in england , hardly any tythes were recovered by the clergy ; or if any were recovered , it was with so much difficulty and cost , that they turn'd to very little account . . they past an act in their pretended parliament , whereby they took away all tythes that were payable by papists ; and gave them to their own popish priests ; and allow'd them to bring an action for them at the common law , to make the recovery of them more easie ; and yet denyed this to the protestant clergy ; alleadging that they allow'd them still their old means of recovering their tythes ; and therefore did them no injury . but this was as good as nothing ; for they had so weaken'd the ecclesiastical power and jurisdiction , that it was incapable of compelling the people to obedience ; and it being necessary to sue out a writ de excommunicato capiendo , in order to force such as were refractory , the popish chancellor either directly refused to grant the writ , or else laid so many impediments and delays in the way , that it cost double the value of the tythes sued for , to take it out . . though they rendered the protestant clergy uncapable of enjoying the tythes of roman catholicks , yet the popish clergy were made capable of enjoying the protestant tythes : the case then was thus ; if a protestant had a bishoprick , dignity , or other living , by the new act , he must not demand any tythes or ecclesiastical dues from any roman catholick ; and as soon as his preferment became void by his death , cession , or absence , a popish bishop , &c. was put into the place ; and by their act , there needed no more to oblige all men , to repute , take , and deem , a man to be a roman catholick bishop or dean of any place , than the king 's signifying him to be so , under his privy signet and sign manual ; a power that the protestants , how much soever they magnified the king's authority , never trusted any king with , nor other mortal man whatsoever . but as soon as any one became thus entitled to a bishoprick , &c. immediately all the tythes , as well of protestants as of papists , became due to him , with all the glebes and ecclesiastical dues ; and for the recovery of them he had an action at common law. . notwithstanding the glebes and protestants tythes were not given to the popish clergy , during the incumbency of the present protestant incumbents , yet the popish priests by violence entred on the glebes where there were any , pretending that the king had nothing to do with them , and that neither he or his parliament could hinder the church of her rights ; and this pretence was so far countenanced , that no endeavours whatsoever could get any of these priests out , when once he had gotten possession . the truth is , hardly one parish in ten in the provinces of leinster , munster , or connaught , have any glebe left them ; for either they were never endowed , or if they had been at any time endowed with glebes , the many confusions and new dispositions of lands have made them to be forgotten , or swallowed up in the hands of some powerful parishoners . the pretence therefore of the parliament , that they had been kind to the protestant clergy , in leaving them the glebes , was a meer piece of hypocrisie : since they knew that generally parishes had no glebes ; and that where they had glebes , the priests would make a shift to get into possession of them , without being given to them by the parliament . . the same may be said of their leaving some of the tythes belonging to protestants , for the present , to their own clergy . they had so robb'd and plundered the protestants of the country , that few liv'd or had any thing tithable in it ; being forced for their own safety to flee to the towns , and leave their farms wast ; if any had tythes , they might pay them if they pleas'd , or let it alone , for they had left the protestant clergy , as i shew'd before , no way of recovering their dues . many times the priests came with a company of the next quarter'd dragoons , and took the tythes away by force ; and this past for a possession of the livings ; and the protestant ministers must bring their leases of ejectment , if they would recover their possessions , or pretend any more to tythes in those livings . there is a custom in ireland whereby some farmers do agree with their neighbours to plow their lands for them , on condition that they afford them a certain quantity of corn , suppose an half , one third , or one fourth , after it is reaped . now protestants that had farms in the country , being in no capacity to plow them after their horses were taken away , and their houses robb'd , agreed with their popish neighbours to plow their lands for them , according to the custom of the country ; this was enough to entitle priests to the tythes of lands so plowed ; and accordingly they seiz'd upon them by force ; though both the land and corn belong'd to protestants ; by these and other such contrivances , from the year . till king james's power was put to an end by the victory at the boyn , hardly any protestant enjoy'd any tythes in the country ; all which was represented to the government , but to no purpose . . in corporate towns and cities , there was a peculiar provision made for ministers by act of parliament , in king charles the second's time ; by which act , the houses in those places were to be valued by commissioners at a moderate value ; and the lord lieutenant or chief governour , for the time being , did assign a certain proportion for the ministers maintenance , not greater than the twentieth part of the yearly value , return'd by the commissioners . that therefore the city protestant clergy might not be in a better condition than those in the country , an act was past in their pretended parliament , to take away this altogether ; the clergy of dublin desir'd to be heard concerning this act at the bar of the house of lords before it past , and their council were admitted to speak to it , who shew'd the unreasonableness and unjustice of it so evidently , and insisted so boldly on king james's promise to the protestant clergy , at his first arrival in this kingdom , when he gave them the greatest assurances of maintaining them in their rights and priviledges ; and further , bid them , if aggriev'd in any thing , to make their complaints immediately to him , and engaged to see them redrest , that he seemed to be satisfied , and the house of lords with him ; yet the design to ruin them , was so fixt , that without offering any thing by way of answer to the reasons urged against it , the act past ; and thereby left the clergy of the cities and corporate towns , without any pretence to a maintenance , except they could get it from the voluntary contributions of their people ; nay , so malicious were they against the protestant clergy , that they cut off the arrears due to them , as well as the growing rent ; having left no means to recover them , as appear'd upon tryal at the council-board afterward , when some of the clergy petitioned for relief therein . . upon the plantation of ulster . there was a table of tythes agreed on by the king and council ; and the planters , to whom the grants were made by the king , obliged to pay tythes according to that table ; the pretended parliament took away this table also ; for no other reason that we could learn , but because most of the inhabitants of ulster were protestants , and consequently the protestant clergy would pretend to them . . the livings of ireland were valued by commissions in henry the eight and queen elizabeths time ; and paid first fruits and twentieth parts , according to that valuation ; other livings were held in farm from the crown , and paid yearly a considerable reserved rent , commonly call'd crown rents ; others appertain'd to the lord lieutenant , and other officers of state , and paid a certain rate of corn for their use , commonly call'd port corn. now all these payments were exacted from the protestant clergy , notwithstanding the greatest part of their tythes were taken from them : the remaining part , ( where any remained ) was seiz'd in many places , by the commissioners of the revenue , and a custodiam granted of it for the king's use , for the payment of the duties which accru'd out of the whole , and not one farthing allow'd for the incumbent , or the curate : nay , in some places , they seiz'd the incumbents person , and laid him in jail till he paid these duties , though at the same time they had seiz'd his livings , and found that they were not sufficient to answer what they exacted ; and because the clerk of the first fruits , leiutenant colonel roger moore , being a protestant himself , would not be severe with the clergy , and seize their livings and persons , to force them to pay what he knew they were not in a capacity to do , they found pretence to seize his person , and sent him with three files of musquetiers prisoner to the castle of dublin , where he and two gentlemen more lay in a cold nasty garret for some months . by these contrivances , the few benefices yet in the hands of the protestants , instead of a support , became a burthen to them ; and they were forced to cast themselves for a maintenance on the kindness of their people , who were themselves undone and beggar'd . sect . xvii . . king james took away the jurisdiction of the church from protestants . . it is impossible any society should subsist without a power of rewarding and punishing its members ; now christ left no other power to his church , but what is purely spiritual ; nor can the governours of the church any other way punish their refractory subjects , but by refusing them the benefits of their society , the administration of the word and sacraments , and the other spiritual offices annexed by christ to the ministerial function . but kings and estates have become nursing fathers to the church , and lent their temporal power to second her spiritual censures . the jurisdiction therefore of the clergy , so far as it has any temporal effect on the bodies or estates of men , is intirely derived from the favour of states and princes , and acknowledged to be so in the oath of supremacy . however this is now become a right of the clergy , by ancient laws through all christendom ; and to take it away , after so long continuance , must needs be a great blow to religion , and of worse consequence than if the church had never possessed it ; yet this was actually done by king james to the protestant clergy ; and is a plain sign that he intended to destroy their religion , when he depriv'd them of their support . . for first he past an act of parliament , whereby he exempted all that dissented from our chruch , from the jurisdiction thereof : and a man needed no more to free him from all punishment for his misdemeanors , though only cognizable and punishable in the ecclesiastical courts , than to profess himself a dissenter , or that it was against his conscience to submit to the jurisdiction of our church : nay , at the first , the act was so drawn , and past the house of commons , that no protestant bishop could pretend to any jurisdiction even over his own clergy ; but that , and several other passages in the commons bills , were so little pleasing to some who understood the king's interest , that sir edward herbert was employed by king james to amend the act for the house of lords ; which he did in the form it is now in ; nothing of the commons bill being left in it , but the word , whereas ; tho after all it effectually destroyed the jurisdiction of the church . . but second , in most places there was no protestant bishop left ; and consequently the popish bishop was to succeed to the jurisdiction ; they being by another act invested in bishopricks , as soon as they could procure king jame's certificate under his privy signet , that they were archbishops or bishops ; all incapacities , by reason of their religion , by any statute or law whatsoever , being taken off . there were already vacant in ireland , one archbishoprick and three bishopricks ; they had attainted two of the surviving archbishops , and seven bishops , so that they had already the jurisdiction of ¾ of the kingdom by a law of their own making , secured into the hands of papists ; and the rest were quickly to follow . . but third , where any shadow of jurisdiction remain'd with the protestant clergy , they rendered it insignificant , by encouraging the most obstinate and perverse sectaries , and by shewing them favour according as they were most opposite and refractory to all ecclesiastical discipline , and paying their dues to the clergy : this may be suppos'd one reason of their peculiar fondness of quakers ; and that it was upon this account chiefly they made them burgesses or aldermen in their new corporations , and reckoned them as most useful tools to pull down the discipline of the church ; tho their tythes were not given away to the popish priests , yet there was no way left for the protestant clergy to recover them ; they being exempted from their jurisdiction ; and from the very beginning of king james's reign , they so ordered the matter , that quakers were generally exempted from paying tythes ; which at last became a more sensible loss to the protestant clergy , because these were the only people that call'd themselves protestants , who had any thing left them out of which tythes were due . . 't was on the same account that lewd and debauch't converts were encouraged amongst them ; and a man needed no more to escape the censures and punishments due to his crimes , but to profess himself reconcil'd ; upon which all proceedings against him must immediately cease . thus many lewd ▪ women turn'd converts , and continued their wickedness without fear of the ecclesiastical judg. . if at any time a bishop went about to correct a scandalous clergy-man , the kings courts immediately interpos'd and granted prohibitions , tho the matter did not bear one . they knew it must put the bishop to much pains and costs to have it removed , and they were in hopes to weary him out before he could get a consultation : and so zealous were the , popish lawyers to protect a scandalous minister against his bishop , that they would of their own accord , gratis , plead his cause ; they thought it fee enough to weaken the jurisdiction of a protestant bishop , and to do a mischief to our religion , by keeping in a wicked scandalous clergy-man to be a reproach to it . one mr. ross was prosecuted by his bishop for very leud and notorious crimes ; but the king's judges interpos'd , and serjeant dillon , then prime serjeant ▪ pleaded his cause gratis against the bishop of kilmore , who prosecuted him . if any clergy-man turn'd papist , as we have reason to thank god that very few did , whatever his motives of conversion were , he was sure to keep his livings by a dispensation , and to be exempted from the power of his bishop . . king james , by an order under his privy signet , took on him to appoint chancellors to exercise jurisdiction over protestants . thus he appointed one gordon , who called himself bishop of galloway in scotland , to be chancellor in the diocess of dublin ; this gordon was a very ignorant lewd man , and a profest papist ; yet he took on him by vertue of king james's mandate , to exercise ecelesiastical jurisdiction over the protestants of the diocess , to grant licenses for marriages , administrations of wills , and to cite and excommunicate whom he pleas'd . but the clergy refus'd to submit to him , or to denounce his excommunications ; which obliged him to let that part of his jurisdiction fall ; but as to the other part that concern'd wills , he made his advantage of it , he cited the widow or relation of any deceased person ; and if they refused to appear , he granted administrations to some of his own creatures , and they came by force and took away the goods of the defunct . it is incredible what wicked brutish things , he , with a parcel of ill men he got to act with him , did on this pretence ; and how he oppress'd and squeez'd the widows and orphans , the poor people not being strong enough to oppose him and the crew he employed ; for force was all the right he could pretend ; it being notorious that in the vacancy of the archbishoprick , or in his absence , when he cannot have intercourse with his diocess , the jurisdiction devolveth to the dean and chapter , as guardians of the spiritualities ; and they , notwithstanding the difficulty of the times , and danger they were in , chose the right reverend the bishop of meath to administer the jurisdiction ; which he did with all the meekness , modesty , and diligence that is peculiar to him ; though he could not hinder the forementioned gordons encroachments , as to administrations of wills and testaments . in short , king james , by vertue of his supremacy , claim'd a despotick power over the church , and pretended that he might do what he pleas'd as to matter of jurisdiction ; tho his ecclesiastical supremacy no more entitled him to encroach on the liberties and priviledges of the church , than his civil entitled him to dispose of the civil rights of the subjects of his kingdoms . he had indeed taken away the oath of supremacy by an act of his pretended parliament ; but yet he would not disown the power vested in him by it ; tho the papists would have had him renounce it expresly ; but he answered , that he did not claim any ecclesiastical authority over his roman catholick subjects , nor pretended to be supream in their church in his dominions , but only over the protestants ; the mystery of which was plainly this ; he foresaw that the ecclesiastical authority , which is settled by the laws , and trusted in the crown , as he could abuse it , might be a means to destroy the protestant religion , and to hinder the exercise of ecclesiastical discipline ▪ and therefore was resolved not to part with it ; not considering that such a manifest and designed abuse of a trust , in direct opposition to , and destruction of the end for which it was granted to him , was a provoking temptation to his people , on the first opportunity that offered , to think of transferring it to some other person , that would administer it with more faithfulness , according to the design for which it was granted . . i might add as a fifth means of destroying the protestant religion , and slackening discipline ; the universal corruption of manners that was encouraged at court ; i do not charge king james with this in his own person , nor will i insinuate that he design'd it , though he took no care to redress it ; but it lookt like a design in some ; and whether design'd or no , it serv'd the ends of popery more than easily can be imagined , and opened a wide door for it : that kingdom that is very corrupt in morals and debaucht , is in a very fair way to embrace that perswasion ; and generally their proselites were such as had renounced christianity in their practice , before they renounced the principles thereof as taught in the reformed churches ; and many roman catholicks declar'd , that they would rather have had us profess no religion at all than the protestant . in short , whether it was from the loosness of the principles of their religion , or from a design to gain on protestants , impiety , prophaness and libertinism were highly encouraged and favoured ; and it was observable , that very few came with king james into ireland , that were remarkable for any strictness or severity of life ; but rather on the other hand , they were generally signal for their viciousness and looseness of their morals : sir thomas hacket confess'd , that in the whole year . wherein he was mayor of dublin , there was not one protestant brought before him for the●● , and hardly one for any other immorality ; whereas he was crouded with popish criminals of all sorts : the perjuries in the courts , the robberies in the country ; the lewd practices in the stews ; the oaths , blasphemies , and curses in the armies and streets ; the drinking of confusions and damnations in the taverns , were all of them generally the acts of papists , or of those who own'd themselves ready to become such , if that party continued uppermost . but more peculiarly they were remarkable for their swearing and blaspheming and prophanation of the lord's day ; if they had any signal ball or entertainment to make , any journey or weighty business to begin , they commonly chose that day for it , and lookt on it as a kind of conquest over a protestant , and a step to his conversion , if they could engage him to prophane it with them . this universal viciousness made discipline impossible ▪ and whatever protestants were infected with it , were intirely lost to the church and their religion ; for the stress of salvation , according to the principles of the reformed religion , depends on virtue and holiness of life , without which neither sorrow for sin nor devotion will do a man any service ; whereas he that hears mass daily in the roman church , kneels often before a crucifix , and believes firmly that the roman church is the catholick , and that all out of her communion are damned , makes not the least doubt of salvation , though he be guilty of habitual swearing drunkenness , and many other vices ; and the observation of this indulgence gained them most of those proselites that went over to them , of the lewd women and corrupted gentry ; and many amongst themselves had so great a sense of this advantage , that it made them very favourable to debauchery , and openly profess , that they had a much better opinion of the lewdest persons that dyed in their own communion , than of the strictest and most devout protestant ; and they would often laugh at our scrupling a sin , and our constancy at prayers , since , as they would assure us with many oaths , we must only be damned the deeper for our diligence ; and they could not endure to find us go about to punish vice in our own members , since , said they , it is to no purpose to trouble your selves about vice or virtue , that are out of the church , and will all be damned . sect . xviii . . king james and his party , in order to destroy the protestant religion , took away the protestants churches , and hindred their religious assemblies . . towards the beginning of these troubles the papists boasted much of their kindness to the protestant clergy , in leaving them their churches . they thought us very unreasonable , to complain of our being robb'd or plunder'd , or of the loss of our estates , whilst our churches were left us ; and they would not own that they had done any injury to our ministers , whilst they had not turn'd them out of those . this was urged upon all occasions , as an unanswerable argument that king james intended in earnest to preserve inviolably that liberty of conscience he had promis'd ; but this was , as all their other promises , a meer pretence ; the priests told us from the beginning , that they would have our churches , and that they would have mass in christ church , the chief cathedral in dublin , in a very little time ; we knew well enough that this was intended , whatever king james and his ministers averr'd to the contrary ; for the same act of parliament that they had past to make their priests and bishops capable of preferments , and benefices , did also give them a legal title to the churches belonging to those preferments ; as they who drew the act very well knew : in the mean time their affairs were not in such a forward posture , as to encourage them to seize on those churches to which they could pretend no right , tho some had been seized before the act passed . . but immediately upon the passing of the act , duke schonberg's landing alarm'd them ; and they were in so great fear of him , that they rather thought of running into munster , or leaving the kingdom , than of possessing churches . and therefore they contented themselves with their former methods for some time , which was to let the rabble break into them and deface them , with barbarous and contumelious circumstances , breaking the windows ; pulling up the seats , and throwing down the pulpit , communion-table , and rails , and stealing what was portable out of them : an instance of this sort , and a remarkable accident upon it , of undoubted credit , i have put in the appendix . in some churches in the diocess of dublin they hung up a black sheep in the pulpit , and put some part of the bible before it . in some places the creaghs , a sort of wild irish , that chose to fly out of the north at duke schonberg's landing , rather than stay to give an account of the robberies and insolencies that they had committed there , turn'd the protestants churches into lodging places ; defacing and burning whatever was combustible in them . . and in dublin the government ordered the churches several times to be seiz'd . first the earl of tyrconnel fill'd them with soldiers , february . . in order to receive the arms of protestants ; and they were kept , some for a longer , some for a shorter time upon this pretence : then they ordered them to be seiz'd anew , september . . pretending that the protestants had hid their arms in them ; and i doubt not but that they had affidavits , as they pretended , to this purpose , sufficient to induce them to search , but not to justifie their committing such rudeness and barbarity as they did in them ; for the soldiers not only broke open the monuments and graves , but likewise the coffins of the dead , and tumbled out the dead bodies , and so left them expos'd , till they were pleased to let the protestants come into the churche● again to bury them ; though after all they found no arms , nor indeed were there any hid . thus far they proceeded whilst their fear was upon them ; resolving , since they could not hopo to ▪ enjoy them themselves , that they would make them . as useless as they could to protestants : but when they found that duke schonberg stopt at dundalk , and they understood the state of his army , the priests took courage and in the months of october and november , they seized on most of the churches in the kingdom . . the manner of their doing it was thus : the mayor , or governour in the towns , with the priests , went to the churches , sent for the keys to the sextons , and if they were found , forced them from them ; if not , they broke open the doors , pull'd up the seats and reading desk , and having said mass in them lookt upon them as their own , and said the king himself had then nothing to do with them , being consecrated places ; and to alienate them , or give them back to hereticks , was sacriledge . in the country , the militia captains , or officers of the army that chanced to be quartered in the several places , performed the same part that the mayors or governors did in corporations ; thus christ's church in dublin was seized by luttrel the governour , and about twenty six churches and chappels in the diocess of dublin . . of this , protestants complained to king james as a great violation of his own act for liberty of conscience , in which it is expresly provided , that they should have liberty to meet in such churches , chappels , and other places as they shall have for that purpose : they further represented to him , that all the churches of ireland were in a manner ruined in the late war in . that it was with great difficulty and cost that the protestants had new built or repaired them ; that many were built by private persons on their own costs ; and that the roman catholicks had no pretence or title to them : but his majesty answered , that they were seiz'd in his absence at the camp , without his knowledge or consent ; that nevertheless he was so much obliged to his roman catholick clergy , that he must not dispossess them ; that they alledged a title to the churches that they had seiz'd ; and if the protestants thought their title was better , they must bring their action and endeavour to recover their possessions by law. . this answer was what the attorney general had suggested to him ; and the reader will perceive that the whole was a piece of deceit ; that the pretence of the churches being seiz'd whilst his majesty was absent , was a meer collusion , and that there could not be a more false suggestion , than that the papists had any right to the churches , or a more unjust thing , than to put the protestants on recovering a possession , by a suit at law , which was gotten from them by so open violence ; but this was the justice we lookt for , and constantly met with from him ; and therefore there being no remedy to be expected , we were forced to acquiesce . . only to colour the matter a little , and lest this should make too great a noise in england and scotland , where king james at this time had very encouraging hopes , he issued out a proclamation , december . . in which he acknowledges , that the seizing of churches was a violation of the act for liberty of conscience , yet doth not order any restitution , only forbids them to seize any more . they had in many places notice of this proclamation before it came out , and therefore were more diligent to get into the remaining churches ; for they look't on the proclamation as a confirmation of their possessions which they had before the publishing of it ; and in some places the popish officers kept it from being published till they had done their work ; the protestants not being allowed to go out of their parishes , could not come by it , till it pleas'd their popish neighbours to produce it ; and so it prov'd , like other proclamations of his majesty in favour of his protestant subjects , it was not published till the inconveniency it pretended to prevent was brought upon them , and the mischief actually executed ; and it made their enemies more hasty and diligent to do it , than otherwise they would have been , lest they should slip the time ; and lose the opportunity . . but after all , some were too late , and the protestants got sight of the proclamation before their churches were seiz'd ; but here the priests put off their vizors , and acted bare-faced ; they told the people , the king had nothing to do with them or their churches ; that they were immediately under the pope , and that they would neither regard him nor his proclamations or laws made to the damage of holy church . . the protestants had a mind to make an experiment how far this would go , and whether the priests or king would get the better ; in order therefore to make the tryal , they chose out some instances , in which the violence and injustice of turning them out of their churches were most undenyable , and laid their case before his majesty and his council by their petitions ; and that the petitions might not be laid aside or lost , as was the common custom to deal with petitions and affidavits , to which they were ashamed to return a flat denial , they engaged some of the privy council to espouse their cause ; and had the luck to gain several of the popish nobility to favour their suits , especially of such as had estates in england , and knew king james's true interest and their own . . the petitions of waterford and wexford were the most favourably received , and in spite of all the opposition that the attorny general nagle , or the sollicitor general , one butler , who concern'd himself with singular impudence against the petitions , could make , they obtained an order for restitution of these two churches ; the wexford petition sets forth the loyalty of the minister , the peaceableness of the people ; their having contributed to the building of several popish chappels within and without the walls of that town , and that the roman catholiks had no occasion for the church ; the reasonableness of this petition was so manifest , that king james and his council made an order for the restitution of the church : but he now found how precariously he reign'd in ireland ( notwithstanding their mighty professions of loyalty and absolute subjection upon all occasions , and more particularly in their act of recognition ) for the mayors and officers refused to obey his order . . upon which he was importuned by the protestants with new complaints ; but being ashamed to own his want of power to make good his former order , he referr'd the waterford petition to the then governour of that place , the earl of tyrone , who reported that the church of waterford was a place of strength , and consequently not fit to be trusted into the hands of protestants ; and so all they obtain'd by their petition , attendance and charges , was to have their church turn'd into a garrison , instead of a mass-house : this pretence could not be made for the church of wexford , it having no appearance of strength ; and therefore the order for restoring it was renewed , and the disobedient mayor sent for and turn'd out , for which the popish clergy made him ample satisfaction : but notwithstanding that king james appear'd most zealous to have the church restored , and express'd himself with more passion than was usual , that he would be obeyed ; and though the protestants concerned sollicited it with the utmost eagerness and diligence , even to the hazard of their lives , yet they could never procure the king and councils order , for the restitution of their church , to be executed or obeyed ; and so they continued out of it till his present majesties success restor'd them and their fellow protestants to their churches , as well as to their other just rights . . now here we had a full demonstration , what the liberty of conscience would come to , with which king james thought to have amused protestants , and of which he boasted so unmeasurably , if once popery had gotten the upper hand . he and his parliament might have made acts for it , if they pleas'd , but we see here , that the clergy would have told them , that they medled with what did not concern them , and that they had no power to make acts about religious matters , or dispose of the rights of holy church ; and we see from this experiment who would have been obeyed . we found here upon tryal , that when king james would have kept his word to us , it was not in his power to do it ; and that his frequently repeated promises , and his act of parliament for liberty of conscience , could not prevent the demolishing , defacing , or seizing nine churches in ten through the kingdom ; and discovered to us , that the act for liberty of conscience was only design'd to destroy the establish'd church , and not that protestants should have the benefit of it . . having taken away our churches and publick places of meeting , the next thing was to hinder our religious assemblies . it is observable , that the act of their pretended parliament for liberty of conscience promises full and free exercise of their respective religions , to all that profess christianity within the kingdom , without any molestation , loss , or penalty whatsoever ; but assigns no punishment to such as shall disturb any in their religious exercises ; and there was good reason for that omission ; for by this means they had left their officers and soldiers at liberty to disturb the religious assemblies of protestants , without fear of being call'd to any account . . by the act , an open , free , and uninterrupted access was to be left into every assembly ; and they commonly had their emissaries in every church , to see if they could find any thing to object against the preacher : but the ministers did not fear any thing could be objected even by malice on this account ; and therefore when they found they were not like to make much of this , they let it fall ; and the officers and soldiers came into the churches in time of divine service , or in time of sermons , and made a noise ; sometimes threatning the ministers ; sometimes cursing , sometimes swearing , and sometimes affronting or assaulting women , and picking occasions of quarrels with the men , and comitting many disorders ; it vex'd and grieved them to see the churches full , contrary to their expectation ; that neither their liberty of conscience , nor multiplying their mass-houses , nor their driving away several thousands of protestants into england , had in the least emptied them ; that their liberty of conscience , instead of dividing , had rather united protestants ; and that the zeal and frequency of devotion , amongst those that remained , supplyed the absence of those that were gone , and crowded the churches rather more than formerly ; it grieved them much to see those things ; and they on all occasions vented their spleen against the assemblies of protestants . . in the country , where churches were taken from the protestants , they met in private houses ; and where their ministers were gone , and their maintenance seiz'd ; others undertook the cures either gratis , or were maintain'd by the voluntary contributions of the people : so that there appear'd no probability , that protestantism would be destroy'd without violence . the papists saw this , and therefore watched an opportunity to begin it . on the sixth of septem . . upon pretence of a case of pistols and a sword found in some out part of christ church in dublin , they lockt it up for a fortnight , and suffered no service to be in it . on the twenty seventh of october they took it to themselves , and hindred protestants to officiate any more in it . on the thirteenth of september , on pretence of some ships seen in the bay of dublin , they forbad all protestants to go to church , or assemble in any place for divine service . july . . there issued out a proclamation , forbidding protestants to go out of their parishes ; one design of this was to hinder their assemblies at religious duties ; for in ireland generally two or three parishes have but one church , and consequently by this , one half were confined from the service of god through the kingdom : june . colonel lutterel , governour of dublin , issued his order , forbidding more than five protestants to meet together on pain of death : he was askt whether this was designed to hinder meeting at churches ; it was answered , that it was design'd to hinder their meeting there as well as in other places ; and in execution of this , all the churches were shut up , and all religious assemblies through the kingdom forbidden under pain of death ; and we were assured , that if king james had return'd victorious from the boyn , it was resolved that they should never have been opened any more for us ; and the same excuse would have served for his permitting this that serv'd him the former year , for not restoring the churches taken away in his absence at the former camp , even that he must not disoblige his roman catholick clergy . thus god gave them opportunity to shew what they intended against our religion , even to take away all our churches , and hinder all our religious assemblies ; and when they had brought their liberty of conscience to this , and we had been obliged upon pain of death to forbear all publick worship for a fortnight , then he sent us deliveranc● , by means of his present majesties victory at the boyn , which restor'd us the liberty of worshiping god together , as well as the use of our churches . sect . xix . . the violences used by king james's party to make converts , and to discourage the protestant ministers . . but all these methods of ruining the protestant religion seem'd tedious to the priests ; and therefore they could not be prevail'd with to abstain from violence ; wherever they had a fair opportunity to use it they applyed it with all diligence . several protestant women were married to papists ; many of these used unmerciful severities to their wives , and endeavoured by hardships and unkindness to weary the poor women out of their religion ; some stript them of their clothes , kept them some days without meat or drink , beat them grievously , and at last , when they could not prevail , turn'd them out of their houses , and refus'd to let them live with them : some sold off all that they had , turn'd it into money , and left their wives and children to beg , for no other reason , but because they would not forsake their religion : and this carriage was encouraged by the priests , which came to be discovered on this occasion : some women that were thus used , were advis'd by their friends to make their application to their husbands confessors , and they imagined the confessors would lay their commands on the men to be more civil , and to do the duty of husbands to their wives . but the priests told the women that it was their own faults that their husbands used them ill , that they deserved it , and must expect no better whilst they continued disobedient to them , and refused to comply in the matter of religion ; and when the poor women replied that in conscience they could not change their religion , being perswaded of the truth of it , the priests railed at them and abused them almost as much as their own husbands . servants were used the same way by their popish masters , and tenants by their landlords ; every office , or profit , or trust was made a temptation ; and a man , whatever his circumstances were , must either part with it or his religion . we were told that the king would have all that did eat his bread , of his own religion ; the meaning of which was , that he expected that all who were employ'd by him should turn papists . . i reckon all the robberies and plunderings committed on the countrey gentlemen , to be on the same account ; a man might have saved his horses , his cows , his sheep , and houshold goods , if he would have changed his religion ; if not , he must expect to be ruined by thieves and robbers , set on by the priests , and encouraged by his popish neighbours ; which was no way to be prevented but by going to mass : some few were so weak as to do it , and escaped ; tho the generality rather chose to beg , than to save their fortunes by so base a complyance . . when it fared thus with the laity , we may imagine the clergy were in ill circumstances : whoever escap'd , they were sure to be robbed and plundered ; they were often affronted and assaulted . the very protestant bishops could not escape violence : the bishop of laughlin's house was broke open and plundered before he left the kingdom : the bishop of waterford's house was rifled , and the bishop , an old man about fourscore years of age , desperately wounded in his bed. several of the inferiour clergy were beaten and abused , way-laid as they travelled the high-way , shot at and wounded , and with difficulty escaped with their lives ; some were so beaten that they died upon it ; some had their houses set on fire ; and in general the protestant parishioners were so apprehensive of the danger in which may of their ministers were , that they besought them to withdraw themselves out of it ; they had threatning messages often sent to them ; the robbers of the country would send them word that at such a time or such a night , they would be with them , and sometime they would be very punctual to their assignation , and strip the poor men and their families of their very cloathes . . those that staid amongst their parishioners in the country , were forc'd to walk from house to house to perform their offices ; their horses being all taken from them : at last they were generally put into prison with the other gentlemen of the country , and some kept in for twelve or thirteen months , not being releas'd till the general deliverance ; some were tried for their lives , and some condemned to death , even in the city of dublin under the eye of the government ; hardly one escaped affronts and abuses , or could walk the street with quiet ; the soldiers , especially the french , rail'd at them , calling them , diables desministres heretiques , un protestant , un diable , with many other contumelious expressions . . it were infinite to reckon up all the violences they suffer'd ; doctor king , doctor foy , mr. bunbury , mr. king , mr. delany , mr. fitz simons , mr. read , mr carolane , mr. rosselle , mr. tucker , mr. buckhurst , and many others were imprisoned : dr. foy , and mr. more were assaulted by soldiers whilst performing their office at a burial in the church-yard ; the same dr. foy was hindred from preaching several sundays , by the menaces of some of king james's guard ; who surrounded the church with their fusees , and swore they would shoot him if he went into the pulpit ; and this only because he had taken notice the sunday before ▪ that one hall in a sermon preached before king james in christ-church , and printed afterwards , had corrupted his text , acts . . by rendring it instead of repent , repent and do pennance . dr. king was assaulted in the street , and a musquet with a light match levelled at him ; the publick service in his church was disturbed several times , particularly on candlemas day , by seven officers , who swore aloud they would cut his throat ; dean glendy was knockt down , and wounded in the street ; mr. delany assaulted and pusht at with a naked sword several times , and carried , after they had sufficiently abus'd him , to jail ; mr. knight was abused in his church yard by commonly known by the name of the mayor of scarborough , who threatned to beat him ; mr. sergeant was cudgeled through the street and carried to prison ; mr. price had a musquet twice snapt at him , and with great difficulty got to his house : mr. burridge was assaulted by three or four on the high-way , and wounded in four places : these were but a few of their sufferings ; they went every moment in hazard of their lives ; and had it not been that king james flattered himself , that a strong party of the clergy in england espoused his interest , it had been impossible for the clergy of ireland to have subsisted . . nevertheless great hardships were daily put upon them , and new arts invented to defame and vex them : in some places a new invented oath was offered to them , for which there was no pretence or law : they answered that they had taken the oath of supremacy and allegiance at their institution , and that they were not oblig'd to take any other oath ; but that excuse would not serve , and on their refusal they were sent to jail ; the priests were very busie about sick protestants ; they with great impudence thrust into their rooms , and if they were past speaking , they gave out that they were converts : if the infirm person had any popish relations , they besieged the house , and hindred ▪ the protestant clergy from coming to their parishioners ; the priests pretended that they had king james's command to visit the sick and attempt their conversion , and therefore would not be hindred nor be perswaded to withdraw , tho frequently desired by the sick men : the protestant clergy were often affronted and threatned on this account , and the ill will they procured on particular occasions of this nature , was the ground of some of their confinement afterwards ; for the priest that lost his prey ( as they reckoned every sick man ) by the vigorous opposition and diligence of a minister , was sure to contrive a revenge one way or other : as dr. foy found for his having received one smith ( who had for some years lived a papist ) again into our communion at his death ; and that with such remarkable circumstances of repentance and sorrow , that king james heard of it , and blam'd his physician dr. constable for his neglect in not giving notice to the priest. . they endeavoured to bring the ministers of dublin under all the contempt they could ; and at last put on them the drudgery that belonged to the office of constables and deputy aldermen ; it belonged to those officers on all occasions to return the names of the several inhabitants and inmates of their wards : the government desired to know the names of protestants in each parish and their numbers , and they took them several times ; but colonel lutterel the governour of dublin , would not be satisfied till the ministers went about in person and returned every man his respective . parishioners names : it was in vain for them to plead the unreasonableness of this imposition ; they aleadged the pains , the charges , and the meanness of the thing , which was done more effectually already than could be done by them by the proper officers ; but all in vain , they must comply or go to jail . this return made by the ministers was of no real use to the government , for they had an exact account given about a fortnight before , by their own officers , and took another about a week after ; the design therefore was either to lay a snare for the ministers , or else to render them contemptible to their people ; but instead of doing that , it only incensed the people against their unreasonable governours who thus affronted their clergy . sect . xx. . king james and his party endeavoured to destroy the protestant religion , by misrepresenting the persons and principles of protestants . . the violences used to out us of our churches , and to discourage our clergy , had no great success in making converts ; but there was another way set on foot , which did seduce some ; and it was by making a monster of the protestant religion and protestants ; insomuch that young people who liv'd remote from conversation , and had not opportunity to inform themselves of the truth , conceiv'd strange ideas of both , by the insinuation of the priests . . it was one of the first steps of the reformation to renounce the usurped power of the pope , and to restore to the crown the ecclesiastical jurisdiction , which originally belongs to the civil magistrate ; that is , the power of punishing offenders with the temporal sword , whatever their crime be , whether ecclesiastical or civil : now the priests represented this doctrine after a strange manner ; they perswaded those that would lend them their attention , that the protestants believed all spiritual power to be in the king ; that he could consecrate whom he pleas'd bishops ; set up what religion he had a mind to , and oblige all his subjects to be of his faith ; and they railed most grievously at the protestants for not turning papists , in complyance to their king ; calling them traitors and perjur'd persons from their own principles . . 't was another principle amongst protestants , that private men should not take up the sword , or resist the king upon any pretence , such resistance being against law ; by which no more was understood , than that subjects should , according to the laws and gospel , behave themselves peaceably and submissively towards their superiors , and not upon any pretence of private injury or wrong done to them in particular , enter into conspiracie and combinations against their governours ; but by it was never intended to give up the constitution of the government , or to part with the liberties and priviledges of the kingdom ; yet the priests would needs perswade the world that by this principle , the protestants were obliged to part with all at the king's command ; that he might use them if he pleased , as the grand signior or the french king use their subjects , and their lives , their liberties , and estates , were all at his mercy , and they devils , and traitors , and perjur'd villains ( i use their words ) if they demur'd at his command : there was hardly any principle peculiar to the reform'd religion , but they thus misrepresented it . . nor did the persons of protestants escape better than their principles . they loaded them with the most odious calumnies and misrepresentations ; they aleadged that the protestants had no religion at all ; that they only pretended to it , but were atheists and traitors in their hearts ; they were more especially malicious against the clergy ; king james himself contributing to it , as appear'd on this occasion ; two young gentlemen , brothers to the earl of salisbury , followed king james out of france ; they profest themselves protestants and associated with such ; the bishops of meath and limerick had an eye on the gentlemen , and endeavoured to secure them against any attempts which might be made to pervert them ; but king james called the young men to him , forbad them the company of protestants ; nay even of one mr. c ham a gentleman that came over with them ; but above all he forbad them conversing with the bishops and clergy-men ; for said he , they are all false to me , and will pervert you to disloyalty and treason ; this was the common saying of them all , even of the chancellour on the bench ; and tho they would on occasion magnifie the loyalty of some of the protestant clergy in england and scotland , yet at other times they would profess that they believed them all treacherous , and would never trust any of them . . in order to abuse the protestants , and especially the clergy , they set up one yalden a convert , councellor at law , to write a weekly paper , which he called an abhorrence , in which he endeavoured to rake together all the little stories that might reflect on protestants , and all the arguments his wit could furnish him with for his cause ; he made it his business to invent false stories and lies concerning the clergy , and began with dr. king and dr. foy. he had published a collection of passages out of the bishop of ely's sermon , and some sixteen others for passive obedience ; whether this was his own work , or only , as i have been informed , a peice compos'd by some others which he assumed to himself , i cannot say , but it met with very slender reception in ireland , and lay on the booksellers hand . to vent it therefore , as some thought , or rather to abuse the clergy , he published an advertisement in his abhorrence , declaring that dr. king and dr. foy had approv'd this book , by their certificate under their hand ; by this he thought to intrap them : for either they ( as he imagined ) must have let this pass ; and then the protestants must think them , if not ill , at least very imprudent men ; or else they must disown it ; and then he knew how to improve their refuting his calumny so as to render them odious to the government : and the papists did a little please themselves with the contrivance ; but dr. foy and dr. king found means without concerning themselves much in the matter , to let all dublin know that they never read mr. yalden's collection ; that no body ever askt their opinion of it , much less had they given any certificate concerning it , and that they could give no censure of it , having neither read it , or the sermons out of which it is pretended to be taken . this discovery would have da●ht any other out of countenance ; but mr. yalden went on his way , and became every day more and more abusive till he and his abhorrences were routed together . his work was to magnifie the party that adhered to king james in england , to represent their present ▪ majesties interest as sinking , to black●n and abuse all protestants , and to vent his spite in a more peculiar manner against the clergy , whom he endeavoured to redicule and make odious to the government , and if possible , to sow dissention between them and their people . we have reason to thank god that he had no success ; but yet the countenance he and his papers met with from the government , his abhorrences being licensed either by sir richard nagle or alb●ville , setretaries of state , plainly discover what inclinations they had towards the protestant religion and clergy . . and now upon the whole i suppose it is manifest , by what has been said in this and the former section , that king james not only designed to destroy us , but also made a considerable progress in it , and 't would have been inexcusable ingratitude to god and to their present majesties if we should have refused to close heartily with a government that rescued us from so great misery and apparent danger ; nor can any reasonable man blame those amongst us that desired or assisted in this deliverance , and to their utmost power laboured to procure it . . if a christian army should go at this time into greece to redeem the christians there from the slavery of the turks , i would enquire of any indifferent casuist , whether it were lawful for the oppressed grecians to accept of that deliverance , and to join heartily with and recognize their redeemers ; and i am well assured there is not one argument could be produced to justifie such a defection in them , but it may be urged with greater force in our vindication . the usage we have met with being full as inhumane as any thing they suffer , and with this aggravation , that every act of violence exercised against us , is likewise against the laws , and against the nature and constitution of our government ; whereas their laws vest their emperour with an absolute power , and they have no other title to any thing but his will ; every act therefore of oppression from our king , was so much more intolerable and provoking to us , than the like from the grand signior ▪ is to his subjects , as an illegal violence is more insupportable than a legal chap. iv. that there remain'd no other prospect , or human possibility , of avoiding this slavery and destruction design'd against the kingdom and protestants of ireland , but by accepting of the protection , and submitting to the government of their present majesties . . by the foregoing part of this discourse it appears , that we had nothing left us to oppose to the invasions made on our liberties , properties , lives and religion ; that neither the laws , nor the king's protections and articles , or declarations in our favour ; that neither particular services and merits towards the royal interest , nor king james's natural compassion and merciful disposition ; nor lastly , his own interest in protecting and preserving us , could secure us ; but that notwithstanding all these , we were brought to the very brink of destruction . there remain'd therefore no other prospect or possibility for us to avoid this destruction , but his present majesties interposing on our behalf , as he had done for england : a providence of which we so little dreamt , and which was so strange , so unexpected , and so effectual , that we cannot but believe something extraordinary in it ; and that he was rais'd up by god to be a deliverer to us and the protestant cause . . an unreasonable request it had been now to the protestants of this nation , in this condition to which they were brought , to have desir'd them to have sat still , and not made use of that opportunity which god put into their hands , to rescue themselves and their country from slavery and ruine . and yet this is it our adversaries would have had us declin'd , been contented with what they had brought upon us , and expected some new miracle in our deliverance . . for when the protestants here complain'd of the pressures under which they lay , their popish acquaintance used to tell them , that they ought to be patient ; that christ had endur'd more whilst on earth , and that they ought not to trouble themselves about their sufferings or deliverance , but leave all to providence , and see what god would do for them ; and took it very ill , that they , or those whom they had driven from hence , should endeavour to do any thing for themselves . it is true , sermons of patience and submission to the will of god , were very proper and necessary in our circumstances ; but then they were most improper in the mouths of our enemies , who brought and continu'd those injuries and sufferings on us , contrary to law and justice , under which they endeavoured to perswade us to be patient , and from which they would not allow us to seek relief ; and whilst they continu'd their oppressions , their advising us to depend solely on a new providence for our deliverance , was the same reproach and scoff that the apostate julian put on the primitive christians , whose petitions for justice he put off , by telling them , their master advis'd them to be patient , and pronounc'd them blessed when persecuted . and yet we did exactly follow this advice , though given in railery , and did not make the least step to right our selves by force , till god's providence appear'd signally for these kingdoms , in raising them up a deliverer , and putting the crown on their majesties heads . . and now what reason have we thankfully to embrace , and to bless god for the kind offers of a prince , who out of a publick spirit , generously ventured himself and all that he had , to save the protestant religion , the interest of europe , and these kingdoms in particular , from the united designs of france and king james , to enslave and ruin them . it is true god could have wrought a miracle for us , when nothing else would have saved us , but we should have had little reason to expect it , if we had rejected this contrivance of providence that seem'd next to miraculous . i am sure some things are recorded in history as miracles , which were not accompanied with such extraordinary circumstances as our delivery . we neither had nor have in our utmost view another chance , besides this , to preserve us from slavery , misery and ruine ; and our enemies would have had more reason to applaud their wit than the world allows them , if they could have perswaded us to reject this , and to trust to a new miracle . we had only in our prospect this one thing , to save our lives , to take us out of jail , to restore our laws , our employments , the free exercise of our religion , our fortunes and estates , when we were unjustly depriv'd of them , and 't was a very modest expectation in them , and answerable to their other measures of politicks , to think a people harrass'd and stript , and plundred and condemned by them , to lose their lives and estates , which was the case of all those who fled from hence to england , and in great measure , of most of those that staid here , should in the height of their smart and sufferings , reject the kind offers of a deliverer , to depend on a miracle ; yet they pretend , this is what we ought to have done , and because we did it not , they rail at us in the most bitter terms ; they call us rebels and traitors , villains and atheists , and load us with all the approbrious names their malice and revenge can suggest . but we cannot blame them to be angry , the hungry wolf , if he could speak , would curse and rail as heartily at the shepherd , that rescues the lamb out of his paws , as they do at us or our deliverer ; they had devour'd us in their imaginations ; they had got the civil and military sword into their hands , and engrost all places of trust and profit : these , with the legislative power in the hands of our ancient and most malicious enemies , were more than enough to have destroy'd us ; but just when they should have divided the spoil and concluded the fatal tragedy , the prince of orange , his present majesty , interposeth , and rescueth us ; this disappointment mads them beyond all bounds of patience , and casts them into strange fits of railing and cursing ; hell , damnation , confusion to him and his royal consort , were continually in the mouths of their men , women , and children ; with these they used to entertain one another at their tables and debauches , and endeavoured to force them by way of healths on protestants . in short , they spare no ill name or execration , that impotent rage could vent , or invenom'd rancour could suggest ; but when all is done , in their quiet intervals , their consciences cannot but acquit us , and many of them made no scruple to confess , that there was no medium , but that either we or they must be undone , and when that was the unavoidable choice , that they , according to their own confession , had put on us , i assure my self the world will not only excuse us , but will think it was our duty to have done what we did , since they had left us no other visible way but this , to avoid certain and apparent destruction . chap. v. a short account of those protestants who left the kingdom , and of those that staid and submitted to king james . sect . i. concerning those who went away . . the former discourse , i suppose , is sufficient to justifie the protestants of ireland , as to their submission to the government of their present majesties ; and to shew the reasons for their earnest desiring , and thankfully accepting of that deliverance , which providence offered us , by their means . it remains only to speak a few words in particular of those that left the kingdom , and of those that staid and submitted to king james , that they may understand the truth of each others circumstances , and not either of them unjustly censure the other . . as to those that absented themselves out of the kingdom , it is certain that they offended against no law in doing so ; it being lawful for any subject to transport himself out of one part of the dominions of england into another ; it is true , that there is a law or custom , that requires such as hold offices from the king , to take a licence from the chief governour ; but the penalty of this is no more than the forfeiture of their offices ; and i find it disputed among the lawyers whether it reach so far : now few of those that went away , compar'd with the whole number of them , were officers ; those that were , generally took licences of absence ; and at worst , it was at their own peril , and it had been a great severity to have taken the forfeiture ; which was the sence of the whole parliament of england in making an act to exempt such from incurring any loss . . but secondly , they had great reason to go out of the kingdom , because they foresaw that it would be the seat of warr ; they saw or m men put into arms without any fund to maintain them ; they knew these to be their bitter and sworn enemies ; they saw the course of justice stopt against them , and their stocks and cattle taken away before their faces ; several gentlemen of the country lost to the value of some l. before they stirr'd ; and to what purpose should they stay in a place where they certainly knew that all they had would be taken from them , and their lives expos'd to the fury of their enemies . thirdly , they had no reason to stay because they could not expect to do any good by their staying , or to save the kingdome ; the papists had all the forts and magazins of the kingdom in their hands ; they had all the arms and publick revenues ; they were in number four or five to one protestant ; and they had the face of authority on their side ; and then what could a scattered multitude without arms , without leaders , and without authority , hope to do in their own defence ; by going into england they reckon'd themselves not only safe , but likewise in a way of serving their countrey : 't was from thence they expected arms , ammunition , and commissions , by the help of which they might put themselves in some capacity of rescuing their estates and friends they left behind , which they lookt on as much better service than to stay and perish with them . . fourthly , the memory of the cruel usage and difficult times those met with who staid in ireland in . did frighten and terrifie all that reflected on them ; the number of those that were then massacred and starv'd was incredible , and those that escap'd got away with such circumstances , that the memory of what they had suffered was as ill as death : if any will be but at the pains of reading over sir john temples account of the first half year of the war , or rather massacre , he will be satisfied that it was no unreasonable fear made so many protestants withdraw out of the reach of such barbarities ; the same men or their sons that committed all those bloody murders and inhumanities were again arm'd in a much more formidable manner than they ever had been before ; and yet at that time they were able to maintain a war for twelve years , and live by spoil and robbery ; and then what were the children of those , whose parents had been murthered by them , to expect but the same fate , or at best a miserable life in a desolate and spoild country , in which no wise man would ▪ choose to live if he could help it ; indeed they could not expect to live long after all was taken from them , but must in a little time have unavoidably starv'd : a trades-man might expect to live by his industry , a gentleman on his credit in a peaceable countrey , or in war , by listing themselves in any army . but in ireland where men neither were suffered to use their industry , nor batake themselves to arms , where they could neither enjoy the means of gaining a livelihood in peace or war , to what purpose should they stay , to live at the best , in poverty , contempt , and slavery . . as to the clergy that left the kingdom , it is to be considered , that most of those in the countrey were robb'd and plunder'd , and nothing left them to support themselves and families , before they went away : many were deserted by their people , their parishioners leaving them and getting to england or scotland before them : some parishioners were so kind to their ministers that they begg'd and entreated them to be gone ; which they were mov'd to do , because they saw the spite and malice of their enemies was more peculiarly bent against the clergy , and they imagined that their removing would a little allay the heat of those spiteful men , and that the robbers would not so often visit the neighbourhood when the minister was gone ; which in many places had the effect intended ; for the robbers would come a great way to rob a gentleman or clergyman , and would be sure to visit the poor peoples houses in their passages : but when these were remov'd the obscurity of the meaner people did protect them from many violences . lastly , many clergymen were forc'd to remove , because they had nothing left to live on , their parishioners were as poor as themselves , and utterly unable to help them ; i do consess that there was no reason to complain of the peoples backwardness to maintain the clergy ; on the contrary they contributed to the utmost of their power , and beyond it , and made no distinction of sects ; many dissenters of all sorts ( except quakers ) contributing liberally to this good end , which ought to be remembred to their honour : but after all , in many places , a whole parish , what with the ruin and desolation brought on the kingdom , and what with the removal of the protestant parishioners , was not able to contribute s. to maintain their minister ; and meer necessity forced away these ministers . against some others the government had peculiar piques and exceptions ; those were in manifest hazard of their lives and in fear every day of being seiz'd and brought to a tryal , on some feign'd crime : and several both of the clergy and laity were forc'd to fly on this account for their safety . all these i look on to be justifiable reasons of mens withdrawing . if any went away on any other principles , who were not in these or the like circumstances , i shall leave them to the censure of the world ; but i believe very few will be found for whom either their publick or private circumstances may not justly apologize . . it is not to be suppos'd that men would have left their plentiful estates and settlements , their well furnisht houses and comfortable ways of living , as most of these who went away did , had they not been under the greatest fears and pressures . wives would not have left their husbands , nor parents their children , men of estates and fortunes would not have ventured their lives in little wherries and boats to pass seas famous for their ship wracks , if they could with any comfort or safety have stayed at home . i know king james took care to have it suggested in england , that all these left ireland not out of any real fear or necessity , but only with a disign to make him and his government odious ; but sure they must think the protestants of ireland were very fond of a collection in england , that can imagine so many thousand people of all sorts and sexes should conspire together to ruine themselves , and throw away all that they had in the world , out of malice , and only to bring an odium on a party that had done them no harm . . neither was it , as some suggest , a vain and pannick fear that possessed them that went away ; for that could not continue for a year or two ; but those that had lived under king james a year and half , were as earnest to get away as those that went at first ; and the longer they liv'd under him , their fear and apprehensions increas'd the more on them ; being already ruined in their fortunes , and their lives in daily and apparent hazard , from military and illegal proceedings . they liv'd amongst a people that daily robb'd , plundered , and affronted them , that assaulted their persons and threatned their lives , and wanted only the word to cut their throats ; and sure 't was then time to withdraw from the danger at any rate ; and i am confident i speak the sence of the generality of those that stayed , that if the seas had been left open some few months before his majesty appear'd in the field in ireland , far the greatest part ( i may venture to say almost all ) of those that had stayed till then , would have gone away with their lives only , rather than have continued here longer . whoever knows the cruelty and malice of those with whom we had to deal , will own these fears to be reasonable . yet for this we were condemned to death and forfeiture ; and the very children barr'd of their rights , against the known laws and customs of the kingdom . sect . ii. a justification of those protestants who staid in ireland , and lived in submission to king james's government . . not withstanding the great number of protestants that fled to england , yet many stay'd behind ; perhaps some may accuse their prudence in venturing to stay under such circumstances , but otherwise i think little can be objected against them ; however lest any should entertain any sinister thoughts of them , 't will be necessary to say something in their behalf . they were of four sorts . . the meaner people . . gentry of estates . . such as had employments , and . the clergy . . first , as to the meaner people , 't is to be considered that it was no easy thing to get away ; the freight of ships and lycences were at very high rates ; and sometimes not to be purchased at all . many of the countrey people could not get to the sea ports ; they had little money ; their riches were in their stocks ; and these being plundered , they were not able to raise so much money as would transport them and their families ; and they generally came too late to the ports . a strict embargo being laid on all ships before they could get to the sea side ; many of the citizens of dublin and other sea ports got off , but were forc'd to leave their shops and concerns behind in the hands of their relations and dependents , who were obliged to stay to take care of them . others thought it unreasonable to leave all they had to go to beg in a strange countrey ; and having no body to trust with their concerns , resolv'd to hazard themselves together with them . if these things be considered , 't will rather seem a wonder that so many got off , than that some staid behind . . secondly , as to the gentlemen ; though some of them had plentiful estates and fortunes , yet they had but little ready money ; 't is not thought prudent in ireland , where money is at per cent. for any one to keep much cash by him ; and perhaps he that hath l. per annum clear , hath often not l. in cash . now some gentlemen that had considerable families and little money , thought it unreasonable for them to leave their plentiful estates and go into england to beg or starve ; and the very thoughts of either was more terrible to them than death : and therefore they chose rather to venture all with their estates . others were tied by such particular obligations , that it was impossible for them to stir without the greatest damage to their concerns , and inhumanity to their relations . . others thought it necessary to stay meerly for a tryal , that they might not be said to have thrown themselves out of all , before they were forced ; and that they might see how far king james would proceed in his design of ruining protestants and settling popery . . others had either relations by kindred or some private interest or obligation on some leading papists ; and fancied by their staying they might be able to save something for themselves and tenants ; others tho they had no such interest or particular obligations , yet their families and influence in their countreys , had made them respected , even by their enemies ; and they hoped by their prudence and management to obtain better quarters for their poor people that depended on them ; whom they could not find in their hearts to leave destitute of all shelter and conduct , and it must be acknowledged that though these could not do as much good as they might reasonably have expected , yet they did a great deal ; and it must be owned as a singular providence of god that some such gentlemen staid ; for they used all their authority , interest , and credit to serve the poor , and notwithstanding the malice and power of their enemies they did them many good offices : they directed them what to do and how to behave themselves in their applications for relief , when oppressed ; they managed and sollicited their petitions ; they took all opportunities to remonstrate to king james the grievances and oppressions of the poor people ; they took the most favourable instances , and managed them in the best manner , to make him sensible ; they took advantage of the little feuds that were between the courtiers , and made their piques useful to procure redress to such protestants as had been signally injured by the opposite party ; and sometimes by address , and other times by meer importunities and bold representations of the barbarousness and inhumanity of the proceedings against protestants , they shamed the government into a better temper ; sometimes procuring some moderation ; sometimes redress of exorbitant grievances ; and at other times did prevent most signal mischief design'd against us , at least by gaining time , which was a great conveniency to us . . these gentlemen that staid were useful , not only by employing their credit , their friends and interest with the government , but they farther did contribute to the preserving and supporting of a great many poor and imprisoned people , that otherwise would have starved : near five hundered prisoners were supported by the charity of dublin , and every thing put into such a method , that amongst the numerous poor ruined protestants , not one was lost or starved for want of meat or clothes , that we could hear of ; which we must look on as an extraordinary providence , and renders all those inexcusable who changed their religion , on pretence that otherwise they must have starved ; an excuse they did not offer then , and which being false , ought not to be pretended , much less allow'd now . . we found our selves in many straits how to behave our selves under some difficulties that fell on us about fees for imprisonment , concealing of arms or absentees goods , and matters of oaths , either to the government or on private occasions ; the gentlemen and persons of credit that staid , advis'd the poor people in all these cases , and kept them in such a steady , unanimous and regular course , that no advantage could be taken against them , and yet they avoided all swearing or betraying themselves or friends ; and whereas there are several dissenters in dublin , the matter was carried with so much prudence , that we lived in perfect amity , peace and charity together , and all contributed and assisted one another towards their common safety . dr. dopping , bishop of meath , and several other persons of note , signaliz'd themselves upon these occasions , and behaved themselves with so much prudence , industry , resolution and tenderness to the afflicted , that they always will be lookt on by those who staid in dublin , as peculiar instruments of their preservation . . thirdly , as to those protestants who had employments , and staid on account of them , it was considered and debated by the most prudent and judicious protestants of dublin , whether they should continue to act in them ; and they universally judg'd it advisable , that every protestant who could either get or keep any civil employment by fair and honest means , should do it ; most of the civil offices were held by patent , and either the patentees or their deputies were on the place , and executed them : now for these to have gone away , was to have given them up voluntarily into the hands of papists , and to entitle king james to the disposal of them , without any imputation of injustice : we therefore thought all such as had any employment or civil office , oblig'd to stay in their employments , till removed by force ; and when they were removed by act of parliament , that voided their offices , and new officers were appointed , it was still judged convenient that the former deputies should act in them ; and if the new patentees should refuse to employ them as deputies , they should nevertheless endeavour to stay in them as clerks . . because we were in hopes of recovering them in a short time , by the assistance of their present majesties , and in the mean time we knew not what havock and spoil might be made of records and books by popish deputies , whereas if the protestants kept in the offices they might preserve them , or at least be witnesses of the injury that should be done them ; and this contrivance had the effect design'd ; the papists were so much strangers to the offices , that they were forc'd to depend on protestant clerks or deputies , and these kept their masters in all the ignorance they could ; and either put out of the way , or would not find such records or papers , that they supposed were design'd to be destroyed ; insomuch that very little injury was done to the offices ; the very outlawryes of the rebels and murtherers in . being preserv'd , though ordered by their pretended parliament to be destroy'd , and l. fine impos'd on any officer that should conceal any of them . . secondly , it was not safe for any officer , that was not forcibly turn'd out , to refuse to act ; if he had either voluntarily resign'd his place , or refused to officiate in it , he must have expected to be treated with more severe usage than other people , as one peculiarly disaffected . some therefore were forc'd to keep even in the army in their own defence ; but these were so few , that there need not much be said for them : i do not remember above three that had commissions in the army , who were desirous to leave it ; and those were kept in only for a pretence of impartiality ; and for such as acted as justices of peace , they were often serviceable to protestants , in freeing them from oppressions and injuries . those few protestants that took commissions of oyer and terminer , did it on a publick account , and always acted for the benefit of protestants . . protestants by keeping in employments , though never so insignificant , found means and opportunities of serving their distressed and oppressed friends ; and they seldom fail'd to improve these means to the best advantage : the poor people that stay'd in ireland were sensible of this , and often wisht that more had stay'd , on this account ; and truely if they had , by the advantage of their address and understanding above the papists , who generally were ignorant of business , they might probably have done much good , and have gained farther time for the poor people from their destruction . . however i do not intend to justifie all that was done by protestant officers ; if any of them advanced , abetted , or concurr'd in an ill thing , let them suffer for it ; but i humbly conceive the protestants of ireland that staid here , and saw and observed every man's behaviour , and were the only sufferers by the ill management of any officer , whatever his station was , may be safely trusted to give a character of each ; i own that it is not reasonable that a certificate under a few hands should be accepted , as a vindication of any man ; for an officer might have serv'd and oblig'd a few , who cannot in gratitude refuse to certifie for him , and yet have done mischief enough to others ; but on the other hand , is it reasonable , that secret whispers or surmises , especially of such as were absent and strangers to their behaviour , should undo or misrepresent any man ? and therefore i think , if any dispute should arise concerning such matters , a fair and legal hearing in publick were the most equal way , and is all the favour that generally any protestant gentleman , who staid and officiated under king james , needs desire : they are so few , that this would not be any great trouble , and their honesty and prudence generally so notorious , that it would not be any blemish to them ; nor were they guilty of any servile or mean compliances , or paid any other deference than what was due to a government , under whose power god's providence had placed them , and which by unseasonable opposition , they would only have exasperated to their own destruction . . fourthly , as to the clergy that staid , it were an injustice to them to make any apology for them , they staid in pure sense and conscience of their duty , and minded it so effectually , that their labours were acceptable and useful to their people in many respects , and i doubt not but will be approv'd by all good men ; they foresaw what use papists would make of empty churches and deserted congregations , and that the priests would not be wanting to perswade the people , that they were no true . pastors that deserted them in time of danger ; they were acquainted with the artifices us'd to draw protestants from their religion , and that the present juncture would afford new temptations , which the seducers would not fail to press with all possible advantage : it required therefore all their skill and industry , to arm their people against these instruments of seduction , and keep them steady to their principles under such mighty temptations ; and we owe it to the prudence , industry and courage of the clergy that remain'd , next to god's goodness , that so few were prevail'd with to change their religion , notwithstanding that they saw they must be ruined if they stood firm ; whereas if they comply'd , they would not be only safe , but sharers likewise in the booty : 't is true many of them suffered by their staying , and lay under great difficulties , but it pleas'd god to support and deliver them ; and if they had perished , it had been with this comfort , that it was in their office , and in their masters work. the conclusion . . and here i do solemnly protest , that no private disatisfaction , that no ill will to king james's person , nor prejudice against any body , has moved me to say what i have said ; but that i might vindicate our selves by speaking truth in a matter that so nearly concern'd us both in our temporal and eternal interest . and i must likewise protest before god , who will judge between us and our enemies in this point , that i have not aggravated the calamities we have suffered , nor misrepresented the proceedings against us , out of favour or affection to a party , but have rather told things nakedly and in general , than insisted on such particulars as might seem to serve no other purpose , but to make our adversaries odious . . it were much to be wished , and in due time it is hoped , that commissions may be issued by the proper authority , into the several counties , to enquire of the treatment the protestants underwent , and the damages they suffered ; and i am well assured , that if this be done , and an account be taken on oath from the eye witnesses and sufferers , the matter will appear with a much worse face than it is here represented ; and where one story may happen undesignedly to be aggravated , twenty worse will be to be added to supply it : there is not a more necessary or effectual means can be taken , for clearing the protestants in this kingdom , or justifying the state in their proceeding against the irish ; and we are ready and willing to stand or fall in the censure of the world by this plea , according as on proof of particulars by sufficient evidence the truth shall appear . . upon the whole , the irish may justly blame themselves and their idol , the earl of tirconnel , as king james may them both ; for whatever they have , or shall suffer in the issue of this matter , since it is apparent that the necessity was brought about by them , that either they or we must be ruin'd . king james ( if the earl of tirconnel may be believed ) chang'd his religion on his sollicitations , ( for he often brag'd that he was the king's converter . ) he preferr'd the gratifying this favourites ambition , to the affections of his protestant subjects in england and ireland . he left england and came into ireland on his invitation ; and he brought ruin and desolation on the kingdom , especially on his protestant subjects , in prosecution of the measures laid down by him ; yet so far was he in love with this minister , that he frequently , both in his proclamations and acts of parliament , ascribes the saving of ireland to him ; and assigned him above the value of m. pounds per annum , to support his new title of duke , out of the forfeited estates of protestants , most of them condemned unheard , on publick fame only . this person therefore was the true enemy of king james ; he drove his master out of his kingdoms , he destroyed him by his pernicious councils , and the kingdom of ireland by his exorbitant and illegal management ; and therefore he and such other wicked councellors and ministers , are only answerable for all the mischiefs that have sollow'd ; and it is much more reasonable the destruction should fall on them who were the authors , than on the protestants against whom they design'd it . appendix . an act for the attainder of divers rebels ▪ , and for preserving the interest of loyal subjects . humbly beseech your majesty , the commons in this present parliament assembled , that whereas a most horrid invasion was made by your unnatural enemy the prince of orange , invited thereunto , and assisted by many of your majesty's rebellious and trayterous subjects of your majesty's dominions ; and such their inviting and assisting , made manifest by their perfidious deserting your majesty's service , in which , by your many princely obligations , besides their natural duties , they were bounden ; and having likewise to obtain their wicked ends , raised and levied open rebellion and war in several places in this kingdom , and entered into associations , and met in conventions in order to call in and set up the said prince of orange , as well in ulster and connaught , as in the other provinces of munster and lienster : to quell which , your sacred majesty's late deputy in this kingdom , richard , then earl , and now duke of tyrconnel , before your majesty's happy arrival in this kingdom ; and your sacred majesty since your arrival here , have been necessitated to raise an army to your majesty's great charge and expence . and though the said rebels and traitors , after their having the impudence to declare for the prince and princess of orange against your sacred majesty , were with all mildness and humanity called in to their allegiance , by proclamations , and promises of pardon for their past offences , and protection for the future : and though some of the said proclamations assured pardon to all such as should submit themselves ; and that no persons were excepted in the last proclamation besides very few , not exceeding ▪ ten in number , and few or none of any note came in , in obedience thereto ; and that very many of the persons who came in upon protections , and took the oath of allegiance to your majesty , were afterwards found amongst the rebels in open arms and hostility , when taken prisoners or killed , such protections being found with them . ( so villanous were they by adding perjury to their former crimes , that it may be enacted , and be it enacted by your most excellent majesty , by , and with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal , and commons in this present parliament assembled , and by authority of the same , that the persons hereafter named , being persons who have notoriously joined in the said rebellion and invasion , and some of which are upon indictments condemned , some executed for high treason , and the rest ran away , or abscond , or are now in the actual service of the prince of orange against your majesty , and others kill'd in open rebellion ( viz. ) francis marsh lord archbishop of dublin , james butler duke of ormond , richard boyle earl of cork , cary dillon earl of roscomon , william earl of strafford , edward brabazon earl of meath , john earl of mulgrave , vaughan earl of carberry , william o bryan earl of inchiquin , charles coote earl of mountrath , henry moor earl of drogheda , charles talbot earl of waterford and wexford , hugh montgomery earl of mountalexander , richard earl of ranelagh sidney earl of leicester villers viscount grandison , james annesly viscount valentia , and earl of anglesey , george viscount castleton , s●udamore viscount s●udamore of sligoe , lu●bly viscount lu●bly of waterford , wenman viscount wenman of tuam buckley viscount buckley of cashel , francis boyle viscount shannon , john skevington viscount m●ssareene cholmundy viscount cholmundy of kells , richard boyle viscount dungarv●n , alias lord clifford , maurice berkeley viscount fitz-harding of ●eerehaven , william caulfield viscount charlemont , morrough boyle viscount blessington , james lane viscount lanesborough , da●ney viscount down , william stewart viscount mount ▪ joy , adam loftus lord lisburn , ezekiel hopkins lord bishop of derry , william sheridan lord bishop of killmore , william digby lord digby of geashell , henry lord blany of monoghan , henry lord herbert of castle-island sherrard lord sherrard of leytrim lord w●rton , robert king lord baron of kingston , richard coote lord baron of coloony , charles petty lord shelburne , henry o bryan commonly called lord ibrickan , robert dillon commonly called lord kilkenny-west , william o bryan commonly called lord o bryan , son to the earl of inchiquin , robert lord lucas , sir arthur royden of moyra baronet , sir arthur cole of newland baronet , sir robert reading of brareil baronet , sir william temple baronet , late master of the rolls , sir francis blundell of edenderry baronet , sir laurence parsons of bi r baronet , sir richard reynells of dublin baronet , sir christopher wandesford of castle ▪ comber baronet , sir thomas southwell of castlematres baronet , sir simon eaton of dunmoylen baronet , sir emanuel moore of ross baronet , sir robert southwell of kinsale baronet , sir john osborne of baronet , sir robert staples of lissane baronet , sir james caldwell of bellick baronet , sir john humes , of castle-humes baronet , sir francis hamilton of castle-hamilton baronet , sir arthur longford of summer-hill baronet , sir william francklin of belfast baronet , sir oliver st. george of headford baronet , sir robert king of rockingham baronet , sir william g●re of mann●r-hamilton baronet , sir william courtney of new-castle baronet , sir william tichburn of bewly baronet , sir samuel barnadiston baronet , sir robert cottrill of new-town knight , sir joshua allen of dublin knight , sir matthew bridges of the same knight , sir phillips coote of killester knight , sir john temple of palmerstown knight , sir charles meredith of green-hills knight , sir richard ryves of dublin knight , sir richard stevens late of dublin knight , sir john edgeworth of lissane knight , sir robert clayton knight , sir richard buckley of dunlavan baronet , sir henry fane of loghgurr knight , sir robert holmes of ardagh knight , sir richard hull of leamcon knight , sir matthew dean of cork knight , sir henry ingoldesby of dangen knight , sir john topham knight , sir francis brewster of brewsterfield knight , sir albert cunningham of mount-charles knight , sir tristrum beresford of ballykelly baronet , sir john magill of gill-hall knight , sir nicholas atcheson of mullaghbrack knight , sir george st. george of dummore knight , thomas coote of the city of dublin esq richard foster esq william worth esq lately one of the barons of the exchequer , john eaton esq counsellor at law , lieutenant joseph stopford , ensign thomas stanly , captain oliver long , captain thomas flower , lieutenant buckridge , lieutenant robert pointz , lieutenant john povey , john guest gent. henry briscoe gent. samuel morison gent. ensign george withers , william connelly gent. robert lowry gent. hugh hamilton gent. samuel walton merchant , james barloe taylor , richard mills bricklayer . matthew french sen. merchant , josias patterson chyrurgeon , lieutenant edward wolfe , william knox gent. captain david parry , john desboroe wire-drawer , william knox gent. brother to sir john knox , william crow esq john warburton esq robert doyne esq william keating gent. john lyndon senior esq lieutenant william berry , phillip savage esq william moore esq denny mushchamp esq luke king gent. late deputy muster-master : all late of the city and county of the city of dublin . robert ware of dublin esq robert mouldsworth of breckingstown esq joseph wilkinson of palmerstown clerk , john weave junior of gl●ssnervan gent. john finglass of barnenagiragh gent. francis marsh of st. patrick's close gent. jeremy marsh of the same gent : all in the county of dublin . henry warren of grangebegg in the county of kildare gent. george mervin of toberegane gent. john sankey of reban gent. wentworth harman of castleroe gent. dean theophilus harrison of osberstowne , john margettson of bishops-court esq edward bayly of corbally gent. and william franshaw of lucan esq all in the county of kildare . john dunbarr of catherlogh in the county of catherlogh gent. and captain chidley coote of shierwood-park in the said county , francis flood of kill-clonfert in the kings county gent. john baldwin junior of currughlouty esq samuel moss of eglish gent. william adare of littur gent. jonathan darby of leape gent. john gray of castletown gent. george lowther of killogally clerk , captain newcomen atkinson of lieutenant james hamilton of bark , andrew hamilton of the same gent. phillip armstrong of stonestown gent. charles armstrong of the same gent. edmond armstrong of the same clerk , john armstrong of endrim gent. william parsons esq son to sir laurence parsons , lieut. william parsons brother to sir laurence parsons , will. parsons of ballintemple gent. evan lloyd of tumagh gent. and richard warburton of garrinch esq all late of the kings county . colonel john fitz patrick of castletown in the queen's county , samuel matthews of ballykeally esq thomas piggot of bannagherry gent. thomas owens of rathmoyle esq william beard of colt gent. captain tobias caulfield , thomas piggott of grangebegg esq hapton harris of mountmellick gent. colonel thomas coote , john deacon of dromeene gent. henry wect of corballis gent. thomas kitchin junior of slaty gent. isaic haslam of marryborrow gent. st. leger gilbert of the same gent. adam kidder of aghbo gent. john baly of corbally gent. and thomas starkey of mountrath : all late of the queen's county . ▪ captain robert choppin of newcastle in the county of longford , anthony sheppard of the same gent. captain francis edgeworth of cranelogh , ambrose edgeworth of lissard gent. arthur bush of longford esq john wallis of the same esq john dean of the same gent. samuel forth of the same gent. archibald hamilton of the same gent. robert hamilton of the same gent. john green of the same gent. robert dunbarr of the same gent. robert smith of aghatuappagh gent. thomas west of cranalagh gent. john lesly of tully gent. george trimble , walter trimble , john trimble gentlemen , quarter-master john aghumly of newton carson clerk. john stern gent. hugh morgan of newcastle esq captain henry crofton of moyhill , and catharin vice-countess-dowager of ranelagh : all late of the county of longford . thomas blyth of rathmore in the county of meath esq samuel bull of greenanstowne esq james tandy of druestowne gent. john owens of ballynedru●ney gent. joseph deane junior of kingstowne esq stafford lightburne of newhagga●d gent. charles meredith of newtowne esq arthur meredith of dollardstowne esq john ford of ardsallagh esq william williams of knockglass gent. john woods junior of garclony gent. joseph woodward of drumbarragh gent. simon roe of warringstowne gent. and ezekiel webb of dunsaghlin clerk , robert thornhill junior of little blackhall gent. captain matthew aylmer of balrath , captain george aylmer of the same , james napper , alias tandy napper of drinstowne esq john osborne of stackallen esq joseph stophard esq and robert thornhill senior of little blackhall gent. all late of the county of meath . robert smith vicar of ballyloghloe in the county of west ▪ meath , benjamin fletcher of lowbaskin gent. richard meares of carpenters-town gent. william cambel of tubber-cormuck gent , george jones of rathconrath gent. lewis barloe of balnaferagh gent. john tipping of dromore , robert rochford esq alexander murry of ballynafide gent. john forbes of boardstowne clerk , captain thomas whittney of derrydowne , dillon pollard of castle-pollard gent. francis leigh son to sir james leigh , captain john phillips of killpatrick , robert pa●kenham of bracklin esq hugh bowen of ledwitstowne ▪ gent. lewis meares junior of meares court gent. and thomas tipping of dromore gent. all late of the county of west-meath . anthony horsy of kilcrony in the county of killkenny , captain richard coote of ▪ tullymaine , captain james hamilton of three castles , captain thomas newburgh of killbreckane , lieutenant edward woods of loghnyes , george villers of dunamangan gent. henry johnson of upper claragh gent. joseph fennel late of windehouse gent. captain samuel matthews of bonestowne , captain thomas flower of dorrow , john tubman of bunchestown gent. jonathan dann of killkenny gent. william jones of mullin-brohy gent. lieutenant hugh deane late of outrath , william baxter late of killkenny , lieutenant james butler of bramblestown , and isaac mukins of killkenny merchant : all late of the county of killkenny . colonel solomon richards of wexford in the county of wexford , bartholomew vicars of wexford clerk , john chichester of prospect esq samuel barrington of colnehorny gent. barrakias wallis of dunganstowne gent. john radford esq eldest son of captain radford , charles o hara , alias harroe of killdoody gent. and henry wallop of enescorthy esq all late of the county of wexford . thomas burrows of mounthuske in the county of wickloww gent. hugh magill of baltrasney gent , and james moore of glaneily gent. in the county of wicklow , edward perkinson of atherdee in the county of lowth clerk , john bankes of the same gent. timothy bankes of the same gent. john ruxton junior of the same gent. henry allen of the same merchant , matthew ruxton of the same gent. charles ruxton of the same clerk , james sallary of the same gent. daniel poe of drumsgoolestowne gent. henry baker of dumaghan esq john smith of dundalke gent. jerome smith of the same gent. edward snell of the same merchant , vvilliam shuel of the same merchant , christopher dalton of the same gent. phillip dalton of the same merchant , joseph toomes of the same gent. thomas lambert of the same gent. henry ponsonby of pepperstowne , james brabazon of carrstowne gent. vvilliam young of atherdee gent. vvilliam disney junior of stabannon gent. cornelius devlin of mayne gent. hugh mitchel of atherdee gent. christopher fortesque of dromiskin esq edward edwards of phillipstowne esq john vvinne of rahesker gent. simon gooding of breganstowne gent. james ▪ herne of s●carmore gent. henry vvarren of atherdee gent. richard sandome of the same gent. gregory bolton of dundalke gent. james greaton junior of the same gent. robert blackwell of atherdee gent. quater-master thomas parkes of the same , ardel coultrane of dundalke gent. david glaizer of the same gent. thomas hudson of the same . gent. richard dawson of the same esq walter smith of the same gent. william mason of the same gent. serjeant booth of carlingford : all late of the county of lowth . thomas greenoge of the town of drogheda gent. john heeny of the same inn-keeper , nehemiah elwood of the same ▪ lieutenant john newton of the same : all of the town of dragheda . bartholomew gibbons of covinger gent. stephen palmes of corgraige gent. jonathan bowles of newcastle gent. william ralph of the same gent. john chinnery of craggan gent. richard chinnery of the same gent. nicholas chinnery of the same gent , thomas ponsonby of bally-cullenbegg gent. john ponsonby of fanstowne gent. thomas creede of garrynaderkey gent. oliver walsh of ballymullane gent. james howard of limerick gent. william southwell of castlematres gent. thomas moore of the same gent. george bryan of shanagolden , john flinn of castlematres , ralph emerson of the same , robert moore of limerick , john swayne of cloghomswhey , john vvhitacre of lisseenesheely , robert pheaby of rathkeale , robert pope of the same , robert robinson of the same , john treth of the same , john crow of the same , john green of cloghnarral , vvilliam clarke of the same , james huggin of the same , vvilliam vvalker of the same , michael daly of clasbane , henry berry of limerick yeoman , richard cooper son to cooper of knocklong , vvilliam palmes of corgraige gent. francis courtney esq james courtney esq and richard courtney esq sons to sir vvilliam courtney , john ormsby , and arthur ormsby sons to captain arthur ormsby , chidley coote , fitz charles of ballyshane esq john dowdall , of cappagh gent. henry palmes of corgraige gent. henry holmes of killmallock gent. john southwell of castlematres gent. vvilliam jephson prebend of donaghmore , captain chichester phillips , richard ingoldesby of ballybrickeene esq charles odle of castlemackeniry gent. miles jackson of ballyvulloge gent. nicholas monuckton of ballynefranky gent. samuel cox of ballyne gent. charles oliver of cloghanotuhey esq richard coote of esq george crofts junior of cloghill gent. samuel foxon junior of limerick esq thomas trenchard of corgraige ▪ esq henry trenchard of the same esq and hugh massey junior of dooutreyleig gent. all late of the county of limerick . henry tent of ballycrenane in the county of cork esq thomas aderly of inishonane esq edward boyle of shannon park esq randall roberts of mountlong gent. charles fenwick of glancreeni gent. cuthbert wilkinson of killpatrick gent. francis strange of shangraige gent. john hodder of ballyea gent. edward phillips of the same gent. richard cox of clognakilly esq richard pyne of water park esq allen broderick esq robert white of brynee gent. captain henry boyle of ballymartir , arthur st. leger of donerayle esq james low of courte gent. henry low of the same gent. john courthrop of little island esq john walton of kinure gent. henry daly of ballydahin gent. captain boyle aldworth of newmarket , lawrence clayton of moyallow esq willam hodder of ballyea gent. samuel hodder of the same gent. richard covett of ballygarran gent. anthony butler of barnahulla gent. joshua mitchell of corke merchant , john watkins senior of ballymee gent. arthur dillon of qr town esq william jephson of mallow esq thomas purdon of ballyclogh esq bartholomew purdon of the same esq adam purdon of moyallolodge esq richard coudran of westtown gent. thomas badham of ballymakie gent. francis roberts of britfield'stown esq thomas knowles of killehey gent. john roberts of britfield'stown gent. barry love of rynerone clerk , william dyer senior of robertstown gent. william dyer junior of labacon gent. sweeteing walton of kinure gent. anosepherus houghton of ballyngarry gent. robert littler of ballindesigg gent. gabriel low of gortagrenane gent. samuel whistler of island funchin gent. john napper gent. edward riggs of island funchin gent. bryan townesend of castletown gent. francis townesend of the same gent. kingston townesend of the same gent. robert cookin of killcoleman gent. thomas ware of newcestown gentleman , william ware of the same gentleman , henry jones of bandon gentleman , john sullevan of the same gentleman , ralph charters of the same gentleman , alexander barrington of castletown gentleman , vincent barrington of the same gentleman , ralph cleer of the same gentleman , arnold gookin of killnutane gentleman , doctor john harding of garranachoonig , thomas dennis of bandon gentleman , phillip white of brenny gentleman , lieutenant robert blackney of castlemartre , thomas coackly of the same clerk , rowland davys of burdinstown dean of ross , james spencer of castlemarter clerk , john jephson of moyallow esq richard farmer of ardragh gentleman , edmond bately gentleman , edmond bishop of ladies-bridge gentleman , william reason senior of the same gentleman , william reason junior of the same gentleman , john reason of the same gentleman , john field gentleman , richard field gentleman , richard bettisford of middleton gentleman , richard crooke of inchyrahilly gentleman , francis bernard junior of castlemahon esq francis harvey of cork gentleman , arthur bernard of castlemahon gentleman , herbert baldwin junior of cloghinah gentleman , hayes crosse of ballygillane gentleman , henry rice of kinsale george herick of polenelong gentleman , robert faulkes junior of curraghueheusy gentleman ▪ thomas lane of ballynfeunator ▪ gentleman , john borne of cloucallagh gentleman , thomas adderly of castletown gentleman , sampson twogood of bandon esq john evans of ballyphillips esq piercy freak of rathbarry esq thomas broderick of ballyannon esq richard newman junior of ballymagnolly . esq anthony raymond of mitchellstown esq george widenham of castletown gentleman , thomas cooke of corke merchant : all late of the county of corke . charles boyle esq son to the lord dungarvan alias clifford in the county of waterford , colonel edward fitz-gerald alias villers of drumana , captain stepen stanly of curtiswood , cornelius bolton of fatleck , son to captain bolton ; richard francklin of temple mitchell gentleman , john spencer of youghall gentleman , john napper of the same gentleman , john stanly of curtiswood gentleman , captain francis foulkes , and samuel maynard , son and heir apparent of sir boyle maynard : all late of the county of waterford . henry hickman of dunagurroge in the county of clare gentleman , thomas hawkins of killallow gentleman , connor o bryen of ▪ drumore gentleman , james hamilton esq son to william hamilton , and francis burton of buncraggii esq all late of the county of clare . robert blenerhassett of killorglain alias castle-conway gentleman , john blenerhassett and robert blenerhasset , sons to the said robert ; john blenerhasset of ballysidy gentleman , samuel morris junior of ballybeggan gentleman , jasper morris of ballyengowne gentleman , william gun of rathoe esq richard gun son and heir to the said william , richard orpin of gortkinlinny gentleman , robert ▪ tophin of gortaglass gentleman , josaph taylor of killowen gentleman , john ponsonby of stackstown gentleman , thomas ponsonby of the same gentleman , thomas collis of tanlagh gentleman , thomas palmer of gortaglass clerk , arthur dillon of ardtully gentleman , theophilus morris of ballybeggan gentleman , samuel raymond of ballyloghrane esq william nicholson of tralee innkeeper , barry denny of barro gentleman , pierce crosby , son and heir apparent of patrick crosby ; william stanton of ratoath gentleman , walter thomas of killeene gentleman , and samuel wilson ▪ clerk : all late of the county of kerry . captain henry fox of lackymore in the county of tipperary , stephen moore of hoare abbey esq captain chidley coote of ardmayle , andrew co●lter of clonmell gentleman , michael parker of killosalla gentleman , edward legg of ballinderry gentleman , theophilus legg of the same gentleman , arthur taylor of noane gentleman , robert foulkes of baptists grange gentleman , lieutenant bradston of james harrison of clogh jordan esq and george lehunt of ballymore esq all late of the county of cipperary . henry cunningham of mount charles gentleman , william wray of castlerea esq michael sampson of fan●e esq john hamilton of murragh esq george vaughan of buncranagh esq john forward of coolemackirtane esq henry hart of muffe esq francis cary of redcastle esq george hart of muffe esq hugh hamill of lifford esq john mountgomery of croghane esq john nisbitt of tully idonnell esq james nisbitt of the same esq william groves of castle shannaghan esq kilmer braizier of rath esq matthew cockaines of raphoe esq samuel norman of london-derry esq major gustavus hamilton of rusgoile , andrew knox junior of carheuenacannanagh gentleman ▪ matthew babington of castledoe gentleman , ralph mansfield of killigordan gentleman , james greham senior of ballarhule gentleman , james greham junior of the same gentleman , james young of the same , matthew scot of kinvre gentleman , william knox of raphoe gentleman , john knox of the same gentleman , john wigton of the same gentleman , robert cowen of st. johnstown gentleman , john cowen of the same gentleman , john stewart of dunduffe gentleman , stewart of ballyleane gentleman , patrick connelly of belashannon gentleman , patrick spence of donnegall gentleman , robert spence of the same gentleman , matthew spence of the same gentleman , george spence of the same gentleman , charles calhoone of letterkenny gentleman , william cunningham of ballydavys gentleman , alexander nisbitt of tully idonnell gentleman , andrew lindsey of castlemurry gentleman , charles lessley of termonmagrath clerk , tristrum sweetenam of bartt ▪ gentleman , george sweetnam of the same gentleman , vvilliam cary of redcastle gentleman , george byers of loghlycarrylan gentleman , john orr of letterkenny gentleman , james orr of the same gentleman , william brice of the same gentleman , alexander hogg of logheaske gentleman , james sinkler of ramalan gentleman , henry paton of the same gentleman , william farrald of baugherbegg gentleman , hugh caldwell of donnegall gentleman , john crafford of the same gentleman , matthew strong of clou●ee gentleman , james strong of the same gentleman , george everis of donnegall gentleman , andrew hamilton of gentleman , thomas folliot of bellashannon gentleman , francis earles of the same gentleman , francis jennings of the same gentleman , william walker of donnegall gentleman , ralph gore of magharabegg esq bazill benson of stravorlan gentleman , james fisher of derry gentleman , john folliot of bellashannon esq charles hamilton of cavan esq and captain jervis squire of donaghmore : all late of the county of donnegall and londonderry . lieutenant colonel joseph gordan of the county of tyrone , robert kerr of omagh gentleman , thomas kerr of the same gentleman , john hamilton of callidon esq robert huston of castlestewart esq alexander sanderson of tullylagan esq francis white of ballymagrane gentleman , william goodlett of derry gally gentleman , william cunningham of cuagh esq john cornwall of mullaghmargaret gentleman , james moore of garvy esq son to william moore ; james moore of tully gentleman , james moore of derryoretty gentleman , thomas ▪ kerr senior of dunnaghmore gentleman , john morris of gortnaglagh clerk , henry maxwell of glenarb gentleman , james maxwell of the same gentleman , alexander woods of kinard gentleman , john lowry of aghiennis gentleman , robert lowry of the same gentleman , john lowry junior of the same gentleman , thomas leech ▪ of belloragh gentleman , william leech of the same gentleman , william moore of anaghloghan gentleman , david kearnes of askragh esq charles eccles of fentonagh gentleman , samuel eccles of the same gentleman , john graron of aghir gentleman , james nisbitt of killegreene gentleman , adam tate of ballygally gentleman , charles hamilton of the same gentleman , captain archibald hamilton of stantowny , henry mervyn of omagh esq audley mervyn of trelick gentleman , william garvan of derry gentleman , francis delapp of moylagh gentleman ; andrew mac causland of claraghmore gentleman , george hamilton of may gentleman , james hamilton of downlong esq robert hamilton of killiloony gentleman , james hamilton of ardnoblisg merchant , william hamilton of ballyfattane gentleman , matthew babington of urney gentleman , george walker of dunaghmore clerk , john lesley junior of tirkernaghane gentleman , william stewart of killemoon gentleman , and oliver mac causland of rash esquire : all late of the county of cyrone . charles calwell of bellick in the county of fermannagh esq son and heir apparent of sir james caldwell , captain abraham creighton of crum , david rynd of dervoland esq william wisshart of clounteffrin esq gustavus hamilton of moynea esq william erwyn of ballydullagh esq christopher erwyn of the same esq his son , walter johnston of millick esq george bochanon of enniskilling esq francis johnston of derrycholaght gentleman , william barton of ro● island gentleman , robert johnston of aghanuce esq lieutenant colonel hugh montgomery of corrard , robert montgomery of derrybroske gentleman , james creighton of crum gentleman , james aghineleck of bellaghinleck gentleman , andrew forster of drumgoone gentleman , hugh rosse of rossdagagh gentleman , christopher carleton of bohne gentleman , john moffett of letterboy gentleman , adam betty of carne gentleman , rowland betty of ardverny gentleman , john betty of the same gentleman , john croizier of cavan gentleman , lawrence crafford of cavancarragh gentleman , jason hassart senior of mullyvesker gentleman , jason hassart junior of killnemaddue gentleman , lieutenant william ellet of staraghan , robert catcarth of creaghmore gentleman , archibald hamilton of drummarry gentleman , gabriel shore of magheryboy gentleman , edward morton of mullenegough gentleman , lieutenant william smith of greenish , thomas winslow of derryvore gentleman , john folliot of fillenn gentleman , william green of killeter clerk , john leonard of magwyersbridge gent. patrick breadan of ▪ derryboy gent. thomas ellet of galoone gent. doctor john lesley of derryvoland parish , allen cathcart of enniskilling gent. william cottington of the same gent. thomas dunbarr of the same gent. william smith of clounish clerk , john andrews of kinobir clerk , john forster of carnemackasker gent. thomas bird of ●issanaskea gent. william browning of beallanamallagh gent. george cashell of dromine gent. robert clarke of enniskilling merchant , james delapp senior of the same gent. james delapp junior of the same gent. alexander forker of the same gent. thomas shore of the same gent. matthew webster of the same gent. william frith of the same gent. william mac cormock of the same gent. john hall of the same gent. william cole of colehill gent. bartholomew drope of carrowrasky gent. james johnston of magheryboy gent. richard evett of magherestephenagh gent. merick of the same gent. thomas humphery of aughvenuhue gent. william humphry of drumard gent. john croizier of crockneale gent. jamis callhowne of crevenish gent. charles bingham of the same gent. alexander johnston of mullaghsillogagh gent. hugh mountgomery of carhue esq thomas rosgrave of gorldonochoe gent. ezekiell webb of enniskilling clerk , george humes of cullenecrunaht clerk , cornet john maddison of cloonygally , john meanes of stramreagh gent. john humphery of mounterfadaghane gent. edward pockridge of gortuadrige gent. henry walton of laghnagalgreene gent. william walton of the same gent. john booreman of coolebegg gent. john abercromby of drumcroe gent. robert galbraith of drumadoone gent. george ellet of tully gent. alexander wyre of mumaghan gent. thomas chittoge of cash gent. william little of drumenagh gent. john humes of aghrim gent. vvilliam little of ardumsin gent. james dundas gent. hugh cathcart of tullyshanlan gent. alexander cathcart of ennisway gent. james cathcart of the same gent. andrew johnston of drumbeggan gent. james hamilton of tullycreevy gent. john keer of drumsillagh gent. robert johnson of ginnivan gent. thomas hinston of killerny gent. henry robinson of rosserolbane gent. james elliot of storchin gent. robert elliot of the same gent. thomas elliot of gallune gent. daniel armstrong of chive gent. robert armstrong of the same gent. captain james corry of castlecoole , john creighton of aughaloane esq charles belfore of lisneskea esq william belfore of the same esq captain hugh magill , captain edward davys of knockballimore , and james humes , son and heir apparent of sir john humes : all late of the county of fermanagh . william brody of cavan andrew bell of aghucrive gent. john bell of the same gent. ambrose bedell of carudallan gent. robert booth of drumcorbane yeoman , william cunningham of killesandra clerk , thomas coach of cabragh esq alexander charter of aughucony gent. arnold cosby of drumury gent. thomas coote of coote-hall esq doctor cooke of clerk , james coulding of bealaheafe clerk , david campbell of bonnough yeoman , arthur culme of lissnemeane esq edward dixie dean of killmore , charles mac fadden junior of quilcagh gent. edward mac fadden of the same gent. william gun of drummury gent. captain meredith gwyllin of belaconnell , henry hamilton of ballyborea esq thomas heny of aghcrive yeoman , richard heny of the same yeoman , thomas hart of cumlin gent. daniel hudson of the manner of skeogh gent. michael leeds of clunigunily gent. richard lewis of lismore gent. patrick laughy of aughkillmore yeoman . john laughy of the same yeoman , james moore of tullivin gent. john maxwell of farename gent. robert maxwell of the same gent. thomas newborogh of belahayes esq broghell newborogh of the same gent. joseph robinson of barcony gent. mark robinson of the same gent. robert sanderson of castlesanderson esq william steevens of courteusangan gent. john strong of tanlagh yeoman , james strong of the same yeoman , oliver steevens senior of gorteuesangan gentleman , oliver steevens of the same gentleman , thomas steevens of the same gentleman , samuel townely of moynehall esq francis white of redhill esq vvilliam vvard of torroburt gent. james young of coolebane gent. joseph tate late of killcanan yeoman , james hill of killitter gent. john mee of botler's-bridge gent. matthew french senior of belturbett merchant , daniel french of the same merchant , thomas netters of the same yeoman , vvilliam chaplein of the same yeoman , vvilliam cunningham minister of carrickallin , conn parett of bealaheas gent. christopher harmon of belanacarrig gentleman , henry vvaldrom of cavan esq james anderson of killesandra gentleman , thomas mac vice of coolebane gentleman , john ballard of cavan innkeeper , john price of the same , yeom . john holland of the same , yeom . robert cregg of anghubane , yeom . thomas white of redhill , gent. george russel of belturbett , inkeeper ▪ john richard of the same , yeom . abraham ▪ kottnan of the same , yeoman : william wardell of the same , yeom . bryan vosse of the same , yeom . william coplin sen. of the same , yeoman : william coplin jun. of the same , yeom . richard keepe of the same , yeoman : peter eakuby of the same , yeom . thomas bagnall of the same , yeom . john termand of the same , yeom . henry gwyllims of dublin , gent. thomas humes of killesandra , gent. henry edgeworth esq and thomas newborough jun. of bow island , gent. all late of the county of cavan . hugh mountgomery of carrow in the county of monoghan , esq blany owens of monoghan-duffe , esq thomas cole of ballyleck , esq richard pockridge of aghanamallagh , esq william smith of corhallin , esq john forster of toton , clerk : henry richardson of ballyclyan , gent. john wildman of skea , gent. thomas wildman of the same , gent. henry james of skearvan , gent. john fisher of cornbarran , gent. john west of the same , gent. john scoutes of dromick , gent. serjeant john oysher of gortmore , roger smith of knock , francis rosse of anaghine , gent. john forster of dromreske , gent. david farguson of raconnel , gent. john mountgomery of rafinane , gent. james mountgomery of the same , gent. john ginn of tidamit , gent. ▪ robert mountgomery of mullaghtimore , gent. william robinson of cappock , gent. serjeant john wright of clunt ▪ john lachkin of cugullagh , yeom . james write of scardoan , gent. abraham dancy of aghaboy , gent. john mac nab of glaslogh , gent. andrew mac nab of the same , gent. thomas johnston of the same , gent. oliver ancktell of ancktell's-grove , gent. richard ancktell of the same , gent. matthew ancktell of the same , gent. roger holland of drumbanchor , gent. james holland of the same , gent. captain richard dawson of killcroe : william dawson of the same , gent. lancelot dawson of the same , gent. james wright of anaghagh , gent. john slack of tyranerii , gent. richard wright of tolcham , gent. george scott of bogh , gent. john breedy of forvas , gent. robert thomas of aghaboy , gent. john forster of clunvely , gent. james moore of bartry , gentleman : captain samuel eccles of cartuedarragh : george robinson of kilcoran , gent. george robinson jun. of the same , gent. john nelson of mahiry , gent. john knox of glaslogh , gent. captain joseph johnston of cranvale : lieutenant colen johnston of the same : james mac-gerhey of roscorvan , gent. william browne of ballounhengty , gent. lieutenant henry owens of monaghduffe , edward owens of the same , gent. john sparks of corvechessa , gent. john dawson of kilcroe , gent. isaack dawson of dromany , gent. david karnaghan of ballanageeragh , gent. joseph walsh of dromrinagh , gent. thomas pardy of killeneck , gent. fulke flinton of skrunageeragh , gent. lieutenant john graham of glascogh : henry walton of loghmagulgreene , gent. henry robinson , of the same , gent. william robinson of the same , gent. cornet john maddison of amy : ensign edward maddison of the same : james christy of monoghan , clerk : william willock of dromhillagh , gent. capt. john ryder of ballamure : serjeant thomas walsh of lesly : james cooper of drumbarragh , gent. alexander cooper of the same , gent. capt. thomas coote of kilgrewy : john cossens of corrivelly , gent. john cossens jun. of the same , gent. walter curry of clan , gent. john atkinson of dromore , gent. thomas portys of clundenory , gent. francis johnston of crosbane , gent. dacre barret of clownish , gent. capt. william wishard of clantewrin , capt. walter dawson of rash : william smith of clownish , clerk : william warren of monaghan , clerk : john knox of glaslogh , clerk : thomas fitz-symons of tullycorbot , clerk : michael gipson of monaghan , clerk : william maxwel of farkland , gent. john bradshaw of lys●llinch , gent. charles corson of clovanle , gent. ensign christopher crow of the same : george frizel of cumer , gent. william johnston of clownish : george gibb of the same , gent. george hamersly of the same , gent. capt. francis forster of castle-caulfield : william johnston of tyhallon , gent. john gilmore of monoghan , gent. hugh gilmore of the same , gent. thomas ellis of the same , gent. thomas burgis of the same , gent. thomas younge of the same , gent. william keiran of the same , gent. david meads of the same , gent. john sharp of the same , gent. john togher of castle ▪ shane , gent. george knight of the same , gent. abraham knight of the same , gent. john mills of the same , gent. william torre● of the same , gent. james burdin of the same , gent. robert scott of the same , gent. william scott of the same , gent. robert scott of anaghanle , gent. capt. bazil brooke of tullaghgallan , john dobb of carick , gent. capt. bernard ward of the same : bryan ward of ballynure , gent. capt. arthur bashford of the same : edward clarke of the same , gent. serjeant william fox of the same : andrew mountgomery of the same ▪ clerk : serjeant john oysler of enniskillin : john webster of monaghan , gent. james parr of the same , gent. richard parr of the same , gent. william smith of kilmore , gent. thomas clugston ▪ of monaghan , gent. thomas holmes of the same ; gent. col. richard cole of ballyleck : lieutenant francis cole of the same : ralph barlow of anaghmallagh , clerk : capt. james corry of bally clanard : lieutenant edward dixie of ballyrush : william robinson of the same , gent. joseph thornton of coragore , gent. george thornton of the same , gent. william thornton of the same , gent. thomas thornton of the same , gent. samuel corry of glaan , gent. nathaniel corry of the same , gent. and isaiah corry of the same , gent. all late of the county of monoghan . pophan conway , alias seymor , esq clothworthy skeffington of antrim , in the county of antrim , esq col. robert adaire of ballymenagh : capt. edward harrison of killulagh : capt. archibald edmonson of ballygarry : arthur upton of temple-patrick , esq capt. richard dobb jun. of ballynure : lieutenant col william shaw of gemeway : lieutenant col. charles stewart of ballintoy : capt. william stewart of grigary : andrew rowan of oldstowne , clerk : capt. william rowan of the same : capt. william shaw of bash : capt. patrick shaw of ballygally : capt. james shaw of belfast : henry shaw of ballyvoy , gent : capt. george mac cartney of belfast : capt. hugh mac neale of clare : lieutenant col. robert hueston of cregg : francis hueston of the same , gent. capt. william adare of ballymenagh : capt. michael galland of vowes : benjamin galland of the same , gent. capt. john hamilton of cloghmits : james hamilton of the same , gent. william hamilton of the same , gent. capt. william eaton of dunfane : capt. john biggarstaffe of rossegifte : capt. john lyndon . jun. of carrickfergus : capt. john harper of ballymenagh : james mac clure of kilmackevet , gent. joseph cunningham of the same , gent. forrist shortrix of antrim , gent. john mac cay of mults , gent. george buttle of glenarme , gent. john donelson of the same , gent. patrick agnew of killanter ; gent. william cragg of glenarme , gent. george johnston of glins , gent. john crumy of ballymony , gent ▪ james stweart of ballyluske , gent. william mac fetrisk of carneglass , gent. robert clugston of belfast , gent. john mac neale of billy , gent. .... harvyes of ballymuny , clerk : alexander boyde of carranmore , gent. john fullerton of ballagh , gent. capt. ralph smith junior , capt. hercules davys : john davys esq son to hercules davys ; and clothworthy upton esq all late of the county of antrim . john hawkins of rathfryland in the county of downe , esq james hamilton of tullimore , esq james hamilton of bangor , esq james hamilton of carricknasire , esq charles ward of killaugh , esq bernard ward of castleward , esq george maxwell of killaleugh , esq son to sir robert maxwell : john mac neale dean of down : daniel mac neale of dundrum , gent. william breete of nappers-town , esq john hamilton of errenagh , esq jasper brent of nappers-town , gent. bernard brent of the same , gent. richard turke late of downe , gent. hugh browne of the same , gent. rowland browne of the same , gent. william palmer of castleskrine , gent. markes hodges late of downe , gent. george johnston of kilcleefe , gent. anthony lock of downe , gent. john haddock of cornebane , gent. william redmond of clontough , gent. robert ecclin late of killough , gent. john ward of castleward , esq john smart of cookes-town , gent. john blackwood jun. of bangor , gent. henry west of ballydugane , esq william pringle of laghnebaper , gent. david white of reliagh ▪ gent. john ringland of kilmore , gent. george maxwell of derryboy , gent. james erwyne of killeleagh , gent. leutenant james butler of rincady : alexander stewart of ringduffrant , gent. james pattent of magherknock , gent. hugh wallace of ravera , gent. patrick hamilton of gransagh , gent. arthur maxwel of drum-bridge , gent. james mac gill jun. son to captain james ▪ mac ▪ gill : john mac gill of munallon , gent. matthew beates of ballyvinchan , gent. edward jackson of the same , gent. john ealine of erquine , esq william mac cormuck of the same , gent. william mountgomery of rosmond , esq hugh maxwel of ballyquinline : james mountgomery , son to the aforesaid william : james bailey of eninsorkey , esq hugh mac gill late of kirstown , esq archibald mac neale , clerk : hugh mountgomery of ballymagowne , esq john mountgomery of carrickboy , gent. james rosse of portefore , esq william hogg of barrady , gent. john stenson near bangor , gent. john blackwood of bangor , gent. james berkeley of ballysallagh , gent. john sanders of newtown , gent. david campbel of cumber , esq hugh mountgomery of ballymalady , gent. gowin hamilton of lisswine , gent. william hamilton his brother : james moore sen. of ballybregagh , gent. james moore jun. of corrukmainu , gent. john wallas of ravera , gent. hugh fairely of boordmil , gent. francis annesly of cloghmaghericat , gent. hugh johnston of reademon , gent. lenmel matthews archdeacon of downe : alexander bally of reindefferant , gent. thomas wardlow late of mourne , gent. william shaw of rafindy , gent. robert gibson of dromeragh parish , gent. alexander stewart late of ardmullin , gent. roger hall of lagan , esq john norris of newcastle , esq john robinson of tullimore , gent. henry monrow of drominskagh , esq james waddel of ishan derry , gent. hugh waddle of the same , gent. alexander waddle of the same , gent. william haltridge of dromore , gent. robert swift of lissnereward , gent. robert campbel of laghans , gent. william campbel of tollyeare , gent. jeremy mussindine of hilsborough , gent. thomas johnston late of gilhall , gent. willian manson of ballynaleary , gent. charles casslet of laghinlan , gent. john boyle of dromnovady , gent. nicholas bagnal of newry , esq nicholas price , esq john law of mangerlin , gent. james slone of dublin , esq cornet william mountgomery of gransagh : richard warren of clonconnel , gent. thomas warring of the same ; and robert rosse of rathfryland , gent. all late of the county of downe . downeham cope of dromely , esq james maxwel jun. of mullaghiteny , esq james gillapsy of anaghrope , gent. john erwin of tynan , gent. william heardman of dartan : francis hamilton of tullybrock , gent. hugh rowley of tubbermore , esq francis obery of clantylne , gent. william richardson of legecurry , esq george blacker jun. of knockbridge , gent. henry hunter of ballymeally gent. jonathan . powel of ballybroly , gent. daniel maddin of toneregge , gent. william denny of clonbrazile , gent. john dawson of ardmagh , gent. walter dawson sen. of the same , gent. walter dawson jun. of the same , gent. ralph trueman sen. of braccagh , gent. meredith workeman of meagh , gent. captain john johnston of dromconnel : robert fenly of hamilton's-bawne , gent. thomas ball of glassedromi , esq charles pointz of the same , gent. major joseph strowde of lisburne ; and joseph strowde , gentlem. all late in the county of ardmagh . alexander stewart , esquire , son to the lord mountjoy : warham jemett , collector : captain alexander lacky : captain samuel norman : captain matthew cockins : captain alexander tompkins : captain john tompkins : captain thomas moncreiffe : captain james lenox : captain horan kenedy : lieutenant william crookeshankes : lieutenant james boyde : lieutenant james spicke : lieutenant daniel sherrard : lieuten . edward brookes : lieutenant william wallace : lieutenant henry long : lieutenant william macky : lieutenant robert morrison : lieutenant william newton : lieutenant henry campsy : lieutenant henry thompson : col. george philips of newtownlemevaddy : captain william smith : captain andrew alexander : captain thomas philips junior ▪ lieutenant col. edward cary of dungiven : captain alexander skipton : captain stephen h●ard : captain james strong : captain thomas ash : captain james howey of muffe : captain samuel hobson : captain george skipton of foughanveale : captain john gage of moygillan : capt. ... hallneare of ballycastle : captain abraham hilhouse of the same : colonel george canning of garvagly : captain nicholas edwards of kilreah : captain william church : capt. ... miller : capt. adam downing of ballaghy : captain matthew mac loran of dawsonsbridge : captain hugh reamy : lieutenant col. william cunningham of ballydrum : capt. james rea : captain samuel wright : lieutenant col. robert lundy ; and david rosse of londonderry . gent. all late of the county of londonderry . captain john forward of coolemackeiltrean : capt. john cowan of s. johnston : capt. francis cary of redcastle : capt. george vaughan of buncrannagh : capt. henry hart of muffe in enishone : captain robert cary of whitecastle : captain william latham of ballymagrorty : lieutenant william cary of ballyeany , alias bridestown : thomas blaire of aghadny , gent. henry gorge of somerset , son of col. gorge ; and patrick jordan of castleroe , gent. all late of the counties of donnegal or detty . oliver st. george jun. of headford , esq second son to sir oliver st. george : richard st. george of dunmore , esq george ▪ st. george of the same , esq john blackny of gallagh , esquire : robert corlewes of dunmore , gent. john eyres of eyres court , esq and samuel eyres of the same . all late of the county of galway ▪ daniel hutson of st. john's , esq capt. chidley coote of voughterhire : john drury of callow , gent ▪ edward nickleson of castlereagh , clerk : edward hawkes of roscommon , clerk : thomas floyd of croghane , esq toby mulloy of knocvic●ar , gent. edward sandford of castlereagh , gent. john teadon of boyle yeom . george crofton of kilbridge , gent. john nickleson of castlereagh , clerk : henry irwing of boyanagh , yeom . william lambert of moyheiden , gent. richard glasse of clooneawne , gent. jacob jaques of athlone , innkeeper : anthony cope dean of elphin : henry yeadon of boyle , clerk : gilbert ormsby of tobervaddy , esq and john crofton of kilbride , gent. all late of the county of roscommon . arthur cooper of marker , gent. richard cooper of the same , gent. william ormsby of court , gent. francis king. of ballindune , gent. charles dodd of tyrillel , gent. robert foliot of dromdony , gent. henry hughs and thomas hughs of crahane barony , gent. william harlow of rathmullin .... thomas hart of ballinspor : george cooper of tyrillel , gent. morgan hart of ballinspor , gent. robart hart of the same , gent. james nipper of tobberaghoirne , gent. richard brookes of tullybegg , gent. doctor john lesly of ballitogher , clerk : stephen ormsby of castleloghdaregin , gent. roger smith of knocknasamer , gent. henry nickleson of bellanagargine , gent. roger nickleson of the same , gent. adam ormsby of comine ▪ gent. francis ormsby of carene●row , gent. richard smith of coolany , gent. francis gore and william gore of sligoe , gent. coote ormsby of sligoe , clerk : peirce geathing of the same , esq philip cox of the same , gent. humphry booth of the same , esq humphry booth jun. of the same , gent. anthony colly of moyhgara , gent. richard phillips of sligoe , gent. james soden of grange , gent. jeremy jones of arduaglass , esquire : lewis jones of the same , esq john urwing of tonregoe , gent. alexander urwing of the same , gent. thomas griffith of ballingchara , esq thomas griffith , jun. of the same , gent. william griffith of sligoe , gent. richard nesson of grange , gent. ensign william story of rosse : thomas osborne near sligoe , gent. henry osborne of the same , gent. henry grissin of sligoe , gent. william nicleson of ardtairmane , gent. charles nicleson of larrass , gent. edward hunter of ballyelly , gent. richard wood of laccan , esq edward wood of court , esq stephen wagget of cooluny , yeom . thomas crocar of the same , yeom . samuel nicleson of castle canure , gent. roger walton of the same , tanner : michael jones of legbane , clerk : william mortimer of tyrellel , gent. william mortimer jun. of the same , gent. thomas cashoe of ballysadara , gent. thomas burne of castle canure , tanner : arthur gore of sligoe , gent. john palmer of knockmullin , gent. and thomas ormsby of comin , gent. all late of the county of sligoe . arthur gore of the county of mayo , gent. son and heir to sir arthur gore : major owen vaughan of carrowmore : charles bingham of foxford , gent. captain thomas brent of ballinrobe : james moore of killala , gent. cl●ud watts of tyrally , gent. john robinson of rathreagh , gent. lawrence mackin of rathduffe , gent. benjamin long of mayne , gent. lewis winn of ballyvighan , esq john bingham sen. of foxford , esq all late of the county of mayo . william lowther , esquire : james nisbitt , esq robert galbraith , gent. robert collys : william nichols : gustavus nichols : william parsons : lieutenant robert elliot : ..... waagh : thomas floyd , esq captain hugh mountgomery : capt. edward nicholson : robert craige : william charleton : capt. ... mansley : lancelot lowther : william elliot : ... graham : john anderson : thomas vernloe : francis gore : james maxwel , clerk : william cunningham , clerk : robert rosse , clerk : henry palmer , clerk ; and james wynn of lorgan boy , esq all late of the county of lietrim : whether dead or alive , or kill'd in open rebellion , or now in arms against your majesty , or otherwise : and every of them shall be deemed , taken and reputed , and are hereby declared and adjudged traytors , convicted and attainted of high treason , and shall suffer such pains of death , penalties and forfeitures respectively , as in cases of high treason are accustomed . provided , that in case it happen that any of the persons hereby attainted , or to be attainted , do now abide or dwell in this kingdom , and are amenable to the law , that then and in such case , if such person and persons do by the tenth day of august , one thousand six hundred eighty nine , without compulsion , of his own accord come in and deliver himself to the lord chief justice of your majesties court of kings-bench in ireland , or to any other of the judges of the said court , or of any other of your majesties four courts in dublin , or to any judge of assize in their circuits , to be charged with any treason , to be charged or imputed to him or them , that then and in such case , such person and persons ( if after acquitted by the laws of this land , or discharged by proclamation ) shall be freed , dlscharged , and acquitted from all peins , punishments , and forfeitures by this act incurred , laid or imposed ; any thing in this act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . and whereas the several persons hereafter named ( viz. ) john veazy , lord archbishop of tuam : arthur chichester , earl of donnegal : folliot wingfield , viscount powers-court : william morton , lord bishop of kildare : william smith , lord bishop of raphoe : narcissus marsh , lord bishop of fernes and laughlin : edward jones , lord bishop of cloyne : capel wiseman , lord bishop of dromore : sir john peyton , baronet : sir thomas domvile of temple ▪ oge , baronet : sir arthur jones of osberstown , baronet : sir john morgan , baronet : sir edward crofton of mose , baronet : sir henry bingham of castlebarr , baronet : sir william evans , baronet : sir abel ram , knight : sir john coghil of drumconragh , knight : sir william wentworth of dublin , knight : sir henry ponsonby , knight : sir william lemon of knockanelewer , knight : sir john dillon of lismullin , knight : sir robert cole of ballymackey , knight : sir toby poynes of brecknock , knight : bartholomew vanhumrigh of the city of dublin , merchant : philip crofts , gent. stephen ludlow , esq anderson sanders , esq robert pooley , gent. luke lowther late alderman : abraham tarner , esq edward harris , gent. robert bridges , esq william swift , gent. dr. ralph howard : john linegar late of dunbree : henry ashton , glover ▪ edward reyly , gent. adam swift , gent. thomas putland , merch. john carr , gent. matthew french jun. samuel jackson , gent. henry salmon , merch. charles carter , sadler : henry ecclin , esq late one of his majesties sergeants at law : nehemiah donneland , esq counseller at law : peter westenra , esq henry monk , esq william manle , esq murtagh dowling , esq isaac dobson , esq robert stopford , esq robert peppard , esq john gowrney , esq thomas tilson , esq joseph deane , esq late seneschal of st. pulchers liberties : james grace , esq late seneschal of christ-church liberties : robert sanders , esq robert alloway , esquire , late one of the officers of the ordnance : doctor .... miller : john thompson , late agent for the commissioners : thomas spranger , late examinator of the high court of chancery : captain james gardner of pimlicoe : capt. thomas cooke of st. james's street : capt. john rawlins of strand street : william ralphson , gent. william scott , gent. temple briscoe , gent. william ormsby , gent. anthony nixon , gent. john bate , gent. richard thompson , gent. benjamin chitwood : thomas osborne , gent. john gardner , gent. john theacker , gent. giles spencer , gent. jacob peppard , gent. michael harborne , gent. andrew lloyd , gent. isaack ambrose , gent. jeremiah roscoe , gent. philip harris , gent. richard flemming , gent. william tisdall , gent. christopher caldwell , gent. thomas carter , gent. charles grolier , gent. faustine cuppage , gent. richard hacket , gent. charles king , gent. john rotten , gent. henry reeves , gent. zachary foxal , gent. thomas fisher , gent. gilbert holmes , gent , thomas sisson , scrivener : john gay the younger : charles campbel , gent. thomas twigg , gent. daniel cooke , gent. edmond reynel , gent. samuel frith , gent. george osborne , gent. john edge , gent. john hill , gent. robert curtis , gent. john curtis , gent. henry whitfield , and .... whitfield , sons to counsellor whitfield : mordecay abbot , gent. tobyas creamer of st. thomas street , gent. charles wallis of the same , gent. william berry , gent. william wybrants , gent. benjamin burton , banker : edward lloyd , merchant : john abbot , late steward of the inns : john cuthbert of skinnerow , goldsmith : john pierson of st. thomas street , brewer : samuel bell of the same , gent. abraham maw of castle street , merchant : john ashhurst of st. nicholas street , merchant : henry steevens of high-street , merchant : charles batty of corn-market , upholsterer : robert briddock of skinner-row , merchant ; edward brookes of st. warburgh-street , merchant : john lovet of the bli●d●ey , merchant : william stowel of highstreet , ironmonger : simon sherlock of backlane , brazier : william covett of cornmarket , hozier : henry smith of skinner-row , haberdasher ▪ henry rogers of highstreet , merchant-taylor : arthur fisher of the same , plate-maker : vincent bradston of st. patrick-street , pewterer : walter harris of smithfield , merchant : samuel price of pottle , ironmonger : john hudson , maulster : francis prichard , gent. jonathan taylor , chandler : samuel care of highstreet , merchant : thomas doran of the glib , vintner : philip green of the same , chandler : dennis cash of highstreet , merchant : thomas bodely of the same , merchant : caleb thomas of the same , merchant : john boosby of the same , taylor : thomas mason of the same , merchant : robert teats of st. james-street , skinner : henry salmon of meath-street , clothier ▪ richard boose of the same , clothier : joseph james of highstreet , merch. robert roper of the comb , clothier : barnet wells of the same , clothier : william lemon of st. francis-street , baker : josias smith of cavan-street , brewer : george duxberry of the comb , clothier : patrick campbel , stationer : eliphel dobson of castle-street , stationer : william norman of damas-street , stationer : charles carter of skinner-row , merchant : francis stoyt of copper-ally , merchant : richard tygh of smithfield , merchant : john green of ormonds-key , carpenter : james cottingham of skinner-row , goldsmith : charles thompson of corkehill , chyrurgeon : samuel trevers of st. marys abby , merch. john shelly of skinner-row , goldsmith : thomas elliot of the same , cook : john quin , son to alderman quin : william hill of st. patrick-street , merch. ... eastwood of colledge-green , clothier : james hartly of church-street , merch. walter hitchcock , querister : dean john pooly : john allen , esq son to sir joshua allen : william clerk of highstreet , merchant-taylor : john hetherington , perrywig-maker : henry rowlandson of skinner-row , merch. william founds of temple-bar , merch. thomas taylor , gent. samuel care of highstreet , merchant-taylor : john haslack , tanner : doctor john maddin : francis roberts ▪ and kender roberts , brothers to the earl of radnor : john wallis of st. thomas-street , gent. and william flood of colledge-green , gent. all late of the city of dublin . john beatham of killeck in the county of dublin , esq edward dean of tyrenure , esq samuel folio , chancellor of st. patricks : robert meade of foblestown , gent. martin basil of drumcarny , gent. francis spring of colledruth , gent. william wybrants of grange : bally boyle , gent. isaack dobson of dundrum , gent. josias smith of st. patricks close , gent. john rawlins of newstreet , gent. thomas baily of st. patricks close , gent. john way●lock of newry , tanner : thomas shaw of crookedstaff , tanner : philip parker of st. patricks street , tanner : john ridgeway of oldbawne , gent. john williamson of clondalcan , gent. james roberts of newmarket , gent. william lemon of kevanstreet , gent. william nuans of dunlavan , tanner : ralph rule , prebend of kilmatalway : edward hind of tallow : thomas theacker of rathcoole , clerk : ... williamson of newcastle , clerk : henry ryder , prebend of malehedurt : archdeacon william williamson : william fownes : edward swan of kilriske , esq edward riley the attorny : john stearne of ballagh , gent. thomas springham of finglas , gent. and peter westenra of blanchers-town , esquire . all late of the county , or city of dublin . gilbert holmes of ovidstown in the county of kildare , gent. thomas twigg of blackrath , gent. duke gifford of castle jordan , esq john davys of littleburton , esq joseph damer of filberry , gent. william warren of grangebeg , gent. and george mervin of tipperogan , gent. all late of the county of bildare . john tench of staplestown in the county of catherlogh , esq richard warren , esq francis bradstown of morterstown , gent. thomas bernard of cloghuae , gent. john lucas of rathdaniel , yeoman : edmond ▪ jones of tullagh , esq cadwallader wyn of killelongford , gent. roger piers , gent. joseph ivy of grangeford , gent. urban vigor of old leighlin , gent. ... cocks of ballydartane , clerk : robert stopford of ballybrack , esq charles wilcocks of shierwood park , gent. and ... elliot of staplestown , clerk. all late of the county of catherlagh . john baldwyn sen. of curraghlanty in the kings county , esq edward crofton of redwood , gent. anthony dobson of polekeiry , gent. meadhope lloyd of tumagh , gent. john jerome of the same , gent. brigoe henry of ballynecrot , gent. william gun of ballynrackin , gent. ... winter of castletown : ... george blundel of kileluncorkery , gent. john woods of ballymorane , gent. thomas green of ballyengallagh , gent. ... wilkinson of fyntre , gent. ... parker of ... all late of the kings county . edward stubbers of clarane in the queens county , esq maurice cuffe of ballygehy , gent. samuel preston of junnoe , esq john baily of corballis , gent. nathaniel keirin of esker , gent. capt. thomas howard of clankelly : john starkey of lysseene , gent. daniel green of abby leix , gent. jonathan alland of tobberboe , esq capt. thomas denny of clonruske : samuel gale of crottentegle , gent. nathaniel nicholas of marybarrogh , gent. francis wheeler of garronconly , gent. john ashurt of ●ooly , gent. robert maxwel of stradbally , esq robert pigot eldest son to thomas pigot of disert : robert sanders of ballynegar , esq lancelot sands of killevan . all late of the queens county . henry ellis of clanmillan in the county of longford , gent. alexander dyer , gent. john sankey of tenelick , esq john sankey of killinbore , gent. capt. anthony morley of clogh : daniel mullinex of ballyemully , esq william moxon of rathsallagh , gent. robert newcomen of rosstown , esq john adkins , gent. william smith , gent. william siffers , gent. john kennedy of mullagh , esq george flawne of tonelagh , gent. capt. george newcomen : ensign beverly newcomen : alexander forbesse of glenmore , gent. john scot , gent. and james balzel . all late of ●he county of longford . henry osborne of dardistown in the county of meath , esq george peppard of ballygart , esq stafford lightburne of adamstown , esq lancelot dowdal of monktown , esq peter westenrae of rathmore , esq joseph prat of garradice , esq hugh morgan of rathcoran , gent. benjamin prat of agherpallis , gent. thomas ash of st. johns , esq richard barker of corroboy , gent. william smither , gent. john lynegar of baskenagh , gent. john percival of collierstown , esq john bolton of ratoath , clerk : walter bruffe of ballytrasny , esq john maxwel of oldcastel , clerk : joseph prat , jun. of garradice , gent. arthur shane of dublin , esq robert stopford of newhal , esq capt. john foord of ardsallagh : thomas taylor of kells , esq charles wade of clonebrany , gent. all late of the county of meath . william needham of ballaghloe in the county of west-meath , gent. john carleton of ballyduffe , gent. matthew handcock and stephen handcock , clerks : ebenezer low of newtown , gent. john huston jun. of knockasty , gent. john roe of ballinbar , gent. capt. edward knight of ballaharny : john percival , son of capt. robert percival : stephen markham of tuitstown , gent. henry monk of hiltown , esq john edge late of dublin , gent. edward price of the moate , gent. edward massey of athlone , merch. theodorus barlow , and ralph barlow of balnaferagh , gent. all late of the county of west-meath . agmundeshion cuffe of burn church in the county of kilkenny , esq thomas cuffe of the same , esq hector harris of grenane , gent. francis wheeler of leyrath , esq joseph deane jun. of ballyduffe , esq balthazer cremer of ballyfoyle , esq edward mayo of rogerstown , gent. jonathan widby of kilcregane , yeom . bernard annely of ballymunty , gent. william tosier of kilkenny , gent. capt. james gardiner of ballyreddy : william gardiner of the same , gent. ebenezer warren of the lodge , esq ebenezer watson of rosbercon , gent. anthony maude of glasheiore , esq william smith of foulkesrath , gent. capt. arthur web of ballinraick : thomas cuffe of smithstown ▪ gent. richard mukins of kilkenny , merch. john wareing of the same , gent. joseph gale of the same , gent. john desborough of the same , gent. stephen vaughan of the same , clerk : martin baxter of freshford , clerk : john johnston of claragh , gent. lieutenant henry st. george of kilrush : john burden of garanamanagh , yeom . thomas barnes of grange , gent. ... kingston of knocktogher , gent. richard sankey of kilkrony , gent. joseph osborne of ballynemarnagh , gent. edward briscoe of jamestown , gent. lawrence dower of knocktogher , clerk. all late of the county or city of kilkenny . joshua nun of st. margaret in the county of wexford , gent. john smith sen. of wexford , merch. john smith jun. of the same , merchant : john rigby of the same , merch. lawrence davys of eniscorthy , merch benjamin neal of wexford , clerk : john mihel of little-kilclean , esq henry archer of enniscorthy , merch. richard mihel of ballyshop , gent. john elmes of ballykyrogebeg , gent. john glascot of ballyfarnoge , gent. henry gifford of polemoge , gent. william hamond of pressagard , gent. samuel bats of ross , merchant : samuel pitts of the same merchant : thomas tongue of the same , gent. john fountain of middleton , gent. sherington grasvenor of ardestown , gent. henry nappard of ross ▪ sadler . james glascot of bailyfarnoge , gent. benjamin glascot of the same , gent. john dodd of great island , farmer : william dodd of the same , farmer : samuel tench of mullenderry , gent. caleb barnes of ross , gent. thomas barnes of the same , gent. george butler of grange , gent. richard parot of ross , gent. christopher namon of camolin , tanner ; and william parsons of st. johns . all in the county of wexford . abraham tarner of clonmayne in the county of wicklow , esq richard edward jun. of rathdown , gent. william matthews of templelyon , gent. richard lamb of carra●agower , gent. john hacket of wickloe , gent. evan price of the same , gent. john stockdyn of rossyduffe , gent. john whitehead of cooleboy , gent. walter hitchcock of glancap , gent. christopher caldwel of ballyhobbock , gent. roger price of coolebane , gent. thomas kernes of ... clerk : bethel vaughan of aghavany , gen ▪ . john hacket jun. of wicklow , gent. samuel hacket of the same , gent. james luckins of rathdrume , gent. thomas stanford ▪ of the iron works : paul craddock of ballyarthur , gent. john craddock of the same , gent. jonathan rogers of wicklow , gent. william berry of colboy , gent. george brass of bolycoug , gent. john clark of glantoige , gent. john lethbetter of the same , gent. matthew grange of ballymoyle , gent. meredith williams of templereny , gent. robert anthony of rathdrume , gent. john symons of wicklow , gent. john richinson of the same , gent. richard hoy of the same , gent. george frost of the same , gent. john nicholson of glanteige , gent. john eastwick of newtown , clerk : john boswel of ballycurry , gent. and roger pierce of tubberbunnagh , gent. all in the county of wicklow . randal moore of atherdee in the county of lowth , esq john pepper of pepperstown , esq anthony nixon of ardee , gent. john rawlins of dungooley , esq john holt of dromcar , esq william blaney of warrenstown , esq thomas ashton of richardstown , gent. ralph low of dromcar , gent. thomas atkins of dundalk , gent. dillon pollard of rossmack , gent. and jonathan ball of atherdee , clerk : all in the county of lowth . joseph dunbar of the town of drogheda , gent. dean tobias pullen : william graves , vintner . capt. hugh mountgomery : jonas elwood , gent. edward singleton , gent. robert foord : thomas newton , sen. thomas newton , jun. thomas meade : william newton , chandler : robert hardman , merchant : john leigh , gent. joseph tomlinson , gent. and ... kirton , gent. all late of the said town of drogheda . joseph stepney of abbyowny in the county of limerick , esq thomas butler of kilnemony , gent. richard bury of ballynearigy , gent. thomas mansel of ballynemony , esq thomas ross of morgans , gent. william gribble jun. of limerick , gent. john do●ney of caerconreffy , gent. thomas warren of newtown , gent. daniel webb sen. of rathconan , gent. timothy webb of ballygubby , gent. thomas oldfield of gorneskeigh , gent. richard peacock of graiges , gent. abraham jackson of duntrileig , gent. chidley coote fitz chidley of coote , esquire ; thomas spire jun. of rathanny , gent. giles spencer of limerick , gent. henry widdenham junior of corra , gent. standish harstongue junior of broffe , esquire : richard newport of longford , gent. and james webb of ballynehensy , gent. all in the county of limerick . john baily junior of dunkittle in the county of corke , gent. noblet dunscombe of corke , gent. alderman george rogers of corke : robert rogers of the same , gent. alderman william ballard of the same : john folliot of barnehealy , esq william dunscomb of corke , esquire : thomas farrin of the same , esq william hull of the same , gent. robert dalicourt of ballinrea , gent. richard mallyburne of corke , vinter : richard browne of mocroompe , clerk : john baily of farrenashessery , gent. alderman edward hore jun. of corke : henry tonson of carbery , gent. richard newport of longford , gent. john spread jun. of coolnetubrid , gent. john raymond of rathenesky , gent. robert deane of dromore , gent. thomas pigot of ballygullane , esq stephen sweete of corke , gent. samuel sweet of bandon , gent. richard travers jun. of the barony of ibann , gent. ephimetus cross of corke , esq christopher crofts of corke , alderm . william howel of the same , purg. william fitz-gerald deane of cloyne : apollo morres of baneduff , gent. john newneham sen. of corke , alderm . william babrington of ballyhindon , esq edward house of corke , gent. abraham morris of the same , merchant : thomas finch of the same , gent. thomas wallis of carriglass , gent. thomas walker of corke , merch. john watson of moyallow , esq francis fookes of campire , gent. george widdenham of castletown gent. anthony raymond of mitchelstown esq thomas warner of the same , gent. william hedges of youghall ; john atkins of the same ; robert bale of the same ; robert atkins , francis baker , john hayman , jasper lucas , daniel woods , samuel farmer , james moore , william veus , uriah babbington , richard taylor , james elliot , vincent godwin , john radin , william causabon , all late of the town of youghall ; richard hayes jun. of kinallea ; john hawkins of cork , merchant ; timothy tucky of cork , merchant ; john harmor . jun. of dunmahone , gent. robert fitz-gerald of lissquinlane , esq william corbet of ... gent. edward gwilliams of ross , gent. john addis of the same , gent. thomas addis of the same , gent. walter bruise of the same , clerk ; james devereux of the same , gent. william devereux of the same , g●n● ▪ john west of the same , gent. francis west of the same , gent. james dennis of the same , gent. john clements of the same , gent. henry caple of ballybury , gent. robert collins of the same , gent. william humphery of .... gent. thomas foord of .... george foord of ..... isaac gippsy of .... isaac gippsy jun. of .... jacob gippsy of .... william warters of bautry , gent. nathaniel evans of ardigolegan ; nathaniel evans ▪ jun. of the same , gent. richard evans of the same , gent. thomas cripps of cashell , gent. andrew cripps of the same , gent. william woodman of .... gent. william white of castletown , gent. nathaniel sutton of bungor , gent ; samuel rolls of ballyfreen , gent. samuel farmer of .... gent. john brelsford of garanjames , gent. peter wallis of aguistown , gent. william clark of killh●duett , gent. william peacock of killimagh , gent. george syng of killmountain , gent. thomas wallis of ballyshane , gent. edward ellord of killbree , gent. john love of torbehy , gent. william walkam of little-island , gent. john shelly of middletown , gent. alexander groves of ballyhinat , gent. thomas beecher of aghadoon , esq william warner of the same , esq john ware of killeneen , gent. john ware of nucestown , gent. michael boyle of castlemartyre , gent. all late of the county of cork . edmond greatrix of affane in the county of waterford , esq thomas christmas of waterford , esq john nettles of toreen , gent. william bagg of kilberee ; robert cook of cappaquin ; edward crocker of ballygagin ; roger poor of ballygillane , gent. peter cook of cappaquin ; john walkinton of lissmore , clerk ; edward may of waterford , esq joseph osborne of the same , merchant ; john steevens of ballyloghbegg , gent. william bucknor of grange , gent. gregory lemery of killcopp , gent. lewis alsock of waterford , clerk ; joseph ivy of waterford , alderman ; richard ryves of rosseduffe ; stephen woodwell of newtown , gent. john silver of youghall , gent. walter atkins of killbegg , gent. john hoganals bagg of rossgrelly ; william wrag of newaffan ; william baker of killbegg , gent. francis baker of youghal , merchant ; thomas mansell of newcollupp , richard bolton of fattleg , jonathan alland of ballimanna , michael burdge of ballydavid , charles baker of crowebally , robert hardan of killakin , john christmas of adamstown , gent. all in the county of waterford . francis gore of mountshannon , in the county of clare , gent. samuel lucas of corofin , gent. john drew of ballyvanine , gent. all in the county of clare . frederic mullius sen. of ballyngooleen in the county of kerry , esq william sands carriganfoyle , gent. william collins jun. of lissadick , gent. .... turner , minister of killarney ; james connor jun. of tralee ; ... ball of memutainae , gent. richard johnston of killarney , gent. all in the county of kerry . john mead of clonmel , in the county of tipperary , merchant ; clarles alcock of powerstown , gent. john green of clonmel , gent. william vaughan of the same , merchant ; john sadler of ballintemple , gent. richard saddler of ardfinan , gent. hercules beer of clonmel , gent. ... beere ▪ of the same , gent. christopher gwyn of graige , gent. john perry of killmologe , gent. john white of ardfinan , gent. thomas moody of killkaroony , gent. joseph biggs of castlecoyn , gent. william godfery of cnockgraffane , gent. samuel hughs of cashell , gent. john pike of widdingstown , gent. sankey godfery of knocknafallinny , gent. joseph damer of tipperary , gent. molineux robinson of cashel ; gent. samuel green of ballyno●ty , esq john ladyman of clonmel , gent. isaac haynes of knockauroe , gent. richard farmer of aghlevallane , gent. james jones of tipperary , gent. richard ballard of the same , gent. francis foulkes of ballycarren , esq james dawson of tuam , gent. henry pretty of killboy , esq joshua hoyle of glanahelly , gent. john hoyle of the same , gent. henry charnely of clonmel , merchant ; nicholas towler of ballintotty , gent. phineas royal of clonmel , merchant ; john seed of tullogh , gent. thomas meredish of ballycahill , gent. john hill of borres , gent. john dassey of cashell , clerk ; john lehunt of the same , clerk ; john leake of knockgraffan , clerk ; john dogherty of cashel , clerk ; anthony erby of the same , clerk ; gregory row of killeheen , gent. and john lunnar of killosty , gent. all of the county of tipperary . thomas glasgow of lifford , in the county of donnegal , esq william godfrey of castledoe , esq andrew knox sen. of ramullin , esq francis folliott of ballymacward , gent ▪ john scott of kinnre , gent. thomas atkinson sen. of ballyshannon , gent. thomas atkinson jun. of the same , gent. michael hueson of coolebegg , gent. john hueson of the same , gent. henry brookes of letterkenny , gent. robert delapp of ballyshannon , gent. edward clifford of donnegal , gent. nicholas parmiter of killigordan , gent. john forcker of donnegal , clerk ; john cunningham of tully , gent. william fisher of .... gent. and thomas coach of ... gent. all late of the county of donnegal . george hamilton of callidon in the county of tyrone , gent. alexander richardson of drom , gent. william richardson of tullyreave , gent. william swan of farlagh , gent. john ayerly of mannor rod , esq john williams of the same , esq alexander creighton of lissanean , gent. robert lindsey of mannor lindsey , esq hugh stewart of gortgil , gent. robert hamilton of killeman , gent. symon hassinton of borean , gent. captain william moore of garvey ; john speere of mullaghmossagh ; john burby of mack●agh , gent. andrew darragh of dro●ard , gent. james stemart of killeman , gent. john wilson of ballue , gent. capt. thomas collson of drumket ; john wilson of dromconnor , gent. john speer of kinard ; robert hamilton of carrowbegg ; archibald richardson of springtown ; james m●tray of favour-royal ; john kearnes of agharonan ; john kearnes of claremore ; william lee of killing , esq james gladsteanes of hordross , gent. john byrny of gortmore ; henry grason of agher ; john hamilton of cornamucklagh , gent. adam morrison of coolegar●y ; james moor of lissaleen ; john wallow of clanblogh , gent. robert reery of corckrive ; john hinderson of ballyvedan ; archibald irwing of timpain ; john christall of ballynegoragh ; john neely of ballynesagart , gent. john harvey of tullyglish ; william bratton of aghar ; hugh wilson of ballymatown , gent. thomas moor of ballin●logh ; john moor of the same , gent. john erwing of mullenboy , gent. john moor of anaghaloghan , gent. patrick stewart of dromskeeny , gent. joseph mounteeth of creevangare , gent. randall charletyn of rathkeeragh , gent. john robinson of dugrey , gent. thomas edy of dius , gent. george mervin of mullaghbane , gent. mongoe walkinshaw of mullingaugh , clerk ; robert echlin dean of tuam ; michael mosse of enniskillin , clerk ; william campbell of newtown stewart , gent. john hayre of the same , gent. robert carson of the same , gent. samuel law of carrighee , gent. john white of skarriffeckeerine , gent. thomas maxwell of strabane , gent. adam evans of the same , gent ▪ thomas edy of killeaghgoge ; patrick hamilton of dergal , gent. james young of clady , gent. david matleneghan of upperclady , gent. john caldwell of maghernekeeragh ; andrew mac-lenaghan of keele , gent. and james hayre of siscable , gent. all late of the county of cyrone . john dunbar of killcoe , in the county of fermannagh , esq william arsdall of bummiminver , esq francis butler of newtown , esq andrew hamilton of magherycrosse , clerk ; george hamilton of balin ; gent. alexander atchison of tonihe●ge , gent. bernard ward of knookhallimore , gent. and capt. thomas brookes of maghere stephenagh , gent. all late of the county of fermannagh . thomas ash of ashfeild in the county of cavan , esq francis butler of belturbet , gent. robert clements of rak●●y , gent. richard gibson of cavan , gent. james mortimer ▪ of mullhusey , gent. charles mortimer of the same , gent. joseph pratt of killuecrott , gent. and benjamin pratt of killitter , gent. all late of the county of cavan . william springland ▪ of .... in the county of monoghan , gent. patrick legate of ballinure , gent. william leffey of the same , gent. alexander lunsdell of the same , gent. john dunbarr of the same , gent. patrick daucy of iniskine , gent. thomas ostler of gortmore gent. edward beaghan of bealabeagh gent. peter beaghan of the same gent. james johnston of ballyrush gent. william moorecraft of the same gent. john cornes sen. of the same gent. john cornes jun. of the same gent. richard fith of ballamackny gent. all late of the county of monnoghan . dr. roger warren of belfast in the county of antrim , peter beaghan of ..... gent. henry gardner of newry inn-keeper , robert harper of ballymeauagh gent. henry chades of belfast gent. william crafford of the same gent. qr. mr. thomas crafford of the same , capt. david smith of the fame , john blacke of the same gent. arthur mac-carney of the same gent. james stuart of the same gent. all late of the county of antrim . thomas herrington of cumber in the county of down gent. william herrington jun. of the same gent. john griffith of the same gent. john magill of tullycarne gent. william magill son and heir to capt. james magill , francis annesly jun. of cloghmagherycatt gent. alexander browne of magannon gent. hugh mountgomery of ballymaledy esq charles campell of the parish of donaghadee gent. capt. john farrell of dromone , and henry gardner of newry inn-keeper ▪ all in the county of down . james maxwell of crerum in the county of armagh esq hamlett obings ▪ of porteduowne esq anthony abings of the same gent. george hamilton of kinard gent. john gaskin of viccars choralls gent. john gills of lorgin gent. john mac-caule of lurgan gent. henry genny of segoe clerk , thomas assington of loughgall clerk , christopher genny of mullaghbrack clerk , thomas chapling of ballyrusse gent. archbold woods of markethill gent. and john ball of glasdroman gent. all in the county of armagh . capt. thomas smith of tuam in the county of galloway , william causfield of dunamon gent. edward eyre of galloway gent. col. theodore russell , robert mason of ballineguokane gent. samuel hudson of dunamon clerk , and robert ecchlin dean of tuam , all in the county of galloway . henry dowdall of grange in the county of roscomon esq william dodwell of the same gent. john french of dangar esq edward gardner of tulsk esq richard gardner of the same gent. lieut. henry st. george of athlone , and john gardner of tulsk gent. all in the county of roscomon . thomas jones of armurry in the county of mayo gent. hunry gun of .... clerk , francis cuffe of ballinrobe esq henry nicholson of dromneene gent. william pullen of ballinrobe clerk , and all in the county of mayo . thomas osborne of ...... in the county of leytrim gent. thomas buckridge of ....... gent. thomas coote of ....... esq charles campell of ...... esq benjamin fletcher of james-town esq and dr. john lessley , all late of the county of leytrim . have absented themselves from this kingdom ▪ and have gone into england , or some other places beyond the seas , since the fifth day of november last , or in some short time before , and did not return , although called home by your majesties gracious proclamation . which absenting , and not returning , cannot be construed otherwise than to a wicked and traiterous purpose , and may thereby justly forfeit all their right and pretentions to all and every the lands , tenements , and hereditamentsto them belonging in this kingdom . be it therefore enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that in case the said person and persons do not by the first day of september , one thousand six hundred eighty and nine , of his or their own accord , without compulsion , return into this kingdom , and tender him and themselves to the chief justice of his majesties court of king's-bench , or to some other judg of the said court , or judg of assize in the circuit , or any of the lords of your majesty's most honourable privy-council , to be charged with any crimes to him or them to be imputed , that then , or in case he or they , upon such his or their return , shall be convicted by verdict of twelve men , or by his or their own confession , upon his or their arraignment for treason ; or upon his or their arraignment stand mute , such person and persons so absent , and not returning as aforesaid , ( or after his or their return , being convict of high-treason as aforesaid ) shall , from and after the first day of september , one thousand six hundred eighty nine , be deemed , reputed , and taken as traitors , convict and attainted of high-treason ; and shall suffer such pains of death , and other forfeitures and penalties as in cases of high-treason are accustomed . but in case such person and persons so returning , be upon such his or their trial acquitted or discharged by proclamation , then such person and persons respectively shall from thenceforth be freed , discharged , and acquitted from all pains , punishments , and forfeitures by this act incurred , laid or imposed , any thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding . and whereas the several persons hereafter named , ( viz. ) robert ridgway earl of londonderry , arthur loftus viscount loftus of ely , .... beamount viscount beamount of swords , ..... chaworth viscount chaworth of armagh , .... fairfax viscount fairfax of emly , ..... tracy viscount tracy of rathcoole , ..... ogle viscount ogle of catherlogh , lewis trevor viscount dungannon , folliott lord folliott of ballyshannon , george lord george of dundalk , ..... fitz-williams lord fitz-williams of lifford , .... hare lord colerain , richard lord baron of santery , antham annesly lord baron of altham , lawrence barry commonly called lord battevant , john power commonly called lord deces , sir standish hartstonge of broffe kt. sir walter plunket of rathbeale kt. sir william meredith of kilriske kt. sir john parker of farmyle kt. sir richard stephens of rosse kt. sir maurice eustace of baltinglass kt. sir st. john broderick of ballyannon kt. sir michael cole of enniskilling kt. sir charles chiney kt. sir charles lloyd kt. sir algernon mayo of rogers-town kt. sir richard may kt. sir joseph vvilliamson kt. sir william barker of abbeykillcooly kt. christopher usher of the city of dublin esq , richard leeds merchant , maurice kealing esq dr. .... dominick , dr. .... dunne , capt. john quelsh of st. stephens green , william bazil esq thomas howard clerk to the yeield , richard nuttall merchant , gideon delane gent. william robinson esq richard barry gent. capt. william shaw , and philip harris esq all late of the city of dublin . john bulkely of old-bawne in the county of dublin gent. robert boridges of finglass esq alexander frazier of meagstown esq edward bolton of brazille gent. humphrey booth of ballyhack gent. edmond keating of corballis esq chambre brabazon of thomas-court esq , dacre barrett of cripple-stown esq arch-deacon john fitz-gerrald , richard bolton esq william barry of sautery gent. and martin bazill of donicarney gent. all late of the county of dublin . james barry of kelleystown in the county of kildare gent. thomas holmes of castledermott gent. cornet richard wybrants of bunchestown , maurice keating of norraghmore esq garrett wesly of old-connel esq richard mereeith of shrewland esq samuel syng dean of kildare , and christopher lovett of nourny gent. all late of the county of kildare . richard boyle of old-leighlin in the county of caterlogh esq john hollam of island in the king's-county gent. joseph hawkins gent. samuel hawkins gent. arthur shane esq son to sir james shane , henry westenray esq martin baldwin of geshell esq all late of the king's county . george bridges of burrows in the queen's county esq richard pryor of rathdowny gent. francis barrington of cullenagh , .... daniel of ironworks gent. brooke bridges of kilmensy gent. charles vaughan of derringvarnoge gent. hugh merrick gent. nathaniel huett gent. robert hedges of borres esq and richard warburton of garryhinch esq all late of the queen's county . capt. nicholas sankey of caldraghmore in the county of longford , robert viner of killmure in the county of meath esq john humpheries of hollywood gent. dr. robert gorge late of killbrew , william napper of loghcrew esq and anthony nixon of o●chestone gent. all late of the county of meath . james stopford of castletown in the county of west-meath gent. john adams of ledwitchtown gent. thomas cooper late of conmistown gent. richard stephens of athlone gent. george farmer of rathnemodagh gent. and john meares of mearescourt gent. all late of the county of west-meath . moses bush of kilfane in the county of kilkenny gent. john bush of the same gent. william harrison of grenane gent. zachary cornick of kilkenny merchant , edward stubbers of callan esq hierom hawkins of killmuskulloge gent. joseph bradshaw of foulkesrath gent. and henry ryder prebendary of mayne , all of the county of kilkenny . richard rooth of .... in the county of wexford gent. husband to the countess dowager of donnegall , john bulkeley of ballymorroghroe in the county of wicklow gent. john humphery of dunard gent. christopher usher of grange esq henry whitfield of portballintagart esq william robinson of wicklow gent. john vice of the same gent. robert peppard of the same esq and lawrence hutson of . coolekennagh gent. all late of the county of wicklow . timothy armitage of atherdee in the county of lowth , gent. major john reade of ballorgan ; robert smith of dromcashel , gent. brabazon moore of atherdee ▪ gent. and thomas bellingham of garnanstown , esq all late of the county of lowth . thomas willis of drogheda , gent. and john sandisford of the same , gent. henry westenra of athlacca in the county of limerick , esq john piggot of kilfenny , esq richard stephens of newcastle , gent. william trenchard of mountrenchard , esq ... trenchard his eldest son ; eramus smith of carrigogonnagh , esq .... harrison of ballyvorneene , gent. hugh massey sen. of doontrilige , esq randall clayton of williamstown , gent. henry hartstonge arch-deacon of the diocess of limerick ; and william harrison of tuoreen , gent. all late of the county of limerick . elnathan l●m , merchant ; vincent gookin of court-mac-shiry , esq jonas stowell of killbritten , esq philip dimond of cork , merchant ; thomas mitchell of the same , merchant ; richard boyle of shannon-parke esq achilles daunt of dortigrenau , gent. nicholas lysaght of ardohnoge , gent. and william harman of carrigdownam , esq all late of the county of cork . william gibbs of ... in the county of waterford , gent. loftus brightwell gent. robert beard gent. barzilla jones dean of lismore ; matthias aldington of tircuillinmore , gent. william aldlington of the same , gent. and richard silver of youghall , gent. all late of the counties of waterford and cork . henry brady of tomgreny in the county of clare , gent. richard picket of clonmel in the county of tipperary , esq john lovet esq john castle of richard's-town , gent. joseph ruttorne of poolekerry , gent. thomas vallentine of killoman , gent. george clarke of ballytarsney , gent. john bright of shanrehin , gent. george clarke of the same , gent. thomas climmuck of tullamacyne , gent. william warmsby , gent. richard clutterbuck of derryluskane , gent. erasmus smith of tipperary esq william watts of drangan , gent. john evelin of the same , gent. .... shapcoate of loghkent , gent. .... page of the same , gent. thomas moor of carrageenes●iragh , gent. humphery wray of ballyculline , gent. edward crafton of luorhane , gent. alderman ... clarke of .... john clarke gent. arthur annesloe gent. william warwick and purefoy warwick of ballysidii , gent. capt. .... cope ; robert boyle of killgraunt , gent. hugh radcliffe of clonmel , gent. edward nelthrop gent. robert dixon ; samuel clarke gent. john jones gent. henry payne gent. george clarke of tobberheny gent. edward huchinson of knocklosty , gent. richard aldworth late chief remembrancer ; john baiggs of castletowd , gent. and john buckworth of shanballyduffe , esq all late of the county of cipperary . john kingsmell of castlesin in the county of donnegall , esq james hamilton of dunmanagh , in the county of tyrone , gent. john aungier minister of the vicarage of lurgen , in the county of cavan ; william allen of kilmore , in the county of monaghan , gent. james davys of carrickfergus in the county of antrim , gent. samuel warring of warringstown in the county of down , gent. henry cope of loghall in the county of ardmagh , gent. gilbert thacker of cluttan , esq archibald johnson of loghelly , clerk ; oliver st. john of toneregee , esq and william brookes of droincree , clerk ; all late of the county of ardmagh . capt. thomas caulfeild of dunamon , in the county of galloway ; josepb stuart of turrock , in the county of roscomon , gent. and henry dodwell of leytrin , in the same county , gent. paul gore of newton in the county of mayo , esq have before the said fifth day of november last , absented themselves from this kingdom , and live in england , scotland , or the isle-of-man , and there now abide ; and by their not coming or returning into this kingdom upon your majesties proclamation , to assist in defence of this realm , according to their allegiance , must be presumed to adhere to the said prince of orange , in case they return not within the time by this act prescribed , and thereby may justly forfeit all the lands , tenements , the hereditaments which they or any of them are intituled unto , within this kingdom . be it therefore enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that in case the said person and persons last mentioned , do not by the first day of october , one thousand six hundred eighty nine , of his and their own accord , without compulsion , return into this kingdom , and tender him and themselves to the chief justice of your majesties court of kings-bench , o● to some other judg of the said court , or judg of assize in his circuit , or to any of the lords of your majesties most honourable privy council , to be charged with any crime or crimes to him or them , to be charged or imputed , that then , or in case he or they , upon such , his or their return , shall be convict by verdict of twelve men , or by his or their own confession , upon his or their arraignment , for treason , or upon his or their arraignment , stand mute ; such person and persons so absent , and not returning as aforesaid , or after his or their return being convict of treason as aforesaid , shall from and after the said first day of october , one thousand six hundred eighty nine , be deemed , reputed and taken as traytors , convict and attainted of high-treason , and shall suffer such pains of death , and other forfeitures and penalties , as in cases of high-treason is accustomed : but in case such person and persons so returning , upon such , his or their trial , be acquitted or discharged by proclamation , then such person and persons respectively shall from thence-forth be freed , discharged and acquitted from all pains , punishments and forfeitures by this act incurred , laid or imposed , any thing in this act to the contrary , notwithstanding ; provided always that in case your majesty shall happen to go into the kingdom of england or scotland before the first day of october , one thousand six hundred eighty nine : then if the said sir william meredith , sir charles chiney , sir charles lloyd , sir algernon mayo , sir richard may , sir joseph williamson , sir william barker , alexander fraizer esq john hollam , .... daniel of the iron-works , brooke bridges , charles vaughan , hugh merrick , nathaniel huett , hierom hawkins , major john reade , william trenchard , .... trenchard his eldest son , erasmus smith , .... harrison of ballyverneen , achilles daunt , john power lord decies , william gibbs , loftus brightwell , robert beard , matthias aldington , william aldington , john lovett , john castle , joseph rittorne , thomas vallentine , george clarke of ballytrasiny , john bright , george clarke of shaurelin , thomas chinnucks , william warmsby , richard clutturbruck , erasmus smith , william watts , john evellin , .... shapcoate of loghkent , .... page of the same , thomas moore , humphery wray , edward crofton , alderman clarke , john clarke , arthur anslow , william warwick , purefoy warwick , capt. ... coapes , robert boyle of killgrant , hugh radcliffe , edward nelthrop , robert dixon , samuel clarke , john jones , henry payne , george clarke , and gilbert thacker , whose dwelling and residence always hath been in england , shall give your majesty such testimony of their loyalty and fidelity , as that your majesty will be pleased on or before the said first day of october , one thousand six hundred eighty nine , to certify under your privy signet or sign manual unto your chief governor or governors of this kingdom ; that your majesty is satisfied or assured of the loyalty and fidelity of the persons last before-named , or of any of them ; that then if such certificate shall on or before the first day of november , one thousand six hundred eighty nine , be produced to your chief governor or governors of this kingdom , and enrolled in your majesties high court of chancery ; the same shall be a sufficient discharge and acquittal to such of the persons last before-named , and every of them respectively ▪ whose loyalty and fidelity your majesty will be pleased to certify in manner as afore-said . and be it further enacted , that in the mean time , and until such return and acquittal , all the lands , tenements and hereditaments within this kingdom , belonging to all and every absentee and absentees , or other person , to be attainted as aforesaid , shall be and are hereby vested in your majesties , your heirs and successors , as from the first day of august last past . and be it further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that all and every such person and persons , as by any the foregoing clauses , is , are or shall be respectively attainted , shall as from the first day of august , one thousand six hundred eighty eight , forfeit unto your majesty , your heirs and successors , all such mannors , lands , tenements and hereditaments , and all right , title-service , chiefery , use , trust , condition , fee , rent-charge , right of redemption of mortgages , right of entries , right of action , or any other interest of what nature or kind soever , either in law or equity , of , in , or unto any lands , tenements or hereditaments within this kingdom , belonging or appertaining to such person or persons , so as aforesaid attainted , or to be attainted , in his or their own right , or to any other in trust for him or them , on the said first day of august , one thousand six hundred eighty eight , or at any time since ; and all ▪ the said lands , tenements and hereditaments , so as aforesaid , forfeited unto and vested in your majesty , your heirs and successors , hereby are and shall be vested in your majesty , your heirs and successors , whether such person or persons were seized thereof in fee absolute or conditional , or in tayl , or for life or lives , and that freed and freely discharged off and from all estates , tayl , and for life , and from all reversions and remainders for life , for years , or in fee absolute or conditional , or in tayl , or to any person or persons whatsoever , such remainder as by one act or statute of this present parliament , intituled , an act for repealing the acts of settlement ; an explanation , resolution of doubts , and all grants , patents and certificates pursuant to them or any of them , or by this present act are saved and preserved always , excepted and fore-prized . provided always that the nocency or forfeiture of any tenant in dower , tenant by the courtesy , jointress for life , or other tenant for life or lives in actual possession , shall not extend to bar , forfeit , make void or discharge any reversion or reversions vested in any person or persons , not ingaged in the usurpation or rebellion aforesaid , such reversion and reversions being immediately depending or expectant upon the particular estate of such tenant in dower , tenant by the courtesy , joyntress for life , or other tenant for life or lives , any thing in the said act of repeal , or in this present act to the contrary notwithstanding . provided always , and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid , that nothing in this present act contained , shall any way extend , or be construed to extend , to forfeit or vest in your majesties , your heirs or successors , any remainder or remainders for valuable considerations , limited or settled by any settlement or conveyance made for such valuable considerations , either of marriage or marriage-portion , or other valuable consideration whatsoever , upon any estate for life or lives , to any person or persons not concerned in the usurpation or rebellion aforesaid ; such remainder or remainders as are limited or settled by any conveyance , wherein there is any power for revoking and altering all or any the use or uses therein limited , and also such remainder and remainders as are limited upon any settlement or conveyance of any lands , tenements and hereditaments , commonly called plantation-lands ; and all lands , tenements and hereditaments held or enjoyed under such grants from the crown , or grants upon the commission or commissions of grace for remedy of defective titles , either in the reign of king james the first , or king charles the first ; in which several grants respectively there are provisoes or covenants for raising or keeping any number of men or arms for the king's majesty against rebels and enemies , or for raising of men for his majesties service , for expedition of war , always excepted and foreprized . all which remainders limited by such conveyances wherein there is a power of revocation for so much of the lands , uses and estates therein limited , as the said power doth or shall extend unto ; and all such remainders as are derived or limited for or under such interest made of plantation-lands , or other lands held as aforesaid , under such grants from the crown ; and all and every other remainder and remainders , reversion and reversions not herein mentioned , to be saved and preserved , shall by the authority of this present parliament , be deemed , construed and adjudged void , debarred and discharged to all intents and purposes whatsoever , against your majesty , your heirs and successors , and your and their grantees or assignees ; and the said lands , tenements and hereditamens , belonging to such rebels ▪ as aforesaid , shall be vested in your majesty , your heirs and successors , freed and discharged of the said remainder and remainders , and every of them . and to the end the reversions and remainders saved and preserved by this act , may appear with all convenient speed ; be it further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that the respective persons , intituled to such remainders and reversions , do within sixty days next after the first sitting of the commissioners , for executing the said act of repeal , and this present act , exhibit their claims before the said commissioners , and make out their titles to such remainder or remainders , so as to procure their adjudication and certificate for the same , or the adjudication and certificate of some three or more of them : and further , that all remainders , for which such adjucations and certificates shall not be procured , at or before one hundred and twenty days after the first sitting of the said commissioners , shall be void , and for ever barred and excluded any thing in this act , or other matter to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . all which lands , tenements and hereditaments mentioned as aforesaid , to be forfeited unto , and vested in your majesty , by any the clauses aforesaid , are hereby declared to be so forfeited unto , and vested in your majesty , without any office or inquisition thereof , found or to be found ; and the same to be to the uses , intents and purposes in the said act of repeal , and in this present act mentioned and expressed . and whereas several persons hereafter named , ( viz. ) lyonel earl of orrery , mrs. ..... trapps , ann vicecountess dowager of dungannon , robert boyl esq catherine woodcock , alice countess dowager of drogheda , alice countess dowager of mountroth , isabella countess dowager of roscomon , margaret countess dowager of orrery , mary countess dowager of orrery , katherine countess dowager of ardglass , sir edward percivall of burton , baronet , dame hanna knox of the city of dublin widow , richard tygh gent. elizabeth lloyd widow , ..... newcomen , widow ; cassandra palmer , widow ; jane grelier of damastreet , widow ; .... wilson , wife to mr. wilson ; ..... stopford ; widow ; jane lady best , elias best her son ; ..... eccles of high-street , widow ; ann ormsby , widow ; susanna torcana of esse●cstreet , spinster ; ..... lady hay ; ..... hay her son ; fridayswed lady stephens ; agnetia hitchcock , alias stephens ; ..... mossom , widow of dr. mossom the minister ; elizabeth lady cole ; ..... lady buekely ; ..... whitfeild , widow of mr. whitfield ; john johnson esq heir to william williams ; lady isabella graham , relict of sir james graham ; lady donnellan of oxmantown ; james knight , gent. and isabella stephens of the city of dublin ; margaret bencham , alias bolton of tobberbony in the county of dublin , widow ; ..... griffin of newstreet ; ..... margettson of corballis , widow ; and christopher burr of ballyaly esq william tygh of brownestowne in the county of kildare , gent. and mary barry of kellystown , widow ; edmond pleydell of tankardstown in the county of catherlogh esq .... boate of ballerchy in the king's county , gent. jane pettit of tenlagh in the county of longford , widow ; frances stopford of ..... in the county of westmeath , widow ; grace cooper late of dromore , widow ; and john dodson of coulanstown , gent. both in the county of westmeath ; ann warden of burne-church in the county of kilkenny ; elizabeth kealy of ballymaclanghny , widow ; mary cremer of cautwells garrans ▪ widow ; elizabeth lady coulthroppe of kilcolkeene ; ..... vice , countess dowager of lansborough ; frances stopford of claragh , widow ; and martha cuffe of castlenich , widow ; all in the county of kilkenny . lady tabitha totty of prospect in the county of wexford ; elizabeth lady ponsonby ; and agnes masterson of prospect , widow , both in the county of wexford ; ann carter , alias hopkins of ..... in the county of wicklow , widow ; katherine carthy , alias newport of ..... in the county of cork , widow ; katherine lady percivall ; george rye of cork , gent. and elizabeth carty , daughter of jeremy carty ; all of the county of cork . ..... lady armstrong of waterford ; sarah ledwich ; alias shadwell , widow ; sarah aland of ballinka , both in the county of waterford ; elizabeth lady petty of ..... in the county of kerry ; ann parnell of kilosty in the county of tipperary , widow ; ..... parnel her son ; .... hunter of ..... widow ; ..... hunter her son ; elizabeth frost ; frances biggs of keadragh , widow ; elizabeth ward of keile ; jane frost of ..... margaret walken of ardmaile , widow ; mary hamilton relict of arch-deacon william hamilton of emly ; ann hamilton , elizabeth hamilton her daughters ; mary davys , and jonathan ash of killoquirke gent. all in the county of tipperary . margaret hamilton of callidon in the county of tyrone , widow ; jane davys of ..... in the county of fermanagh , widow ; and anna catherina lady hamilton of tullykeltyre in the county of fermanagh ; lettice hart of conlin in the county of cavan , widow ; and grace kemson of drumury in the county of cavan , widow ; william hill of hillsborough in the county of down , gent. are , and for some time past have been absent out of this kingdom ; and by reason of sickness , nonage , infirmities , or other disabilities , may for some time further be obliged so to stay out of this kingdom , or be disabled to return thereunto . nevertheless , it being much to the weakening and impoverishing of this realm , that any of the rents or profits of the lands , tenements or hereditaments therein , should be sent into , or spent in any other place beyond the seas , but that the same should be kept and employed within the realm for the better support and defence thereof , be it therefore enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that all the lands , tenements , and hereditaments , use , trust , possession , reversion , remainder , and all and every other estate , title and interest whatsoever , belonging or appertaining to all and every of the persons herein before last mentioned , within this kingdom , be and are hereby vested in your majesty , your heirs and successors , to the use of your majesty , your heirs and successors . provided always , that if any person or persons , in the next foregoing clause mentioned , have hitherto behaved themselves loyally and faithfully to your majesty ; that then if they , or any of them , their or any of their heirs , do hereafter return into this kingdom , and behave him or themselves as becometh loyal subjects ; and do , on or before the last day of the first term next ensuing , after such their return , exhibit his or their petition or claim , before the commissioners for execution of the said acts , if then sitting ; or in his majesty's high court of chancery , or in his majesty's court of exchequer , for any such lands , tenements , or hereditaments , and make out his or their title thereunto , and obtain the adjudication and decree of any of the said courts , of and for such his or their title , that then , and in such case , such adjudication and decree shall be sufficient to all such person and persons , for devesting and restoring such estate , and no other as shall be therein and thereby to him or them adjudged and decreed ; and that the order of any of the said courts shall be a sufficient warrant to all sheriffs , or other proper officers to whom the same shall be directed , to put such person or persons in the actual seizin & possession of the said lands , any thing in this act contained , or any other statute , law , or custom whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . provided always , and be it further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that neither the said act of repeal , or this present , or any thing in them , or in either of them contained , shall extend to , or be construed to forfeit or vest in your majesty , your heirs or successors ; or otherwise to bar , extinguish , or weaken any right of entry , right of action , use , trust , lease , condition or equity of redemption of any mortgage or mortgages , which on the said first day of august , one thousand six hundred eighty eight , belonged or appertained to any persons , not being forfeiting persons , within the true intent and meaning of the said act of repeal , or of this present act ; and which ever since the said first day of august , one thousand six hundred eighty eight , continued or remained in such persons , not being forfeiting persons , or devolved , descended , or come from them , or any of them , to any of their heirs , executors or administrators , not being forfeiting persons as aforesaid , any thing in this act , or the said act of repeal to the contrary notwithstanding . provided always , that the said person or persons , claiming such right of entry , right of action , use , trust , lease , condition , or equity of redemption of mortgage , do , and shall exhibit his and their claim for the same , before the commissioners for execution of the said act of repeal , or of this present act , within sixty days after the first sitting of the said commissioners , and procure the adjucation of them , or any three or more of them thereupon , within one hundred and twenty days after the said first sitting of the said commissioners . and whereas by one or more office or offices , in the time of the earl of strafford's government in this kingdom , in the reign of king charles the first , of ever blessed memory , all , or a great part of the lands , tenements , and hereditaments in the province of conaught , and counties of clare , limerick and tipperary , were vested in his majesty : and by the acts of settlement and explanation , the said office and offices are declared to be null and void , since which time the said acts have been by the said act of repeal , repealed , and thereby some prejudice might arise or accrue to the proprietors concerned in them lands , if not prevented . be it therefore enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that the said office and offices , and every of them , commonly called the grand office , and the title thereby found , or endeavoured to be made out or set up , from the time of the finding or taking thereof , was and is hereby declared to be null and void , to all intents and purposes whatsoever . provided that nothing therein contained shall any way extend , or be construed to extend to charge any person or persons who hath , bona fide , paid any rents or arrears of rent , that have been due and payable out of any lands hereby vested in your majesty ; or to charge any steward or receiver , that received any such rents , or arrears of rents , if he , bona fide , paid the same ; but that he and they shall be hereby discharged , for so much as he or they so , bona fide paid , against your majesty , your heirs and successors . provided always , and it is hereby enacted , that every person not being a forfeiting person , within the true intent and meaning of the said former act , or of this present act ; and who before the seventh day of may , one thousand six hundred eighty nine , had any statute , staple , or recognizance for paiment of money ; or any mortgage , rent-charge , portion , trust , or other incumbrance , either in law or equity , or any judgment , before the two and twentieth day of may , one thousand six hundred eighty nine , for paiment of money , which might charge any of the estates , lands , tenements , or hereditaments , so as aforesaid forfeited unto , and vested in your majesty , shall and may have the benefit of the said statutes staples , judgments , recognizances , mortgages , rent-charge , portions , trust , and other incumbrances , out of the estate or estates which should be liable thereunto , in case the said former act , or this present act had never been made . provided always , that the person and persons who had such statutes staples , judgments , recognizances , or other trusts or incumberances , do claim the same before the commissioners , for the execution of the said former act , within two months after the first sitting of the said commissioners , and procure their adjucation thereof , within such reasonable time as the said commissioners shall appoint for determining the same . and to the end that such person and persons as shall have any of the said lands , tenements , or hereditaments , granted unto him as aforesaid , may know the clear value of the said lands , tenements and hereditaments so to be granted unto him above all incumbrances , and may injoy the same against all statute-staples , judgments , recognizances , mortgages , rent-charges ▪ and other incumbrances not claimed-and adjudged as aforesaid ; be it therefore further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that all such lands , tenements and hereditaments , as shall be forfeited unto and vested in your majesty , and granted by letters pattents pursuant to the said former act , or this present act , shall be and are hereby freed , acquitted and discharged of and from all estates , charges and incumbrances whatsoever , other than what shall be claimed and adjudged as aforesaid . and whereas by one private act of parliament , intituled , an act for securing of several lands , tenements and hereditaments to george duke of albemarle , which act was pass'd in the reign of king charles the second ; some lands , tenements and hereditaments in this kingdom , which on the two and twentieth day of october , one thousand six hundred forty one , belonged to some ancient proprietor or proprietors , who were dispossessed thereof by the late usurped powers , were secured and assured unto the said george duke of albemarle , by means whereof the ancient proprietors of the said lands may be barred and deprived of their ancient estates , unless the said act be repealed , though such ancient proprietor or proprietors be as justly intituled to restitution , as other ancient proprietors who were dispossessed by the said usurper , and barred by the late acts of settlement and explanation . be it therefore enacted , that the said act for securing of several lands , tenements and hereditaments to george duke of albemarle , be and is hereby repealed to all intents and purposes whatsoever : and that the proprietors of the said lands , and their heirs and assignes be restored to their said ancient estates in the same manner with the said other ancient proprietors , their heirs and assignes . and whereas several ancient proprietors , whose estates were seized and vested in persons , deriving a title under the said acts of settlement or explanation , have in some time after the passing of the said acts , purchased their own ancient estates , or part thereof , from the persons who held the same under the said acts as aforesaid ▪ which old proprietors would now be restored to their said ancient estates , if they had not purchased the same . and for as much as the said ancient proprietors or their heirs should receive no benefit of the said act of repeal , should they not be reprized for the money paid by them for their said ancient estates , be it therefore enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that all and every the ancient proprietor or proprietors , or their heirs who have laid out any sum or sums of money , for the purchase of their own ancient estates , or any part thereof , as aforesaid , shall receive out of the common stock of reprizals a sufficient recompence and satisfaction for the money laid out or paid by him or them for the purchase of their said ancient estate at the rate of ten years purchase , any clause , act or statute to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . and for the prevention of all unnecessary delays and unjust charges ▪ which can or may happen to the subjects of this realm before their full and final settlement , be it further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that where the commissioners for execution of the said act of repeal , or any three or more of them , shall give any certificate under his and their hands and seals to any person or persons , bodies politick or corporate , in order to the passing of any letters patents , according to the said act , and shall likewise return a duplicate of such certificate into his majesties court of exchequer at dublin , to be there enrolled , and the person and persons , bodies politick or corporate , to whom such certificate shall be given , shall during the space of six months next insuing the date thereof , diligently prosecute the having and obtaining letters patents accordingly , but shall thereof be delayed and hindered by the neglect of any officer or officers ; that then and in such case the several and respective persons , bodies politick and corporate , to whom and in whose behalf such certificate shall be given or granted , shall hold and enjoy the several mes●uages , mannors , lands , tenements and hereditaments , in the several and respective certificates mentioned and allotted , according to such estate , and under such rent as are therein mentioned , as fully and amply to all intents and purposes , as if letters patents thereof had been granted and perfected according to the directions in the said former act , any thing in this , or the said former act , or any other law , statute or usage to the contrary notwithstanding . and whereas , by the hardships and oppressions introduced by the said acts of settlement and explanation , some ancient proprietors who would have been restorable by the said act of repeal , have been necessitated to accept of leases for life , lives or years , or gifts in tayl , or other conveyances of their own respective estates , and have contracted to pay some rents , duties , or other reservations out of such their ancient estates , by which acceptance of leases or gifts before-mentioned , and by the said agreements to pay rents , duties or reservations for the same ; the said ancient proprietors may be barred or stopp'd , and concluded from the benefit of restitution , intended for ancient proprietors by the said act of repeal . be it therefore enacted , that the acceptance of any such lease or leases , gift or gifts in tayl , or any agreement or agreements upon any such account for payment of rents , duties or any other reservation for such their respective ancient estate or estates , shall be no way prejudicial or binding , or conclusive to any such ancient proprietor , or to his or their heirs , executors , or administrators , who have not actually by some legal ways or means , released his or their right to his or their said ancient estates , unto their said leassors or donors , any thing herein , or in the said act of repeal to the contrary notwithstanding . whereas some or most of the lands to be given in reprizals , have not been surveyed by the surveys , commonly called the down-survey , or strafford-survey ; and that a certain way is necessary to be prescribed for ascertaining the quit-rents now made payable thereout : be it therefore enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that the commissioners for the execution of the said act of repeal , or any three of them , shall and may be impowered to ascertain such quantities payable out of such lands so to be given in reprize , and ▪ to that purpose to issue commissions for valuations or surve●s , as they shall think fit ; and that such surveys shall be made according to the rules and methods used for the down-survey , wherein the unprofitable is to be thrown in with the profitable ; and where the lands appear barren , or the quit-rents by the said act of repeal , proper or fit to be reduced , it shall and may be lawful for them to reduce the same ; in which case such reduced or reserved quit-rents , shall be and is hereby the only quit-rent payable out of the said lands , if such quit-rents be more than the crown-rents , before this act payable out of the said lands : but in case the ancient crown-rent be more , the greater rent shall be the rent reserved thereout . provided yet likewise , that the commissioners for the execution of the said act of repeal , or in default of them , the barons of their majesties court of exchequer , within five years after the first sitting of the commissioners , for the execution of the said act , shall be and are hereby impowered to reduce the quit-rents by the said act due and payable out of lands , by the said act of repeal to be restored , or formerly restored to the former proprietors thereof , where the lands are barren , or of so small value that the quit-rent doth amount to the fourth part of the value of the lands , and may be discouragement to the plantation of the said lands , and that such ascertaining or abating of quit-rents , under the hands and seals of the said commissioners or barons respectively , shall be as good and effectual , as if the same had been enacted by these presents , any thing herein , or in the said acts of repeal contained to the contrary notwithstanding . and be it further enacted , that the commissioners to be appointed for setling forth reprizals pursuant to the said act of repeal , or any three of them , shall out of the stock of reprizals therein , and in this present act , or in either of them mentioned , set forth and allot reprizals to such person and persons , as by virtue of this present act are appointed to be reprized , and shall and may also execute such other parts of this act as are to be executed by commissioners . and whereas divers lands , tenements and hereditaments forfeited unto and vested in your majesty , are or may be found to be liable to divers debts or other entire payments saved by this act : and for levying and receiving the same , the person or persons intitled thereunto , might charge any part of the lands , tenements or hereditaments originally liable to the said debts or payments , with more than a just proportion thereof , whereby some of the persons to whom part of the said lands , tenements or hereditaments shall be allotted or granted in reprizal , may be overcharged in such part or proportion of the said lands , tenements or hereditaments , as shall be so to him or them granted or allotted , which may occasion great prejudice and loss to some of the said reprizable persons , if due course be not taken for apportioning the said debts and payments : for remedy whereof , be it enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that the commissioners for execution of the said act of repeal , and this present act , or any three or more of them , be and are hereby impowered and required equally to apportion such debts and payments as shall appear to them to be chargeable upon , or levyable out of any lands , tenements and hereditaments , to be set forth for reprizals as aforesaid ; and to ascertain what proportion of such debts or payments each and every proportion of the lands , tenements and hereditaments , which were originally liable thereunto , and which shall be separately set forth for reprizals as aforesaid , shall remain liable to pay or discharge ; and the respective grantees , and every of them , and their respective proportions of the said lands , tenements and hereditaments to them allotted for reprizals , shall not be liable to any more of the said debts or payments , than by the said apportionment shall be appointed and directed , which proportion of the said debts or payments is to be inserted in the certificate , to be granted of the lands liable thereunto ▪ if the person or persons obtaining such certificate , shall desire the same ; any thing in this , or the said act of repeal to the contrary notwithstanding . and it is further enacted , by the authority aforesaid , that all letters patents hereafter to be granted of any offices or lands whatsoever , shall contain in the same letters patents , a clause requiring and compelling the said patentees , to cause the said letters patents to be enrolled in the chancery of ireland , within a time therein to be limited ; and all letters patents wherein such clause shall be omitted , are hereby declared to be utterly void and of none effect . provided always , that if your sacred majesty at any time before the first day of november next , by letters patents under the broad seal of england , if re●●ding there ; or by letters patents under the great seal of ireland , during your majesties abode here , shall grant your gracious pardon or pardons to any one or more of the persons herein before mentioned or intended to be attainted , who shall return to their duty and loyalty ; that then and in such case , such person and persons so pardoned , shall be and is hereby excepted out of this present act , as if they had never been therein named , or thereby intended to be attainted , and shall be and are hereby acquitted and discharged from all attainders , penalties and forfeitures created or inflicted by this act , or the said act of repeal , excepting such share or proportion of their real or personal estate , as your majesty shall think fit to except or reserve from them , any thing in this present act , or in the said act of repeal , contained to the contrary notwithstanding . provided always , that every such pardon and pardons be pursuant to a warrant under your majesties privy signet and sign manual , and that no one letters patents of pardon shall contain above one person ; and that all and every such letters patents of pardon and pardons , shall be enrolled in the rolls office of your majesties high court of chancery in this kingdom , at or before the last day of the said month of november ; or , in default thereof , to be absolutely void and of none effect , any thing herein contained to the contrary notwithstanding . provided likewise , that if any person or persons so pardoned , shall at any time after the date of the said pardon , join with , or aid or assist any of your majesties enemies , or with any rebels in any of your majesties dominions , and be thereof convict or attainted by any due course of law , that then and in such case they shall forfeit all the benefit and advantage of such pardon , and shall be again subject and liable to all the penalties and forfeitures inflicted on them and every of them , by this or the said act of repeal , as if such pardon or pardons had never been granted . provided always , that nothing in this act contained , shall extend , or be construed to extend to , or vest in your majesty any lands , tenements or hereditaments , or other interest of any ancient proprietor , who by the said act of repeal , is to be restored to his ancient estate ; but that all such person and persons , and all their right , title and interest , are and shall be saved and preserved according to the true intent and meaning of the said act , any thing in these presents to the contrary notwithstanding . copia vera . richard darling , cleric . in offic. m ri . rot. the perswasions and suggestions the irish catholicks make to his majesty ; supposed to be drawn up by talbot , titular arch-bishop of dublin , and found in col. talbot's house , july . . . that the rebellion in anno . was the act of a few , and out of fear of what was doing in england . that they were provoked and driven to it by the english to get their forfeitures . that they were often willing to submit to the king , and did it effectually anno ; and held up his interest against the usurper , who had murdered his father , till . after which time they served his majesty in foreign parts till his restauration . . that they acquiesce in his majesty's declaration of novemb. . . and are willing that the adventurers and souldiers , should have what is therein promised them ; but what they and others have more , may be resumed and disposed of as by the declaration . . they desire for what lands intended to be restored them , shall be continued to the adventurers and souldiers , that they may have a compensation in money out of his majesty's new revenues of quit-rents , payable by the adventurers and souldiers . the hearth ▪ money and excise being such branches as were not in ; and hope that the one will ballance the other . . they say , that his majesty has now no more need of an army than before ; that the remainder of his revenue will maintain now , as well as then , what forces are necessary . . they desire to be restored to habitations and freedom within corporations . . that the general trade may advance . . that garisons and cittadels may become useless . . that they may serve his majesty in parliament , for bettering his revenue , and crushing and securing the seditious in all places . . they desire to be sheriffs and justices of the peace , &c. for the ends and purposes aforesaid ; and to have the power of the civil and ordinary militia . . they also desire to be form'd into a militia , and to be admitted to be of the standing army . . that their religion is consonant to monarchy and implicit obedience . that they themselves have actually serv'd his majesty in difficulties . that they have no other way to advantage themselves , than by a strict adherence to the king. that they have no other refuge ; whereas many of his majesty's subjects do lean hard another way . . that the roman catholicks are six to one of all others ; that of the said one to six , some are atheists and neuters , who will profess the roman catholick religion ; others devoutly given , will affect the same course , that the rest may have their liberty of conscience , and may be corrected in case they abuse it . . that the roman catholicks having the full power of the nation , they can at all times spare his majesty an army of sixty thousand men , there being twelve hundred thousand souls in ireland ; and so consequently an hundred and fifty thousand between sixteen and sixty years old : which forces , if allowed to trade , shall have shipping to transport themselves when his majesty pleaseth . . that they have a good correspondence abroad , for that great numbers of their nation are souldiers , priests , and merchants , in esteem with several great princes and their ministers . . that the toleration of the roman catholicks in england being granted , and the insolence of the hollanders taken down , a confederacy with france which can influence england , as scotland can also , will together , by god's blessing , make his majesty's monarchy absolute and real . . that if any of the irish cannot have their lands in specie , but money in lieu as aforesaid , some of them may transport themselves into america , possibly near new-england , to check the growing independents of that country . . that the next parliament being formed as aforesaid , great sums of money will be given his majesty . query , whether the roman catholick clergy may not be admitted into the house of peers this next parliament , or stay a little ? . that for effecting the premises , 't is better his majesty should govern ireland by a committee of such of his privy council as approved the conjunction with france , and as are not concern'd in ireland , rather than by the council of ireland . . let such a lord lieutenant be in ireland , who in inclination , and for fear of being displaced , will begin this work of laying the foundation of his majesty's monarchy , and hazard his concernments upon that account . . that the army be gradually reform'd , and opportunity taken to displace men not affected to this settlement ; and to put into the army or garisons in ireland , some fit persons to begin this work ; and likewise judges upon the benches . . query , what precedents may be found to break the several farms , and to be master of the exchequer , and pole the gains of the bankers , brewers , and farmers ? . whether the paying of a fine or income upon all grants of charters , officers and commanders , may not bind and fasten the grant , duty , and allegiance , as with silver chains , more firmly to the king's government ? . whether any grants may be presumed to be new obtained , without paying a great value , at least to some great officer or courtier for procuring the same ? . whether it be not ●●●sonable , a year's value be paid as a grateful acknowledgment to the prince's bounty upon temporal grants , as first fruits from spiritual ? . whether to reserve such grants to the immediate dispose of the king , be not the interest of the crown , and a means to create a closer adherence to the person of the prince , and so make monarchy more absolute and real , instead of factious dependences on great men , who are often acted more by self-interest than the advantage of their master ? . whether a considerable revenue may not be raised to the crown , that if such courtiers received it upon procuring grants , it were paid to the private or privy-purse ? . whether the subject would not more chearfully pay a years value or two to the prince upon passing grants , than to be liable to the unreasonable exaction of hungry courtiers , who sometimes make a prey , both of the subject and the prince's favour ? . whether many worthy and deserving men have not been put by and denied the benefit of his majesty's grant by false insinuation , for not gratifying some such viperous officers ? . whether his majesty might not expect to have a fitter person recommended , when there is no advantage to be made by their recommendations , than when offices are canted by courtiers , and such only recommended as will give most , but the least fit ? . whether if by the silver key men chance to get admittance into offices , the prince may not make advantage by their misbehaviour , since by losing both their mony and employment , the king will not only get a fine , and better servants , but also gratify the people by displacing an ill one. a copy of a letter of the irish clergy to king james , in favour of the earl of tyrconnel . found amongst bishop tyrrell's papers in dublin . sir , since it has pleased the almighty providence , by placing your majesty in the throne of your ancestors , to give you both authority and occasion of exercising those royal vertues which alone do merit , and would acquire you the crown to which you were born ; we , though comprehended in the general clemency and indulgence which you extend to the rest of our fellow subjects , are nevertheless so remote from your majesty's presence , that our prayers can have no access to you but by a mediator . and since of all others the earl of tyrconnel did first espouse , and chiefly maintain , these twenty five years last past , the cause of your poor oppressed roman catholick clergy , against our many and powerful adversaries ; and is now the only subject of your majesty , under whose fortitude and popularity in this kingdom , we dare chearfully and with assurance own our loyalty , and assert your majesty's interest : do make it our humble suit to your majesty , that you will be pleased to lodg your authority over us in his hands , to the terror of the factious , and encouragement of your faithful subjects here ; since his dependence on your majesty is so great , that we doubt not but that they will receive him with such acclamations , as the long captivated israelites did their redeemer mordecai . and since your majesty in glory and power does equal the mighty ahashuerus ; and the vertue and beauty of your queen is as true a parallel to his adored hester ; we humbly beseech she may be heard as our great patroness , against that haman , whose pride and ambition of being honour'd as his master , may have hitherto kept us in slavery . and tho we wish none the fate of so dreadful an example , but rather a timely penitence and conversion ; we yet humbly crave your majesty's protection against all such , if it may consist with your royal wisdom and pleasure , to which we with all humility submit , in the establishing of the ●a●d earl of tyrconnel in such authority here , as may secure us in the exercise of our function , to the honour of god , and offering up our prayers and sacrifice for the continuation of your majesty's long and prosperous reign over us . dublin , the of july , . your majesty's most dutiful and obedient subjects . the copy of a letter sent the king , august . . found in bishop tirrel's papers , but imperfect . may it please your majesty : i humbly beg of you , for god's sake and your own , to read what i here presume to write ; not but that i know it may well be thought an inexcusable piece of presumption in any subject to say or write any thing that may look like prescribing to a king , especially a king that from his own knowledg , and the best mother of it , long experience , must with universal consent be allowed the most competent judg in his dominions of what ought or ought not to be done . yet inasmuch as your present counsellors are for the most part divided from you by the unhappy difference in religion , i hope your majesty will pardon a loyal plain-dealer , for presuming to offer his well-meaning opinion of the present posture of affairs . sir , as i am one that makes it my business to study your interest , i took the liberty of telling you in former letters , that in order to replant religion in your dominions , you ought to begin with ireland , where the work is more than half done to your hand , and where your prerogative allows you to do with that kingdom as you please ; for it was not to be expected that england and scotland , so irreconcileable to popery , would consent to take off the penal laws by a parliament , if not aw'd by a more faithful army than you have at present . and now that a needful alteration is begun in ireland , it should be carried on speedily for your own and catholick subjects security ; for all the sectaries in your dominions are so gall'd at some of the phanaticks being discarded in ireland , that they join heads , concert councils , swear and contrive vengeance against all papists , who must expect no quarters but during your majesty's reign : but all good men have reason to hope , that that god who delivered you from the manifold dangers of your life , and made your enemies your footstool , will spare your precious life till you accomplish the glorious work reserv'd for you , by that providence that is your best life-guard . and 't is the comfort of all good subjects , that besides your being of all sides descended from healthy parents , you have ( i thank god ) at present all the symptoms of a vigorous long-lived man : nay , that your having been suckled by a very healthy long-liv'd woman , must in reason contribute much to the length of your life ; therefore put your trust in that god that never failed any good man that placed his hopes with considence in him ; and consider the proverb , that he that begins well , has in a manner half done his work ; which cannot be more aptly applied , than to the auspicious beginning of your reign : for god has so dashed the enterprizes and hopes of your enemies , that the terror of your name , and their experience of your good fortune , is , with the help of the army they gave ▪ you way to raise , sufficient , if not to change their hearts , at least to curb their insolence : therefore listen not to trimming counsellors , whose aversion to your religion , and cunning design of spinning out your life with their pian piano , may put them upon urging to you ; that great alterations are dangerous , when carried on otherwise than by slow and imperceptible degrees : which is true , where matters are not so ordered in point of power , as not to need fear a perturbation in the state ; but otherwise , celerity and resolution adds life and vigour to all actions , especially such as relate to change , which is often prevented by tedious deliberations ; for the party fearing an alteration , is always ( as having more reason ) more jealous and vigilant than he from whom it is feared ; and therefore leaves no stone unturn'd to hinder the accomplishment of designs , that might take effect if not marr'd , for not being vigorously push'd on as soon as resolv'd upon : and as precipitation is an error , so is irresolution , which is never to be practised by any , especially a known wise and resolute prince ; but when the issue of enterprizes depends more upon chance than a prudent management of causes , and rational foresight of events . but nothing causes irresolution more , than a medly of counsellors of a different religion with their prince , who will be on all occasions as industrious to prevent , as he can be to carry on any design for re-establishing religion . and inasmuch as authority , courage , and prudence , are the three most necessary qualifications in a prince , that conduce most of all ordinary means to the replantation of a religion ; and that all three meet to the highest pitch in your majesty , no protestant counsellor will advise you to any alteration in the government , that may directly or indirectly tend to a change in religion : nay , they lie under such jealousy and prejudice , as may induce them to magnify danger where there is none at all , and take no notice where it really is : a device much practised in england of late years . hence in the late king's time , no danger threatned his majesty but from the catholick quarters , whilst the greatest of dangers hovered over his and your sacred heads ▪ warpt up in the dark cloud of fanatick treachery and dissimulation . sir , it is plain , that the reality of the danger lies in your delay of making your catholick subjects considerable . for god's sake consider , that yours and their sworn enemies threaten above-board , that popery or protestantism must and shall be for ever extirpated in these kingdoms , and that all papists must inevitably split upon a rock in that haven where they had reason to hope for safety , if not secured against the threatning storm during your majesty's life , whereof the days and hours are precious , considering the important game you have to play , and the indispensable obligation you lie under ( before that god ..... and contribute as much from the helm to the conversion of souls , as the best of preachers from pulpits ; for words do but move , but examples , and especially those of great men , have more resistless charms , and a more than ordinary ascendent over the minds of the common people : which consideration should prevail with your majesty to prefer , without delay ▪ couragious wise and zealous catholicks , to the most eminent and profitable station● ▪ especially in your houshold , where you are king by a two-●old title ; by which means you would in a short time be stock'd with faithful counsellors all of a piece , that would join heads , hearts and hands , and would contribute unanimously to the effectual carrying on so good a design ..... distinction 'twixt his politick and natural capacity , fighting against the one in defence of the other , it is to be fear'd the protestants of your english army would , in case of a rebellion , be too inclinable to fight for the king , parliament , and protestant religion , against the king as papist , his popish cabals and popery . to prevent which ( as matters now stand ) there is but one sure and safe expedient , that is , to purge without delay the rest of your irish army , increase and make it wholly catholick ; raise and train a catholick-militia there ; place catholicks at the he●● of that kingdom ; issue out quo-warranto's against all the corporations in it ; put all employs , civil as well as military , into catholick hands . this done , call a parliament of loyal ..... present revenues of that kingdom cannot answer other state-contingencies , and maintain a greater army than is already on foot , especially when the revenues rather fall than rise there . the solution to this objection is to be expected also from your majesty , in whose breast it lies to take off by a law , the restraint that country is under , as to trade and traffick , for which it lies much more convenient than any of your kingdoms . when this is done , the irish merchants will , like the souldiers , flock home from all parts of the world ; but with this difference , that as the souldiers come to get your money , the merchants will bring all their ..... that there are few or none protestants in that country , but such as are join'd with the whigs against the common enemy . and as to your revenues , you are cheated of them by the mismanagement and sinistrous practices of your commissioners , whereof the major part are in their hearts rank whigs , and of a whiggish race ; and hence it is that they employ no officers but men of their own kidney , that swallow the oaths and your revenue to boot . and tho no king can well avoid being impos'd on by his servants , i believe it in my conscience , that the present managers of your revenues in ireland , think it no sin to rob a popish king of his due . hence it is that there is an universal agreement and combination betwixt the ..... merchants ..... we will , by way of retaliation , take care that no catholick be admitted into the civil . this combination makes your letters for civil places , the reversion of outlawries , and for catholicks being admitted free of corporations , so little regarded in ireland by those that past for tories here , &c. yet publickly espouse the whiggish quarrel the other side the water . i beseech you , sir , consider , that however your kingly prudence may prevail with you to dissemble your resentments of the non-compliance and disobedience of your stiff-neck'd english protestant subjects , you ought to exert your regal authority in ireland , a kingdom more peculiarly your own , where ..... month before , or at least not outlive your majesty a month ) for if that poor nation be not made considerable during your reign , his lordship must not hope for the favour my lord stafford had , of being legally murdered by a formal trial , but may well expect , ( all formality laid aside ) to be sacrificed to the unbridled fury of the lawless rabble , and dissected into little morsels , as the de-wits were in holland . and truly the fanaticks threaten no less ; and it were to be wished they cried out upon more of your ministers than they do at present ; for you may take it for granted , they will never speak well of your real friends ..... other will endeavour to marr , and the work will go on like that of babel , confusedly , for want of good intelligence among the workmen . sir , you are under god the great architect , that will , with the blessing of jesus , live to see the glorious structure fully finish'd : in order to which 't is requisite , you lose no time in making ireland intirely your own , that england and scotland may follow . you are gone too far , if you do not go farther ; not to advance , is to lose ground ; delays are dangerous , and all the world allow expedition and resolution to ..... if this were once compassed , france could no more hope upon a falling out with england , to take advantage of the diversity of our sects , and what may spring thence , domestick jars and divisions . sir , notwithstanding the doubts and fears of trimming courtiers , and some cow-hearted catholicks ▪ you may live long enough to undertake and crown this great work , with the grace and assistance of the same almighty god that defeated the rebels in the west , and made them instrumental in settling you in your throne , and that permitted this country to be lately sprinkled with the blood of martyrs , which must infallibly contribute to the conversion of souls in this kingdom ; for the blood of martyrs is and ever was the fruitful seed of the church : the seed is sown in many parts of england , and the harvest will without doubt be great and plentiful , but the workmen too too few , if you do not provide your self with catholick privy-counsellors , ministers , judges , officers civil and military , and servants : as to the choice of which , i will mind your majesty of the advice given moses by jethro his father-in-law , in the following words ; provide out of all the people , able men , such as fear god , men of truth , hating covetousness . when your counsellors and ministers are thus qualified , and not till then , you may hope to do what becomes a james the second . and to furnish your self with able men , you must follow your royal father's advice to the prince of wales ; that is , with an equal eye , and impartial hand , distribute favours and rewards to all men , as you find them for their real goodness , both in ability and fidelity worthy and capable of them . such as fear god , as the truly wisest will advise you to the best measure for promoting god's glory ; men of truth will , like tyrconnel , serve you faithfully , without trimming , tho with never so apparent hazard to their fortunes and lives . and men hating covetousness , will not betray your interest , be corrupted , nor sell places to such undermanagers of your revenue , as buying them for a spill in gross , will be sure to retail them at your cost , a practice much in use here , and in ireland at present , where few or no places can be had without bribes ; by which means you are cheated in both kingdoms of an hundred thousand pounds a year , in the opinion of understanding , honest and indifferent judges ; for no man will give a shilling surreptitiously for an office , but with a design to cheat you of twenty : to prevent which , there is no remedy , but that of employing smart men of known integrity , to be chosen without favour or affection , that will be content with their respective salleries , and imploy their utmost industry to improve , not imbezel your revenues the ornaments of peace and sinews of war. sir , these kingdoms are of opinion , popery will break in upon them , and it were a pity to disappoint them ; and when you take effectual measures , your trimming courtiers will unmask and come over ; nay , half the kingdom will be converted of it self . what i have here presumed to write , is the effect of my unfeigned zeal for the good of religion , and your majesties interest , which i hope will induce you to pardon a plain-dealing and loving subject , that daily beseeches god to bless your majesty and these kingdoms with a long and prosperous reign , and with numerous long-liv'd male issues ; and to inspire you with wholsom thoughts , that may direct you to the performance of such heroick actions as may gain you immortal fame in this world , and eternal glory in the next . lord clarendon's speech in council , on his leaving the government of ireland . my lords , it has been sometimes used to make speeches upon these occasions , but i know my insufficiency for that task , and therefore shall trouble your lordships with very few words . in the first place , my lords , i give your lordships many thanks for the civilities i have received from every one of you , and for the great assistance i have had from you in the discharge of my duty here . i know your lordships can witness for me , that i never desir'd your concurrence in any thing that was not for the king's service . i do again beg your lordships to accept of my thanks , with this assurance , that i shall give the king an account ( when i have the honour to kiss his hand ) of your lordships great readiness and diligence to advance his service . my lord deputy , i shall not long detain your lordship ; the king hath placed your excellency in a very great station ; has committed to your care , the government of a great and flourishing kingdom , of a dutiful , loyal , and obedient people : it is extreamly to be lamented , that there are such feuds and animosities among them , which i hope your excellency's prudence , with the assistance of so wise a council , will disperse ▪ i must needs say , both from my own observation , and the information i have had from my lords the judges , who often visit the whole kingdom , that there is a great readiness and willingness in all people to serve and obey the king. i must here a little enlarge to your excellency , because i reckon my self bound to give the king an account of his subjects , and i would not willingly say any thing when i am at such a distance , which i have not mentioned here . the english in this country have been aspersed with the character of being generally fanaticks , which is a great injury to them ; i must do them the justice to say , that they are of the church of england , as appears by their actions as well as professions . the churches here are as much frequented , and the discipline of the church as well observed , as in england it self ; which is to be attributed to the piety and labour of my lords the bishops . we of the church of england can brag , that when rebellion overspread the three kingdoms , not one orthodox member of our church was engaged against the crown : and in our late disorders , we can boast we were opposers of the bills of exclusion ; and the sense his majesty has been graciously pleas'd to express of our loyalty , will never be forgotten by us . i had the happiness to be born a member of the church of england , and i hope god will give me the grace to die one . one thing the english of this country have to glory in , that of all his majesty's subjects , they made the earliest advances towards his majesty's restoration , when the three kingdoms were governed by usurpers . and after all the endeavours of his loyal subjects in england seemed to be disappointed , and there appeared no hopes , by the total defeating of sir g. booth , the english then in this kingdom , offered to submit to his majesty's authority . i do not say this , my lord , to detract from his majesty's r. c. loyal subjects , many of whom i my self knew serv'd and suffered with him abroad ; but i speak it in justice to the others who did their duty . there is but one thing more i shall trouble your excellency with ; i am sorry that i cannot say that i leave a full treasure , but i can say that i leave no debts . the revenue is in good order , which must be owned to be due to the unwearied industry and diligence of the commissioners . the army is intirely paid to christmass day last ; and i have advanced a month's subsistence-money for january . the civil and pensionary lists are likewise cleared to christmass : i doubt not but your excellency's care will carry all things on in the same method . god almighty bless the king , and grant him long life ; and i beseech god to prosper this excellent country . i received this sword in peace , and i thank god , by the king's command , i deliver it in peace to your excellency ; and i heartily wish you joy of the honour the king has done you . a general abstract of the gross produce of his majesty's revenue in ireland , in the three first years of the management , beginning at christmass . ending christmass .   , , . customs inwards & impt. excise ⅜ ● / ● / ● customs outwards — ½ ½ seizures and fines — ½ ▪ ● / ● ¼ prizage — inland excise — ⅜ ¼ ¾ ale licenses — ● / / ● ● / ● wine , &c. licenses — ● / ¾ quit crown and custodiam rents — ⅜ ¼ ● / hearth-money — casual revenue — ¼ totals , l. ● / ● / arrears of each of the above-years remaining uncollected at christmass . — ⅜ ½ ⅞ net cash paid into the treasury in the three years above-mention'd , over and besides the charges of management , and sallaries to the officers of the revenue in the said time — ⅜ cash remaining in the collectors hands at christmass , , ready to be paid in — ½ the solvent part of the above-mention'd arrears which was actually levied and paid into the treasury before christmass , . — total cash , l. ⅞ which at a medium for three years , amounts for each year to the sum of — sheriffs for the year . febr. . . counties . sheriffs . ardmagh — marcus clarke . antrim — cormuck o. neil . cavan — lucas reily . clare — john mac. nemara of cratelag● . corke — nicholas brown of bantrey . catherlogh — sir lawrence esmond . dublin — thomas warren . downe — valentine russell . donnegall — charles hamilton . fermanagh — cohonnagh mac-gwire . galway — john ke●● esq kildare — john wogan . king's county — hewar oxburgh . kilkenny — john grace esq kerry — donogh mac-gellicuddy . leitrim — alexander mac-donnel . lowth — patrick bellew . limerick — edward rice of ballynitty . longford — james nugent esq meath — walter nangle esq monoghan — sir john flemming . mayo — dominick browne . queen's county — edmond morris esq roscomon — john dillon esq sligoe — henry crafton of longford . tyrone — terence donelly . wexford — patrick colclough . westmeath — thomas nugent . wicklow — francis meara . waterford — john nugent . londonderry — elected by the charter . cipperary — appointed by the duke of ormond . john plunkett lessee of christ. lord baron of dunsany , plantiff . philip tuite and john rawlins , defendants . sir edward tyrrell's affidavit about packing of juries . whereas there issued two several venire faciases , at the plantiff's suit , returnable to his majesty's court of exchequer , directed to edward tyrrell esq then high sheriff of the county of meath , the first year of his now majesty's reign . now sir edward tyrrell baronet came this day before me , and made oath , that one mr. plunket , brother to the said lord of dunsany , came to longwood to this deponent's house ; and desired this deponent to stand the lord dunsany's friend , and to give him a jury that would do him right ; and withal said , this deponent should have ( after the said lord of dunsany should be restored to the possession of his estate ) the sum of three or four hundred pounds . to which this deponent answered , he would do him justice . the said mr. plunket desired this deponent to meet him at mr. nugent his counsel's house , where he would further discourse the matter . this deponent did accordingly meet the said thomas plunket , where several proposals and overtures were made all to no purpose . this deponent further deposeth , that in some short time after , the said lord of dunsany came to this deponent's said house , and after some discourse , he the said dunsany desired this deponent to befriend him against those that wronged him , and kept him out of his estate . whereupon this deponent told the said lord of dunsany what offer his brother made him . the said lord of dunsany replying , said , his brothers were all on the catch , and that he would do his own business , and not trouble them , or any of them , or words to that purpose ; and desired this deponent to return him a good jury , and that he , the said dunsany , would give this deponent twenty guinnies in hand , and three or four hundred pounds when he should be restored to the possession of his estate . to which this deponent made answer , that he would impose nothing on his lordship ▪ and that he would do him right . then the said lord dunsany swore , that this deponent should not repent what kindness this deponent would shew him in that affair , and said , he would not fail paying the twenty guinnies upon the return of the said venires . this deponent desired the said lord of dunsany to imploy his brother thomas plunket in the prosecution of that concern ; which he promised he would do , and thereupon began to name such as he would have of the jury : which this deponent desired he should forbear , telling him , if this deponent should be examined to that , the aray would be quash'd . the said dunsany then said , he would put the venires into this deponent's hands , and do what he thought fit , and said , this deponent should hear from him within some short time , which he performed . and this deponent deposeth , that he did receive the said two venires , either from the said lord dunsany's messenger , or from himself or one of his servants . but this deponent having recollected his memory , is more apt to believe that it was the said lord of dunsany's messenger or servant , whom this deponent hath seen before in the said lord's company , that came according to his the said lord dunsany's promise , that delivered the said venires to this deponent ; for he desired to know at his departure from this deponent , where and when the said mr. thomas plunket should meet this deponent in order to return the said writs , or words to that effect . that this deponent appointed him to give the said thomas plunket notice to meet him at trim , at one mr. eveys house , on such a day as this deponent cannot tax his memory now with . that this deponent having several occasions to this city , waited on mr. daley this deponent's counsel , now mr. justice daley , and advised with him about the proposals , and said overtures betwixt him this deponent , and the said lord of dunsany ; and thereupon resolved to serve the said lord dunsany gratis , and not to take or accept of any manner of consideration from the said lord of dunsany , and that he this deponent would be very just to him ; which resolution was approved of by the said mr. justice daley . this deponent further deposeth , that according to appointment , being met with punctually , had some discourse with the said thomas plunket , who said , the said lord of dunsany his brother was not prepared for a trial , and that he would go on soon with all his estate at once ; and that them two parcels were inconsiderable in respect of the bulk of his estate ; and desired this deponent to reserve the best men , in order to return them on the juries , when he should put other venires for that purpose in this deponent's hands , or words to that purpose . this deponent desired him to consider what he had to do , and he should not blame him this deponent hereafter . he the said thomas plunket then replied , that he would be satisfied with what returns this deponent should make on the said two venires , and desired that the best men might be reserv'd as aforesaid . whereupon this deponent soon after return'd the aforesaid venires , with pannels to them severally annexed . this deponent further deposeth , that he having notice from the lord bp of clogher , that he heard that the said lord of dunsany should reflect on this deponent , saying , he would not return him a good jury without a consideration : and having met the said thomas plunket in the said lord bishop's lodgings , in michaelmass or hillary term last , he desired the said lord bishop to acquaint the said thomas plunket with the expressions he heard of the said lord of dunsany . which he having done , the said thomas plunket said , that this deponent desired no consideration , and that the lord dunsany aforesaid was much obliged to him this deponent ; and that he was mighty kind to him , and would justify the same . this deponent further deposeth , that the said thomas plunket having met this deponent at longwood , after some discourse he had with this deponent , the seventeenth day of march last past , shewed him a list of the juries , and asked this deponent if he returned them ? to which this deponent answered , that he had ( as he believed ) : he the said thomas plunket thereupon said , most of them were phanaticks , and that they would hang the said lord of dunsany if they could . this deponent made answer then , that if they prov'd inconvenient , that it was the said thomas plunket's fault , for that he had desired this deponent to return what he this deponent pleased , and to reserve the best men for the bulk of the said lord dunsany's estate , or words to that effect . the said thomas plunket said , he would never consent to the return of such juries ; and passionately said , if he had the twenty guinnies to give this deponent , that he would have better juries . this deponent asked the said thomas plunket , if this deponent desired any such sum , or any sum of him when he met at trim ? he then replied , that he did not , but that the said lord dunsany did promise it . after a while he likewise said , that he told the said lord of dunsany , that this deponent could not be supposed to have made that return for ill-will or gain , for that none would give any sum of money where the party could nonsuit himself ; as also that this deponent had returned good juries for several of his country , naming mr. evers and others , and that it was his ill luck that hindred him , or words to that effect . this deponent further deposeth , that neither of the defendants , directly or indirectly , desired this deponent for to return the said juries . neither did this deponent give them notice that he had any venires ; neither did he know that there were any venires ordered to be granted by this court , until he received the said venires , either from the said lord , or tenants , or messengers as aforesaid , and further saith not . mr. burridge's affidavit about robbers , sept. . . then came before me ezekiel burridge clerk , and saith , that about the beginning of the late earl of tyrconnel's government , he was set upon by three men near glasneven , within a mile of dublin , who gave this deponent four wounds with their swords , and tore his gown , so that he could never afterwards wear it : they likewise attempted to rob him , had they not been prevented by the coming in of company . two or three days after , he heard that a fellow was seen on the same ground who looked suspiciously ; and being pursued , was taken in the suburbs : whereupon the said deponent went to him in a disguise to newgate , and took him into a private place , and made large promises to him , if he would discover any of the robberies , and be an instrument of bringing in the rogues who infested the roads about the town , and robbed almost every night . to effect this , he spoke irish , and wore the ●arb of a considerable irish officer , and call'd himself mac-carty . the first time he could do but little good with him , but he bid him come to him the next day ; and after he had seen a friend , he would do something . accordingly he went to him the next morning , and renewing and enlarging his promises to him ; after some time he told him , if he would make my lord chief justice nugent his friend , and perswade him to remit his punishment , which was to be burnt in the hand , and stand his friend in other things , he would do more service than any man in ireland was able to do . he thereupon ventur'd upon large promises to him , and used all the rhetorick he could to bring him to an ingenuous and full confession . whereupon he told the deponent , that he knew all the robberies that were committed the three years last past in the counties of dublin , meath , kildare , longford and louth : that he would engage to clear all those counties of rogues ; that he knew all those that rob'd in the roads about dublin ; that there were four several companies of them ; that the great company were at that time robbing about kilkenny , and that they would be at dublin within a week , for they were withdrawn thither only to be out of the way here in the term time ; that there were of them in all besides souldiers ( whom , he said , he durst not discover ) ; but all the rest , he said , he would engage to take in ale-houses , where he would appoint them to meet him , if my lord chief justice would allow him men to assist him : this he told the deponent he would do , and shewed him what methods he would use ; and he said , he would willingly be hang'd if he did not succeed : besides , he knew ( he said ) where rogues might be found in dublin , who were proclaimed , and had money offered for their heads . he knew likewise where two men were who murdered a broguemaker at kil●ock a little before , but was loth to hang one of them , he said , because he thought he then lived honestly in his own house . he knew likewise , he said , a house that was to be robb'd at stephens-green , by some acquaintance of his , within a week ; and told the deponent what method they design'd to use in robbing it . he knew likewise who robb'd a house at killmainham that very week whilst be was in prison . he knew where a silver-hilted sword was , which was taken from a gentleman a little before ; and could go directly to abundance of goods taken by robbery . he knew where several pieces of the gold which was taken from mr. starling the minister in the county of longford , then lay ; and said , that he himself had changed one of the pieces since his committal : all this he said he would prove , and would give his head if he miscarried in any particular . and when the deponent told him , that perhaps he only pretended those things , that he might have an opportunity to escape ; he thereupon said , that they might , to prevent that , set guards over him ; and besides , he would procure my lord gormanstowne , and several gentlemen , to be bound for him . the deponent having received this encouragement from the prisoner , ( whose name was patrick launan ) he went to my lord chief justice nugent ; told him what he had suffer'd himself , and what the country suffer'd daily ; and gave him an account of his conferring with the prisoner , and shewed him in writing the above-named particulars , which he wrote from his mouth in prison ; which my lord presently was pleased to call , extraordinary great service , and said , that the government ought to take notice of it . my lord was likewise pleased to promise the deponent he would pardon the fellow , and make the best use he could of him to bring in the rogues . afterwards my lord sent for him , and had him private two hours ; and when the deponent afterwards waited upon him , my lord told him , he had found out an extraordinary useful man , and that he was well satisfied all he said was true , and he believed he could do more service than the account he gave the deponent ; and withal , my lord shewed the deponent a list of the rogues he had from launan the prisoner : but either my lord did not read the list fairly to the deponent , or launan made some omission ; for the deponent remembers there was one naugle , or one or two nugents in his list , which my lord omitted in reading . after the deponent had managed the fellow thus far , he asked him concerning particular robberies , and he gave him a very satisfactory answer to all . he asked whether he heard of a gownman that was assaulted between dublin and glassneven ? he thereupon turned his head aside and blush'd , and said , that he knew of it , but could not be perswaded to discover the men : what he said upon this head , made the deponent suspect that my lord chief justice had discovered him to the prisoner , for he found not that freeness of discourse with him , after he had been with my lord , that he had before : neither after all his pains , could he do any good with my lord ; but he deposes , that after he was importunate with him , three or four times , to bring in the rogues , yet nothing was done , and the prisoner was afterwards sent away to trim goal , which this deponent verily believes was to avoid his importunity . he believes , my lord thought those rogues might be afterwards serviceable , and therefore had no mind to bring them to justice . jurat coram me septembris . dud. loftus . account of mr. thomas corker's house , burnt by the irish the th of may , . as one of the thousand instances that may be given of the natural antipathy the irish have to the english , and protestants in general , ( let the obligations of neighbourhood , conversation , and other endearments be never so great ) mr thomas corker's usage by them is remarkable . he liv'd at donoghmore , within a mile of navan in the county of meath ; and observing about all saints , , that the english and protestants began to remove and fly ; he freely ask'd the irish gentlemen in his neighbourhood , what advice they would give him as to his remove , having a great family : who answer'd , o dear , sir , do not stir ; for if the world were on fire , you have no reason to fear : for you have been so obliging to us your neighbours , and to all sorts , that none will harm you , but rather protect you . yet immediately they fell upon his stock without doors , and took part of it away . he then removed with his family to dublin , leaving his haggard and most of his houshold goods behind him ; and sometimes ( or about once a month ) went down to thresh part of his corn for his own use : during which time they took away all his stock of sheep , black cattel , and horses ; and the soldiers from navan ( commanded by one captain farrel ) fetcht away all his corn and hay . some of his irish-servants telling him , it was not safe for him to come down , or lye in his own house , he lay in a neighbours house : this was on a friday-night ; and the next day he went to dublin . on sunday night ( the th of may , . ) they came and set fire to his house in several places , and burnt it down and all his goods , believing he was in the house . afterwards giving out , that he had order'd his own servants to burn it . and soon after came up one william carton his shepherd , who told him ▪ that the fryar and priests at navan were very angry with him , and threatned him , because he did not countenance that report , and also own that his servants had burnt his house by his order . all this was done by the neighbourhood , within or miles about him . a brief of the case of the charter of londonderry , upon which judgment was given against it . quo warranto against the corporation of londonderry ; to shew , why they claim'd to be a body politick , and to have and use certain other priviledges . the corporation pleaded their charter , whereby those priviledges were granted to them , & eo warranto they claim to have and use those priviledges . tho king's attorny replies , and saith , that since their charter ; the act of settlement impowers the lord lieutenant and council , to make rules and orders for the regulating corporations : that accordingly such rules were made for this corporation ; among which , one was , that they were to elect at a time different from that in the charter , and return the names of the persons the corporation should elect yearly to be mayor and sheriffs , to the lord lieutenant ; and to be approved of , & unde ex quo , that they did not so elect , and send the names of such elected , to be so approved , they forfeited their priviledges . the corporation in their rejoynder gave a full answer to this new matter , raised in replication on these new rules ; and set forth , that they did all along yearly elect , and send up the names elected according to the rules , and that they were approved , &c. but further insisted at the bar , that they needed not to have any further rejoynder to the said replication , or given any answer as to the matter in the said replication alledged ; because , admitting the allegations in the said replication to be true , yet the replication assigns no breach by the corporation : for all that comes after the unde ex quo , is but a conclusion , and solely a conclusion without any premisses ; for tho' the new rules be set forth , yet 't is not said in all the replication , that the corporation did not act pursuant thereto ; but only saith , unde ex quo , they did not , &c. . the court said , the answer given to the new rules , was a departure from the matter pleaded ; viz. they justifie in the plea by the charter ; and in their rejoynder they say , they chuse according to the new rules , which is another warrant to chuse , and so the plea vitious . to which the corporation reply'd , that a departure is , when a party in a rejoynder sets up a new title to a thing , or a new justification not set up in the plea : but here they still justifie by their charter , and the new rules made subsequent , is only to the modus of chusing , in respect of time , &c. but the power of chusing is still by the charter . . the plea was not only a plain answer to a short question demanded by the quo warranto , viz by what warrant they claimed their priviledges ; and the matter of the new rules was set up by the king in his replication , to which they had no opportunity of answering , till they rejoyn'd . . if it had been material to be set forth in the plea ; yet it being a condition subsequent ( if any thing ) and going in destruction of the corporation priviledges , they ought not first by the rules of law to set it forth ; but it ought first to come on the adversaries part . . the corporation urged , that the new rules did not in law work any forfeiture of priviledges , in case they were not observed ; for they were in the affirmative only , and the rule of law is , that acts in the affirmative take not away a former power of doing a thing , but the same may be done either the first way , or the second . notwithstanding all which , on the said pretended defect in pleading , the merits of the cause never coming in question , the court gave judgment against the corporation . ( n o . ) lord lieutenants , and deputy lieutenants of counties . leinster . counties . lord lieutenants . deputy lieutenants . county dublin , col. simon lutterel . thomas warren . bartholomew russel . city dublin — lord mayor . sir thomas hackett . terence dermot . meath — lord gormanstown . thomas bellew . trim — walter nangle . westmeath — earl of westmeath . edmund nugent of carlinston . mullingar — james nugent of welshtown . longford — col. william nugent . fergus farrel . longford — laurence nugent . catherlogh — dudley bagnal . — marcus baggott . carlow — william cooke . kilkenny — lord galmoy . — john grace . kilkenny — coesar colclough . wexford — col. walter butler . patrick colclough .   walter talbot . wexford — edward masterson . wicklow — john talbot of belgard . hugh roe byrne . wicklow — thady byrne . king's county col. garret moore . terence coghlan . birr — owen carrol . queens county lord clanmalyra . edward morris . maryburrow thady fit●-patrick . lowth — lord of lowth . roger bellew . drogheda — john babe . kildare — earl of lymrick . capt. charles whyla .   francis leigh . naas — w m fitzgerald of cookstown . munster . counties . lord lieutenants . deputy lieutenants . corke — lord mountcashel . pierce nagle .   daniel mac carty reagh .   sulivan bere . corke — charles mac carty , alias mac donnogh . waterford — earl of tyrone . — john nugent . waterford — thomas sherlock . clare — lord clare . — donogh ô brien of duogh . ennis — florence mac nemara . counties . lord lieutenants . deputy lieutenants . kerry — lord kilmore . donogh mac gillicuddy . tralee — joseph browne . limerick — lord brittas . morice fitz-gerald . limerick — dom. roche . tipperary — walter butler , esq james butler of killas●ahan .   garret gough . clonmel — john clantwal .   daniel mac carty . connaught . counties . lord lieutenants . deputy lieutenants . galway — earl of clanrickard . john donnelan .   miles bourke . galway — nicholas french. roscomon — lord dillon . — patrick plunkett . roscomon — john fallon ▪ mayo — lord athenry . john brown. ballinrobe — john hore . sligoe — col. henry dillon . edward crofton . sligoe — james french. leitrim — col. alexander mac donnel . henry mac tool ô neile .   hugh ô rourkē . ulster . counties . lord lieutenants . deputy lieutenants . cavan — col. edmond reyley . philip oge ô reyley . cavan — miles reyley , junior . monoghan — col. arthur oge mac mahon . capt. hugh mac mahon .   col. brian mac mahon . tyrone — col. gordon ô neile . capt. terence donnelly .   shane ô donnelly . ardmagh — sir neil ô neil . walter hovendon .   con. ô neil . derry — col. cormuck ô neil . capt. roger ô cahan .   capt. fran. ô cahan . donegal — conel ô donnel . manus ô donnel .   tyrlagh oge ô boyle .   daniel ô donnel . downe — lord iveagh . shilling magennis .   arthur magennis . antrim — earl of antrim . shane ô neil , sheriff .   col. thady ô hara . fermanagh — lord of eniskillen . — cuconaght mac gwyre . a list of the principal officers employed in the revenue jun. . dublin port ; chief commissioners and officers established by patent . commissioners of the revenue . sir patrick trant , knight . francis plowden , esquires . john trinder , esquires . prot. richard collins , esquires . prot. sir william ellis , knight . charles playdel , secretary . nicholas fitz-gerald , solicitor . prot. james bonnel , accomptant general . collectors and officers appointed by the commissioners , viz. doctor james fitz gerald , collector . prot. nathaniel evans , clerk to the commissioners . prot. william alcock , examiner of the port-accounts and warrants , and casheer . prot. sinolphus bellasis , clerk of the coast. prot. john kent , land surveyor , and comptroller of the store . prot. edward prescott , land-surveyor . land-waiters . prot. john robinson . prot. dennis boyle . prot. francis isaackson . henry fitz gerald. prot. bartholomew wybrantz , store keeper . robert longfield , chief clerk of the quit and crown-rents . surveyors of ringsend . william briscoe . phelim dempsy . francis creagh , surveyor at dunlary . dublin excise ; viz. prot. francis babe , collector . prot. bernard waight , surveyor general of excise . _____ carol , examiner of excise accounts . surveyors of excise . prot. benjamin powning , examiner of diaries . prot. henry davis , prot. jacob walton , philip clayton , ports and districts . athlone , christopher nicholson , — collector . peter duffe , — survveyor . baltimore , dominick nagle , — collector . clonmel , terence magrath , — collector . edward morris , — surveyor . cork port , sir james cotter , — collector . edward trant , — surveyor . florence mac carty , — surveyor at cove . cork excise , francis garvan , — collector . james griffith , — surveyor . dingle , — ambrose moore , — collector . drogheda , bernard byrne , — collector . walter babe , — surveyor of excise . morris morierty , — survey . at new-key . dungarvan , thomas mead , — collector . ennis , john mac nemara , — collector . james dalton , — surveyor . foxford , valentine kirwan , — collector . nicholas toppin , [ prot. ] surveyor . galway port , arthur nagle , — collector . galway excise , james brown fitz jeffrey , collector . kilkenny , caesar colclough , — collector . samuel pigeon , [ prot ] surveyor . kinsale , dominick rice , — collector , dominick murrogh , — surveyor . limerick , john rice , — collector . nicholas skiddy , — surveyor . loughrea , stephen dean , — collector . maryburrow , garret trant , — collector . william bourne , — surveyor . moyallow , john longfield , — collector . richard aylward , — surveyor . naas , edmond fitzgerald , — collector . robert dowdal , — surveyor . rosse , james butler , — collector . mark whitty , — surveyor of excise . sligoe , — owen dermot , — collector . trim , richard barnwal , — collector . hugh mac donogh , surveyors . richard barton , waterford , councellor butler , — collector . james heas , — surveyor . wexford , — anthony talbot , — collector . wicklow , — barnaby hacket , — collector . youghal , patrick fitzgerald , — collector . david fitzgerald , — surveyor . a list of the names of the new burgesses of strabane and londonderry ; viz. strabane . commonly call'd , soveraign john ô neile , shane mac con backagh ô neile . burgesses , gordon ô neile , son of sir phelim ô neile the great rebel , who was hang'd , drawn , and quarter'd . he burnt strabane in . john ô neile , — shane mac neile , rammar Ô neile . william roe hamilton . constantine ô neile . james cunningham . robert adams . cloud hamilton . brian ô neil , mac brian , mac cormuc , mac rory grana ô neil . john browne . robert gamble . patrick bellew . james mac gee . art ô neile , — art mac ô neile , ramar ô neile ▪ john donnelly , — shane fadda ô donnelly . james mac enally . john mac rory shane groom mac philip mac rory ▪ burnt in the hand . terence donnelly , — turlogh ô donnelly . henry ô neile , henry mac phelmy duff , mac art mac rory ô neile . his father hang'd . roger mac cony , rory mac brian , mac con modura mac conway : his father hang'd . dominick mac hugh , dominick mac rory ballagh mac hugh . charles ô cahan — cormuck mac manus keiogh ô cahan . charles ô conway , cormuck mac owen oge mac owen modera mac conway . londonderry . cormuck ô neile , mayor . sheriffs . horace kennedy , and edward brooks , aldermen . cohanagh mac gwire , gordon ô neile , constantine ô neile , constance ô neile , manus ô donnel , peter manby , peter dobbin , antho. dobbin , john campsie , daniel ô dogherty , william hamilton , roger ô cahan . daniel ô donnel , nicho. ●urside , alexander lacky , constance ô dogherty . daniel ô sheile , roger ô dogherty , brian ô neile , and john buchanan , daniel ô sheile , chamberlain , burgesses . francis ô cahan , robert butler , cornelius callaghan , thomas moncriefe , hugh ô hogan , john mackenny , john campsie , henry campsie , james lenox , john ô hogan , william stanly , james connor , hugh eady , john donnogh , alexander gourdon , john crookshanks , phel . mac shaghlin , john ô linshane , art. ô hogan , charles ô sheile , johnlius ô mullan , john sheridan . james sheridan , constance ô rorke , dom. boy mac loghlin , john nugent , william ô boy , john ô boy , william ô sullivan , dionysius mac loghlin . manus ô cahan , hugh mac loghlin , hugh more ô dogherty ulick ô hogurty , henry ash , tho. broome , pet. mac peake , hen. dogherty , robert shenan , cornelius magreth , art. ô hogan . ( n o. . ) privy councellers appointed by letters from king james , dated the th of february , ; and such as are sworn since by particular letters . for the time being . lord primate . lord chancellor . lord archbishop dublin . lord high treasurer . secretary of state. chancellor of the exchequer master of the ordnance . lord chief justice of the king 's bench. lord chief justice of the common pleas. lord chief baron of the exchequer . lieut. general of the army . colonel of the regiment of guards . james duke of ormond , not sworn . henry earl of thomond . cary earl of roscomon . ... earl of ardglass . henry earl of drogheda . hugh earl of mount-alexander . richard earl of ranelagh , not sworn . francis earl of longford . maurice viscount fitzharding . murrogh viscount blesinton . robert fitzgerald , esq not sworn . sir charles fielding , not sworn . sir richard reynel , not sworn . sir thomas newcomen . sir robert hamilton . esquires ; not sworn . adam loftus , lemuel kingdon , sworn afterwards by particular letters . sir paul rycaut . thomas heitley , esq earl of tyrconnel . earl of lymerick . lord viscount ikerin . lord viscount galmoy . esquires . thomas nugent , dennis daly , stephen rice , rich. hamilton , sir william wentworth . earl of ballymore . nicholas purcel , esq earl of clanrickard . earl of antrim . justin mac carty , esq lord viscount gormanst own lord viscount rosse . earl of tyrone . lord viscount netterville lord lowth . sir william talbot . esquires anth. hamilton , thomas sheridan , symon luttrel . fitzgerald villers , esq colonel garret moore . lord bellew . charles white , esq col. cormusk ô neil . francis plowden , esq privy consellors sworn before king james , after his coming to ireland . duke of powis . duke of berwick . earl of abercorne . lord thomas howard . earl of melfort . lord chief justice herbert . lord dover . colonel william p ▪ colonel dorrington . marquis d'albeville . lord kilmallock . colonel sarsfield . lord merryon . earl of carlingford . earl of clanrickard . lord kenmare . lord clare . ( n o ) the civil list of officers , and the times of their entring on their offices . chancery . sir alexander fitton knight , created lord fitton and baron of gosworth in the county of lymrick , lord high chancellor of ireland . april , . sir william talbot baronet , made master of the rolls . dennis fitzgerald his deputy . masters . dr. alexius stafford popish dean of christ-church , d may. ignatius berford , esq dr. of the laws , th may. dr. matthew kennedy , may. dr. michael plunket , a romish-priest . july . thomas arthur soldier , clerk of the crown and hanaper : this is in trust for robert arthur's wife , niece to lord tyrconnel . st aug. william dorrington , register . james nagle , cursitor and ingrosser of all original writs . henry temple , esq and owen coyle ( who was indicted and outlawed of forgery ) examinators . six clerks . john newel , john maynard , .... power , thady meagher , john herny , and .. geoghegan , baskervile polewheel , pursuivant : kings bench . thomas lord nugent baron of riverston , l. chief justice . d justice vacant , not being worth fees of passing patent . sir brian o neil , baronet , third justic. th july , . randal mac donnel , esq clerk of the crown , and prothonorary . francis nugent , deputy prothonotary . brian kerny , deputy clerk of the crown . common pleas . john keating , esq lord chief justice . . justice dennis daly , esq . justice peter martin , esq jan. . edmond fitzgerald , esq chief and only prothonotary . richard fenner , his deputy . jan. . robert barnwel , esq custos brevium and chirographer . james nagle , clerk of the outlawries . exchequer . buno talbot , esq chancellor . treasurer vacant . sir stephen rice , lord chief baron . sir john barnwel , knight , second baron . sir henry lynch , baronet , puny baron . st aug. . oliver grace , esq chief remembrancer . second remembrancer not disposed of ; formerly an office of great perquisites , but now ▪ not worth fees of passing patent . aug. walter lord dungan , clerk of the common pleas. murtagh griffin , his deputy . philip dwyer his sub-deputy . jul. . richard talbot of malahide , esq auditor general . jul. . chr. malone , sergeant dillon's clerk , surveyor general ; this in trust for lady tyrconnel and her daughter , married to col ▪ dillon . oct. . james nagle , clerk of the estreats and summonister . october , richard morgan , pursuivant . nov. . francis stafford , esq clerk of the pipe. dec. . charles white , esq clerk of the first fruits and th parts . marcus baggot , first sergeant at arms. jan. . thomas haughton , second sergeant at arms. th jan. brian mac dermot , esq clerk of the pels and tallies , and clerk of the treasury . feb. . patrick kennedy , gent. comptroller of the pipe. feb. . thady meagher , clerk of the errors . this is on the statute for writs of error , from the king's-bench to the exchequer chamber . february , john barry gent. chief chamberlain . simon carrick , second chamberlain . march , oliver grace , esq transcriptor and forein opposer . lords commissioners of the treasury . th july . duke tyrconnel , henry lord dover , lord riverston chief justice , sir stephen rice lord chief baron , buno talbot chancellor of the exchequer , and mr. adam colclough , secretary . august , hugh reilly esq clerk of the privy council . commissioners of the mint in dublin . aug. . john trinder , william talbot , thomas goddars esq william bromfield , francis rice , edward fox , and walter plunket gent. jan. . grant to alderman james malone , and rich. malone , of the office of printer general . commissioners of the revenue . sir patrick trant , sir william ellis ▪ john trinder , richard collins , fr. plowden esq sir theobald butler , charles playdel secretary . receivers general . sir henry bond , lewis doe , esq nicholas fitzgerald , solicitor . robert longfield , clerk of the quit-rents and of forfeited estates , &c. ( n o . ) d . june . an account of the general and field officers of king james's army , out of the muster rolls . duke of tyrconnel , captain-general . lieutenants-general . duke of berwick richard hamilton count lozune , general of the french. monsieur leary alias geraldine , lieut. general . dom. sheldon , lieut. general of the horse . major-generals . patrick sarsfield , monsieur boisteau , antho. hamilton , — wahup . brigadeers . tho. maxwell , john hamilton , will. dorrington , solomon slater , muster-master-general . robert fitz-gerald , comptroller of the musters . sir rich. nagle , secretary at war. receivers general . sir henry bond , louis doe , sir michael creagh , pay-master-general . felix o neile , advocate-general . dr. archbold , physician to the state. patrick archbold , chirurgeon-general . horse . duke of tyrconnel collonel . dom. sheldon lieut. coll. fra. meara major . lord galmoy coll. laur. dempsy st . lieu. coll. char. carrole d . lieu. coll. robert arthur major . patrick sarsfield coll. lord kinsale lieut. coll. roger magilligan major . hugh sutherland coll. edm. pendergast st . l. coll. talbot lassells d . l. coll. will. cox. major . lord abercorne coll. lieu. coll. major henry luttrell coll. sir james moclare lieu. coll. major . john parker coll. tho. gifford lieu. coll. john metham major . nicholas pursel coll. lieu. coll. major . dragoons . lord dimgan coll. lieut. coll. major . sir neile o neile coll. lieut. coll. major . lord clare coll. john mac nemara st . l. coll. james philips d . l. coll. francis browne major . symon luttrell coll : lieut. coll. edmund moclare major . robert clifford coll. alex. mackenzie lieut. coll. major . fran. carroll . coll. tarens carroll st . l. coll. fran. boismoroll d . l. coll. major . tho. maxwell coll. daniel magennis lieu. coll. callaghane . major . foot . will. dorrington ▪ collonel of the guards . will. mansel barker lieu. coll. tho. arthur major . john hamilton coll. james nugent lieu. coll. majors . john talbot st . james gibbons d . lord fitz-james coll. edw. nugent st . lieu. coll. porter d . lieu. coll. dodsby major . earl of clancarty coll. john skelton lieu. coll. philip rycaut major . earl of clanrickard coll. edmund madden lieu. coll. major . earl of antrim coll. mark talbot lieu. coll. james woogan major . earl of tyrone coll. tho. nugent lieu. coll. richard nagle major . richard nugent coll. lieu. coll. major . lord gormanstowne coll. richard eustace lieu. coll. major . henry dillon coll. walter bourk lieu. coll. john morgan major . lord galway coll. john power lieu. coll. major . lord bellew coll. nich. fitz-gerald st . l. coll. le sir doge d . l. coll. john dowdale major . lord kinmare coll. lieu. coll. major . lord slane coll. maurice connell lieu. coll. major . cormuck o neile coll. lieu. coll. major . charles cavenagh coll. james lacy lieu. coll. gros. pordevarande major . tho. butler coll. d' busby lieut. coll. major . lord kilmallock coll. john power lieu. coll. john chapell major . sir maur. eustace coll. john woogan lieu. coll. major . sir john fitz-gerald coll. lieu. coll. major . lord lowth . coll. lieu. coll. major . earl of westmeath coll. mich. delahoyde lieu. coll. gowen talbot major . major-general boisteau coll. monsieur beaupre lieu. coll. hurly major . lord bofine coll. will. connock lieu. coll. john bodkin major . oliver o gara coll. tady connor lieu. coll. major . john grace coll. robert grace lieu. coll. cha. moore major . edward butler coll. john innis lieu. coll. garret geoghegan major . art. mac mahon coll. philip reyley lieu. coll. h●gh magennis . major . charles moore coll. ulick bourk lieu. coll. ....... major . dudley bagnall coll. james power lieu. coll. .... corbet major . gordon o neile coll. conn o neile lieu. coll. henry o neile major . nicholas brown coll. george traps lieu. coll. dermot mac auliffe major . sir michael creagh coll. john power lieu. coll. theobald bourk major . h●yward oxbrough coll. edward scot lieu. coll. laurence delahunty major . dom. browne coll. ....... lieu. coll. le sir mountyouge major . owen mac carty coll. james dupuy lieu. coll. terence o brien major . john barret coll. donogh mac callaghane l. coll. ....... major . charles o brien coll. ........ lieu. coll. william saxby major . daniel o donnovane coll. fran. napper lieu. coll. sir alphon. mottit . major . lord ireagh coll. brien magennis st . l. coll. francis wahup d . l. coll. ........ major . roger mac elligot coll. maurice hussy lieu. coll. edmund fitz-gerald major . edmund reyley coll. ......... lieu. coll. ........ major . cuconnogh . mac gwyre coll. alex. mac gwyre lieu. coll. cornelius mac gwyre major . walter bourk coll. ............ lieu. coll. ............ major . felix o neile coll. ..... o neile lieu coll. ........... major . hugh mac mahon coll. owen mac mahon lieu. coll. christopher plunket major . lord inniskillin coll. ............. lieu. coll. ............ major . dennis mac gillicuddy coll. ............ lieu. coll. ........... major . james purcell coll. ........... lieu. coll. ........... major . lord hunsdon coll. rob. ingram st . lieu. coll. john gifford d . lieu. coll. francis gyles major . regiments sent to france , viz. collonels . lord mounteashell daniel o bryen richard butler robert fielding ( n o . ) a copy of the letter dispers'd about the massacre , said to be design'd on the th . of december , . good my lord , december d. . i have written to let you know , that all our irishmen through ireland are sworn , that on the th . day of this month , being sunday next , they are to fall on , to kill and murder man , wife and child , and to spare none ; and i do desire your lordship to take care of your self , and all others that are adjudged by our men to be heads ; for whoever of them can kill any of you , is to have a captain 's place ▪ so my desire to your honour is to look to your self , and to give other noblemen warning , and go not out at night or day without a good guard with you ; and let no irishman come near you , whatever he be . this is all from him , who is your friend and father's friend , and will be , though i dare not be known as yet , for fear of my life . direct this with care and haste to my lord mountgomery . ( n o . ) lord mountjoy's circular letter , on his going to france . gentlemen , dublin , th . january . you had an account how long i staid on the way , after i left you , and the reasons which made me since go forwards : and whatever any jealousies were at my first arrival , i am now satisfied at my coming ; and , with god's blessing , i hope it will come to good to us all . as soon as i saw my lord deputy , he told me , he designed to send me to the king jointly with my lord chief baron rice , to lay before him the state of the kingdom ; and to tell him , that if he pleased he could ruine it for him , and make it a heap of rubbish ; but it was impossible to preserve it , and make it of use to him ; and therefore to desire leave to treat for it . the objections i made to this , were two ; my being not so well qualified , as a northern roman catholick , whom in all likelyhood the king would sooner give credit to : and the improbability of being able to perswade the king , who is now in the french hands , to a thing so plainly against their interest . to the first of these , i was answered what is not fit for me to repeat ; and the other is so well answered , that all the most knowing englishmen are satisfied with me , and have desired me to undertake this matter , which i have done this afternoon ; my lord deputy having first promised me , on his word and honour , to perform the four particulars in the within paper . now because a thing of this nature cannot be done without being censur'd by some , who perhaps would be sorry to have their wishes in quiet means ; and by others , who think all that statesmen do are tricks , and that there is no sincerity amongst them . i would have such to consider , that it is more probable i and the most intelligent in this place , without whose advice i do nothing , should judge right of this , than they who are at greater distance ; and as it is not likely we should be fooled , so i hope they will not believe we design to betray them , our selves , and the nation . i am morally assured , this must do our work without blood , or the misery of the kingdom . i am sure it is the way proposed in england , who depend so on it , that no forces are appointed to come hither ; and , i am sure , what i do , is not only what will be approved of in england , but what had its beginning from thence . i do therefore conjure you , to give your friends and mine this account , and , for the love of god , keep them from any disorder or mischief ( if any had such design , which i hope they had not ; ) and i am fully satisfied , every man will have his own heart's desire . i will write to this effect to some other places , and i desire you will let such in the country , as you think fit , see this . let the people fall to their labour , and think themselves in less danger than they believed , &c. ( n o . ) judge keating's letter to sir john temple , december th . . sir , i had ere this acknowledged the favour of your last , and returned you my thanks for your kind advice , relating to the small concerns i had in england , which i have now disposed of here ; but , to deal freely with you , the distractions arising from the great and suddain alterations in england , and the pannick ( but i believe groundless ) fears which hath possessed the minds , not only of the weaker sex and sort , but even of men who would pass for sober and judicious , hath render'd matters with us so uncertain , that i profess seriously , i know not what to write ; nor dare i yet give you any account , relating either to particular persons or places of the kingdom , scarcely of what i hear from the remote parts of this city ; since what we have at night for certain truth , from those who pretend to be eye or ear witnesses of what they relate , we find before the next days exchange is over , to be altogether false and groundless . the fear of a massacre hath been mutual ; the protestants remembring past times , and being alarm'd by a letter , neither directed to , nor subscribed by any person , but drop'd at cumber ( of which , copies were dispers'd throughout all parts of the kingdom ) were frighted to that degree , that very many of them betook themselves to the ards , and other places of security in the north : some into scotland ; and very many families embark'd from this part for chester , leverpoole , beaumaris , and the next adjacent ports of england and wales , who , you may easily conclude , carried with them all the ready money and plate which they were masters of . nor was it a difficult matter for them so to do , the consternation being so great and so suddain , that even the officers of the port , either out of commiseration to the departing crowd of women and children ; or , being amaz'd at the suddainness of the fright , neglected to do their duty , whereby this city , and the adjacent parts , are almost drained dry , as to cash and plate ; which is manifest from guineas being sold at d. per piece , over and above the usual rate . on the other hand , the roman catholicks were very many of them under equal fears ; and indeed , all of them , except the army , who by their calling are exempt from , or at least from owning it , pretend equal dread from the protestants , who ( as they alledg'd ) far exceeded them in the northern parts , and were extraordinarily well arm'd and hors'd ; but , their greatest apprehensions arise from a constant and uncontradicted assurance , which private letters by every pacquet , brought hither , that the duke of ormond , with a considerable army , and many experienc'd officers , was to land forthwith in munster . and in this condition now stands this poor kingdom ; the contending parties being equally afraid , or at least pretending to be so of each other ; which cannot but beget great anxiety and sorrow in the mind of every good man , who hath the least concern for his king or his country . in the interim the lord deputy , intrusted by his majesty with the government of this kingdom , and keeping it entire in its obedience to all his commands , doth daily grant commissions to raise and procure arms and ammunition for great numbers of men : in doing whereof ( considering the great trust reposed in him ) no man of honour , or moral honesty can truly blame him : but , at the same time , he takes all opportunities , both private and publick , to declare , that whenever his majesty shall signifie his royal will and pleasure , for disbanding the army that now is , or hereafter shall be raised upon the commissions now issuing ; or shall give direction for any other alteration in the government , he will , without one day 's hesitation , himself , and those of his relations , and other dependents in the army , whom you know to be very numerous , give an exact obedience . and if any should be so fool-hardy , as to scruple or make the least delay of doing so , they shall in a few days be taught and compelled to do their duty . i must likewise tell you , that in this conjuncture of affairs , the thieves and robbers are not only become more numerous , but likewise much more insolent ; and instead of small thefts , do now drive away by force whole herds , and sometimes , when overtaken , deny to restore the prey . this in many places , and especially in the north-west , is done by the cottiers and idlers in the country , but father'd generally on the army ; of which i have now an instance before me from ballenglass . all this , i know , you have had repeated to you from divers hands ; however , i thought my self obliged in the station which i hold , to give you this summary account of our present condition , which god knows is very bad , and in all humane probability , if we take not up more charity than as yet we have for each other , will receive sharp corrosives , and bitter potions , to bring us even to the hopes of living , though in great penury and want. nor can we expect , in case that any resistance shall be made by the roman catholicks here , that we shall see any end thereof , until the buildings , plantations , and other improvements of thirty years expence and industry be utterly wasted , and the kingdom brought to the last degree of poverty and confusion , and from the most improved and improving spot of ground in europe , as you saw it six years since , become a meer acheldama , and upon the matter totally desart . for armies when once raised , must be maintained by the publick , or will maintain themselves : nor can military discipline be expected , where the soldier hath not his wages ; and whether that can be had out of the publick treasury here , i referr to you , who have weighed the revenue of the kingdom , when at the best , even to a drachm . but after all this , i am confident and assured , that the government of england will and must at length take place here , against all opposition whatsoever . it hath cost england too much blood and treasure to be parted with ; but , if it should come to a contest of that kind , the victors ( i fear ) will have little to bragg of , and will find in the conclusion , nothing but ruins and rubbish , not to be repaired in another age. nor will the people thereafter reckon of any security or stability in this kingdom , so as to apply themselves to the repair of them , but expecting such periodical earthquakes here , will provide themselves of retreats in england and scotland , as many have of late , and daily do . your patience is , i fear , by this at an end ; when you begin to enquire with your self , to what purpose it is that i have given you all this trouble . i must confess , your enquiry is not without reason ; but however to you , whose friendship i have always found , and valued my self much on it , i do without difficulty declare what hath induced me hereunto . the wonderful alterations which a month's time hath produced in england , in regard to the protestant religion , and the universality of it ; the little blood that hath been spilt in so great a change ; the few acts of hostility , and little disquiet which has as yet appear'd , has almost perswaded me , that this unfortunate kingdom may , by the interposition of moderate men , be restored to the same estate of religion and property , that it rejoyced in seven years since , with an addition of further security for the preservation of both , if more be requisite , considering the many acts of parliament still in force in this kingdom . it cannot be imagined ( sir ) but there are very many who having either lost their estates upon the forfeitures of . or by their profuseness and prodigality , spent what they were restored to , would willingly see the kingdom once more in confusion and blood ; designing by licentiousness and rapine , to supply their extravagancies . there want not on the other hand , some who conceive , that the court of claims has contrary to the settlement , taken from them their possessions , without reprisals ; and very many , who being put by their employments and commands , wish for a time to expostulate with those who are possessed of them . but all these , in my humble opinion , ought to give way to the publick quiet and settlement of a whole nation , ready to fall into ruine . i am verily perswaded , that with a little good management , the generality of the roman catholicks , and indeed of the whole kingdom , would be very glad to be put into the same condition in all respects , as they were six years since ; and desire no more than an assurance , it should not be made worse . and if there be faith to be found in man , the lord deputy and roman catholick nobility and gentry of the kingdom , who are universally concerned in the present army , and in that which is to be raised , will , upon the first signification of his majesty's pleasure to that purpose , unanimously disband , retire ▪ to their several dwellings , and apply themselves to advance the quiet and wealth of the kingdom . nor can i ever doubt his majesty's condescention and care for the preservation of this his kingdom , and preventing the effusion of christian blood. for most assuredly , if war should happen here , which god of his infinite mercy prevent , his majesty would be the only great sufferer , in the loss of so many subjects lives ; wherein consists the wealth and strength of the greatest monarchs . there are very many now at london who know the state and condition of this kingdom much better than i pretend to ; what i now write , i design not as a secret , but if you think it worth consideration , i leave it to you , to communicate it to such as you shall think fit : and , if there be any thing in it worthy their thoughts , i must declare that there is nothing within the reach of my industry , that i will not endeavour in the method of my profession , for the maintenance of religion and property , as established by the laws of this kingdom ; and should die with the greatest satisfaction , and reckon it a nobler posterity than any man can pride himself in , if i could be in the least instrumental in the setling peace and quiet , without more hazard or loss to this my native country , which i make no doubt the almighty will in his good time effect , by his own means and instruments , more deserving of so great a blessing from him than i am . if this find any room with your self , other thinking men , or such who have great stakes here , let me know your thoughts , with what convenient speed you can ; it being a matter in which a moment is not to be lost ; and the first step to be made there ; since it cannot be expected that the lord deputy will do any thing in a matter of so great moment , without his majesty's directions . ( n o . ) proposals humbly offered to the earl of tyrconnell , lord deputy , by the bishop of meath , about the intended search for arms. whereas your excellency hath ordered by your declaration , that a search shall be made in every house in dublin , for arms and ammunition ; and that , in case any shall be found upon search , that the persons with whom they are found , shall be left to the mercy of the soldiers : this penalty is thought unreasonable on these following accounts . first , because it is not determin'd by the declaration , who shall be the searchers ; for if the matter be manag'd as hitherto it hath been , that every one who pretends to be a soldier must have liberty to search , and in such numbers , and as often as they please , no house can be safe ; for that some have been already searched , by six companies after one another , and that in the same day . and if any of these should pretend to find a pistol , or bagonet , or horn of powder , though he brought it out of his pocket , with a design to draw an inconvenience on the house ; yet , by the declaration , the house and all that is in it , must be left to the mercy of the soldiers ; and , by this means , the innocent may suffer as well as the guilty . secondly , that if the soldiers be permitted to search , there will be so much damage by it to this city , that an age cannot repair it : for , by this means , every place that is capable of concealing arms , must be left to their discretion ; the boards will be rip'd up , partition walls broken down , wainscot taken down , cellars digg'd up , the foundations of houses endanger'd , barrels of beer open'd , provocations offer'd and received , the safety of the people in apparent hazard , many things taken away without hopes of restitution ; the looms of tradesmen , and the instruments of artificers destroyed , and his majesty's interest dis-served after all by the soldiers , endeavouring rather to serve their own ends than his majesty's true interest . thirdly , in many houses there are several families , lodgers and servants of several sorts ; and if any of these , either out of malice or folly , or good will to their masters , conceal any arms , though never so inconsiderable , all the rest , though innocent , must suffer for it ; which is against equity and justice , that requires every man to suffer only for his own fault , and not for the fault of others . fourthly , many have had lodgers in their houses for several years , whose truncks and papers are still there , and possibly arms may be in them , which the house-keeper knows nothing of . it is therefore unreasonable , that either the owners of such goods being absent , or the masters of the house that know nothing of it , should suffer for what they cannot help . by this means , papers may miscarry , and the estates of men be ruin'd and undone . fifthly , many landlords , owners of houses , are either gone for england , or absent elsewhere about their lawful occasions , and their servants may either not know where their arms are , or foolishly endeavour to conceal them , and so expose their innocent masters to ruine . sixthly , the leaving persons to the mercy of the soldiers , is a punishment so unknown to our laws , and so strange to these kingdoms , that the execution of it will be agreat prejudice to his majesty's affairs , and alienate the hearts of his subjects more from him , and do him ( whose presence they expect . ) more mischief than the arms can do him good . it is an ill president , and may in time destroy the whole kingdom , and subvert the law. it is therefore humbly proposed , that in case your excellency be not satisfied with the returns already made , and to be made ; but you will still go on with the search , that your excellency would graciously condescend to these following expedients , for the better ease and quiet of his majesty's subjects . first , that whereas each parish is divided into its several wards , that your excellency would order the search to be made by the deputy alderman of each ward , with the assistance of one or more military officers , as your excellency shall think fit , and not by the soldiers ; for by this means , what arms are found , will be secured for his majesty's use , and the subject freed from the fears of plunder and ruine . the search intended is so provided for , to be by an alderman and an officer . secondly , that no man be responsible for more than his own goods , nor the punishment inflicted on any but the guilty . his excellency consents to this . thirdly , that regard be had to the goods and papers of all persons that be absent , and who by reason of their absence before the declaration was published , cannot be presumed to be violaters of it . his excellency consents to this . fourthly , that a declaration be published to this purpose for informing the people of your excellency's intentions , which will contribute much to the allaying of their fears , and the quiet of their minds . his excellency allows the bishop of meath , to declare this to all persons . fifthly , that whereas your excellency did by your declaration , order all arms to be returned into the parish-churches ; and yet in some parish-churches there were no officers appointted to receive them ; that your excellency would by a new proclamation , order such arms as have not yet been delivered for want of such officers to receive them ; be received by such as your excellency shall think fit to appoint . an account of this to be given to the people , by themselves or church-wardens , or clerks ; as also publick notice in the church to morrow morning . the return to be made to the clergy by the inhabitants , and by the clergy to the bishop of meath . that his excellency doth not intend to bind himself from searching for arms in the city of dublin by the late declaration , because it was published before its time , and without his order , in case a more due return of arms be not made , then he hath hitherto received . ( n o . ) an account of the conditions made in the field , between the high-sheriff of galway , and the prisoners after condemned . whereas james power , esquire , high-sheriff of the county of galway , captain thomas burk , commander in chief of his majesty's forces quarter'd in the town of loughreagh , having intelligence , that several gentlemen and others , on the first day of march instant , travelled the road leading from irris in the county of clare , towards the town of loughreagh , being the road they intended to go , met them there , and demanded their horses and arms for his majesty's use ; which , upon capitulations made between the said james power , esquire , and captain thomas burk of the one part , and sir. thomas southwell , baronet , bartholomew purdon , esquire , and thomas miller , esquire , on the other part , in behalf of themselves , and of all as well gentlemen and others that were with them , and of their company , were freely and peaceably delivered and given up by them to us for his majesty's service , on these following conditions . the capitulation which we the said james power esquire , and captain thomas bourk promised them in behalf of the government , should be honourably and punctually perform'd and kept . imprimis , that they and every of them should have their lives preserved , and that whatsoever they had acted in that affair ( they affirming , that their coming in that posture was for preservation of their lives ) should be forgiven and forgotten ; and passes given them , or any of them , to go where they pleased ( provided they did not go to the north or sligo ) without being rifled , or any thing taken from them , except such horses and arms as were fit for his majesty's service . secondly , that every gentleman of them should have their own pistols and swords , and one nagg or horse given them to ride on , in case his own ( being musterable ) should be taken from him . thirdly , that if they desired it , they should have a party of horse or foot to protect them , for their greater safety in travelling where they or any of them had a desire to go , except to the north or sligo as aforesaid . given under our hands and seals , the first day of march , . and in the first year of his majesty's reign , james the second , by the grace of god king of england , scotland , france and ireland , &c. note , that it happened near night when they met , so that the agreement before-mentioned , could not be reduced into writing in the field ; but several times since being tendred to the said high-sheriff and captain to sign ; they still declined it , but nevertheless acknowledged the truth thereof before the lord galway , father dolphin the friar , and others in loughreagh . and about eight or nine days after , the said captain bourk signed a certificate in presence of captain arthur french ; and the said high-sheriff writ a letter to the lord-deputy , containing the principal part of the said articles , as by the following copy may appear . captain bourk's certificate , deliver'd by captain .... to captain french , good friday , . whereas on the first day of this instant march , sir thomas southwell , with a considerable party of horse , were travelling from the county of clare , through the county of galway , near loughreagh ; an account whereof being brought to captain thomas bourk , whose troop quartered at loughreagh , and on notice immediately with his troop repaired to meet the said thomas southwell and his party , and having drawn up within shot each of other , the said thomas sent one to give an account of his and his friend's design to ride , without offence , through the county , and prayed not to be molested : whereupon the said captain thomas bourk made answer , that without the governments pass so considerable a party should not ride where he had power to hinder them . then the said sir thomas desired to be permitted to return whence he came . to which he was answered ; that by a late order from the government , captain bourk was to seize all arms and horse fit for his majesty's service in the county of galway , and that he would not permit them to go on , nor return till he had their horse and arms ; and persisting firm therein , the said sir thomas and his party submitted , and declared their obedience to the governments order ; he the said captain thomas bourk assuring them that he would secure them their lives , and offer'd them such small naggs as he thought fit to carry the said sir thomas and chief gentlemen back to their respective homes . this i the said captain thomas bourk having promised on my word , do now certifie for truth , as witness my hand this th day of march , / . tho. bourk . a copy of the high-sheriff's letter , delivered to mr. french on good-friday , . per captain jourdon . may it please your excellency , loughreagh , march th . / . it happened on friday last , the first day of this instant , i had intelligence , that a party of horse with sir thomas southwell and others , were making their way through this country to sligo or the north , being routed out of munster ; whereupon the horse and foot in this town being commanded by captain thomas bourk and captain charles dawly , made ready to intercept the said sir thomas and his party , who met upon a pass and faced one another ; but a treaty being proposed , they came to capitulation , wherein it was agreed , that the said thomas and his party should lay down such horse and arms as was fit for the king's service ; and after so doing , that they and every of their lives should be secured them , and dismissed with such passes and convoys as may bring them safe to their several habitations without any harm to their persons or goods . all which with submission at their requests i humbly offer to your excellency , and subscribe , your excellency's most humble , and most obedient servant , james power . ( n o ) a copy of a letter from bishop maloony to bishop tyrrel ; the original found amongst bishop tyrrel's papers . march th . . i have yours ▪ ( my d. l. ) of the th of january last , your style by mr. despont . 't is large and plain enough , and another before more concise and in merchants style , both tending to the same end , and of which i made use to the same purpose , notwithstanding all the discomposure of my health this month past , as you shall i hope find by the effects e'er this comes to your hands ; for the king upon your earnest invitation in both your said letters , and by other strong considerations , took of a sudden the resolution to go unto you , and parted hence this day sennight being the last of february , and i hope in god is by this time landed somewhere in ireland , for the wind serves fair ever since he parted ; and he did expect to be on friday night ( this being monday following ) at brest , where all things , and most part of the officers were in a readiness staying for his majesty's arrival , for to part with the first wind. i wrote unto you in that conveniency by sir neal o neal , and another by post at the same time . this will go flower , and by the second voyage of the same ships when they come back for more men and commodities . it goes by a friend i dare trust with all the secrets of it ; and so i will be full , plain , and over-board . the bearer is doctor butler , a good gentlemans son , of a good estate when people enjoyed their own birth-right , to which he is become himself heir , if he can recover it ; in which i shall beg your favour and protection for him when occasion doth require . he has made all his studies and took his degrees here ; i have sufficiently instructed him of all the contents of this letter by word of mouth for fear of any miscarriage ; and although i ought to presume that all and every of you there ( and especially so clear sighted and foreseeing persons as you , and others like you ) need no advertisement , or spurr ; yet my zeal pro fide , rege , & patria , could not dispense with me to be silent from writing , when i am not upon the place to speak my sense as others . now , my lord , you have the king so much wished and longed for , of whom we may say without offence , as of our saviour , hic positus est in ruinam & resurrectionem multorum : if you make good use of him , you may get a resurrection of many by him ; but if you make a bad use , you may get their ruine ; so all depends , under god , of the good or bad use you make of his presence amongst you ; it is but a special providence of god that he is so unexpectedly gone thither : but when god's providence is either slighted or neglected by people not helping themselves , and not making use of the occasions offered them by providence , god can and does usually with-draw his special providence ; conantes adjuvat , exauditque deprecantes , says st. augustin . my lord , the game you have now to play is very nice and ticklesome . the religion , king , and countries ruine or resurrection depends on it ; if you play it well , you will carry all and save all ; but if you play it ill , you will lose all and for ever : all consists in resolving well how to dispose of ireland , in the present conjuncture , being the only country that appears now for the king ; wherein you have two parties to manage ; the one , to wit the protestant-newcomers and usurpers , under the rebellion of cromwell are suspected , or rather certain can nor will ever be loyal or faithful , whatever outward shew or promises they make : which is manifest by their several instances in our days both in england and ireland . the other party , to wit , the catholicks of ireland proved still faithful and loyal to the king at home and abroad , though very ill recompensed . now the great question to be decided will be , whether ( setting aside the manifest and incontestable injustice of that most barbarous and inhumane act , they wrongfully call the settlement of ireland . ) whether i say it is more politick and prudent to trim and temporize now with those usurpers , promising really or seemingly not to disturb them in their unjust possessions , than to restore the true ancient proprietors ; turn off , or rather secure the usurper , and make up a strong and potent army , all of true , loyal , faithful and incorruptible men , without any mixture of trimmers or traytors ! i would think the question thus stated , is soon resolved by natural reason , divers instances and sad experiences . what man of sense or reason can imagin , that those who by their rebellion cut off their king's head like a scelerate on a scaffold , banished his queen and children into foreign countries to beg their bread for so many years together ; and after the heir's restauration to his crown , not only put so many hard and unjust conditions upon him ; namely that of excluding the irish catholicks from the amnestly general , but also used so many foul means and contrivances to murther and massacre him and his brother together ; and seeing the king issueless , to use all their endeavours to exclude the brother from his lawful birth-right and succession to the crown ; and when they could not by a legal and parliamentary way perform it , at last draw foreign power into the kingdom , with whom by a most horrid rebellion , and most traiterous defection , they all join , and turn him from his throne , and banish him with his queen and son , the only lawful heir of the crown , into foreign countries ; again placed a foreigner upon the throne in a month's time , after declaring the crown vacant , though he and his son still alive . all these barbarous and traiterous transactions done within forty years time in the face of the world ; by all which experiences , the present king in his own person passed ; but how can it be possible ( say you ) that the king having tried in his own person all these instances and experiences , with several others , he could be thus impos'd upon and deluded : i tell you , by the same reason , that you may be now deceived , if you are not cautious ; that is , by want of capacity and sincerity in his advisers ; telling him still , he must do nothing that may irritate or provoke the anger of the protestants of england , who are very dangerous ; that he must get them by fair means , granting them all they desire ; nay preventing their desires by all good offices and marks of kindness , even to the prejudice of his crown and dignity . by this fair politick , they hindred him from drawing succour out of ireland sooner , from making up a catholick army that would stick to him , instead of a protestant one that betrayed him ; hindered him also from having any succour from france offer'd him : obliged him to declare that he had no alliance with france ; and never to believe that the dutch had any design upon him or his country , till they were in the very bowels of it . let any man of sense see if such rotten principles and politicks , that produced such fatal effects , ought to be insisted upon or embraced . if the king of france had not been too generous and too christian a prince ; were it not a sufficient motive for him to reject the king in his disgrace , that upon those rotten principles rejected his alliance ; yet those , and only those principles , will be made use of to perswade you there , that you must not think of your own restauration and assurance at home first , but go into england to restore the catholicks : and if there be any other adherents of the king 's there , and that it will be time enough to think of your own restauration after : which , is the same as to say , at dooms-day : for never a catholick or other english , will ever think or make a step , nor suffer the king to make a step for your restauration , but leave you as you were hitherto , and leave your enemies over your heads to crush you any time they please , and cut you off root and branch , as they now publickly declare : and blame themselves they have not taken away your lives along with your estates long ago ; nor is there any englishman , catholick or other , of what quality or degree soever alive , that will stick to sacrifice all ireland for to save the least interest of his own in england , and would as willingly see all ireland over , inhabited by english , of whatsoever religion as by the irish : and yet by their fine politicks , they would perswade the irish to come and save their houses from burning , whilst they leave their own on fire : which is no better than to look upon people as so many fools , when every body knows that charity begins at home : that one's charity for himself , is the rule and measure of that he ought to have for his neighbour ; diliges proximum tuum sicut teipsum . is it not a better and more christian politick for the king , and all that are faithful unto him , to restore first a whole kingdom that stands out for him when all the rest failed , to their birth-right which they have been out of these thirty six years , only for being obstinately loyal to his father , brother and himself , than to displease those who have been and are still loyal , ( and who can get any condition they please from the enemy to join with them ) by thus pleasing or trimming with those who never were , or ever will be true or faithful ; and when they are thus restored , and no enemies left in their bowels that can do his majesty or them any harm , then to go in a strong body together with his majesty into england , join with all such that will prove faithful and loyal , and so restore his majesty to his throne , and each one to his right . i would fain know from these trimming politicks , whether it be not securer and more honourable for the king to offer all fair means , and shew his clemency to his people when he is in condition to force them to what he pleases to exact of them , than to be daily undervaluing himself by offering them all the fair means imaginable , which they slight and scorn , because they seeing he has no means , to force them or do them harm , think he does all only out of fear , and not by any sincere or true affection ; and i would fain further know , if it be not better and greater policy for him to put the kingdom of ireland ( still so loyal unto him ) upon the best and highest foot both ecclesiastical and temporal he can contrive , and yet granting it nothing but its natural right and due , that it may be a check upon the people of england , who are ready every new-moon to rebel , then to keep it still in a continual slavery and full dependance on such perfidious and inconstant people , and himself deprived of the support he can still have from thence against their revolt : i dare averr , if ireland were put upon such a foot by the king , he shall never fear any rebellion in england , especially if scotland be faithful to him , and france a friend ; all which can now be well contrived and concerted . but when all is done , i would fain yet know from those politick trimmers , by what law of god or man , ecclesiastical or politick , they think ireland is bound to be the sacrifice and victim of the rebellion of england , either for to hinder those turbulent people from rebelling , or for to reconcile them to their duty , by giving them , forsooth , as recompence , the estates of those unfortunate catholicks , and send themselves a begging ; i dare say , no catholick in england , much less a protestant , ( who would so easily give his consent and advice , that the estates of the irish catholicks may serve as a recompence for the english rebels ) would willingly give a plow-land of his own estate to reconcile all the rebels of england to their duty , if he were not afraid to lose his own whole estate by the rebellion , and yet would advise to do to others what he would not have to be done to himself , contrary to the great rule and maxim of nature and christianity , quod tibi fieri non vis , alteri ne feceris . i would fain further know from this politick trimmer , so large of other peoples goods , and so sparing of his own , if one province in england had revolted against their king , as the whole kingdom does now ; and that the rest of the provinces continued faithful , would they think fit or prudent to give their lands and estates to those rebels for laying down their arms , and go beg themselves ? or would the king expect or desire it from them ? no sure ; but rather that they should take up arms , and joyn with his majesty to reduce and punish such rebels in lieu of recompencing them with the loyal's estates : and is not that the case of the irish ? why do you not then judge alike ? or if you do not look upon an irish man as a fool , why will you have him do what you say is not fit for your self or other fellow-subjects to do in like case ? and sure you must think him a fool ▪ and after-wit , as you use , to say , if he will be perswaded , by your trimming politick , to leave his own estate to his enemy , and come to save yours ; who would but laugh at him the next day at the best for his folly : if their great and long vexations have not given the irish better understanding , and know how little regard all the english whatsoever have for them , they deserve to be dealt with like fools . but who would think it were prudent or politick for the king to bring a great body of men out of ireland into england or scotland , leaving behind him in ireland a considerable strong party of phanaticks , all enemies , whatever outward shew they make to the contrary , to rise in arms as soon as they see the king turn his back to them , and they get a supply from their fellow rebels out of england , which will not be wanting at any time , and so cut the throats of all his majesty's true subjects in ireland , and shut himself up between two potent enemies in england , and ireland ; whereas by setting the irish on a sure foot , he always hath for a refuge that country , which he will find to be far better than nothing , and may be with time , a means to come into england : but trimmers will tell him , that it is no matter for his majesty , if he can gain the english rebels by sacrificing ireland to them who will inhabit it , whether english or irish ; nay , i believe rather english , and so make it an english interest all along ; and he will be apt to believe it : but it imports the irish to look about them ▪ and consider if that be their interest . add to all these considerations , with many more and better you can think of , an essential and indispensible one , which is to please this king and court , of whom his majesty now , and you all depend solely and wholly , by saving their interest along with that of his majesty and your own , which cannot be done but by settling of ireland upon the best and most advantageous foot that can be contrived with reason and justice , 〈◊〉 it may be a check upon england , as scotland formerly , to keep it from rebellion against their own prince : from trouble and invasion upon france , and a tye upon the kings of england hereafter to keep good correspondence with france , and keep ireland in a flourishing happy condition , and not to be slaves to all the people , and scums of england . if , or other , were loath to press any such conditions or proposals on the king , they may make use of the french minister count d'avaux , who is with him as a good adviser , and for to manage his masters interest . i think it may be well and rationally proposed , if by the king of france's means such an advantageous settlement may be procured for the nation ; and that he would be as a guarranty or protection of it , to give him as well for his assurance or guarranty , as for the payment of what he advances for the king and country , some sea-ports in ireland , as you have hinted in your last . this is what now comes into my head upon this subject , which m. b. does not neglect to insinuate and imprint as much as he can , ( though not well in his health ) into the heads and hearts of the ministers and people about court. though gave no power or credit to any body here to speak of business , but to his son-in-law l. w. ( in cypher . ) but m. b. does it privately upon his own account and acquaintance with the people , without thwarting him in any of his ways . but you know what one says , tanquam potestatem habe●s , carries more weight than what he says as a private man ; and therefore i think it were not amiss that . from himself , or by the said french ministers means may get order from that may be heard and credited at court as to the concerns of , which to prevent and hinder some that would not have it put into 's head ( as 't is thought ) to desire to follow him as soon as he were well in his health along with , and before he saw himself to tell him so ; knowing he was sick , gave orders to 's fellow traveller ( whom i added to the cypher thus ) to tell him so , which he has perform'd only by another , master barry , belonging to , for he never came himself to see him , which i think was not prudently done of him , ( setting civility aside ) for they may communicate one to another what may be best to do with for the service of , and certainly without any vanity ▪ knew better how to manage that interest with than he or any of his profession there ; but i find some do suspect the sincerity of that man for the publick interest . i know not if they wrong him ; but one thing i know , he does not like to see any of or have any hand in business : of which i think i gave you once already a hint from , when he and were there ; and i cannot tell but it may be he that might have given that advice of drawing from hence , who desires not to be but where he may be most useful to his religion , king and country ; and if any necessity may be of his vote there , he can send you a procuration in blank if he be thought more useful or necessary here . 't is now high time i suppose you should ask me what is this great and solid settlement i would have for ireland ; to which i answer ; that you and others there likely know best ; but that i may speak my own little sense on the matter : i say , i would have two or three of the irish nation to be still of the kings council , and one of them secretary of state for the affairs of ireland , as scotland has . i would have some of their nobility to be of the bedchamber , by reason both of honour and interest . i would have all the employments , civil and military , given to the natives of the country : unless the country thought ●it to introduce some strangers for better advantage and improvements . i would have them restored to their estates both spiritual and temporal , usurped by the cromwellians , or , under the title of being protestants ; yet with that proviso for the spiritual , that a competent pension should be allowed to the protestant possessor during his life : for he can pretend no longer lease of it ; or that he should give the catholick bishop or incumben● ▪ a competent pension , if it were thought fitter to let him enjoy his possession during life . i would have the commerce and traffick settled , with all the advantage due to a 〈◊〉 nation and subjects , ( of which the merchants 〈◊〉 inform best ) without any other dependence on , or relation to england , but what subjects ought to the king and crown ▪ of which i would not derogate in the least , but nothing to do with the merchants and people of england , no more than with those of france , spain and holland . but my politick trimmer will say , this is of a dangerous consequence for england , and for the king , in relation to it : for they will say the king intends to establish the same government amongst them , both in spirituals and temporals that he has in ireland ▪ to which i answer in the first place ; that we are not here to manage or speak for the interest of england , which would not fail to speak and stand for it self . secondly , i say , that the consequence from ireland's case to england's does not follow ; for in ireland the catholick party is much more numerous and strong than the protestant : so that it is for the king's interest there to favour them , or at least do them justice : but in england , where the number of protestants and other sectaries is by much the greater , he can order things otherwise , without any contradiction : for ●●om the one to the other the consequence does not hold , for the reasons aforesaid . thirdly , there is no such thing as restitution of temporal estates in england : for they were wiser there than to lose their estates , though they would be free to consent or advise that others may ; so it is very free for the king to make any settlement of any spiritual or temporal estates there as he shall think fit , notwithstanding any settlement he makes in ireland . now remains , i think , one objection to solve , which may give some obstruction to this intended settlement , which is that of the gown-men , or others , who made purchases of some new interests , bona fide : must they lose 〈◊〉 purchase and money ? to which i answer ; that although it may be reply'd , caveat emptor , especially to the gown-men , who knew best of all that horrid act of settlement , or so called , was most unjust , and could by no true law hold ; yet because they are persons useful for the common-wealth , and acted bona fide ( seeing the estate out of the ancient proprietors hands by so many publick acts , as it was not like ever to come to him again ) there ought an expedient to be found for the like , that they be not losers : and that either they or the ancient proprietors may be recompensed one way or other , rather than it should be an obstacle to the common good. and so i have done with this matter , which i leave and recommend to god and you . this is all the advice i can now give upon this matter : and the observations i make by my conversation and acquaintance with the people this year past : and i am sure i am not deceived in my opinion of them in relatition to , nor in the reasons they will make use of to perswade you to neglect your own interest to save theirs ; and i am no less certain is all inclined that way ; so you are to look to your selves , and whilst sun shines , to make your hay . nune tempus acceptabile , nunc dies salutis ; dum ergo tempus habemus operemur bonum , maxime ad domesticos fidei . , if authoriz'd , will make all this court go in your way , by shewing them it is their interest , of which he has laid some foundations already . there remains another observation ; which is , that a benedictine english monk called price is gone thither with the king , who pretends to play that we call here premier a●mosnier , in england they call it clerk of the closet to the king : which father peters had there : and here it is always a bishop ; now the bishop of orleans , whose office is to assist the king at mass , and all other ecclesiastical functions as chief , when the lord high almoner is not present , gives the orders and spiritual directions , cum privilegio exceptionis , in the king's palace , and liberties of it : why should we in our country have any in that place but one of our selves : let them take place in england ; and so why would not you have this place for your self there , or get it for m. b. and exercise the functions in his absence , rather than a stranger should have it before our face and laugh at us . now to other business , you are to know , your business in rome is concluded upon and past all difficulties ; only remains the expedition of the bulls , which you may ever move as you please : the expences whereof , by dr. sleyn's great care and sollicitation , with the help of cardinal howard , and means of monsieur casone , favorite to his holiness , are reduced to a hundred roman crowns ; though it cost dr. fuller for worse . notwithstanding all the favours and sollicitations , which were many , he could employ . dr. sleyn , this seignior cousin should be thanked by a civil letter , to which i wrote one , of which i here send you a draught ; you no. . a list of all the men of note that came with king james out of france , or that followed him after ; so far as could be collected . the duke of berwick . mr. fitz-james , grand prior. duke powis . count d' avaux ambassador from france . earl of dover . lord henry howard . lord thomas howard . lord drummond . marquess d' estrades . earl melfort . lord seaforth . bishop of chester who died here , and is buried in christ church . — gourdon bishop of galway . — hamilton dean of glasgow . sir edward herbert . sir john sparrow . collonel porter . mr. pedle . monsieur pontee engineer . captain stafford . captain trevanyon sea capt. sir roger strickland ditto . captain arundel ditto . collonel sarsfield . coll. anthony hamilton . coll. john hamilton . coll. symon lutterel . coll. henry lutterel . coll. ramsey killed at derry . lord abercorne . coll. dorrington . major thomas arthur . lord dungan . capt. mac donnel sea capt. sir william jennings . coll. sotherland . sir hen. bond receiver gen. mr. collins com. of the reven . coll ▪ clifford . coll. parker . marshal de rosene . lieutenant general mamve , killed at derry . lieu. gen. pusignan , kill'd there also . major general leary . lord trendraught . lord buchan . major john gourdon . lieutenant coll. john skelton . major john ennis . major william douglas . lieut. coll. hungate . major william connock . sir charles carney . lieut. coll. alex. mackenzy . major james fountaine . major teig regan . lieut. coll. edward scott . major robert frayne . major symon o hogherne . lieut. coll. bynns . coll. james purcel . lieut. coll. george traps . major robert ingram . major edmond pendergast . major john gifford . lord hunsdon , coll. lieutenant collonel francis leonard . coll. alexander cannon , went for scotland . major edmond bourk . major james dempsy . major frederick cunningham . coll. robert fielding . major richard hillersden . major boepry . monsieur bois●ean , made governour of cork . his brother st. martin , commissary of the artillery , killed at cromp-castle . sir edward vaudrey . sir charles murray . sir robert parker . chaplains , viz. father nich. dunbar . father dan. mac ayliffe . anthony mac gwyre . nicholas trapps . john madden . austin mathews . laurence moore . father edmond reyly . john de gravell . john hologhan . father richard peirce . patr. aghy . darby daley . thady croley . danniel mac carthy . chirurgeons , viz. john brunton . thady regan . jo. baptista monlebeck ▪ charles stapleton . john james aremore ▪ john cassel . edmond tully . nicholas reynard . captains . william charters . william oliphant . robert charters . peter blare . thomas brown. francis creighton . james buchan . alexander gourdon . george lattin . sir alphonso moiclo . john baptista du moll . john mollins . john wynnel . john fortescue . robert london . george roberts . thomas scott . james fitz symons . william gibbons . william delaval . mau. flynn . richard scott . connor o toghil . anthony ryan . rupert napier . terence o brian . edmund kendelan . henry crofton . richard anthony . edmund nugent . john plunkett . john dungan . rowland smyth . gowen talbot . simon barnwell . john broder . john cavenagh . edmund stack . walter hastings ? edward widdrington . samuel arnold . robert welsh . david rock . charles booth . — — jornoe . robert fielding . francis gyles . john barnardy . anthony power . john chaple . rowland watson . thomas arundel . robert hacket . sir william wallis . richard burton . cornelius mac mahon . talbot lassels . richard bucker . charles fox . anthony vane . strickland tyrwhit . john manback . francis cullange . john lumendato . fran. lappanse . bernardo buskett . jos. pamnett . captain millio . george coney . chevalier devalory . sir samuel foxon . john power . john banner . henry nugent . william mackentosh . charles o danniel . arthur dillon . lord brittas . allen bellingham . john brown. thomas carleton . robert nugent . captain pagez . captain durass . nicholas kemish . no. . a list of the lords that sate in the pretended parliament at dublin . held the th of may . the nobility of ireland , may th . . sir alex. fitton , kt. baron of gausworth , lord chancellor . dr. mich. boyle , lord archbishop of armagh , primate of all ireland . rich. talbot , duke of tyrconnel . earls . nugent earl of westmeath . mac donel earl of antrim . barry earl of barrymore . lambert earl of cavan . mac carty earl of clancarty . power earl of tyrone . aungier earl of longford . forbese earl of granard . dungan earl of lymerick . viscounts . preston viscount gormanstown . butler viscount montgarret . dillon visc. costello and gallen . nettervill viscount dowth . magennis viscount iveagh . sarsfield viscount kilmallock . bourk viscount mayo . butler viscount ikerin . dempsy viscount glanmalier . butler viscount galmoy . barnwell viscount kingsland . brian viscount clare . parsons viscount rosse . bourk viscount galway . brown viscount kenmare . mac carty viscount montcashel . cheevers visc. mount leinstor . bishops . anth. dopping bish. of meath . tho. otway bishop of ossory and kilkenny . edw. wetenhall bishop of cork and rosse . symon digby ▪ bishop of lymerick and ardfart . barons . bermingham baron of athenry . courcy baron of kinsale . fitz morris bar. of kerry and lixnare . fleming baron of slane . st. laurence baron of howth . barnwall bar. of tremblestown . plunket baron of dunsany . butler baron of dunboyne . fitz patrick ba. of upper ossory plunket baron of lowth . bourk baron of castle-connel . butler baron of cohair . bourk baron of brittas . blaney baron of monoghan . malone baron of glenmalun and courchey . mac gwyre baron of eniskillin . hamilton baron of strabane . bellew baron of duleek . bourk baron of bophine . nugent baron of rivers-own . n o. . the names of the knights , citizens and burgesses returned to the parliament beginning the th of may . com. ardmagh . arthur brownloe esquires . walter hovendon esquires . bur. ardmagh . francis stophard esquire . constantine o neile esq th of may . bur. charlemont . com. antrim . carmick o neile esquires . randal mac donel esquires . bur. carrickfergus . burrough belfast . mark talbot esq bur. lisbourn . daniel o neile esq th may . bur. antrim . com. catherlogh . dudley bagnal esquires henry lutterel esquires bur. catherlogh . mark baggot esquires . john warren esquires . bur. old laughlin , darby long esquires . daniel doran esquires . com. cork . justin mac carty esq sir richard nagle knight . town of youghall . thomas uniack aldermen . edward gough aldermen . town of kinsale . andrew murrogh esquires . miles de courcey esquires . bur. baltimore . daniel o donavan esquires . jeremiah o donavan esquires . bur. bandonbridge . charles mac carty of balloa esquires . daniel mac carty reagh esquires . bur. cloghnerkilty . lieut. coll. owen mac carty . daniel fyn mac carty esq bur. middletowne . dermot long esquires . john longan esquires . bur. moyallow . john barret of castlemore esquires . david nagle of carrigoone esquires . mannor and borough of rathcormuck . james barry esquires . edward powell esquires . mannor of donerail donello donovan esq john baggot jun. of baggotstown esq bur. charleville . john baggot of baggotstown sen. esq john power of killbelone esq city of cork . sir james cotter knight . john galway esquire . com. cavan . phil. reyly of aghnicrery esquires . john reyly of garryrobock esquires . bur. cavan . phil. oge o reyly esquires . hugh royly of larha esquires . bur. belturbet . sir edward tyrrel baronet . — — tuit of newcastle esq com. clare . david o brian esquires . john mac nemara of crattelagh esquires . bur. ennis . florence mac carty of dromad esquires . . ma. . theob . butler of szathnogalloon esquires . . ma. . com. down . murtagh magennis of greencastle esquires . ever magennis of castleweian esquires . bur. hilsburrow . bur. newry . rowland wite esquires . rowland savage esquires . bur. bangor . bur. keleleagh . bernard magennis of balligorionbeg esq tool o neile of dromankelly gent. bur. down . new-town . com. dublin . symon lutterel of luttrels town esquires . patr. sarsfield jun. of lucan esquires . bur. swords . fra. barnwell of woodpark co. meath esq robert russel of drynham esq bur. newcastle . tho. arthur of colgans town esquires . john talbot of belgard esquires . city of dublin . sir michael creagh knight . terence dermot sen. alderman . colledge of dublin . sir john mead knight . joseph coghlan esq town of drogheda . henry dowdal esq recorder . alderm . christopher peppard fitz george . com. donnegall . lifford . ballyshannon . killebeggs . donnegall . st. johns-town . sir william ellis knight . lieut. coll. james nugent . com. galway . sir ulick bourk baronets . sir walter blake baronets . bur. athenree . james talbot of mount talbot esquires . charles daly of dunsandale esquires . bur. tuam . james lally of tullendaly esquires . william burk of carrowfrila esquires . town of galway . oliver martin esquires . john kirwan esquires . com. kilkenny . john grace of courts-town esquires . robert welsh of cloonesby esquires . bur. callaim . walter butler esquires . thady meagher esquires . bur. thomas-town . robert grace senior esquires . robert grace junior esquires . bur. gowran . richard butler esquires . walter keily dr. of physick esquires . coll. robert fielding by a new election . bur. inishoge . edward fitzgerald esquires . james bolger esquires . bur. knocktopher . harvy morris esquires . henry meagh esquires . city of kilkenny . john rooth esq mayor . james bryan alderman , th may . bur. kells . patrick everard esquires . john delamare esquires . bur. st. canice . com. kildare . john wogan esquires . george aylmer esquires . bur. naas . walter lord dungan . charles white esq bur. athy . william fitzgerald esquires . william archbold esquires . bur. harristown . james nighell esquires . edmund fizgerald esquires . bur. kildare . fracis leigh esquires . robert porter esquires . kings county . heward oxbourgh esquires . owen kerrall esquires . bur. philips-town . john conner esquires . heward oxbourgh esquires . bur. banagher . terence coghlan esq terence coghlan gent. bur. birr . com. kerry . nicholas brown esq sir thomas crosby knight . bur. tralee . morrice hussey of kerties esquires . john brown of ardagh esquires . bur. dingle icouch . edw. rice fitz james of ballinleggin esq john hussey of cuhullin ( com. lym esq burr . ardsart . coll. roger mac elligott esquires . cornelius mac gillicuddy esquires . com. longford . roger farrell esquires . robert farrell esquires . bur. lanesborough . oliver fitzgerald esquires . roger farrell esquires . town of longford . com. lowth . thomas bellew esquires . william talbot esquires . bur. atherdee . huh gernon esquires . john rabe esquires . bur. dundalk . robert dermott esquires . john dowdall esquires . bur. carlingford . christoph. peppard fitz ignatius esquires . bryan dermod esquires . dunlier . com. lymerick . sir john fitzgerald baronet . gerald fitzgerald esquire , commonly called knight of the glynn . bur. kilmallock . sir william harley baronet . john lacy esquire . bur. askeaton . john bourk of carrickinohill esquires . edward rice . esquires . city of lymerick . nicholas arthur aldermen . thomas harrold aldermen . com. leitrim . edmond reynolds esquires . irrel farrell esquires . bur. james-town . alexander mac donnel esquires . th may . william shanley esquires . th may . carrickdrumrusk . com. mayo . garret moor esquires . walter bourk esquires . cartlebar . john bermingham portreeve thomas bourk esquire . com. meath . sir william talbot baronets . sir. patr. barnwall baronets . bur. ratoath . john hussey esquires . james fitzgerald esquires . bur. trim. captain nicholas cusack walter nangle esquire . bur. of navan . christoph. cusack of corballis esquires . christ. cusack of ratholdran esquires . bur. athboy ▪ john trinder esquires . robert longfield esquires . duleek . kells . com. monoghan . bryan mac mahon esquires . th july ▪ hugh mac mahon esquires . th july ▪ town of monoghan . com. fermanagh . enniskillen . queens county . sir patrick trant knight . edmond morris esq bur. maryborough . peirce bryan esquires . thady fitz patrick esquires . bur. ballinkill . sir gregory bourne baronet . oliver grace esquire . port arlington . sir henry bond baronet . sir thomas hacket knight . com. roscommon . charles kelly esquire . john bourk . bur. roscommon . john dilton esquires . john kelly esquires . bur. boyle . john king captain . terence mac dermot alder. th . may . tulske com. sligoe . henry crofton esquires . oliver o gara esquires . bur. sligoe . terence mac donogh esquires . th . may . james french esquires . th . may . com. tipperary . nicholas purcell of loghmore esquires . james butler of grangebeg esquires . city of cashell . dennis kearney aldermen . james hacket aldermen . bur. clonmell . nicholas white aldermen . john bray aldermen . bur. fethard . sir john everard baronet . james tobin of fethard esq bur. thurles . bur. tipperary . com. tyrone . coll. gordon o neile esquires . lewis doe of dungannon esquires . bur. dungannon . arthur o neil of ballygawly esquires . patr. donenlly of dungannon esquires . bur. strabane . christopher nugent of dublin esquire . dan. o donelly of the same , gent. th may . clogher . augher . com. waterford . john power esquires . math. hore esquires . bur. dungarvan . john hore esquires . th . may . martin hore esquires . th . may . city of waterford . john porter esquires . nicholas fitzgerald esquires . bur. lismore . tallow . com. wexford . walter butler of munfine . patrick colclogh of moulnirry . bur. wexford . william talbot esquire . francis rooth merchant . bur. new rosse . luke dormer esquires . richard butler esquires . bur. bannow . francis plowden esq commis . of the revenue . dr. alexius stafford . bur. newborough . abraham strange of tobberduff esq richard daley of kilcorky gent. bur. eniscorthy . james devereux of carrigmenan esquires . dudley colclough of moug●ery esquires . arther waddington esq by a new election . bur. taghmon . george hore of polhore esquires . walter hore of harpers-town esquires . bur. cloghmyne . edward sherlock of dublin esquire . nicholas white of new rosse merchant . bur. arklow . fytherd . coll. james porter . capt. nicholas stafford . com. wicklow . richard butler esquires . william talbot esquires . bur. caryesfort . hugh byrne esquire . peice archbold esq upon whose default of appearance — barth . polewheele . bur. wicklow . francis toole esquires . thomas byrne esquires . bur. blesington . james eustace esq maurice eustace gent. baltinglass . com. westmeath . the honorable coll. william nugent . the honorable coll. henry dillon . bur. and mannor of mullingar . garret dillon esq prime sergeant . edmond nugent of garlans-town esq bur. athlone . edmond malone of ballynehown esq edmond malone esq councellor at law. bur. kilbeggan . bryan geoghegan of donore esquires . charles geoghenan of syenan esquires . bur. fore . john nugent of donore esq christoph. nugent of dardis town esq com. londonderry . city londonderry . bur. colerane . bur. lamavudy . no. . an address to king james in behalf of the purchasers under the act of settlement by judge keating . this humble representation made unto your sacred majesty is in the behalf of many thousands of your majesties dutiful and obedient subjects of all degrees , sexes , and ages . the design and intention of it , is to prevent the ruine and desolation , which a bill now under consideration , in order to be made a law , will bring upon them and their families , in case your majesty doth not interpose ; and by your moderation and justice protect them so far as the known laws of the kingdom , and equity and good conscience will warrant and require . it is in the behalf of purchasers , who for great and valuable considerations , have acquired lands and tenements in this kingdon ; by laying out not only their portions and provisions made for them by their parents , but also the whole product of all their own industry , and the labour of their youth ; together with what could be saved by a frugal management , in order to make some certain provision for old age and their families , in purchasing lands and tenements under the security of divers acts of parliament publick declarations from the late king : and all these accompanied with a possession of twenty five years . divine providence hath appointed us our dwelling in an island ; and consequently , we must trade or live in penury , and at the mercy of our neighbours . this necessitates a transmutation of possessions , by purchase from one hand to another , of mortgaging and pledging lands for great and considerable sums of money , by charging them with judgments ; and indeed , gives name to one of the greatest securities made use of in this kingdom , statutes merchant , and of the staple ; and very many , especially widows and orphans , have their whose estates and portions secured by mortgages , bond of the staple and judgments . where or when shall a man purchase in this kingdom ; under what title or on what security shall he lay out his money , or secure the portions he designs for his children : if he may not do it under divers acts of parliament , the solemn and reiterated declarations of his prince , and a quiet and uncontroverted possession of twenty years together , and this is the case of thousands of families who are purchasers under the acts of settlement and explanation . it were a hard task to justifie those acts in every particular contained in them ; i will not undertake it ; but if it be consider'd , that from . october . until . may . the time of his majesties restauration , the kingdom was upon the matter in one continued storm ; that the alterations of possessions was so universal , and properties so blended and mixt by allotments and dispositions made by the then usurping powers : it may be well concluded , that they must be somewhat more then men , that could or can frame a law to take in every particular case , though it should have swoln to many volumes , and laws , which are to be of such universal consequence as this was , are to have a regard to the generality of a kingdom or people , though possibly some particular person may have some hardship in his private concern . but if we may judge by general laws ; by the produce and effect of them , and at the same time have a prospect to the estate and condition of this kingdom from . and as far backwards as you please , until the time of his late majesties happy restauration ; and at the same time take into consideration what the kingdom became in few years after the commission for the execution of those acts were at an end ; the buildings , and other improvements ; the trade and commerce ; the vast heads of cattel and flocks of sheep , equal to those of england ; together with great sums of money brought over by our fellow-subjects of england , who came to purchase and plant in this kingdom : the manufactures set on foot in divers parts ; whereby the meanest inhabitants were at once inriched and civilized , it would hardly be believed it were the same spot of earth : nay , over-flown and moorish grounds were reduced to the bettering of the soyl and air. the purchasers who brought the kingdom to this flourishing condition , fly to your majesty for succour , offering not only their estates and fortunes , but even their lives to any legal trial within this your majesties kingdom , being ready to submit their persons and estates to any established judicature ; where , if it shall be found , that they enjoy any thing without legal title , or done any thing that may forfeit what they have purchased , they will sit down , and most willingly acquiesce in the judgments : but to have their purchases made void ; their lands and improvements taken from them ; their securities and assurances for money lent , declar'd null and void by a law made ex post facto , is what was never practised in any kingdom or countrey . if the bill now design'd to be made a law , had been attempted within two , three , four or five years after the court for the execution of these acts was ended , the purchasers would not have laid out their estates in acquiring of lands , or in building or improving on them : thousands who had sold small estates and free-holds in england , and brought the price of them to purchase or plant here , wou'd have stayed at home : and your majesties revenue , with that of the nobility and gentry , had never come to the height it did ; if your majesty please to consider upon what grounds and assurances the purchasers of lands and tenements in this kingdom proceed , you will soon conclude , that never any proceeded upon securer grounds : the acts of xvij . and xviij . of king charles your father of blessed memory , the first , takes notice , that there was a rebellion begun in this kingdom on the d . of october : and so doth a bill once read in the house of lords ; whoever looks into the royal martyrs discourse upon that occasion , will see with what an abhorrence he laments it : and that he had once thoughts of coming over in person to suppress it . those acts promise satisfaction out of forfeited lands to such as would advance money for reducing these disturbers of the publick peace , unto their duty . the invitation was his late majesties your royal brothers letters from breda some few weeks before his restauration , which hapned the th of may : and within six months after , came forth his majesties most gracious declaration for the settlement of this kingdom . this , may it please your majesty , is the basis and foundation of the settlement , and was some years after enacted and made a law by two several acts of parliament . it is true , that the usurping powers in the year . ( having by the permission of the almighty , as a just judgment on us for our sins , prevailed here ) did dispose and set out the estates of catholicks unto adventurers and soldiers ; and in a year or two after , transplanted out catholick free-holders for no other reason , but their being so in connought , where lands were set out unto them under divers qualifications , which they and their heirs , or those deriving under them as purchasers enjoy'd , and still do enjoy under the security of the before mentioned acts of parliament and declaration . his majesties gracious declaration of the th . of november . which i call the foundation of the settlement , was , before it was concluded on , under the consideration of that great prince , and the lords of his council of england , where all persons concerned for the proprietors , as well old as new , were heard ; whoever reads , will find the many difficulties which he and his council met with from the different and several pretenders ; what consideration was had , and care taken , to reconcile the jarring interests ; and to accommodate and settle , as well as was possible , the mass and body of subjects here . it was some years after , before the act for the execution of his majesties most gracious declaration became a law ; it was neer two years upon the anvil ; it was not a law that past in few days , or sub silentio . it was first , according to the then course of passing laws , here framed by the chief governour and council of this kingdom , by the advice and with the assistance of all the judges , and of his majesties council learned in the law , and then transmitted into england to be further consider'd of by his majesty and lords of his council there , where the counsel at law and agents of all pretenders to the propriety of lands in this kingdom were heard , and that act ▪ commonly called the act of settlement , approved of and retransmitted under the seal of england to receive the royal assent , which it did , after having passed both houses of parliament . the innocent proprietors being restored pursuant to thi● act ; and some difficulties appearing as to the further execution of it ; another act passed , commonly called the act of explanation , which went the same course , and under the same scrutiny . it is confessed , that though they are two acts , it was by the same parliament , who were chosen according to the ancient course of chusing parliaments . but if any miscarriage were in bringing that parliament together , or the procuring the aforesaid acts of parliament to pass , which we can in no wise admit ; and the less , for that your majesties revenue was granted and settled by the same parliament , and many good and wholsom laws therein enacted : yet it is manifest , that nothing of that kind ought to affect the plain and honest purchaser , who for great and valuable considerations , acquired lands under the security aforesaid , and expended the remainder of his means in building , improving , and planting on them , and that for the following reasons . first , the purchaser advising with his counsel , how to lay out or secure his money , that it may not lie dead , not only to his , but the publick detriment , tells him that he is offer'd a purchase of lands in fee , or desired by his neighbours to accommodate him with money upon the security of judgment or statute staple ; and upon the enquiry into the title , he finds a good and secure estate , as firm in law , as two acts of parliament in force in this kingdom can make it ; and in many cases , letters patents upon a commission of grace for remedying of defective titles , he finds possession both of many years gone along with this title several descents past , and possibly that the lands have been purchased and passed through the hands of divers purchasers : he resorts to the records , where he meets with fines and common recoveries , the great assurance known to the laws of england : under which ( by the blessing of god ) we live ; and tells him there is no scruple , nor difficulty of purchasing under this title ; since he hath security under two acts of parliament , certificates and letters patents , fines and recoveries ; and that no law of force in this kingdom can stir , much less shake this title . how is it possible to imagine , that the legislative power should be made use of to void this mans estate , who perhaps was never in this kingdom , until after these acts were enacted and became laws ; it will be the like case with all persons ▪ who upon the marriage of their children , and considerable marriage portions paid and receiv'd , have procured settlements for jointured portions , and remainders for their children and grand children : and all these are to be laid aside , without any consideration of law or equity in the case of the purchasers , or any misdemeanor or offence committed by them : whereby vast numbers of your majesties dutiful subjects the present proprietors and their lessees ; and in very many cases , widows , orphans , merchants and traders , will be at one stroke outed and removed from the possessions of their lands and improvements , which in many places are more in value than the township whereon they are made : this , with submission , without some fraud , decelt , or default of the purchaser never was , and it is hoped never will be done by a people or nation professing christianity : nor is it for the honour , welfare , or advantage of the king or kingdom to have it so done ; what will strangers and our fellow-subjects of england and scotland say ? — we sold our estates in england ; transported us and our families into ireland , to purchase , improve and plant there : we acquired lands under as secure titles as acts of parliament , ( the greatest known security ) could make them . our conveyances both by deeds and matters of record are allowed good , firm , and unquestionable by any law in force at the time of the purchase . we have had the possession , , or years , and are grown old upon them . we have clearly drawn our effects from england and settled here , not doubting but our posterity may be so likewise . we have purchased annuities and rent charges out of lands under the same securities : and now the old proprietors ( though many of them had satisfaction in connaught ) would fain have a new law to dispossess us of our estates and improvements made as aforesaid . it will not be believed , that the chief of those who drew on this design , should in parliament and elsewhere , which ought to consist of the gravest , wisest , and wealthiest free-holders of the kingdom , ( for such the law presumes them ) make a noise with that good and wholsome advice — caveat emptor in this case ; or can think that caveat is proper here . the purchaser ought to be wary of any flaw in the title at the time of the purchase made , and purchases at his peril , if any such there be ; but who is that purchaser that must beware of a law to be made , , or years after his purchase , or to destroy his security for money lent , or settlement upon marriage ? this is not a desect in the title , but ( under favour ) is a president which no humane foresight can prevent , and if once introduced , no purchaser could ever be safe : the worst of lotteries affording a securer way of dealing than ireland would . can it be your majesties honour or advantage to have thousands of families ruined by such a proceeding as this is ? what will become of our credit , and consequently of our trade abroad ? where will be the reputation , and publick faith and security of the kingdom , when foreign merchants shall know from their correspondents here , that they cannot comply with their engagements to them , their estates , houses , and improvements both in countrey and city which they had acquired for great and valuable consideration , and within the securities of the laws , are taken from them by a law made yesterday , in case this bill should pass : so that in effect , we are not only contriving to break and ruine our own trades and merchants at home , but even those in foreign parts , which will infallibly destroy your majesties revenue , and sink that of every subject . surely these particulars , and the consequences of them , are worth more then two or three days consideration : which is as much as this bill could have , since the parliament was not open'd till the th . of this month : the very report of what is designed by this bill , hath already from the most improved and improving spot of earth in europe ; from stately herds and flocks ; from plenty of money at or per cent. whereby trade and industry were encouraged ; and all upon the security of those acts of parliament ; from great and convenient buildings newly erected in cities and other corporations , to that degree , that even the city of dublin is ruined . the passing of these acts , and the securities and quiet promised from them , inlarged double what it was ; that the shipping in divers ports were or times more than ever was known before , to the vast increase of your majesties revenue , reduced to the saddest and most disconsolate condition of any kingdom or countrey in europe : infinite numbers of the inhabitants having transported themselves and families with what remained unfixed in purchases and improvements , and was portable of their estates into other kingdoms , that very many of the buildings both new and old in this city , and in the very heart and trading part of it , are uninhabited and waste . it is grievous to see , as you pass through the city , the houses and shops shut up ; the herds and flocks in the countrey are utterly destroyed ; so that of necessity the tenant must break ; throw up his lease ; leave the key under the door , and the lands become waste ; and from hence will necessarily follow , that the farm-houses and improvements must go to decay , and beef , tallow , hides , wooll and butter , ( from whence arise the wealth of the countrey ) will fail us . what is become of the frequent declarations made by the earl of clarendon , and the earl ( now duke ) of tyrconnel , of your majesties fix'd resolutions , never to lay aside the acts of settlement and explanation ? why did the judges in their several circuits , declare in all places where they sate , unto the countries there assembled , that your majesty was resolved to preserve the acts of settlement and explanation , and that they were appointed by the then chief governour here , to declare the same unto them ; from whence they took confidence to proceed in their purchases and improvements ; and ( with submission be it spoken ) if this bill pass , are deluded . shall patents on the commission of grace signify nothing ? the great seal of england tells them they may proceed upon the publick faith ; and here again they become purchasers , paying considerable fines to the king , to whom rents were reserved where none were due before , and many places the rent increased ; as in case of fairs and markets granted , together with the lands on them , patents of liberties of free warren , and to enclose and empale for park ; surely some consideration ought to be had of those whose money was paid on this account . it would be farther considered , that your majesty before your access to the crown , had passed several lands and tenements in this kingdom in certificate and patent pursuant to these acts of settlement ; and that you made leases of them , on which many and great improvements have been made . it is likewise true that your majesty sold and exchanged some small proportions of the same lands , and received in money twelve years purchase ; some of which your majesty conveyed by fines and other assurances in law ; and though your majesty may , if it seem meet unto you , part with all that estate , yet it is humbly conceived , it ought to be with reservation to the lessees and those few purchasers , as it was done by mary queen of england , who though zealous in the highest degree to the religion she professed ; and that she restored such part of lands belonging unto monasteries as remained in her hands undisposed , did nevertheless permit the grantees and purchasers quietly and peaceably to retain such part of them as they were possessed of by grant or purchase , and which ( for ought appearing ) is enjoyed by them , and those deriving under them to this day , though she came to the crown within few years after passing the act for dissolving monasteries : for if no consideration be had of them , your majesty gives away the term of years and improvements from your lessees , and the land from him to whom your majesty sold it , without restoring the purchase mony , than which no case can be harder ; and without your roy-assent neither of these can be done . for the objections commonly made against the acts of settlement and explanation , which are usually , that many innocents were never heard , and that there was not time sufficient for hearing of them ; but how this should affect those who purchased after the acts passed , and certificates and letters patents passed on them is not demonstrable from any rule of law or equity . the person designing to purchase , inquires whether the title of the land or tenement to be sold be good in law and equity ; and being assured in that he forbears further inquiry , being assured that never any purchaser in possession having law and equity on his side , was dispossessed by any person ▪ whatsoever upon ground of equity ; and the purchaser here hath the law with him by the acts of settlement , and the equity by the payment of his money . it is to be wished , that if widows , orphans , or any other persons have fallen under hardship by the general settlement of the kingdom , that some way may be devised to make them reparation ; but the way prescribed by this bill , is to rob the innocent purchasers , creditors and orphans of their estates , to do it contrary to the publick faith , laws of the land , and precept of holy writ , which forbids doing of evil , that good may come thereof . it s manifest by what has been said , that if this bill proceed as is now contrived , that all the protestants in the kingdom are undoubtedly and without reserve ruined ; since the rapparees ( that is , the armed multitude ) have taken away all their moveable estates ; and this design is to take away all the lands and tenements purchased by them . the thriving catholicks who were purchasers ( as most of the province of connaught are ) are likewise to be turned out of their estates and possessions , and their own and the improvements of those who hold under them utterly lost . as to the politick part which these great statesmen who drive on this bill make mention of , that will be worthy of consideration : it s said , that this will unite your majesties subjects in this kingdom , that is too gross to pass : since the first mentioning thereof , hath it not made a division and a breach betwixt them ? nay , where there was none before ? and doth it not grow daily wider ? it was never heard that accommodation between parties that were all in contest could stand , unless the terms were continued ; for if what was given to one of the parties be taken away , it makes the whole award void and of none effect ; and admitting the old proprietor had right , it is not enough except he have it against the purchaser : and if the design be what is pretended , to restore this kingdom to the peace and plenty which it flourished in some years since , to unite your majesties subjects , whereby they may be enabled according to their duty and allegiance , to restore your majesty to the exercise of your royal dignity in all your kingdoms ; this can never be effected , except all pretenders recede in some degree from the full of their pretensions for the accommodation of the whole , and the publick quiet and safety . would it not be an unreasonable thing in a cargo where divers merchants are concerned and have goods and merchandizes in a storm , to throw out by consent the goods of any one merchant , though in the bottom of the hold and hardest to come by , for the safety of all concerned , without satisfaction given him , by a contribution from those who had the advantage of it ; or if it could be done , or had time for it , were it not much more just that the loss should be equally divided amongst them , by throwing out a just proportion from all concerned , than to single out one part of the people , and by their ruine to advance the other ; this is not in my judgment the readiest way of uniting them . sufferance to make one step more , and quaere , whether the catholick purchasers now to be turned out of possession , will join heartily with those that enter upon them ? farewel trade and commerce where acts of parliament shall be made to destroy securities that were good when made , farewell all improvements in ireland , where no man shall ever know what estate he hath , if the foundation of the general settlement should now be overturned . i cannot foresee what the consequences may be of having it published and made known in your majesties other kingdoms and dominions and elsewhere where the protestant religion is professed , that such a proposal as this ( in relation to such of your protestant subjects as have made no defection ) hath been prepared for your majesties consideration in order to be passed into a law , and this , when they were secure of the laws of the land ; not so much as common equity to question the title by which they held : that nevertheless use should be made of the legislative power to enact a new law , after so many assurances given them to the contrary ; and after so many years quiet possession to turn them out of their estates altogether . it is much to be feared that those who first advised this method of proceedings , have considered their own particular advantage , and that of their friends and relations , without the least thoughts of your majesties service ; for surely this can never be thought so , nor the way to settle this kingdom whereby it may be serviceable to your majesty ; nor can it be imagined , but that men thus despoiled , will as often as parliaments shall be called , make application for redress and repeal , as in the case of the spencers to repeal a repeal , and they and their posterity will be always solliciting your majesty and your successors to give them relief in a case of so great moment and general concern as this is . as for the general reprizal ▪ mentioned to be made them out of the rebels estate ( which must not be conceived to give any colour to this manner of proceeding , and ought to be equal to the estate which the proprietors shall be outed of ) that will be very uncertain , for it must be known who the rebels are , and what their lands amount to , since it may be probably concluded , that there are many of your subjects now in england no way concerned in the rebellion , and would have ere this attended your majesty here , if they had not been hindred from coming by duress and imbargo , and many other legal and justifiable excuses , too long for this present paper ; and withal , that where any of them are seised of any new estates , so much must be restored to the old proprietors , and what is also subject to their settlements and other incumbrances . after all this , it is in the power of your majesty to prevent the total ruine of so many of your subjects as have been purchasers and improvers in this kingdom , by prescribing more moderate ways than depriving them of the whole of what they have legally and industriously acquired ; and that committees of both houses may hear and enquire whether any medium may be found out betwixt the extreams for the accommodating as near as may be the purchaser and the old proprietor , so that if there because of complaint , it may not arise from a total disappointment of either party : this is a little of what may be said on this occasion , but the hast of those who drew on this bill will allow no further time at present . it is proposed that his majesty will hear council on this occasion . no. . the lord bishop of meath's speech in parliament , june the th . . spoken on the bill of repeal of the act of settlement . my lords , your lordships have now under yo●● consideration a bill of great weight and importance , for the future prosperity or ruine of the king and kingdom depends upon it ; a bill that unsettles a former foundation ( upon which this kingdom 's peace and flourishing was superstructed ) and designs to erect another in its stead , the success whereof is dubious and uncertain ; i shall therefore humbly crave your leave to represent my thoughts candidly and impartially upon it ; and that so much the rather , because i am here summoned by the kings writ to give his majesty my best advice for his own service , and the good of the nation . my lords , in every law , two things are to be consider'd ; first , that it be just , and doth no man wrong . secondly , and that it be pro bono publico ; and i am humbly of opinion , that this bill is faulty in both these respects : and therefore ought not to pass this house . it is unjust to turn men out of their possessions and estates without any fault or demerit ; to deprive widows of their jointures , and children of their portions , when they have done nothing to forfeit them . but the injustice will rise much higher , if we consider it with a respect to purchasers , who have laid out all their substance upon estates deriv'd under the acts that are now design'd to be repeal'd . what have they done to make them delinquents , except it be the laying out their money on the publick faith of the nation , declared in two acts of parliament , and on the publick faith of his majesties royal brother expressed in his letters patents . their case is yet harder , if we consider the great improvements they have made upon their purchases , which by this bill they are like to lose , without any reprizal for them ; and if it be reasonable to restore the old proprietors to their estates , 't is enough for them to enjoy them in the same plight and condition that they left them : but i see no reason why they should have them in a better condition , or enjoy the benefit of other mens labours and expences , to the utter ruine of them and their families ; here , mercy should take place as well as justice , for the purchasers are the objects of them both . two things i am sensible , may be reply'd to this : and i am willing to consider them both . first , that if it be unjust to turn them out ; it is as unjust not to restore the old proprietor , who hath been so long kept out of his estate . secondly , that there is no injury done to the present possessor , because he is to be repriz'd for his losses . as to the first of these , i shall not at present meddle with the reasons why they lost their estates ▪ nor touch upon the grounds and occasions of their forfeiting their interests in them : being sensible that neither the time nor the place will admit a discourse of this nature ; i shall therefore take it for granted , that they were unjustly put out : that it is just and reasonable that they should be restored : but then it must be granted , that it is unjust to turn out the present purchaser and possessor . what then is to be done in this case , where the justice or the injury is alike on both sides : if we restore the old proprietor , we injure the present possessor ; if we do do not , we injure the old proprietor . my lords , it is my humble opinion ( which i submit to your lordships better judgments ) that we are to consider in this case , who hath most justice on his side , and incline the ballance that way ; if it lies on the old proprietors side , let him have it ; if not , let the present possessor enjoy it . now it appears to me , that the purchaser hath more justice on his side than the old proprietor : for he has both law and equity on his side ; he hath the law on his side by two acts of parliament , and the kings letters patents ; and he hath the equity by his purchase money ; whereas the proprietor hath the law against him , and nothing but equity to pretend to ; and i hope your lordships will never think it reasonable to relieve a bare equitable right against a purchaser that hath both law and equity : if you do , i am confident it is the first president of this kind . as for the reprizals , i hear the name of them in the bill , but i find nothing agreeable to the nature of them . there are certain conditions agreed on all hands , to make up the nature of a reprizal : none of which are like to be observed or kept here . i shall name some of them , and leave it to your lordships consideration , how far they are like to be performed with the present purchasers . it is necessary to a reprizal , that it be as good at least , if not in some respects better than the thing i am to part with : that i my self be judge , whether it be better or worse ; that i keep what i have , till i am reprized . if my neighbour comes to me , and tells me , that he hath a mind to my horse ▪ or to a field of mine that lies convenient for him : i tell him , that i have no mind to part with them : he offers me money for them : i tell him , that i will not sell them ; he tires me out with importunities , and at length , i consent to part with them in exchange for some other things as good as they : but i tell him withall , that i my self will be judge , whether they are so or not , since it is at his importunity and to please him , that i part with them : and besides that , i am resolv'd to be possessed of the equivolent at the same time that i part with my own , there being no reason why i should dance attendance after him , and wait his leisure for my reprizal . my lords , if these be the true conditions of reprizals , as i presume they are , i am confident that not one of them is like to be observed in the intended reprizals , not the first of them : for by the petitions that have been before your lordships ; and by an additional clause in your lordships alterations , wherein you have saved all remainders expectant , on estates for lives , most of the reprizable persons must part with an inheritance to them and their heirs , and get only in lieu of it an estate for life , which will determine with the life of the forfeiting persons : so here is not equal value , worth , and purchase . not the second : for , the parties themselves are not made the judges , but the commissioners : and i dare say , that if they were made the judges , there is not one of them that are to be turn'd out , that will part with their present possessions , or that judge the reprizal to bear any proportion with the estates they are to quit . not the third : for , by the commons bill they are to be turn'd out immediatly , and wait for a reprizal afterwards : and all the favour they can obtain from your lordships , is only to have a competent time for their removal , ( which may be long or short as the commissioners please ) but out they must go at the discretion of the commissioners , and wait their leisure for a reprizal . this is the first objection against this bill . the next is , that it is not for the publick good , either for the king or the kingdom , or the people in it ; it is not for the good of the king , who is the vital head of this great body , and that whether we respect his majesties honour or his profit . it is not for his majesties honour to consent to the ruining of so many innocent loyal persons as must unavoidably perish , if this bill doth pass : it is not for his honour to rescind those just acts of his royal father and brother , the act for adventurers passed in england , and the declaration and acts of settlement and explanation , which ▪ if i am not misinform'd , were five years upon the anvil , and at last not pass'd , till all parties were fully heard . it is not for his majesties honour to break his word with his people , nor violate so many repeated promises as he hath made , that he would not consent to the repeal of them . and as it is not for his honour , so it is not for his profit or advantage ; it will neither preserve him in the kingdom that he enjoys , nor restore him to those that he has unhappily lost . his profit in this kingdom must arise out of a constant payment of his revenue both ordinary and extraordinary : and who is able to pay his revenue or support the dignity of his crown ▪ if this bill passeth into a law ? the protestants are not able , the rapparees have plundered them of all their substance ▪ and here is a bill to take away their estates ; and consequently they will have nothing left to pay the publick taxes of the nation : and as for the romanists , they will be in as ill a condition as the protestants ; the old proprietor comes poor and hungry into his estate , and can pay nothing till his tenants raise it ; and the present possessor loseth the benefit of his purchases and improvements ; and who then is able to supply the necessities of his majesty ? besides this , in many parts of the kingdom , the land is hardly able to pay the kings quit-rent , by reason of the universal depredations that reign every where ; and can it be imagin'd but that things will grow far worse when the ablest catholick merchants , and the most wealthy purchasers of that communion are ruin'd and undone ? and as it is not for the kings profit in this kingdom , so it is to the utter ruine of his interest in the kingdoms that he has lost : will the protestants in england and scotland join heartily in restoring him to his crown , when they understand how their brethren here are used ? no , my lords , they will rather bend and unite all their forces to hinder his restitution , when they consider that the mischief is like to come home to their own doors , and that what is a doing here , is but a model of what they must suffer if he be restored . will they trust his word in england , when he breaks it in ireland , or rely on his promises to them , when he doth not keep them to his subjects here ; this , my lords , will abate their affections for him , and gain him more enemies there than he can have friends here . it is not for the good of the kingdom , and that if we consider it in reference to trade , wealth , improvements , husbandry . it will ruine the kingdom in point of trade ; divine providence hath placed us in an island , where we must trade or want many conveniences of life ; and can we expect that the trade of this nation will increase in our hands , when we find it sunk so low by the removal of the protestant merchants effects out of the kingdom , and for those catholick merchants that carry it on in some measure , can we believe that they will be able to carry it on , when we are ruining their stocks by taking away their estates and improvements from them ; nay , we shall not only ruine our own traders at home , but break their correspondents abroad whose effects are in their hands . we have passed a bill in this house for the inviting strangers to settle and trade among us ; but it is worth considering , whether the course we are now taking , will not hinder the nation of the intended benefit of that bill ; for if foreign merchants come among us , what security have they but the publick faith of the nation , and it is not probable that strangers will rely upon it , when they observe that it is so ill kept towards our own people . if trade decays , the wealth of the nation must perish with it ; for they live and die together . wealth cannot subsist without trade , or without security for debt : and who will ever lend money , or purchase , or improve in this kingdom after this ? when the money that hath been lent , and the purchases made from persons deriving their estates under two acts of parliament , many years possession , and letters patents on record , are all blown off at once , and nothing left sure or firm in the kingdom ? for my part , i cannot understand that any man will purchase an acre of land hereafter , when former purchasers that thought themselves secure are so much discouraged . improvements must perish likewise , for by the petitions that have been preferred to this house , your lordships may perceive that some proprietors have but small estates , , , or acres , on which sumptuous houses and large gardens and orchards have been erected , and the income of their estates is not able to repair the glass windows , or defray the wages of the gardiner : and as for husbandry , what between the old proprietor that is to be restor'd , and cannot manure the ground till he is possessed of it , and the present possessor that knows not how long his term will hold , and therefore will be at no charges upon a term that depends on the will of the commissioners ; we shall have the plow neglected , and must feed on one another instead of corn. my lords , this is not all the inconvenience in it , but it is likewise to the prejudice of the people in the kingdom both protestants and catholicks : the protestants are already ruin'd by the rapparees , and if their estates are taken from them , i know nothing wanting to make them compleatly miserable . the rich catholicks have as yet escap'd the depredations of their neighbours , but they will be almost as miserable as the protestants , when their estates and improvements are taken from them . my lords , this bill doth likewise destroy the publick faith and credit of the nation ; it destroys the credit of england by repealing the act pass'd there for the satisfaction of adventurers ; it destroys the publick faith of ireland by repealing the acts of settlement and explanation ; it violates the faith of his late majesty which hath been pass'd to his subjects in his gracious declaration for the settlement of this kingdom , and in his letters patents pursuant to it . it subverts the credit of his present majesty in his letters patents that he hath pass'd since his coming to the crown on the commission of grace , for he has receiv'd the composition money ; and if these grants must be vacated , i cannot forbear to speak it plainly , that the subject is deluded ; it commits a rape upon the common law , by making all fines and recoveries useless and ineffectual ; and it invades the property of every private subject , by destroying all settlements on valuable considerations . my lords , this bill is inconvenient in point of time. is it now a time for men to seek for vineyards and olive yards , when a civil war is rageing in the nation , and we are under apprehensions ( i will not say fears , for it is below men of courage to be afraid ) of invasions from abroad ; is it not better to wait for more peaceable times , and postpone our own concerns to the concerns of his majesty and the publick peace of the nation ; to do otherwise is to divide the spoyl before we get it , to dispose of the skin before we catch the beast . we cannot in this case set a better president before us than the case of the israelites in the book of joshua ; they had the land of canaan given them by god , but yet joshua did not go about to make a distribution of it to the tribes , till they had subdued their enemies , and the lord had given them peace : nay , my lords , i am confident that it will prejudice his majesties service , because every mans eye and heart will be more on his own concerns than his majesties business ; it is possible that their affections may be more set upon the gaining of their estates than the fighting for the king ; and then all their endeavours will be drowned in the consideration of their own profit : moses was jealous of this when the two ▪ tribes and an half desired to have their possessions on this side jordan , before the land was intirely subdued ; and there may be the same motives to the like suspitions now . my lords : either there was a rebellion in this kingdom , or there was not . if there was none , then we have been very unjust all this while , in ●●eping so many innocents out of their estates : and god forbid that i should open my mouth in the defence of so gross an injustice ; but then what shall we say to his majesties royal fathers declaration in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , who there owns that there was a rebellion ; and in pursuance of that opinion , passed an act to secure such as should adventure money for the suppressing of it ▪ nay , what shall we say to the two bills that have been brought into this house : the one by an honourable lord , which owns it fully ; the latter from the commoners , which owns a rebellion , but extenuates it ? i take it then for granted that there was a rebellion ; and if so , it was either a total , or a partial one : if it was a general one , then all were guilty of it , and none can pretend to be restored to his estate , farther than the king in his mercy shall think fit to grant it him : if it was a partial one , then some discrimination ought to be made between the innocent and the guilty . the innocent should be restored , and the guilty excluded from their estates ; but here is a bill that makes no distinction between them , but innocent and nocent are all to fare alike : the one is to be put in as good a condition as the other ; and can your lordships imagine that it is reasonable to do this , when we all know that there has been a court of claims erected for the tryal of innocents ; that several have put themselves upon the proof of their innocence , and after a full hearing of all that they could offer for themselves , have been adjudged nocent . my lords : i have ventur'd candidly and impartially to lay my thoughts before you ; and i have no other design in it , than honestly to acquit my conscience towards my king and country . if my freedom hath given your lordships any offence , i do here submissively beg your pardon for it ; but it is the concern of the nation in general , that hath made me so warm in this affair . i have but one thing more to add , that god would so direct and instruct your hearts , that you may pitch upon those courses , that may be for the honour of the king , and the benefit of the kingdom . objections against the particulars of the bill , made by the lord bishop of meath . i. no penalty on such as shall enter without injunctions . ii. no consideration for improvements . iii. no saving for remainders . iv. no time given to tenants and possessors to remove their stock and corn. v. no provision for protestant widows . vi. it allows only reprisals for original purchase-money , which is hard to make out , and is an injury to the second or third purchaser . no. . copies of the orders for giving possessions , &c. com. kildare . by the lord lieutenant of the county of kildare , and one of his majesties most honourable privy council . [ note , the copy of the first order for garrisoning the house of ballisannan could not be gotten . ] whereas i have been informed , that ballysannan , now belonging to mr. annesley , was a house of strength , and therefore fit to have a garrison ; and now being convinc'd of the contrary : these are therefore in his majesties name , to require you forthwith to remove your men to their former garrison , out of the said house . given under my hand this first day of april . charles white . for captain patrick nugent , or the officer in chief , commanding the troop at kildare . sir , this is to let you understand , that i am authoriz'd to give the proprietor possession of the lands of ballysannan , &c. according to the act of parliament ; and that you may not be surpriz'd therein , i give you this notice , from sir , your loving friend and servant , charles white , naas the th . of april , . for john annesly esquire , or in his absence , to francis annesly , esq these . second order for ballysannan . whereas luke fitzgerald esquire , has proved himself before me , to be the ancient proprietor of the town and lands of ballysannan , and that his ancestors were posses'd of their mansion-house there , in the year . i do therefore , in pursuance of his majesties orders unto me , appoint the under-named persons to give possession of the mansion-house there , to luke fitzgerald esquire : and for so doing , this shall be your warrant . given under my hand and seal this th . day of may , . charles white . i do hereby appoint captain walter archbold , or captain john dillon of athy , to give possession of the mansion-house of ballysannan , to luke fitzgerald esquire . an account of absentees goods , and how they were imbezelled . the beginning of march . or before , several persons , officers of the army , who were impowered , or pretended to be impowered by my lord deputy , seized on the goods of absentees , in most counties of the kingdom , except the city of dublin . may th . . a warrant comes to the commissioners of his majesties revenue , under his majesties privy signet and sign manual , dated april th . . to impower the commissioners of the revenue , to call all such persons to account , that had seiz'd any goods or chattels of absentees . may th . . the commissioners of the revenue issued out instructions to several persons , in the respective counties , pursuant to his majesties said warrant . as to the country , it must be observed , that betwixt the st . of march , . ( being the time of seizing by the officers of the army ) and th . of may . when the commissioners were impowered , a great part of the goods of absentees were stolen or disposed : the officers that seiz'd , were at the camp at denry ; and if any accounts were return'd by them to the lord deputy , the same never came to the commissioners , though they often endeavoured with the secretary to find any such accounts . the commissioners of the revenue thereupon sollicited a bill to pass in parliament , to vest the goods of all absentees , in the king , with some fitting power to the commissioners of the revenue , for the more easie and expeditious bringing all persons to account , that had formerly seiz'd : but this met with much delay and alterations . at last the bill pass'd the th . of july , . and the scope of it amounts to no more , than to vest in his majesty , the goods of such persons only , as are declared forfeiting persons by the act of attainder , or persons absent , who abet or assist the prince of orange , ( with exception of minors , and some proviso's by the act of attainder ) most had time to return till the first of september ; and the general clause of all persons that have aided or abetted the prince of orange , does not intitle the king without an office found , that such persons did aid or abet ; and this requiring proof , and a great charge , there did not appear sufficient profit to arise to answer the charge . upon the whole matter , this bill seemed rather to lessen the zeal of those employed to seize absentees goods , than otherwise , when they consider'd , that upon debate in parliament , it was denyed to pass a law that should indemnifie them for more than half their seizures , even in the city of dublin , half the persons , whose goods were there seized , not being named in the bill of attainder . however , aug. th . . the commissioners of the revenue having appointed four provincial surveyors , gave them instructions , that the surveyor general and the collectors , should dispose of the stocks of absentees ; whereby it appears , that instead of neglecting that matter of the goods of absentees , they seemed rather to have given order for the disposal of them before they were forfeited . septemb. th . . the commissioners finding no satisfactory returns , from the commissioners employed by them , most of the commissioners being in the army , or neglecting the matter , or applying the goods to their own use , they superseded those commissioners , and lest the whole matter to their collectors ; which if done at first , some profit might have redounded to his majesty . . the goods of absentees in the city of dublin , were not ordered by the lord deputy to be seized ; but the people observing what was done in the country , and there being free transportation for england in march , the custom-house-key became like a fair , and the most of absentees goods were then sent for england ; scarce any thing valuable was then left , unless by the carelesness of the persons employed by the absentees . the said th . of august , . the commissioners impowered several persons to seize the goods of absentees in the city of dublin , with like directions as the lord deputy gave formerly in other counties , viz. to inventory and take security for the forth-coming of these goods , and not to strip the houses , or hinder trade ; for many brewers , ale-sellers , and other handy-crafts and traders , though absent , yet had left behind them servants , friends , and sometimes their wives to manage their trade ; and to have strip't those houses , had but added to the number of wast houses , and lessened his majesties revenue ; some ale-houses not having the value of forty shillings of absentees goods , draw three or four barrels of drink per week , besides their quartering of souldiers , which has cost the inhabitants more generally by far , than the goods could be sold for these times . and this matter ought at present to be well considered ; for , though now the goods are vested in the king by law , and the best of them is to be made for the king's advantage ; yet rotten hangings will sell only to those that have the house . no. . albavilles instructions to the commissioners of oyer and terminer . gentlemen , the many robberies , oppressions , and outrages committed through all parts of the kingdom , to the utter ruine thereof , and to the great scandal of the government , as well is of christianity , forces his majesty to a great resentment against those that prove encouragers and abettors of them , by an unpardonable neglect in the execution of his royal orders . and whereas the issuing out commissions of oyer and terminer in all the counties of the kingdom , which was done some months ago , was judged by his majesty , with the advice of his privy council , the most efficacious means to prevent and quash such horrid disorders . i. you are ordered by his majesty , on sight hereof , to let me his principal secretary of state know what you can alledge , to justifie your selves from the imputation of having strangely neglected ( all this time ) the execution of your commission , which proves the chiefest cause of this general desolation of the country . ii. you are commanded by his majesty , to proceed without the least delay to the execution of your commission , and send to me ( for his majesties information ) a weekly account of your proceedings . iii. that you adjourn from one week to another ; and at farthest , not above a fortnight . iv. that you proceed with all just severity , against such of the justices of the peace , as have bayled ( contrary to law ) malefactors : and against all such as favour ( in any manner ) robbers and thieves . v. that you proceed against all persons whatsoever , who have given , or will give , any obstruction to the execution of your commission : and if they prove officers of the army , or absent , so as you do not think fit to proceed against them , that you forthwith send me an account thereof . vi. that you proceed with all rigour , against all persons found guilty of counterfeiting the kings coyn. vii . and lastly , that you order all men to fall upon publick robbers , who have no regard of their duty towards god , their king or country , destitute of all sense of humanity ; and consider them but as wild beasts , who live upon prey and rapine . this is gentlemen , what i have at present in command from his majesty to send to you ; to which i will adde this advertisement , that you cannot light upon better measures to allay the kings just resentment of your former neglects , ( the occasion of a world of mischief ) then by a speedy and vigorous execution of your commission . let the present general cryes of the people for justice , and the present general oppression under which the country groans , move you to have a compassion of it ; and to raise in you such a publick spirit , as may save it from this inundation of miseries that break in upon it , by a neglect of his majesties orders , and by a general relaxation of all civil and military laws . consider that our enemies leaving us to our selves as they do , conclude we shall prove greater enemies to one another than they can be to us ; and that we will destroy the country , and enslave our selves more than they are able to do : what inhumanities are daily committed against one another , gives but too much ground to the truth of what our enemies conclude of us . i had almost forgot a special command of his majesty ; that is , that you will consider the liberty of conscience granted by act of parliament , and to punish the infringers of that law , who by an indiscreet and inconsiderable zeal usurp his majesties prerogative ; not reflecting how much his majesties and the nations interest ; and not only the religion of the nation , but the catholick religion in all the parts of christendom is involved in a religious execution of that liberty of conscience . dublin-castle , jan. . . i am , gentlemen , your most humble servant , marquis d albaville . to the commissioners of oyer and terminer for the county of dublin , or to any or either of them , to be communicated to the rest . to the lord chief justice nugent . no. . a copy of a petition of the minister of wexford , for his church , and the order thereupon . to the king 's most excellent majesty . the humble petition of alex r. allen of wexford , clerk. most humbly sheweth , that your petitioner being minister of the parish church of st. iberius , in the town of wexford ; hath therein for several years past , daily celebrated divine service ; and exercised all other offices of his function with piety to god , and constant loyalty to your majesty : yet your petitioner on the th . of october last , was dispossessed of his said church , ( contrary to the late act of liberty of conscience ) by edward wiseman esq mayor of wexford ; who a few dayes after , did not only , by the rabble , introduced by him , brake down and demolish , all the pewes and altar of the said church , but did seize , and unjustly deny your petitioners vestmonts , church - book , and other ornaments thereof , to the great prejudice of your petitioner and his parishoners ; although your majesties roman catholick subjects have several chappels fit for the free exercise of their religion , both within and without the walls of the said town , and whereunto several protestant inhabitants have given liberal contribution . your petitioner further sheweth , that he the said edward wiseman , as magistrate of the town of wexford , is obliged ( as usually it hath been by act of vestry ) to encourage and provide for the relief of distressed orphans , and other poor of the said town of wexford ; yet uncharitably refuseth to interpose his authority in the behalf of such poor , whereby they must inevitably perish , if not speedily relieved . may it therefore please your majesty , to restore your petitioner to his parish church , which was never forfeited by absence , or otherwise : and that the said edward wiseman may be obliged to repair it , and leave it in the same condition he found it ▪ and that such care may be taken for relief of distressed orphans , and other poor from famine , as is usual . and your petitioner shall ever pray , &c. at the court in dublin-castle , jan. th . . present the king 's most excellent majesty in council . whereas his majesty is informed upon oath , that edw. wiseman late mayor of the town of wexford , did illegally seize upon the parish church of st. iberius in the said town of wexford , broke down the pews and altar of the said church , and detained the vestmonts , church-books , and other ornaments thereunto belonging : his majesty was graciously pleased , to order mr. nicholas stafford , present mayor of the said town of wexford , forthwith to cause the said church and goods to be restored to alex r. allen , minister of the said parish , in the same condition they were in when seiz'd upon by the said edward wiseman . hugh reily . no. . mr. prowd minister of trim , his account of the remarkable accident that hapned upon plundring the church of trim. sir , this will give you an account of an eminent instance of gods vengeance shewn on one john keating , a church - rapparee , who in the very act of plundring and breaking of our church , was struck with a sudden madness , in which he continued for the space of three weeks ; and that day three weeks he was struck mad , dyed in a sad and miserable condition . the manner of it was thus : this keating was a souldier in the lord of kinmares regiment ; he with other his associates , having often before plundred , broken and despoyled the seats of our church , without interruption or disturbance , resolved on christmas-day at night , to brake and plunder our altar , ( on which we had that day celebrated the holy communion ) : and to that end , he with two more , about midnight , entered the church . this keating immediately attempted to brake one of the folding doors leading to the communion table , and endeavouring with all his force to wrest the door from the hinges , immediately ( as he thought ) saw several glorious and amazing sights ; but one ugly black thing ( as he call'd it ) gave him a great souse upon the poll , which drive him immediately into so great disorder , that he tore all the cloaths off his back , and ran naked about the streets , and used all mad bedlam pranks whatever . he was put into the dungeon , where he remained for the space of . dayes without either meat , drink , cloaths , or any thing necessary for the support of nature ; would not take as much as a drop of cold water ; continually rav'd of the spoyls of the church , and saying , that he took the most pains in breaking and taking off the hinges , and yet got the least share for his pains . from the dungeon he was removed to one thomas kelly's house in the town , where he behaved himself as in the prison , neither eating bit , nor drinking drop , or admitting a ragg to cover his nakedness ; and about eight dayes after , he removed from the dungeon , dyed in a sad and deplorable manner . i was so curious as to enquire of those that knew him very well , whether ever he was mad before , or lyable to any such disorders ; they all assured me , that they never knew any thing of that nature by him in the whole course of his life ; so that i think we may very well look upon it as the immediate hand of god. sir , i dare assure you , that this is a great truth , and so evident and manifest , that it hath challeng'd and extorted an acknowledgment from all parties whatever : neither the romish clergy , nor any of the officers of the regiment ( who are all papists ) do in the least disown it : and it had this influence and effect upon all souldiers and papists , that from that time forth , never any of them were known to enter , plunder , or disturb our church . we have an account , that another of keatings companions at the very same time was struk mad in the very act of breaking the communion table ; and that within very few hours after , he dyed ; but they politickly conceal'd it , and buryed him privately soon after , for fear it should be known ; but the certainty of this i dare not affirm , but am sure some of their most sober and serious clergy did freely own it . george prowd . trim st . march . no. . general rosens order , to bring the protestants before derry . conrade de rosen mareschal general of all his majesties forces . declares by these presents , to the commanders , officers , souldiers , and inhabitants of the city of londonderry , that in case they do not , betwixt this and monday next , at six a clock in the afternoon , being the st . of july , . agree to surrender the said place of london-derry unto the king , upon such conditions as may be granted them , according to the instructions and power leiutenant general hamilton formerly received from the king : that he will forthwith issue out his orders from the barony of inishone , and the sea-coasts round about , as far as charlemont , for the gathering together of those of their faction , whether protected , or not , and cause them immediately to be brought to the walls of london-derry , where it shall be lawful for those that are in the town ( in case they have any pity for them ) to open the gates , and receive them into the town ; otherwise they will be forced to see their friends and nearest relalations all starved for want of food ; he having resolved not to leave one of them at home , nor any thing to maintain them : and that all hope of succour may be taken away by the landing of any troops in these parts from england ; he further declares , that in case they refuse to submit , he will forthwith cause all the said country to be immediately destroy'd ; that if any succour should be hereafter sent from england , they may perish with them for want of food : besides which , he has a very considerable army , as well for the opposing of them in all places that shall be judg'd necessary , as for the protecting all the rest of his majesties dutiful subjects , whose goods and chattels he promises to secure , destroying all the rest that cannot be brought conveniently into such places as he shall judg necessary to be preserved , and burning the houses & mills , not only of those that are in actual rebellion , but also of their friends and adherents , that no hopes of escaping may be left for any man : beginning this very day to send his necessary orders to all governours , and other commanders of his majesties forces of colerane , antrim , carrickfergus , belfast , dungannon , charlemont , belturbet , sligo ; and to col. sarsfield commanding a flying army beyond ballyshany , col. sutherland commanding another towards iniskillen , and the duke of berwick another on the fin-water , to cause all the men , women , and children , who are any wayes related to those in londonderry , or any where else in open rebellion , to be forthwith brought to this place , without hopes of withdrawing further into the kingdom ; that in case before this said monday the st . of july , in the year of our lord , . be expired , ●hey do not send us hostages , & other deputies , with a full sufficient power to treat with us for the surrender of the said city of londonderry on reasonable conditions , that they shall not after this time be admitted to any treaty whatsoever : and the army which shall continue the siege , and will ( with the assistance of god ) soon reduce them , shall have orders to give no quarter , or spare either age or sex , in case they are taken by force : but if they return to their obedience , due to their natural prince , he promises them , that the conditions granted them in his majesties name , shall be inviolably observed by all his majesties subjects ; and that he himself will have a care to protect them on all occasions , even to take their parts , if any injury ( contrary to the agreement ) should be done them ; making himself responsible for the performance of the conditions on which they agree to surrender the said place of londonderry to the king . given under my hand , this th . day of june , in the year of our lord , . le mareschal rosen . no. . the indictment of dennis connor , in which the counterfeit letter to mr. will. spike is inserted . term ' hillar ' quinto & sexto jacobi regis . com' dublin ' . scilicet juratores pro domino rege sacrament ' suum dicunt & proesent ' , quod dionisius connor nuper de dublin ' in com' civit ' dublin ' yeoman , e●…o malitiosus pernitiosus & nequissimus , machinansque & ●…ns pacem & commune tranquilit ' hujus regni hibernioe perturbare , & discord ' inter dominum regem & subditos suos incitare & movere , & dict' dom ' regem & gubernationem suam in odium contempt ' & vilipendentiam inducer ' & in insurrectionem & rebellionem in hoc regno hibernioe suscitar ' mover ' & inferr ' vicessimo die januar ' anno regni domini nostri jacobi secundi de● gra ' angl ' scot ' franc ' & hiberniae , regis fidei defensor ' &c. quinto , apud castrum de dublin ' in com' dublin ' proedict ' seditiosam , malitiosam , & illicit ' scripsit ' vel scribi fecit quandam seditiosam & malitiosam epistolam sive chartam cujus quidem seditiosam & malitiosam epistoloe tenor sequitur in hoec verba , scilicet . eniskillin the th . of january . cosin spike , yours i'receiv'd january the st . it being the greatest satisfaction i could expect to hear of your good health and welfare , and the rest of your good family ; getting the convenience of the honest bearer , makes me acknowledge your often kindnesses to me . yesterday we received letters from londonderry , they all agree with our proposals , as in carrying on our design in dublin : the day appointed is the th . of february at supper-time in the castle ; and for some of our men intended for that purpose , to go in a little before , as many as can well , not being suspected ; others to stay in the street and houses thereabout till the word is given [ god be with us ] . then all to force in , killing the guards , after giving the tinker and the rest of his function their last supper . mr. drury , he is intended to fire the suburbs with others of his assistance as might be thought fit , it being a means to force the souldiers out of the city . we question not but our people is in number enough to do the work , as well in the city as castle : one night does all . we have here in these parts , horse and foot in readiness to be with you in dublin in five or six dayes at farthest . i hope god will inspire into our peoples hearts to persevere with undaunted hearts , to pull down that yoke of popery which we are likely to lie under , unless by god prevented . we are in the truth , and i hope god is with us ; although our expectations being failed hereto , we might think it rather punishment for our sins , than in any wise hindrance of our victory . last week we had an account from derry , that there landed two ships laden with ammunition and provision , and to the number of fifty-six volunteers , the most of them now being here with us : they giving us an account of our english resolution , that they will every man die , rather than be yeilding to popery ; likewise , that great preparations are made for our english to come over this spring ▪ to the value of two and twenty thousand souldiers and inhabitants to settle the country . cosin , i desire you 'l direct the bearer to mr. pains , with a letter he has for him : and likewise i desire you to go to my cosin , and give my kind love to him , & the rest of his good family . i suppose the pacquet of letters , as touching this matter , wholly is directed to mr. smith , which meeting with him , will give you the full at large . my kind love to my cosin george , and your wife . this being all at present . your loving cosin to command during life . these , for mr. will. spike , living at colledg-green in the old parliament-house , dublin . mary smith . et ulterius jurator ' proedict ' super sacrament ' suum proedict ' dicunt & proesent ' , quod idem dionisius connor sciens eandem epistolam sive chartam fore falsam , malitiosam , & seditiosam , postea scilicet eodem vicessimo die januarii anno regni dict' domini regis quint ' supradict ' apud castrum dublin ' in com' dublin ' proedict ' , seditiosam & malitiosam epistolam sive chartam proedict ' publicavit & publicari fecit contra debit ' ligeantiam suam in malum exemplum aliorum in tali casu delinquentium , & contra pacem dicti domini regis nunc , coronam & dignitatem suam , &c. copia vera , examnat per f. nugent . no. . capt. browns acknowledgment , that he perjured himself . whereas i john brown , gent. did on , or about the last day of december last , come before the right honourable , the lord chief justice riverstown , l d ch. justice of all ireland ; and did in an examination taken before him upon oath , accuse edward brock of the city of dublin , for speaking and uttering several seditious words reflecting on his majesty and the government . now i the said john brown , do hereby acknowledg and declare , that i did very much wrong and abuse the said edward brock in the said matter ; he never having uttered or spoke any such or the like words wherewith i accused him before the said lord chief justice . as witness my hand this third day of february , . witness present , the words ( upon oath ) being first interlined . john brown. fra. rica . ja. somervill . no. . advertisement , as it was published by mr. yalden in his weekly abhorrence , concerning dr. king , and dr. foy. there was lately published by john yalden esq the substance of fifteen sermons , entituled , an abhorrence from the bishop of ely , &c. of the proceedings of the prince of orange , and the lords , &c. that invited him. but some protestants believing the said book to be a popish contrivance ; and that such doctrines as were therein , were never preached by the divines there named : upon which , a gentleman of quality ( to satisfie these doubts ) applyed himself to two reverend divines of this city , viz. dr. king and dr. foy , who both certified under their hands , that the doctrines contained in the said book , were honest , and true christian divinity , and obliging to all christians to put immediately in practice , upon the peril of their salvation . which certificate satisfied several protestants here , and confirmed them in an unchangeable loyalty . march th . . reverend sir , i intended to have waited on you this afternoon , but found my self so indisposed , that i durst not venture abroad . i have been made sensible , that the publisher of the weekly abhorrence , has made use of your name , and mine : and affirms , that we have certified under our hands , that the doctrines contained in a book published by one john yalden esq containing a collection of the substance of fifteen sermons , were honest and true christian divinity , and obliging to all christians to put immediately in practice , upon the peril of their salvation : and he intimates , that this certificate has been shewn to several protestants here . sir , for my own part , i do profess , that i never read the aforesaid book ; nor did any gentleman of quality ( as he affirms ) ever apply himself to me to satisfie him in any doubts concerning it , that i remember . i am sure never any body demanded a certificate from me concerning it : nor did i ever sign any such certificate as he pretends , or any thing like it : and therefore that whole advertisement ( as far as it concerns me ) is absolutely false and groundless . if any one had ask'd me concerning that collection , i could have given him no other answer , than that i had neither read it , nor the sermons out of which 't is said to be taken : perhaps the collection may be just , and no harm in certifying it to be so ; but i am sure , there is a great deal of harm in forging a certificate under a mans hand , what ever the matter be that is certified : and if there be no such certificate forged or real , it is no less criminal , to publish to the world ( as in this abhorrence ) that there is one . i cannot imagine to what purpose the publisher should have inserted such an easily detected falshood , which he could not expect should escape being discovered ; except he had a mind to destroy both his own credit , and likewise that of the collection . pray ( sir ) if you know any thing of this matter , communicate to to the reverend dr. nath. foy. these . your most humble servant , will. king reverend sir , what you were pleased to acquaint me with , several gentlemen who were concern'd for me , gave me notice of some few hours before : upon which i immediately repaired to the coffee - house - ( the likeliest place , as i judged , to find a lye , if it were stirring ) where i saw my self in print ; of which , though i could not imagine what should be the ground ; yet since it was resolv'd it should be so , i was glad to be found with so good company as your self . had the gentleman , amongst other things in his abhorrence , but abhorr'd untruth , i 'm sure my name had never appear'd in his advertisement : for i declare , i never read the book mentioned therein , and i judge i shall not be very fond of reading any thing that comes from under his hand ; having given such a tast to the world , of his abilities in writing and collecting other mens senses , that it is to be doubted , whether he has yet well collected his own : whose collection as i never read , so have i never received any account of the contents of it ; nor did any person ever require a certificate from me , or my judgement of that collection , or the sermons said to be in it ; nor did i ever give any certificate , or my judgment to any person unrequired . this is all i know of the matter , or the gentlemans collection . it may be a faithful one for ought i know , but certainly he has not taken the best method to assert the reputation of it , or his own ; since he must give leave to them who are as ignorant of his person and collection , as i am to suspect that he who can find a certificate in dublin that never was written , may find a sermon in london that never was printed . this , sir , i thought was due as a return to yours , which i kindly resent ; and request you to believe that i am , march . . for the reverend dr. will. king. these . sir , your faithful friend , and humble servant , nath. foy. no. . collonel luttrells order for numbring protestants . whereas it is his majesties desire to know the names of all the protestant subjects and dissenters : i do in his majesties name , require and order you , all the ministers and curates of the several parishes and cures of this city and liberties , to bring me fairly written , the names of the said protestants and dissenters , in a book made for that purpose , that are in their several parishes or cures : declaring , that it is his majesties resolution , to treat all such as will not pay obedience to this order , and enter in their names by thursday next ensuing the date hereof , as spyes , or enemies . dated this third day of may . they are to return only all from the age of fifteen , to the age of eighty that are of the male kind , and not of the female . by the governour of dublin , sym. luttrell . to all the curates and ministers of the city , liberty , and subburbs of the city of dublin . no. . collonel luttrells order forbidding above five protestants meeting any where , &c. by the governour of dublin , june . . whereas several disaffected persons of the protestant religion , are of late come to this city of dublin , and some of them arm'd with swords , pistols , and other weapons , contrary to his majesties express commands by his royal proclamation bearing date the th . day of july , . i. these are therefore to will and require all men whatsoever of the protestant religion now residing or being within the said city of dublin , or within the liberties of st. sepulcher donor , or thomas-court , who are not house-keepers , or have not followed some lawful vocation therein these three months past , to depart within twenty-four hours after the publication hereof , out of the said city and liberties , and repair to their respective habitations , or usual places of abode in the country , upon pain of death , or imprisonment , and to be further proceeded against as contemners of his majesties royal commands , and as persons designing the disturbance of the publick peace . ii. and likewise , that all protestants within the said city and liberties , not being of his majesties most honourable privy council , nor in his army , or actual service , shall within the time aforesaid deliver up all their armes , both offensive and defensive , and all their ammunition , into his majesties stores in the said city , upon pain of death . iii. and that no protestant whatsoever , do presume at his peril , to walk or go in the streets , from ten a clock at night till five in the morning , nor at any time when there is any alarum . in which case , all such persons are required for their safety , and for the security of the publick , to keep within doors till such an alarum is over . iv. and lastly , for the prevention of ryots and unlawful assemblies ; these are therefore to will and require , all the said protestants , that no greater number of them than five shall meet and converse at any time , either in any house within the said city or liberties , over and above the family of the house ; or in the streets and fields , in or about the same , or elsewhere : hereby declaring , that all persons who shall offend against any clause in this present order , shall suffer death , or such other punishment as a court - marshall shall think fit. finis . books printed for r. clavel , publish'd in michaelmas term , . a defence of pluralities , or holding two benefices with cure of souls , as now practised in the church of england . the state of the protestants of ireland under the late king james's government , in which their carriage towards him is justified , and the absolute necessity of their endeavouring to be freed from his government , and of submitting to their present majesties is demonstrated . observations on a journey to naples , being a farther discovery of the frauds of romish priests and monks : writen by the author of the former book , entituled , the frauds of romish priests and monks , set forth in eight letters . l. annaei flori rerum romanarum epitome , cum interpretatione & notis in usum serenissimi delphini , unà cum indicibus copiosissimis oppidò necessariis . compendium graecum novi testamenti , continens ex versiculis totius novi testamenti tantum versiculos ( non tamen integros ) in quibus omnes universi novi test. voces , unà cum versione latina inveniuntur . auctore iohanne leusden : editio quinta ; in qua , non tantum themata graeca & voces derivatae exprimuntur , sed etiam tempora verborum adduntur . tandem ne aliquid ubicunque desideretur , in hac novissima editione londinensi cuilibet voci aut compositae aut derivatae radix adjicitur propria , in tyronum gratiam . de presbyteratu dissertatio quadripartita presbyteratûs sacri origines , naturam titulum officia & ordines ab ipsis mundi primordiis usquè ad catholicae ecclesiae consummatum plantationem complectens , in qua hierarchiae episcopalis jus divinum & immutabile , ex auctoritate scripturarum canonicè expositarum & ecclesiasticae traditionis suffragiis , brevitèr quidem sed luculentèr asseriter . authore samuele hill , diaeceseôs bathoniensis & wellensis presbytero . londini typis s. roycroft l. l. oriental . typographi regis impensis r. clavel in coemeterio d. pauli , mdcxci . sometime since published for r. clavel . forms of private devotion for every day in the week , in a method agreeable to the liturgy ; with occasional prayers , and an office for the holy communion , and for the time of sickness . a scholastical history of the primitive and general use of lyturgies in the christian church , together with an answer to david clarkson's late discourse concerning liturgies . roman forgeries in the councils , during the first four centuries , together with an appendix concerning the forgeries and errors in the annals of baronius . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e ait idem barclaius amitti regnum si rex vere hostili animo in totius populi exitium feratur ; quod concedo : confistere enim simul non possunt voluntas imparandi & voluntas perdendi : quare qui se hostem populi totius prositetur , is eo ipso abdicat regnum : sed vix videtur id accidere posse in rege mentis compote , qui uni populo imperet : quod si pluribus populis imperet , accidere potest ut unius populi in gratiam alterum vult preditum . idcirco enim , frater carissime , copiosum corpus est sacerdotum , concordiae mutuae glutino atque unitatis vinculo copulatum ; ut siquis e● collegio nostro haeresim facere & gregem christi lacerare & vastare tentaverit , subveniant caeteri , & quasi pastores utiles & misericordes , qui oves dominicas in gregem colligant cypri , ep. . pamelii . socrates , lib. . c. . acts of the late pretended irish parliament . c. . pro defensione fidei prestant juramentum quod de terris suae jurisdictioni subjectis , universos haereticos ab ecclesia denotatos , bona fide pro viribus exterminare studebunt . conc. later . iv. cap. . concil . constantiens . sess. . bull. mart. de erroribus johan . wickleff . declaration for liberty of conscience in scotland . see appendix . . henry . cap. . . elizab ▪ cap. . . henry . cap. . lord clarendon's speech at giving up the sword to the earl of tirconnel , and the abstract of the revenue for . appendix , n. . & . by what interest and for what design he came to be employed , and at last to be made deputy , will appear from the copy of a letter ▪ found amongst bishop tyrrel's papers , his secretary . 't is in the appendix . n. . vide ch. . sect. . n. . felix ô neal was removed in . and made a collonel . sanders . de oblig . conscien . praelect . . . . ( ubi tam gravis premit necessitas , ut vir pius & prudens non possit dubitare legislatorem ipsum , si praesens esset , legit sibi gratiam & relaxationem concessurum ) liceat subditis , communis utilitatis , ( quae suprema lex est , & omnium legum finis ) rationem habere magis , quam legum particula●●●m . salus populi suprema lex : the equity of which maxim , as it leaveth in the law-giver a power of dispensing with the law , as he shall see it expedient to the publick good ; so it leaveth in the subject a liberty upon just occasions to do otherwise than the law requires . dr. sanderson's judgment concerning submission to usurpers , pag. . edit . lond. . appendix n. . n. . see the appendix for the list of privy-counsellors . n. . a see appendix , n o . appendix , n o . appendix n o . see appendix . appendix . see appendix , n o . appendix , n o . see the first proclamation by the earl of tyrconnel , feb. . . whereas a late proclamation issued forth by the lord lieutenant and council of this kingdom in december last for the suppressing of tories , robbers , and their harbourers in these words following , whereas there have been of late many burglaries and robberies committed in several parts of this kingdom , to the ruin of some of his majesties good subjects , and to the great disquiet of many others ; and it is found by experience , that his majesties mercy that hath been heretofore extended to some persons that have been attainted of such crimes , hath been an encouragement to others to commit the like , &c. which proclamation hath not yet met with the full effect , &c. see appendix . n o. . 't was an ancient law of england , some say , as old as king alfred , that no king should change his mony , nor impair , nor inhanse , nor make any mony , but of silver , without the assent of the lords and all the commons . see power of parliaments asserted by sir robert atkins , p. . and lord cook exposition of stat. artic ▪ super chart. cap. ● ▪ i●st ▪ . chap. ii. sect. . see the copy of a letter to king james , and malony's letter in the appendix . n. . & . how is it possible a parliament should be free in all its circumstances , whilst an enemy is in the kingdom . append. n. . appendix n. . see appendix n. . appendix , n. . see the articles in the appendix . n. ● . see appendix , n. . see dr. walkers siege of derry . see appendix n. . see appendix . see appendix , n. , . & . eliz. chap. st . see the appendix , molony's scheme in his letter , n. . see the proceedings of the parliament of paris , upon the pope's bull , printed at london , . p. . appendix . n. . see the petition in the appendix , n. . see appendix n. . see appendix n. . see appendix n. . notes for div a -e . it is unjust . reprizals . it is not for the publick good . not for the king 's good . it ruins the kingdom . it ruins the people in it . it destroys the publick faith. inconvenient in point of time . loco sigill ' some considerations about union among protestants, and the preservation of the interest of the protestant religion in this nation owen, john, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing o a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) some considerations about union among protestants, and the preservation of the interest of the protestant religion in this nation owen, john, - . [ ], p. printed by t.s., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- england. church and state -- england. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion some considerations about union among protestants , and the preservation of the interest of the protestant religion in this nation . london , printed by t.s. an. dom. . some considerations about union among protestants , &c. . the prostestant religion , introduced into this nation , by the apostolical way and means of the holiness and laborious preaching of its professors , confirmed with the martyrdom of multitudes of all sorts , being now throughly fixed in the minds of the body of the people , and confirmed unto them by laws and oaths , is become the principal interest of the nation , which cannot be shaken or overthrown , without the ruine of the government , and destruction of the people . nothing therefore less being included in the attempts of the papists , with all their interest in europe , for the reintroducing of their religion amongst us , the nation hath been constantly filled for an hundred years with fears , jealousies , and apprehensions of dangers , to the great disturbance of the government , and disquietment of the subjects ; nor can it be otherwise whil'st they know that there is a pregnant design for their total subversion , together with the ruine of the protestant religion in other places , which would have ensued thereon . but , . this religion so received and approved by the people , as the only true way to salvation , ( accompanied with an abhorrency of the superstition , idolatry and heresies of the church of rome , partly on the general account of their own nature , and partly on particular reasons and provocations from the attempts of those that belong unto that church , for the ruine of them and their religion ) and joyntly professed in the same confession of faith , hath been preserved by the means of a faithful laborious ministry , under the care , protection and outward government of the supreme power , as the greatest bullwark of the protestant religion in europe . . the only weakness in it , as the interest of the nation , ( before it was infested with novel opinions ) was the differences that have been amongst many of the professors of it , from the very first beginning of the reformation , and which are continued unto this day . . these differences though consisting now in many particulars of less moment , arose originally , solely from the constitution of an authoritative national church state. for some would have it to be of one sort namely , episcopal , some of another , namely , presbyterian ; some would have it of a divine original , others of an humane , which must be the judgment of the king and parliament , who know it to be what they have made it , and nothing else ; and some judge it a meer usurpation on the power of the civil government , and the liberties of the people . . it is therefore acknowledged that the body of christian people in this nation professing the protestant religion , with a detestation of popery ; having the gospel preached unto them , and the sacraments duely administred , under the rule of the king , are the church of england . but as unto an authoritative national church , consisting solely in the power and interest of the clergy , wherein the people , either as christians , protestants or subjects of the kingdom are not concerned ; such as is at present established , farther enquiry may be made about it . . there is a threefold form of such a church , at present contended for . the first is papal , the second episcopal , and the third presbyterian . . the first form of an authoritative national church-state amongst us , as in other places , was papal : and the sole use of it here in england , was to embroyl , our kings in their government , to oppress the people in their souls , bodies , and estates , and to fell us all , as branded slaves , unto rome . these things have been sufficiently manifested . but in other places especially in germany , whil'st otherwise they were all of one religion , in doctrine and worship , all conform to the church of rome ; yet in bloody contests meerly about this authoritative church state , many emperours were ruined , and an hundred set battels fought in the field . . at the reformation this church state , was accommodated , ( as was supposed ) unto the interest of the nation , to obviate the evils suffered from it , under the other form , and render it of use unto the religion established . yet experience manifests that , partly from its constitution , partly from the inclinations of them by whom it is managed , other evils have accompanied or followed it , which until they are removed , the weakness of the protestant interest through mutual divisions , will remain among us . and among others , they are these . . an encroachment on the civil rights and government of the nation , in the courts and jurisdictions pretended to belong or to be annexed unto this church state over the persons , goods , and liberties of the subiects , ( yea in some cases their lives . ) it is the undoubted right and liberty of the people of this nation , that no actual jurisdiction should be exercised over their persons , estates , or liberties , in a way collateral unto , and independent on the publicks administration of justice unto all , derived from the sovereign power , and executed by known officers , rules and orders , according unto the laws of the realm . if this be taken from them , all other pretences of securing the liberty and property of the subjects , are of no advantage unto them . for whil'st they have justice in legal publick courts , duely administred unto them , they may be oppressed and ruined ( as many are so every day ) by this pretended collateral irregular power and jurisdiction over their persons , good and liberties ; from which it seems to be the duty of the parliament to deliver them . and it is the right of the kings of this nation , that no external power over the subjects be exercised but in their name , by vertue of their commission , to be granted and executed according unto the laws of the land. this right of kings , and this liberty of subjects also , are so sacred , as that they ought not to be entrenched on by any pretence of church or religion . for what is of god's own appointment will touch neither of them . but the administration of this jurisdiction as it is exercised with a side wind power , distinct , different from and in some things contrary unto the publick justice of the nation , ( wherein all the subjects have an equal interest ) and by the rules of a law forraign unto that of the kingdom , is a great cause of the continuation of divisions among protestants , unto the weakning of the interest of religion itself . it is accompanied with the prosecution and troubling of peaceable subjects , in their liberties and estates ; not for any error in the christian faith , not for any declension from the protestant religion or compliance with popery , not for any immoralities , but meerly and solely for their non-compliance with , and submission unto those things which are supposed necessary for the preservation of their church state , which is of itself altogether unnecessary . for the whole complex of the imposed conformity in canonical obedience , ceremonies , rites and modes of worship , hath no other end but the sustentation and preservation thereof ; being things otherwise , that belong not to christian religion . this began , this will perpetuate our divisions , which will not be healed whil'st it is continued . and whil'st the two parties of papists and protestants , are at this day contending as it were for life , soul , and being , ( the long continued design of the former , under various pretences , and by great variety of attempts , being come unto its fatal tryal , as unto its issue : ) it will not be thought meet by wise men , whose entire interest in religion and the liberties of the nation are concerned , in this contest to continue the body of protestants in divisions , with mutual animosities , and the distrust of multitudes , on such unnecessary occasions . . whereas by vertue of this state and constitution , sundry persons are interested in honours , dignities , power and wealth , in all which they have an immediate , ( and not meerly legal ) dependance on the king , since their separation from the pope ; they have constantly made it their business to promote absolute monarchical power , without respect unto the true constitution of the government of this nation , which in sundry instances hath been disadvantageous to kings themselves , as well as an incumbrance to the people in parliament . for although their constitution doth really entrench upon the kings legal power , in the administration of their jurisdiction , yet to secure their own interests , and to make a seeming compensation for that encroachment , many of them have contended for that absolute power in the king , which he never owned , nor assumed unto himself . . the evils and inconveniencies of this constitution , of an authoritative national church state , have been greatly encreased and propagated in this nation , as unto the heightening of divisions among protestants , by the endeavours that have been to confirm and continue this state in an extraordinary way ; such were the oath called , &c. and the late oath at oxford , whereon many ●ober peaceable protestant ministers have been troubled , and some utterly ruined ; which hath much provoked the indignation of the people , against those who occasioned that law , and for whose sake it was enacted ; and encreased the suspition that those who manage these things , would have men believe , that their state and rule , is as sacred as the crown , or religion itself , unto the great disparagement of them both ; which things are effectual engines to expell all peace and union among protestants . ▪ those who are for the presbyterian form of an authoritative national church state , do indeed cut off , and cast away most of those things which are the matter of contest between the present dissenting parties , and so make a nearer approach towards a firm union among all protestants than the other do ; yet such an authoritative church state in that form , is neither proper for , nor possible unto this nation , nor consistent with that preheminence of the crown , that liberty of the subjects , and freedom of the consciences of christians , which are their due . but this being not much among us pretended unto , it need not further be spoken of . . it is evident therefore that whil'st the evils enumerated , are not separated from the present authoritative national church constitution , but the powers of it are put in execution , and the ends of it pursued , it is altogether vain to expect peace and union among protestants in england ; it neither hath been so , nor ever will be so , fire and faggot will not be able to effect it . who shall reconcile the endless differences that are , and have been about the power , courts , and jurisdictions of this church state , whether they be agreeable unto the laws of the land , and liberty of the subjects . the fixed judgement of many that they have no legal authority at present , nor any power given them by the law of the land , whereon they dare not submit unto them , is no less chargeable , dangerous and pernicious unto them , than are their uncouth vexations and illegal proceedings unto them who are unwillingly forced to submit unto them . and whatever may be expected , the people of this nation will never be contented that their persons , goods , or liberties , shall be made subject unto any law , but the publick royal law of the kingdom administred in legal courts of justice . who shall undertake that all christians or protestants in this nation shall ever submit their consciences and practices , to a multitude of impositions no way warranted in the scriptures ? or how any of the other evils that are the causes of all our divisions shall be removed , cannot easily be declared . . if it shall be said that if this authoritative national church state should be removed , and no other of another form , set up in the room of it ; or be divested of the powers claimed at present by it , it will be impossible to preserve the protestant religion amongst us , to keep uniformity in the profession of it , and agreement amongst its professors ; it is answered , ( ) nothing ought to be removed but what is a real cause , or unnecessary occasion at least , of all the difformity and disorder that is amongst us , and is likely so to continue ▪ ( ) that whil'st we have a protestant king , and a protestant parliament , protestant magistrates and protestant ministers , with the due care of the nation that they may so continue , and a protestant confession of faith duely adhered unto , i shall not , under the blessing of the holy providence , fear the preservation of the protestant religion and interest in england , without any recourse unto such a church power , as fills all with divisions . this i say is that church of england which is the principal bullwark of the protestant religion and interest in europe ; namely , a protestant king , a protestant parliament , protestant magistrates , protestant ministers , a protestant confession of faith established by law , with the cordial agreement of the body of the people in all these things ; esteeming the protestant religion and its profession their chief interest in this world . to suppose that a few men , having obtained honours , dignities , and revenues unto themselves , exercising a power and authority ( highly questionable whether legal or no ) unto their own advantage , oppressive unto the people , and by all means perpetuating differences among protestants , are that church of england , which is justly esteemed the bullwark of the protestant religion , is an high and palpable mistake . the church of england as unto its national interest in the preservation of the protestant religion , is not only separable from it , but weakned by it . yea , if there be such a national constitution , as in its own nature , and by the secular advantages which it supplies men withal , enclines them to prefer their own interest above that of the protestant religion in general , it will always endanger that religion in any nation . for hereon they will judge when they are pressed , on any occasion or circumstance of affairs , that it is better to preserve their own interest , by vertue of some dispensations securing unto them their power and secular advantages , than to venture all by a rigid contest for the protestant religion . nor is it morally possible that ever popery should return into this , or any other nation , but under the conduct of such a church constitution ; without this it hath no prevalent engine , but meer force , war and oppression . but if the interest of popery can possess this church-state , either by the inclinations of them or the greater number of them , who have the management of it , or by their dependance , as unto their interest , on the supream authority , if that happen in any age to give countenance thereunto , the whole nation will quickly be insensibly influenced , and betrayed into popery as it were , they know not how . hence have been such national conversions to and fro in england , as have been in no other places or countries in the world. for the care of the publicks preservation of religion , being , as it is supposed , entrusted in this church-state and the managers of it , if by any means it be possessed by popery , or influenced by a popish prince , the religion of the whole nation will be lost immediately . for as unto all other ministers who have the immediate guidance of the people they will suppose that they can do nothing of themselves in this mattter . but are only obliged unto the conduct of the church-state itself . and having their station therein alone , and depending thereon , they may easily be either seduced by their interest , or excluded from their duty by the power of that church state whereunto they are subject . by this means the whole interest of the protestant religion in this nation as unto its preservation ▪ depends on such a state as being the concernment of a few , and those such as have an especial interest of their own , distinct from that of the protestant religion in general , may be easily possessed by popery , and probably would be so , if they should have a popish prince to influence them . but whereas the people are now possessed and fully persuaded of the truth of protestant religion , if there be no publick machine or engines insensibly to turn about the whole body of them , but they must be dealt withal individually or parochially , it will , as was said , be morally impossible , that ever popery should become the religion of this nation , any other way , but by the destruction or killing of the present inhabitants . allow that the church-state supposed , may in those who have the trust , and power of it , be seduced , corrupted , or any way induced or disposed unto the interest of popery , as it may be ; it is possible some individual persons may be found , that for the sake of truth , will expose their lives to the stake or otherwise . so did many in the days of queen mary , though now esteemed by not a few , foolish zealots for their pains . but the body of the people through their various legal relations unto this church-state , deserting the care of their own preservation , by their trust in the conduct thereof , whereunto they are unavoidably compelled , will quickly be inveagled so as not to be able to extricate themselves . but set them at liberty , so as that every parliament , every magistrate , every minister , every good christian , may judge that that the preservation of their religion is their own duty in all their capacities , and popery with all its arts will know neither how to begin , nor how to proceed with them . if then there were no such church state as being in the management of a few , is seduceable , and not difficult to be possessed by the interest of popery , whereby the whole nation would be at once betrayed ; the protestant religion is now so firmly seated in the minds of the people , so countenanced by law , so esteemed by all to be the principal interest of the nation , that the wit of all the jesuits of the world , knows not how to attaque it , much less endanger it ; which if there be need , shall be further demonstrated . . nor is it a matter of art or difficulty to declare a way for the security of the protestant religion , with the rights of the government , and liberties of the subjects , with the due freedom of conscience , without any such church-state ; but it is what the principles of religion , common prudence , and the honest interest of the nation do direct unto ; as to instance in the things that are most material unto that end . . let a solemn renunciation of popery , suited unto the general principles of the protestant religion , be established by law , to be made publickly by every person , that is to partake of the rights and priviledges already confirmed unto that religion , or which afterwards shall be so ; to be renewed as occasion shall require . . let there be one solemn stated confession of the christian protestant faith , such as is the doctrine of the articles of the church of england , especially as explained in the publick authorized writings of the church in the days of queen elizabeth and king james , before the inroad of novel opinions among us ; to be subscribed by all enjoying a publick ministry . let the magistrate assume unto himself the exercise of his just power , in the preservation of the publick peace in all instances ; in the encouragement and protection of the professors of the protestant religion ; in securing unto all men their legal rights , already granted unto them , in their several places and stations , in the punishment of all crimes cognoscible by humane judgement ; in deposing of men from their enjoyments or priviledges , which they hold on any condition , as suppose their orthodox profession of the protestant religion , if they fail in , or fall from the performance of it ; leaving only things purely spiritual and evangelical to the care and power of the churches , and all litigious causes of what sort soever , with the infliction of all outward penalties , unto the determination of the laws , of the land , and a great progress will be made towards order and peace amongst us . . yea these few things in general are only needful thereunto ; ( ) let the king and parliament secure the protestant religion as it is the publick interest of the nation against all attempts of the papacy for its destruction , with proper laws , and their due execution . ( ) let the wisdom and power of the nation in the supream and subordinate magistrates be exerted , in the rule of all persons and causes , civil and criminal , by one and the same law of the land , in a complyance wherewith the allegiance of the subject unto the king doth consist ; without which , government will never be well fixed on its proper and immoveable basis. ( ) that provision be made for the sedulous preaching of the gospel in all parts and places of the land , or all parochial churches , the care whereof is incumbent on the magistrates . ( ) let the church be protected in the exercise of its spiritual power , by spiritual means only , as preaching of the word , administration of the sacraments , and the like ; whatever is farther pretended , as necessary unto any of the ends of true religion or its preservation in the nation , is but a cover for the negligence , idleness , and insufficiency of some of the clergy , who would have a● outward apearance of effecting that by external force , which themselves by diligent prayer , sedulous preaching of the word , and an exemplary conversation , ought to labour for in the hearts of men. . it is evident that hereon all causes of jealousies , animosities and strifes among the protestants would be taken away ; all complaints of oppression by courts and jurisdictions , not owned by the people , be prevented ; all encroachments on the consciences of men , ( which are and will be an endless and irreconcileable cause of difference among us ) be obviated ; all ability to controul or disturb the power and priviledge of kings in their persons or rule ; and all temptations to exalt their power in absoluteness above the law , will be removed ; so as that by the blessing of god , peace and love may be preserved among all true protestants . and if there do ensue hereon some variety in outward rites and observations , as there was in all the primitive churches , who pleaded that the unity of faith was commended and not at all impeached by such varieties ; yet whil'st the same doctrine of truth is preached in all places , the same sacraments only administred , wherein every protestant subject of the nation , will be at liberty to joyn in protestant christian worship , and to partake of all church ordinances , in the outward way and according unto the outward rites of his own choosing , without the authoritative examination or prohibition of any pretended church power , but what in his own judgement he doth embrace , no inconvenience will follow hereon , unless it be judged such , that the protestant roligion , the liberty of the subjects , and the due freedom of the consciences of men sober and peaceable , will be all preserved . finis . an ansvver to pope vrban his inurbanity, expressed in a breue sent to lowis the french king, exasperating him against the protestants in france. / vvritten in latine by the right reverend father in god, ioseph lord bishop of exeter. ; translated into english by b.s. inurbanitati pontificiae responsio jos. exoniensis. hall, joseph, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , : ) an ansvver to pope vrban his inurbanity, expressed in a breue sent to lowis the french king, exasperating him against the protestants in france. / vvritten in latine by the right reverend father in god, ioseph lord bishop of exeter. ; translated into english by b.s. inurbanitati pontificiae responsio jos. exoniensis. hall, joseph, - . urban viii, pope, - . [ ], , [ ], , [ ], , [ ], , , [ ] p. by william iones for nicolas bourne, at the south entrance of the royall exchange, printed at london : . the first leaf is blank except for large catchword "an"; the last leaf is blank. "a breeue of our holy father the pope to the king. vpon the taking of rochell" and "bref de n.s. pere le pape au roy· sur la prise de la rochelle" each have separate dated title page with imprint "printed at paris .. by edmond martin .." and "a paris, chez edme martin .." respectively; "inurbanitati pontificiae responsio ios. exoniensis" has separate divisional title; "reuerendo in christo patri, viro incomparabili, iosepho hal episcopo exoniensi, gilbertus primirosius s.p.d." has caption title; each has separate pagination; register is continuous throughout. e -f identified as stc on reel . reproductions of the originals in the henry e. huntington library (reel : ) and art gallery and the folger shakespeare library (reel : e -f only). created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january 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then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng urban -- viii, -- pope, - . -- bref de n.s. pere le pape au roy· sur la prise de la rochelle. protestants -- france -- early works to . la rochelle (france) -- history -- siege, - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to pope vrban his invrbanity , expressed in a breve sent to lowis the french king , exasperating him against the protestants in france . vvritten in latine by the right reverend father in god , ioseph lord bishop of exeter . translated into english by b. s. pardon the faults this english stile affords , a child interpreted the fathers words . printed at london by william jones for nicolas bourne , at the south entrance of the royall exchange . . to my mvch respected friend mr. dr. primrose , pastor of the french chvrch in london , and chaplaine to his most excellent majestie . mr. tourvall a french man shewed me but a while since an epistle of pope vrban , delivered of late to lewis the french king , written in a swelling and bloody stile after their manner . in which when the good bishop had cleerely carroled a song of triumph for the victory over rochell , and had more then sufficiently gratulated both the king and nation : he then most barbarously proceedeth to that harsh and cruell language , ( smite and cast downe ) and eagerly vrgeth , yea inforceth the destruction of all the hereticks stabling in france . which when i had read , i could not forbeare , but presently taking pen and paper , i did not vtter vpon premeditation , but poured out on the sodaine this answere . such as it is , receiue , ( reverend brother ) and peruse it , and either send it abroad into the light of the world , or set on a light fire . farewell . from your friend , ios . exon . to pope vrbane the eight , bishop of rome , joseph , bishop of exeter , wisheth sober witts , and christian charity . why may not the least prelate make bolde to reprooue the high priest ? i ask no leaue , nor is there any need ; i take the ancient liberty . there was not in olde time so much difference betweene eugubium and rome , nor betweene exeters ishe and tyber . hearken therefore now pope vrbane to that which ere long thou shalt heare of with heartlesse feare and trembling , at the dreadfull tribunall of christ. those blotts of blood are nothing well suiting a pastor of the christian flocke . what , maist thou like a dreadfull king of heralds proclaime warre ? what meanest thou that so eagerly thou provokest christian princes , too too full of blood , to the extirpating and horrid massacring their owne subjects ? was it for this , that the keyes were delivered to thy trust , that thou mightest open the barrd vp from gates of warre , and the yvory dores of infernall pluto ? alas the shadow of peter tooke these protestants of france for malchus , whose eares while he went about to cut off , he committed but a light errour , and hit them on the throates : or perchance it hath beene said to him from heaven of late , concerning these animals stabling in france , kill and eate ? what ? art thou pilot of the churches peace , and talkest of shining helmets , speares and swords ? what other houling could the she wolfe , the damme of thy romulus haue yelled out , if this fierce roaring become the folde of peter ? disgorge thy selfe as much as thou wilt , and stale vpon the ashes of vnhappy rochell , and scatter with thy blustering breath the most despised dust of that most miserable city ; yet withall call to minde a little , how not many ages past the predecessor of this lowis , though thine owne lowis now , broke open the gates of rome , mouldred the walls , dispersed the citizens , and condemned thy predecessour to a dark dungeon , lading him with bitter scoffes and curses . neither shall many years passe againe , ( vnlesse my divining spirit be much mistaken ) before babylon fall , and the angell shout , and the world congratulate with amazement : rochells case shall be thine owne case ere long , thou most forlorne of all cities . happy he who shall render thee like for like ; who also shall dash out the braines of thy children against the stones . in the meane time fraight thy selfe with our miseries , laugh at our teares , make merry at our last gaspes , sing to our sighes , and applaud our vexations . there is a iust avenger who lookes downe from heaven , whose rod we kisse , and gaspe after his revenge on thee at once . pleade thou our cause , nay thy cause ô god , j say thine alone . why may not confident innocency appeal to thee her judge ? if in the whole structure and fabrick of our most holy religion by vs hitherto professed , there be any one thing which hath proceeded from the most impure fountain of mans invention , let it even perish , yea let it vtterly perish and bee banished to their purgatory . but if wee haue not dared to profter any thing to the christian world , except what thou hast inspired to thy prophets and apostles , and by these thy pen-men , which could not deceiue , wouldest haue delivered most faithfully to thy people : surely then either most happily wee erre with thee , ô god of trueth ; or thou wilt defend with vs this eternall and onely evangelicall religion . but thou wilt say that wee poore wretches are deceived , that it is piety ( no doubt ) which we accuse of cruelty ; that it is the zeale of the house of god , whereby good bishop thou art so set on fire , that thou hast so importunely wished and counselled the rooting out all at once of the heretickes abiding in france . o brazen brow , ô adamantine heart : we call god , the angels , and saints as witnesses of this so hainous reproach . for those whom thou falsely brandest with the markes of heresie , thou shalt heare at length , when the church shall acknowledge them for her sonnes , and christ for his members . for what ( i call god to record ) doe wee teach , which the holy scriptures , the councils , the fathers , the churches , the christian chayres haue not with one consent alwayes held ? for all those points which wee professe , the most approoved authors among you doe maintaine them all . there are indeede certaine late superstructions and patches of opinions which you would haue superadded to the ancient faith. those we most religiously reject , and do constantly ever refuse them : they are humane , they are yours . lastly , they are either doubtfull , or impious . and must we therefore being christian soules , needes bee cast out of the lap of the church ? must we forthwith be delivered vp to bee devoured by fire and sword ? must we being throwne downe to hell by the thunderbolt of a curse , there burne for ever ? is this all the matter why the stall and shambles , are all the provision your holinesse makes for such animals as vs ? god! see the papall iustice and mercy . this is the meer iniury of time . that was not heresie of olde , which is so now ; if we had beene borne in the ancient times of the church , before that romane primacy , image-worship , transubstantiation , the sacrifice of the masse , purgatory , the private or halfe communion , the selling of pardons , and other like brood of this hatch was knowne to the christian world , heaven lay open truly to vs , no lesse then to other godly soules of that more simple age , who happily tooke flight from hence in the true falth of christ. but now that wee haue beene reserved vnto the doting age of the world , in which a certaine new off-spring of articles haue begun to spring ; it is capitall to vs , and to bee corrected with no lesse punishment then the continuall torments of hell . consider this all ye christians that liue in any place of the earth , how farre is it from all justice and piety , that a new faith can be created in after time by humane judgement vnheard of in antient ages , which may adjudge posterity to hell , for not beleeving that which the first , christians never heard of , and yet went to heaven ? these greene fresh witts of a politicke religion , are in truth the men which most outragiously perplex the world , wherever the name of christ is heard of . these are they who set at variance among themselues the kings of the earth , who otherwise it is like would bee peaceable . these rent kingdomes , distract people , dissolue societies , nourish seditions , lay waste the most flourishing countries , and lastly doe bring the richest cities to ashes and confusion . but ought these things thus to be done ? doe wee thinke that this will bee found a just cause of deadly warre , or of a massacre at the tribunall of the great iudge ? awake oh ye christian princes , and thou especially king lowis , into whose eares those mischiefs are so vncivilly & cruelly whispered : awake at length and see how cursed fiercenesse deviseth to put it selfe vpon your maiestie after the most mischievous manner vnder a pretence of piety . they are your natiue subiects whom these forreiners require for the slaughter , yea they are christs , and what ? would you bath your hand , or sword , in the blood of those for whom christ shed his , who lavished most freely for you and your great parent their owne ? heare sir , i beseech you , whose stile is among your subjects , levvis the ivst . if we did worship any other god , any other christ then yours , if we aspired to any other heaven , if we held any other creed , or baptisme , if in a word wee did make profession of a new church , leaning vpon other foundations : there would be cause verily why you shold destinate such hereticks remaining in france to revengefull flames . if your people haue violated any thing established by the god of vs all , or lawfully appointed by your selfe , we verily craue no pardon ; let them smart who haue deserved stripes , it is just ; but make not havocke of the servants of your owne god , and of your owne subiects , whom religion it selfe makes faithfull vnto you . suffer not for a few yesterdayes and superfluous patches of humane invention , and will-worship , added to the christian religion , that they perish who haue beene willing to redeeme your and your fathers safety and renowne , vvith the greatest hazard of their owne liues ; suffer them to liue by you , by whom you now raigne . but if they were not yours , yet remember that they are christians , ( vvith vvhich title your subiects are vvont superlatiuely to honour you as most christian ) and that you are washed in the same font , bought with the same blood , and renued by the same spirit ; and in a vvord ( vvhatsoever vaine furie thundereth out to the contrarie ) they are the sonnes of the spouse , and the brothers of the heavenly bridgegroome . but these doe erre from the faith . from vvhich faith i pray ? not from the christian , but the romish . novv vvhat a prodigious thing is this ? christ condemnes not these , yet the pope doth . if your great chancellor of paris vvere novv aliue , hee vvould freely teach his sorbôna , ( vvhich of olde he did ) hovv that the pope hath not power ( that i may vse his ovvne vvord ) to hereticate any proposition . yea , but an vniversall councel hath condemned thē ? which councell vvas that ? the trent . i am deceived if that councell as yet hath beene received and approved in your dominions . consult vvith your antient authors of best credit , they vvill tell you hovv vniust a councell it vvas , yea hovv it vvas no councell at all ; that vvhatsoever vvas done or established by that company being enthralled to seven-headed rome , vvas but the act of one bishop . lastly , consider i beseech your maiestie , hovv the reformed are not in some kinde to the papists , as the papists are to the reformed . heresie is alike sharplie vpbraided on both sides . but doe vve deale so roughlie vvith the professours of the romish religion ? did vve ever rage vvith fire and sword against the papall faith ? see , vvas ever the crime of a conscience miserablie misled accounted capitall ? it may be you may finde , ( yet verie seldome ) perchance some impudent masse-priest , a despiser of publick lawes , a sower of sedition , to haue received his condigne punishment . but no papist , ( i speake confidentlie ) vvas ever put to death meerelie for the cause of religion , or losse either of head or limbe . why doest not thou then : oh sonne of most milde and clement henry , carrie thy selfe alike tovvard thy faithfull subiects vvho innocentlie professe the reformed religion ? why doth not your maiesty , take order that it may be a trap for no man to haue worshipped god according to the scriptures , and the practise of the antient church , and that it may be lawfull for your subjects to be trulie pious . and thou pope vrba● , at last come to thy selfe , and consider how well this cruell sentence becomes thy purple robes . it becomes not him to carrie a sheepe-crooke , but a sword , that will furrow vp that field . nor is this net belonging to fishing , but rather to the fencing schooles of the ancient romish gladiators . beautifull are the fee●e of them that preach peace , saith the prophet , we may say now of thee farr otherwise , hatefull are the hands of them that preach warre . if thou hadst anie portion in the gospell of christ , thou mightest easilie judge that all things there sound peace , gentlenesse , meekenesse , concord . this revenging spirit was not sent but from hell . not the least sound of an hammer is heard in gods temple ; but you good man will haue the holie church of god filled with the clangor of trumpetts , and the clashing of semiters , and the groanes of men ready to dye . therefore open thy eare at length ô thou who proudlie scornest the judgements of all mortall men . that which heretofore our holie and learned robert bishop of lincolne is reported to haue done to thy predecessour , that doe i now to thee . let it be lawfull for me now to summon thee to the fearefull tribunall of almightie god , to which thy trembling and fearefull ghost shall shortlie be brought to render accompt of that thy bloody advice . in the meane while , if thou hast anie care or thought to flie from the vvrath to come , and escape eternall vengeance , repent . a breeve of ovr holy father the pope to the king . vpon the taking of rochell . printed at paris in st. james street by edmond martin , lying at the golden sunne . . with allowance from authority . pope vrban the eight . ovr most deare sonne in christ vve send you greeting and apostolicall benediction ; the voice of reioycing and salvation is in the tabernacles of the righteous , let the vvicked see this and fret , and let the synagogue of satan consume avvay . the most christian king fighteth for religion , the lord of hosts fighteth for the king. we verilie in this mother cittie of the vvorld triumph vvith holie ioy , vve congratulate this your maiesties victorie , the trophies vvhereof are erected in heauen , the glorie vvhereof the generation that is to come shall neuer cease to speak of . novv at the length this age hath seene the tovvre of rochell no losse impregnable by the obstinacie of treacherie then strength of nature surrendered to the king and st. peter . neither is any so foolish as to ascribe this glorious victorie rather to happinesse then to vertue . by your long siege of many months you haue taught vs that europe oweth your french legions no lesse commendation for their constancy , then for their expedition ; your armie going cleere away with the victorie over your enemies , by slighting all dangers , & induring all hardnesse devoteth their life vnto you , & promise you an absolute triumph of conquered heresy . the waters of the ocean made a noise and were troubled , fighting for the besieged rebels , they made choise of death rather then a surrender , vndermining treacherie approached even to your maiesties tents , hell all opened her mouth vomiting out troupes of mischiefes and dangers , to the end so rich a fort might not be taken away from their impietie . the lord stood on thy right hand , thou hast not onelie ouercome the forces of thine enemies , but thou wart able also to put a bridle vpon the ocean aiding them . let vs all giue thanks to almightie god who hath deliuered thee from the contradictions of the vnbeleeving people . how beie sith you are not ignorant with vvhat care the fruits of victories ought to be preserued left they perish , there is none can doubt but that in a short time all the remainder of the hereticks that haue got stable roome in the french vineyard shall by you be vtterlie discomfited . the church desireth that this diademe of perfect renowne be put vpon that helmet of salvation wherewith the lord mightie in battell seemeth to cover the head of your majestie : for we belieue shortly that all tumults being appeased in france the glistering ensigne of lewis the conquerour shall shine to the captiue daughter of sion , rehearsing the french trophies , and beholding the brightnesse of your lightning lance : god who performeth the desire of them that feare him prosper our desires and the prayers of the catholick church . our nuntio vvho was an eye-witnesse of your princelie glorie in your tents , will be a faithfull interpreter of our pontificall gratulation to your majestie , on whom we most lovingly bestow our apostolicall benediction . given at rome at s. mary the greater vnder the seale of the fisher , the eight and twentieth day of november , in the yeare of our lord . and the sixt year of our pontificate . invrbanitati pontificiae responsio ios . exoniensis . amico mihi plvrimvm colendo do. gilberto primerosio , s. theo l. professori ; ecclesiae gallicae londinensis pa stori : regiae mati . a sacris . monstrabat mihi modò tourvalus noster , gente gallus , epistolam , latino idiomate typis editam , vrbani papa , pro more , tumidam , & sanguinolentam , ludovico galliarum regi , pridem datam ; in quâ , vbi bonus pontifex jo paean canorè cecmisset rupellensi victoriae , regi simul ac genti abundè gratulatus , descendit illicò , fatis inclementer , ad saevum illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , et , haereticorum in gallia stabulantium prostigationem acriter vrg●t , & impellit ; continere manum non potui , quin me subitò in chartas darem ; arripio calamum : responsionem non meditor , sed effundo ; quicquid est , habe , vir venerande , et lege , & vel igni trade , vel luci . vale. a tuo ios . exon . vrbano viii . pontifici romano , josephvs exoniensis sanam mentem , et charitatem . qvid ni vero pontificem maximum compellare ausit minimus episcorum ? non peto veniam , nec opus est ; priscâ vtor licentiâ : non ita nimium distabat olim ab eugubio roma , aut isca meus à tiberi . audi modò pontifex vrbane , quod brevi pro tremendo christi lribunali pallidus exaudies ; pastorem christiani gregis parum decent hae sanguineae liturae : tune vt ad arma , tristis praeco , conclames ? tune vt christianos principes , nimio-quàm plenos cruoris , ad profligationem suorum , clademq , horrendam acriter instiges ? ideone tibi creditae claves , vt ferratas belli portas , eburneasque ditis inferni aperires ? euge , petri vmbra , numquid hi tibi malchi videntur , quibus dum aures praecidere voluisti , levi errore in guttura incidisti ? aut nunquid de quadrupedibus hisce in gallia stabulantibus dictum tibi pridem caelitus , occide et manduca ? tune pacifice rector ecclesiae , vt coruscantes galeas , hastas , gladios loquaris ? qualem verò sonum edere potuisset lupa tui romuli , si ista petri caulam non dedeceat truculenta vox ? conspue , quantum lubet , et comminge cineres infaelicis rupellae , et diffla superbo spiritu , conculcatissimum miserrimae vrbis pulverem : recognosce interim paululùum , quàm non multa transierunt saecula , ex quo haereditarium ludovici , íam tui , sceptrum , romae portas confregerit , comminueritmaenia , cives dissiparit , praecessoremque tuum sannis , dirisque onustum , caeco carcere mulctârit . sed neque tot deinceps excurrent anni ( nisi me praesaga futurimens nimiùm fefellerit ) antequam cecidisse babylonem , et clamabit angelus , et gratulabundus orbis obstupescet : tuae erunt aliquando hae vices , vrbium perditissima : faelicem sanè illum , qui paria tibi quaeque retulerit , quique parvulorum tuorum cap ta saxis identidem illiserit . fruere tu intereà miseriis bisce nostris , arride lachrymis , exhilararè suspiriis , eiulatibus accine , applaude cruelatibus , est qui de caelo suo profpicit iustus vltor , cuius nos , vnà et exosculamur virgam , et inbismus vindictae : causam tu nostrant age , ô deus , imo tuam , tuam solius : quid ni te provocet arbitrum audax innocentia ? si quid vspiam est in toto hoc sacrosanctae , quam profitemur hactenus , religionis negotio , quod ex humani cerebri impurissimo fonte prodierit , pereat sane nobiscum , pereat penitissimè , et ad inferos suos meritò relegetur . quòd si nos nihil vnquam christiano orbi propinare ausi , nisi quod tu prophetis tuis , apostolisque inspiraveris , perque illos ( fallere nescios ) amanuenses populo tuo fidelissimé traditum volueris , scilicet , quin aut nos tecum fielicissimé erramus , ô deus veritatis , aut tu nobiscum aeternam hanc et vnicè evangelicam religionem tueris ? fallimur verò miselli , pietas est , ilicet , quam nos crudelitatis insimulamus : zelus est dómus dei , quo , bonus pontifex , ita totus accenderis , vt haereticorum ad vnum omnium in gallia stabulantium extirpationem et optaveris , et suaseris importuniùs . o frontem ! o viscera ! deum , angelos , sanctos , testes appellamus huius tam atrocis contumeliae : nempe , quos tu hereseos stigmate selsò inuris , audies demùm vbi ecclesia filios , christus membra salutaverit : ecquid enim ( per deum immortalem ) docemus nos , quod non scriptura , non concilia , non patres , non ecclesia , cathedraeque christianae vnanimiter semper temuerunt ? nimirum , quae nos profitemur , vestri ipsorum probatissimi authores tenent vniversa : quid ergo rei est ? sunt revera quaedam nupera opiniorum assumenta , quae vos avitae fidei superadiecta voluistis , ista nos piissimè reiicimus , et constanter vsque recusamus : humana sunt , vestra sunt : denique aut dubia sunt , aut iniqua : ideone vero vt christianae animae ex ecclesiae gremio eiiceremur ? vt ferro flammisque absumendi traderemur illico ? vt in baratbrum diabols , fulmine anathematis devoluti , arderemus aeteruùm ? ideone belluis et stabulum paratur et laniera ? justiciam , deus bone , et misericordiam pontificiam ! mera haec temporis iniuriae est : non fuit ea olin haeresis , quae nunc est : si priscis eaclesiae temporibus nasci nobis contigisset , ante quam primatus iste romanus , iconolatria , transubstantiatio , sacrificium missaticum , purgatorium , communio sive singularis , sive dividiata , indulgentiarum nundinatio , et huius farinae reliqua orbi christiano innotuissent , patuisset profecto nobis caelum , non minùs quam caeteris , piis simplicioris illius aevi animabus , quae in vera christi fide faeliciter evolârunt : jam verò in eam nos servatos fuisse mundi senectam , in quâ , nova quaedam suboriretur articulorum soboles , laetale nobis erit , neque minore paenâ quam perpetuis gehennae cruciatibus luendum . cogitate hoc , quotquot vspiam terrarum agitis , christiani , quàm sit ab omni iustitiâ et charitate alienum , vt nova subinde humano arbitrio creeter fides , priscis seculis inaudita , quae morti aeternae devoveat incredulos nepotes , quos antiqua veritas caelo adscivisset . recentes hi , scilicet , politicae religionis apices , illi sunt , qui orbem vniversum ( qua qua patet christi nomen ) immane quantum conturbârunt : hi sunt qui committunt inter se pacatissimos ( absque hoc foret ) terrae dominos , scindunt regna , populos distrahunt , dirimunt societates , seditiones fovent , florentissimas regiones vastant , vrbes denique opulentissimas in cineres rediguunt . siccine verò fieri oportuit ? putamusne hanc iustam funestissimi belli , internecionisque causam , pro summi judicis tribunali aliquando probatum iri ? evigilate christiani principes , tuque inprimis , ludovice rex , cui ista tam inurbanè , crudeliterque insufurrata sunt , evigila demùm , et vide quàm tibi sub pretextu pietatis , dira feritas pessimis modis imponere studuerit . tui sunt isti quos ad caedem deposcunt alienigenae ; christi sunt ? tune vero vt manum gladium ve imbueres illorum sauguine , pro quibus christus profudit suum ? qui suum pro te , ac magno parente tuo lubentissimè prodegerunt ? audi tu , quaeso , qui justus audire soles apud tuos , monarcha : si nos , alium a tuo deum , christum alium coleremus , si aliud ambiremus caelum , si symbolum aliud , aliud baptisma ; si novam denique aliis mixam fundamentis , ecclesiā profiteremurtesset profectò , cur haereticos in gallia stabulante , flammis vltricibus destinares : si quid populus tuus vel a cōmuni deo sancitum , vela te legitimè institutum violarit , non deprecamur herelè vindictam ; vapulent qui merucrunt , aequum est . noli interim saevire in dei tui servos , in cives tuos , quos ipsa religio praestat fideles : noli sinere vt propter hesterna quaedam , planèque superflua , humani ingenit adiectamenta , meramque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , pereant ij , qui tuam patrisque tui salutem ac gloriam , sunimo vitae suae discrimine redimere voluerunt ; sine per te vivant illi , per quos tu modo regnas : quòd si tui non essent , memento tamen ( quo te titulo maximè insignire solent tui ) christianos esse , eodem et fonte lotos , et emptos sanguine , et spiritu renatos : caelestis denique ( quicquid vanus intonet furor ) sponsae filios , sponsi fratres . at , errant hi scilicet a fide . quâ tandem ? non christianâ certè sed pontificiâ . quid vero hoc monstriest ? non damnat hos christus , damnat pontifex . si superesset modò magnus ille tuus cancellarius parisiensis doceret is liberè sorbonam ( quod olim fecit ) suam , quàm non sit penes pontificem , propositionem aliquam ( verbo vtar suo ) haereticare . atqui , concilium fecit hoc insuper oecumenicum quodnam vero ? tridentinum . fallor , si hoc in galltis obtinere potuerit hactenus , merueritve : consul● tuos integer rimaepridē fidei authores , dicent illi tibi quā iniquū , quàm nullum fuerit : vnius erat pontificis quicquid a caetu illo ( multicipiti romae mancipto ) factum sancitumve . cogita denique obsecro , quàm non alio in loco sint reformati pontificijs , quàm pontificij reformatis : atque acriter exprobari solet haeresis vtrinque . siccine verò agitur apud nos romanae religionis asseclis ? vnquamue gladio , aut incendio saevitum istîc in fidem pontificiam ? eccui vnquam capitale fuit hoc miseré hallucinantis conscientiae crimen ? est vbi comperies ( rarò tamen admodum ) audacem forte aliquem sacrificum , legum publicarum contemptorem , seditionis flabellum , paenam luisse meritissimam , sed merae religionis causam ( fidenter dico ) nemo vnquam pontificiorum aut capite luit , aut membro . quintu , clementissimi henrici fili , pariter te geris erga tuos , qui reformatam religionem innocentissimè profitentur : quin faxis , nemini vt fraudi siet secundum scripturam sacram , veterisque ecclesiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , deum coluisse , liccat tuis esse veré pios . tu verò redi ad te demùm , vrbane pontifex , et recole quàm haec purpuram tuam probé deceat atrox sententia : non pedum profectò , sed ensem gestârit oportet , qui istud exaraverit ; neque piscatorium est hoc rete sed theatricum , et myrmillonicum . spetiosi pedes evangelizantium pacem , inquit propheta ; nos hîc de te paulò aliter : odiosae manus praeconizantium b●lla : si qua tibi sors in evangelio jesu christi obtigisset , facilé sentires pacem istîc sonare omnia , leuitatem , mansuetudinem , concordiam : non nisi ex inferno missa est dira erinnys . ne levissimus quidem mallei sonus exauditur in templo dei. tu vero , ô bone , ecclesiam dei sanctam impleri vis clangore tubarum , ictibus caedentium , morientium eiulatibus . audi , ergo , demùm , tu , qui mortalium omnium iudicia superbe refugis , quod , olim , robertus noster sanctus pariter et doctus lincolniensis episcopus praecessorituo fecisse dicitur , id ego tibi nunc facio : fas mihi sit indicere tibi verendum omnipotentis dei tribunal , pro quo tremens horrensque tibi anima brevi sistetur , sanguinolenti istius consilii rationem redditura . interim , si valere mavelis , resipisce . bref de n. s. pere le pape av roy sur la prise de la rochelle . avec la traduction en francois . a paris , chez edme martin , ruë s. jaques , au soleil d'or . m. dc . xxix . avec permission . vrbanvs pp . viii : charissime in christo fili noster salutem & apostolicam benedictionem . vox exultationis & salutis in tabernaculis iustorum , videat peccator & irascatur , & synagoga satanae contabescat . militat rex christianissimus pro religione , militat deus exercituum pro rege . nos certé in hac orbis patria sacro gaudio triumphamus , gratulamur maiestati tuae victoriam , cuius trophaea constituuntur in caelo , cuius gloriam generatiō ventura nunquam conticescet . rupellam arcem non minus obstinatione pevfidiae , quàm naturae munimentis inexpugnabilem , vidit tandem haec aetas regi & b petro subditam . neque sanè quisquam adeò desipit , vt tàm gloriosam palmam acceptam referat selicitats potiùs quam virtuti . diuturnâ tot mensium obsidione docuisti europam gallicis legionibus te regnante debere non minorem constantiae laudem quàm celeritatis . tibi autem periculorum contemptu & incommoderum patientia clarè victor exercitus vitam devovet , & perfectum prostligatae haeresis triumphum auguratur . sonuerunt & turbitae sunt aquae oceani militantis obsessis perduellibus , mors deditione potior videbatur , ad ipsa maiestatis tuae castra cuniculos egit perfidia . omnino dilatavit os suum infernus e vomens scelerum & periculorum turmas , ne tam opulentum propugnaculum impietati eriperetur . stetit dominus à dextri tuis , non modò devicisti hostium copias , sed ipsi etiam etiam auxiliari oceano potuisti fraenum iniicere . gratias agamus omnes omnipotenti , qui eripuit te de contra dictionibus populi non credentis . ceterùm cùm scias qua cura custodiendi sint victoriarum fructus ne marcescant , nemo est qui ambigat à te reliquias omnes haereticorum in gallica vinea stabulantiū propediem prostligatum iri diadema hoc perfecti decoris imponi cupit ecclesia illi galeae salutis , qua armatum maiestatis tuae caput ipse protegere videtur dominus potens in praelio . speramus enim fore vt gallia omni pacata illucescant coruscationes lvdovici triumphatoris captivae filiae sion francica trophaea commemoranti & intuenti splendorem fulgurantis hastae tuae . vota nostra atque catholicae ecclesiae secundet deus , qui voluntatem timentium se faciet . interea nuntius noster qui regalis gloriae spectator incastris adfuit , luculentus erit pontificiae gratulationis interpres maiestati tuae , cui apostolicam benedictionem amantissimè impertimur . datum romae apud s. mariam maiorem , sub annulo piscatoris , die vigesimo octauo novembris , anno . pontificatus sexto . reverendo in christo patri , viro jncomparabilj , iosepho hal episcopo exoniensi , gilbertvs primirosivs s.p.d. hev quantum potuit terrae pelagique parari hoc quim ciuitea fuderunt sangutue dextra gallorum ? sed paci intercedit inurbanae frontis homo vrbanvs iix . pontifex romanus , qui exhalaus foedos soedo de pectore ructus , bullante diro cruore bvila , forocibus minacijs venosa , &c saeva adulatione tumente , optimo regi , sed praepopero ac servido in martem ingenio , in fidissimos cives , qui nisi fuissent non esset ipse , funesta inflat classica ; brevique grandiloquo & cruento sub annulo piscatoris asperrimam studijs belli gentem iterum in brevia & syrtes civilis , hoc est creperi & periculosissimi belli cerebrosus & imperitus nauclerus impingit : nulla regis , nulla regionum omnium facile reginâ . quas solexoriens curru fugiente vaporat . nulla religionis maiore curâ : sed magis vt regi & regno anxias & inexplicabiles sollicitudines conficiat ; vt humanissimos cives , non in piscatoriâ petri naviculâ lentos incurvans gurgiter mos evangelici hami felici piscatu ex vndosa turbarū civiliū salo piscator hominum humaniter ducat ad salutem , sed in antichristi praetoria navi gubernacula tenens , bvilarvm & brevivm enormi harpagone pyrata nefarius christianos inhumaniter praedetur ad caedem . vt solenni pontificum romanorum more , quod in vrbium densis vicis à grassatoribus nocturnis neri amat , belli facem accensam in vicina regna conijciat , vt bonis civibus ad eum restinguendum undique discurrentibus , ille impune trahar , rapiat , populetur , foedet , conculcet omnia ; et ardente christi ecclesiâ , immaníssimí neronis decessoris sui instar , laetificum cum spintrijs suis trojae percuntis excidium canat : sic sua quemque in , cribit facies . verum — vt multos mensesque diesquè , non tamen aetatem tempestate hac scelerosi laetabuntur . nam ecce quàm opportunè , tv praesvl amplissime , coelestis & infracti pectoris fervente robore romanum illum miserandae sortis on igrum in arce tarpeiâ stabulantem , & sono intempestivo rudentem , stili tui acumine , veluti clavis & fustibus , compescis : tu bestiae bipedis è limo & è fimo erepentis lunata cornua elegantis libelli malleo retundis : tv rufo draconi aere ciere vitos , martemque accendere campo , nimis quam bono , incestum & clamosum os suggillas : tv papam superbientem , & sublime caput coelo audaci nisu inferentem , cuius ad nutum intereunt , labuntur , enni rursum omnia versum , modestissimo scripto humilitatem & modestiam doces : tv marculum qui dura robora ferri in orthodoxorum perniciem multorum magnis tuditantium igniba ' tundit , cyclopum polyphemo extorques , & pausam tuditandi facere jubes : tv trepidantia jampridem babylonis moenia à coenosis magni illius exitialium mendaciorum architecti congesta coementarijs . qui nihil amplim vnquam quam commune lutum è paleis , coenumque aceratum rugosi passique senes eadem omnia quaerunt , variorum librorum multis vigiliis feliciter elucubratorum , velut oscillo penduli impetus hactenus arietasti , vexasti , dissipasti : tandem optimae notae libello , non ad ostentationem , sed ad vtilitarem composito , & mitissima responsione , sulphureas omnium calamitatum fornaces , quas nebvchadnetsar romanus adversus christi confessores immitissimo edicto accendi jubet , pro virili tuâ parte à christi ecclesiâ prohibes & depellis . tv quos indomitae illius belluae consiliarij atque administri in danieles nostros leonum famelicorum dentes exacuunt , verbi divini forfice comprehendis , concutis , & confringis : quos ille indocilis pacisque bonique , omnium malorum fecalis & pater patratus , principes rerum potentes in arma feralia exequiali & tragico carmine movet et protrudit , tv pacis aeternae praeco ab armis discordibus revocas , et ad piam christi pacem , christianaeque charitatis tranquillum portum fortiter occupandum suasissimae scriptionis dulci et docto celeusmate fidus celeustes provocas . frvstra omnia , illum si spectes qui nequam & magnus homo , laniorum immane ' canes vt distento & fulmineo rictu christianorum sanguini inhiat , cuique cibus cadavera , potus cruor est : quibus dum se ingurgitat , toto orbe christiano tristibus vlulante plangoribus , ille laetis vlulat triumphis , io paean , io trivmphe nobis obganniens , velut gallinaceu ' cum victor se gallus honestè sustulit in digitos , primoresque erigit vngues , coquelico canorâ voce in fimeto occinit . vt illa meretrix purpurata , martyrum sanguine ebria , quae reges quos philtris suis intoxicavit , bvllarvm aculeatarum majoribus stimulis in cruda adversum christum praelia suscitat ; vt ille desperatae salutis homo , peccati & perditionis filius tuum illud resipiscu discat , spes nulla superest . nam si tv hos fluctus vndasque è gurgite salso tollere decrerit , ventum prius haematicum tv ventum , inquam , t●ll●● . illi enim neque est cor quo paveat , neque seeur quo amet , neque fel quo sibi irascatur , neque frons quâ erubescat : illi gamiae , illis ingluviosis quibus cingitur raso capite ministris solis vovere fui est occ●piti ●ae●● , & edictis vetare ne quisquam hic faxit ●l●tu 〈…〉 , & sacra capita reprehendat . nam vos romulida vobis ignoscitis , & quae turpia cerdeni , papam sacrosque decibune presbyteros . at tv , antistes dignissime , eos liberâ ad vrbanvm responsione liberas doces audire voces , & ingratijs discere , in anglia & mutire fas esse , & fine scrobe alta voce exclamare , auriculas asini papam & cardinales habere . qvantvm autem ego fideli erga me amicitiae tuae debeam , reverende pater , quod mihi homini privato tantus eruditione , pietate , dignitate praesvl , responsionem illam inscribere voluisti , nec rudi calamo exprimere , nec linguâ inexplanata expromere , nec impari mente consequi possim : scilicer , vt episcopum decet , tui semper similis es , id est optimus : honores novos adeptus veterem amicitiam non deponis , & magnus licet sis , omniumque bonorum votis minor , ad minima te demittis . qvod vero electissimum scriptum meó arbitrio stare aut cadere , prodire aut latere , malignâ ignis flammâ extingui , aut praeclarâ doctorum luce frui , publici iuris , aut in mei solius bonis esse iubes , id vero modestiae est tuae quae inter maltas & claras virtutes quae in te maximae sunt & clarissimae , in scriptis in voce , in vultu , in óculis , in composito mentis habitu , in totâ viâ tuâ fulgentibus gentibus micat radijs , velut inter ignes lunae minoret : macte ista morum suavitate , quâ aperto vivens ostio , & facta tua omnia ad pietatis & rectae rationis obrussam exigens , quod vir bonus solet , qui iudex ipse sui iotum se explorat ad vnguem , quid proceres , vanique ferat quid opinio vulgi securut : teque ipsum semper verens , omnium quotquot te novere , quique tuos in scriptis & nitida oratione pellucentés moras vidêre , amorem tibi conciliasti . ma●te iterum atque iterum praeclarae eruditionis gloriâ , ultissimâ rerum divinarum & humanarum scientiâ , literatissimis variarum disciplinarum monumentis quibus tibi jure merito iucundi & nervosi oratoris , christiani senecae , clarissimi & doctissimi theologi nomen comparasti , quod vivet seclis innumer abilibus . sed age eat qui donomeus est bonus libellus , qui aaro est nobilier novus libellus . eat pedibus celer , per alpium aeternis horrentium nivibus juvias rupes , per appennini ardua & praerupta iuga viam sibi faciat arcem sanctangeli velox conscendat conscendat , angelo satanae vrbi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 securè procul extra teli ja●tum incubanti in faciem narret , esse in anglia episcopos haud paucos qui inhumanae & infestae pccori lupae , sub ovina pelle regibus & populo christiano rumae horrende lac ferinum immulgenti , personam alienam detrahere , bestiam ovium sanguinis sitientem à christo caulis arcere , ecclesiae laeta & pura pascua à turpi spumantium oprorum dente & foedo lutu●entarum suum rostro pura & intemerata conservare : aesopicam corniculam petri & pavli plumis insolescentem furtivis coloribus nudare , cvcvli romani , qui christianos omnes pro gvrrvcis habet ; ova in ipso dei templo pos●●● apertur●dere ; meretricem babylonicam christiani nominis cerussa & minio fucatam traducere : & possint quia doctissimi , & velint quia integerrimi . atque vt odor illa morte in mortem sit , quia resipiscere dedidicit , denuntiet vt tota mente atque omnibus artubus contremiscat , appetente jam die illo decretorio , quo ardebit babylon , meretricis magnae negotiatores & adulteri omnes lugebunt , diabolus mundi seductor , bestia & pseudopropheta in stagnum ignis & sulphuris praecipites abibunt , aeternas justè irato numini paenas daturi ; filiumque perditionis . dignus principio exitus , exodiumque sequetur . interea temporis veni domine iesu , veni ; antichristum se truci efferentem rabie in vnctos tuos comprime : hostibus tuis , qui asperum paternae castigationis tuae viuum nobis plenis cyathis educendum dedere , acinosas & pannosas indignationis tuae faeces plenis dolijs exhauriendas invitis & reluctantibus porrige . captivam sionis filiam ferreo aegyptiacae servitutis jugo oppressam liberali causâ manu assere : lvdovici regis fulgentes hastas , coruscantes enses , arma mortali fulgore crispantia , tormentorum bellicorum horrisona fulmina in ipsum pseudoprophetam , & lutosos babylonis muros converte , vt fatidicum vatem veri nescium sua sibi mala laeva mente verè profatum esse pudeat & poeniteat : ecclefijs transmarinis solidam pacem subdolis ereptam artibus , restitue : damna nos voti , & hanc qua major britannia tuo solius benificio fruitur pacem & tranquillitatem nobis fidam , posteris vero nostris perpetuam praesta . huic autem aureo libello da vt vivat vigeatque , antichristo principum invidiam conflaturus , ecclesiae tuae almam pacem coagmentaturus : eiusque autori largere benificus , vt vitâ honestissimè & sanctissimè in terris acta , coelo potiatur , vbi tecum immortali ave summâ cum pace fruatur . amen . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e obiection . answere . obiection . answere . the lord inchiquins queries to the protestant clergy of the province of munster, with theyr answer to the said queeres as also sir richard blagues speech, chaireman to the assembly of the confederate catholicks at killkenny, made to his excellence the lord marquis of ormond upon signing of the articles of peace : and his exellencies answer to sr. richard blagues speech. queries to the protestant clergy of the province of munster inchiquin, murrough o'brien, earl of, - . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing i ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing i estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the lord inchiquins queries to the protestant clergy of the province of munster, with theyr answer to the said queeres as also sir richard blagues speech, chaireman to the assembly of the confederate catholicks at killkenny, made to his excellence the lord marquis of ormond upon signing of the articles of peace : and his exellencies answer to sr. richard blagues speech. queries to the protestant clergy of the province of munster inchiquin, murrough o'brien, earl of, - . blake, richard, sir, d. . ormonde, james butler, duke of, - . [ ], p. printed by samuell broun ..., hage : . "published by his majesties special command" reproduction of original in cambridge university library. eng catholic church -- ireland. protestants -- ireland. a r (wing i ). civilwar no the lord inchiquins queries to the protestant clergy of the province of munster, with theyr answer to the said queeres. as also sir richard inchiquin, murrough o'brien, earl of a this text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - jonathan blaney sampled and proofread - jonathan blaney text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the lord inchiqvins queries to the protestant clergy of the province of munster , with theyr answer to the said queeres . as also sir richard blagues speech chaireman to the assembly of the confederate catholicks at killkenny , made to his excellence the lord marqvis of ormond upon signing of the articles of peace . and his exellencies answer to sr. richard blagues speech . published by his majesties special command . hage : printed by samuell broun english bookeseller , dwelling in the achter-om at the signe of the english printing house . anno m.dc.xlix . the lord inchiqvins queries to the protestant clergie of the province of munster . mr. dean boyle i desire you to propose these severall queries to the clergy , and returne me their cleer and conscientious answer to them . i. whether the clergie , living under the protection of his majesty in this province , do conceive themselves obliged by conscience to give obedience to his commands , and the authority placed under him , for the preservation of the english protestant party here , and the armie under their command ? and whether there be not the same engagement upon them to use their utmost endeavours possible to confirme , and settle all fluctuating persons to the like obedience ? and whether all contrary practises be not blameable ? ii. whether their endeavours thereunto ought not to be shewed by them in their publique ministery ; videlicet their prayers and sermons , which they shall exercize themselves in , at their publique meetings , and assemblyes of the people , and in their other devotions , and discourses also ? iii. whether prayers uttered in these assemblyes , though with pretenses to performe that duty before mentioned , may include in them suppositions scandalous against either the person , right goverment , or pious affections of the king , or his ministers ? and whether any that doe so , may not be rather said to accuse them before god , and men , then any way to assist them in the preservation of the people , or army under their commands , in amity and obedience ? iv. can it be lawfull , or approved in conscience , that the ministers should present to the people the mysteries of state ( if they came to their knowledge ) or to manifest unto them their owne apprehensions ( if not sufficiently understood ? ) and if so by what authority ? to what intent ? or end ? if not , ought they not to keepe themselves within their owne line , preaching faith , and good manners , with obedience to the civill magistrate ? inchiquin . the protestant clergy of munsters answer to the lord inchiquins queres . in obedience to your honors commands wee have taken the queres into our consideration , and unanimously returne this answer . to the first quere . first . wee acknowledge , that wee , who live under the protection of his majesty in this province , are bound , by our duty towards god , and our othes of allegeance , and supremacy , to give obedience to him , as to our leige lord , and supreme governour in all causes , and over all persons , as well ecclesiasticall , as civill . secondly . wee acknowledge , that by the same tye of conscience towards god , & duty towards our soveraigne , wee are bound to obey all lawfull authority placed under him , and over us , and in particular , that which is now established in the hands of the most honorable the lord marques of ormond , lord lieutenant generall of this kingdome : together with that in your lordships management , as lord president of this province , and generall of the protestant forces in these parts , and wee freely professe our selves , not onely bound to obey your honor but likewise to glorifie god on your behalfe , as the happie instrument of the preservation of the remnant of protestants that remaine in these parts , and more especially of our selves , as ( under god , and our soveraigne ) the principle patron , and protector of us in this church ; for which , as wee promise our free & cheerfull obedience , so wee desire to paye our willing devotions to god for you that he would allwaies remember you for good concerning this , and wipe not out the good deeds you have done for the house of god , and for the officers thereof . thirdly . wee confesse it our duty , and shall endeavour the performance of it , to the utmost of our power , to labour , by all meanes possible , to fixe , and confirme all wavering persons in theire due obedience to this authority establisht , as the most probable meanes to preserve the protestant partie , and the army under your honors command . fourthly . wee cannot but acknowledge , that all contrary practises are justly blameable before god & man , and wee utterly disclayme , and disavowe all dictates , and discourses whether by word , or writing , which in any wayes tend to raise up the peoples jealousie of the piety , and good inclination of our governours towards us . to the second quere wee acknowledge it a part of our ministeriall duty , in our publique exercises , to endeavour , from the word of god , to instill the doctrine of obedience to civill magistrates into the breasts of the people , and having planted that doctrine , to water it with our prayers , and weede up contrary opinions by our discourses publique , and private , and this wee conceive the meanes to prevent intestine broyles amongst us , and to stop the effusion of blood , and settle us in a quiet & peaceable life , in all godly conversation and honesty . to the third quere . wee acknowledge wee owe the magistrate the duty of our hearts , and knees ; supplications , and prayers , and intercessions , and giving of thanks is to be made for all men , especially for kings , and all that are in authority ; but as for any scandalous suppositions against theire persons or goverment , wee esteeme them contrary to the method of christian prayers , which teacheth us to lift up holy hands without wrath , and therefore to be avoyded as libells , and rayling accusations , rather then humble supplications and such as are faulty here in ( if any such be amongst us ) wee desire them to rectify theire devotions in this particular . to the fourth quere . wee acknowledge that the cheife and principall subject of ministers in their sermons should be in instructing of the people in the right faith of the gospell , good life and manners , and that theire discourses should noe way intrench upon the civill goverment , or transactions of state businesses , to detract from them , by possessing the people with any scandalous suppositions , which may alienate their affections , and obedience to them , and that they should not communicate any mysteryes of state ( which may be thought fit to be imparted unto them ) without the speciall comand of those which have immediate authority reposed in them . kobert nayler . hilke hussey . bern. packington . edward singe . david bovild . andrew chaplin . rob. shawe . rich. germine . phil. fitz symons . hen. copley . iohn goddard . iohn hall . tho. blackwell . iohn godfrey . sirach gilsland . tho. bennet . rich. burgh . mich. boyles . iohn snary . iames dyer . morgan mundyn . iohn stawell richard boile . iames cox. edward fenner . tho. roberts . rue wight . charles coldwell . beniam hearne lewis frix . edward iohn . anthony procter . tho. hacket . nept . blood . israel taylor . henr. rugge . tho. frith . rob. browne . phil. holmes . florence corty . rob. baily . edward eyres . edmund grayne . sir richard blagves speech chaireman to the assembly of the confederate catholicks at killkenny , made to his excellence the lord lieutenant , upon signing of the articles of peace . may it please your excellence . i am commanded by the prelacie , nobility , and gentrie of the roman catholiques of ireland , now assembled in this citty of kilkenny , to present unto your excellencie theire ardent zeale ( naturally engrafted in theire hearts ) to theire sacred soveraigne king charles his service , unto whom they ever have bin , are , and will be , most faythfull , & loyall subjects ; and in the next place , theire great affection to your excellencie , and the never dying memory they entertaine , and will retayne of your most noble and succesfull endeavours in the joynting , & setting together of the much disordered frame of this kingdome . former cessations , accommodations , and capitulations did but skin over the deepe , & wide wounds that were , and are in the body of it . they received no life or perfection , they abortively perished in the embryo , and vanished into the ayre : but the peace ( that by the great mercy of god , by the influence of his majestye's graces , and by the ministery , and cooperation of your excellencie , is now to be established ) will prove , ( as with joy & confidence wee expect ) a firme , stable , and lasting peace , a peace that will cure these bleeding wounds , search to the very roote , and plucke out all the splinters that remaine of them : a peace that will ( as wee hope , and is the height of our desires , as it shall be of our endeavours ) reinvest his majestie in his just , due , and royall rights , and prerogatives , and will restore this nation to its former luster , plenty , and tranquillity : such a peace as allready ends all our doubts , feares , and jealousies in a mutuall confidence & rejoycing , and will make all the members of this generall assembly ( an assembly , unto which the present and future ages will justly give the glorious name of the peace-making assembly ) after their many distractions , and long continued sufferings , to returne unto theire severall respective countryes , and dwellings , with olive branches ( the emblems of peace ) in theire hands , and the words in theire mouthes that were said of our saviour , when upon his entrance into the citty of naim , he mett with the funeralls of a dead young man , the onely sonne of his following weeping mother , whom ( gratiously compassionating her teares ) he restored from death to life , the words were , and not unaptly to be applyed to our present condition , ecce propheta magnus surrexit in nobis , & quiae deus visitavit plebem suam . most excellent lord , ( whom god allmighty hath preserved , and lead , as it were , by the hand , through a sea of troubles & dangers , to be the happie , & essentiall instrument , to mediate , actuate , and now consummate this great worke , and to make ireland ( like the heavenly ierusalem ) to be a citty at unity with in it selfe , i cannot sufficiently expresse the sence , and joyous exultancie of these most venerable prelats , most honorable lords , most juditious , and gallant gentry , the representative body of the roman catholiques of this kingdome , nor with what fervor and ardor they expect to reape the blessed fruites ( which they have so long sighed for , and did sowe in theire blood & teares ) of this peace , and of your excellencie's goverment of this kingdome , unto which , being derived from his majestie ( who is the spring from which these graces and favours flowe upon them ) they will humbly and heartely pay all due obedience . your excellencie's fast , and tryed fidelity to his majestie , your owne great interest in the kingdome , and the many great parts and talents that god and nature have plentifully endowed you with , giving them assurance , that your goverment will produce effects sutable to theire expectation , and that will answer theire desires . it much transcends my weake abilityes to represent them , theire affections , apprehensions , and hopes , in theire right and lively colours , and therefore i humbly begg , that your excellencie will vouchsafe to give a benigne and favourable interpretation to what , by theire commands , i have endeavoured humbly to offer unto your grave judgement , and consideration , and that your excellencie will be pleased to signe this instrument , the everlasting record , and monument of this blessed peace , as by their commands ( it having bin solemnly and unanimously by them so voted ) i have had the honour , ( a greater honour then my lowe , & humble thoughts ever aspired to ) in their chaire to signe this counterpart thereof , and , in all their names , most humbly to present it to your excellencie . his exellencies answer to s r. richard blagues speech . my lords and gentlemen . i shall not speake to those expressions of duty and loyalty , so eloquently digested into a discourse , by the gentleman appointed by you to deliver your sense , you will presently have in your hands greater and more solid arguments of his majestyes gratious acceptance of them , then i can enumerate , or then perhaps , you your selves discerne , for , besides the provision made against your remotest feares of the severity of certaine lawes , and besides many other freedomes , and bountyes conveighed to you , and your posterity , by these articles . there is a doore , and that a large one , not left , but sett open to give you entrance , by your future meritts , to whatsoever of honour , or other advantage , you can resonably wish , so that you have in present fruition what may abundantly satisfye , and yet there are no bounds set to your hopes , but you are rather invited , or , ( according to a new phrase , but to an old & better purpose ) you seeme to have a call from heaven , to excercise your armes and uttermost fortitude , in the noblest , and justest cause the world hath knowen ; for let all the circumstances , incident to a great & good cause of warr , be examined , and they will be found comprehended in that which you are now called warrantably to defende , religion ; not in the narrow circumscribed definition of it , by this , or that late found out meanes , but christian religion , is our quarrell , which certainly is as much , as fatally struck at ( i may say more ) by the blasphemous lycence of this age , then ever it was by the rudest incursions of the most barbarous and most avowed enemyes to christianity . the venerable lawes , and fundamentall constitutions are trodden under impious , and , for the most , mechanique feete . the sacred person of the king ( the life of those lawes ) under an ignominious imprisonment , and his life threatned to be taken away by the sacrilegious hands of the basest of the people that owe him obedience ; and , to endeare the quarrell to you , the fountaine of all the benefitts you have but now acknowledged , and of what you may further hope for by this peace , & your owne meritts , is now in danger to be obstructed by the execrable murther of the worthjest prince that ever ruld these islands . in short , hell can adde nothing to the desperate mischeife now openly projected . and now judge , if a greater , a more glorious feild was ever sett open to action ; and then prepare yourselves to enter into it , and receive these few advices from one throughly embarqued with you in the adventure . first . lett me recommend unto you , that to this , as to all other holy actions , you would prepare yourselves with perfect charity , a charity that may obliterate whatsoever of rancours a long continued civill warr may have contracted in you agamist any that shall now cooperate with you in so blessed a worke , and lett his engagement with you , ( who ever he is ) be , as it ought to be , a bond of unity , of love , of concord , stronger then the nearest tye of nature . in the next place , marke , and beware of those that shall goe about to renew , or create jealousies in you , under what pretense soever , and accompt such as infernall ministers , imployed to promote the black designe on foote , to subvert monarchy , and to make us all slaves to those that are so to theire owne avaritious lusts . a way assoone , and as much as possibly may be , with those distinctions of nations , and of partyes , which are the feilds where in the seeds of those ranker weeds are sowen by the great enemy of our peace in the last place , lett us all divest ourselves of that preposterous , that ridicilous ambition , and selfe interest , which rather leads to our threatned generall ruine , then to the enjoyment of advantages unseasonably desired . and if at any time you shall thinke yourselves pincht too neare the bone by those taxes , and leavyes that may be imposed for your defense , consider then , how vaine , how foolish a thing it will be , to starve a righteous cause for want of necessary support ; to preserve yourselves fatt and guilded sacrifices to the rapine of a mercilesse enemy . and if wee come thus well prepared to a contention , so just , on our part , god will blesse our endeavours with successe and victory , and will crowne our sufferings with honour , and patience ; for what honour will it not be , ( if god have so determined of us ) to perish with a long glorious monarchy ? and who can wante patience to suffer with opprest princes ? but as our endeavours , so lett our prayer be , vigorous , that they may be delivered from a more unnaturall rebellion then is mentioned by any now raised to the highest pitch of successe against them . i should now say some thing to you for my selfe , in returne to the advantagious mention made of me , & my endeavours to bring this settlement to passe : but i confesse my thoughts were wholy taken up with those much greater concernements ; let it suffice , that as i wish to be continued in your good esteeme and affection , so i shall freely adventure upon any hazard , and esteeme no trouble a difficulty too great to encounter , if i may manifest my zeale to this cause , and discharge some part of the obligations that are upon me to serve this kingdome . finis . newes from italy of a second moses or, the life of galeacius caracciolus the noble marquesse of vico containing the story of his admirable conuersion from popery, and his forsaking of a rich marquessedome for the gospels sake. written first in italian, thence translated into latin by reuerend beza, and for the benefit of our people put into english: and now published by w. crashavv ... historia della vita di galeazzo caracciolo. english balbani, niccolo, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a stc estc s 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) newes from italy of a second moses or, the life of galeacius caracciolus the noble marquesse of vico containing the story of his admirable conuersion from popery, and his forsaking of a rich marquessedome for the gospels sake. written first in italian, thence translated into latin by reuerend beza, and for the benefit of our people put into english: and now published by w. crashavv ... historia della vita di galeazzo caracciolo. english balbani, niccolo, d. . crashaw, william, - . [ ], , - p. printed by h[enry] b[allard] for richard moore, and are to be sold at his shop in saint dunstans church-yard in fleetestreete, [london] : . a translation of: balbani, niccolo. historia della vita di galeazzo caracciolo. printer's name from stc. running title reads: the life of galeacius caracciolus, marq. of vico. reproduction of the original in cambridge university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng vico, galeazzo caracciolo, -- marchese di, - . protestants -- italy -- biography -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - derek lee sampled and proofread - derek lee text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion newes from italy of a second moses or , the life of galeacivs caracciolvs the noble mar quesse of vico. containing the story of his admirable con uersion from popery , and his forsaking of a rich marquesse dome for the gospels sake . written first in italian , thence translated into latin by reuerend beza , and for the benefit of our people put into english : and now published by w. crashavv batcheler in diuinitie , and preacher at the temple . in memoria sempiterna erit iusius . psalme . . the iust shalf be had in an euerlasting remembrance . printed by h. b. for richard moore , and are to be sold at his shop in saint dunstans church-yard in fleetestreete . . to the right honorable and my very good lord , edmund lord sheffeild , lord lieutenant in the north , and lord president of his highnes counsell there , of the noble order of the garter : and to the right honourable and religious ladies , the lady dowglasse his mother , and lady vrsula his wife , and to all the vertuous of-spring of that noble race , grace and peace , &c. give me leaue ( right honourable ) to put you all in one epistle , whom god and nature haue linked so well together : nature in the neerest bond , and god in the holiest religion . for a simple new-yeares gift , i present you with as strange a story , as ( out of the holy stories ) was euer heard . will your honours haue the whole in briefe , afore it be laid downe at large ? thus it is . galeacius caracciolus sonne and heire apparent to calantonius , marquesse of vicum in naples , bred , borne , and brought vp in popery , a courtier to the emperour charles the fift , nephew to the pope paul the fourth , being married to the duke of nucernes daughter , and hauing by her six goodly children ; at a sermon of peter martyrs was first touched , after by reading scripture and other good meanes , was fully conuerted : laboured with his lady , but could not perswade her . therefore that he might enioy christ , and serue him with a quiet conscience , he left the lands , liuings , and honoures of a marquesdome , the comsorts of his lady and children , the pleasures of italy , his credit with the emperour , his kinred with the pope , and forsaking all for the loue of iesus christ , came to geneua , and there liued a poore and meane , but yet an honourable and an holy life for fortie yeares . and though his father , his lady , his kinsemen ; yea the emperour and the pope did all they could to reclaime him , yet continued he constant to the end , and liued and died the blessed seruant of god , about fifteene yeares agoe , leauing behind him a rare example to all ages . this ( right houourable ) is a briefe of the whole , and it is a story admirable and imitable if any other in this later age of the world . some vse to craue of great personages , not to respect the gift but the giuer : but in this case i contrariwise intreat your honours , not to respect the giuer but the gift : of the giuer i say enough if i say nothing ; but of the gift , i meane of noble galeacius , i say too little , when i haue said all i can . but this i must needs say : so religions , so noble , so vertuous was the man , so resolute , so holy , so heroicall was the fact , so strange the beginning , so admirable and extraordinary the perseuerance , as if the story were not debased by the rudenes of my translation ; i durst say , none so great but might reade it , nor so good but might follow it . i may say much rather then iacob , few and euill haue my da●●s beene : yet in these few daies of mine something haue i seene ; more haue i read , more haue i heard ; yet neuer saw i , heard i , or read i any example ( al things laid together ) more neerely seconding the example of moses then this , of this most renowned marquesse galeacius . moses was the adopted sonne of a kings daughter : galeacius the naturall sonne , and heire apparent to a marquesse : moses a courtier in the court of pharaoh : galeacius in the court of the emperour charles the fift : moses by adoption a kinne to a queene : galeacius by marriage a kinne to a duke : by blood , sonne to a marquesse , nephew to a pope : moses in possibility of a kingdome : he in possession of a marquesdome : moses in his youth brought vp in the heathenisme of egypt : galeacius noo●eled in the superstition of popery : moses at last saw the truth and embraced it , so did galeacius : moses openly fell from the heathenisme of egypt ▪ so did galeac us from the superstition of popery . but all this is nothing to that which they both suffred for their conscience . what moses suffred saint paul tels vs : moses when he was come to yeares refused to be called the sonne of pharaohs daughter : and chose rather to suffer aduersitie with the people of god , then to enioy the pleasures of sinne for a season ; steeming the rebuke of christ greater riches then the treasures of egypt : nay moses had rather be a base bricke-maker amongst the oppressed israelites , being true christians ; then to be the sonne of a kings daughter in the court of pharaoh amongst idolaters . in like case noble galeacius , when he was come to yeares and knowledge of christ , refused to be called sonne and heire to a marquesse , cup ▪ hearer to an emperour , nephew to a pope ; and chose rather to suffer affliction , persecution , banishment , losse of lands , liuings , wife , children ; honours , and preferments , then to enioy the sinfull pleasures of italy for a season ; esteeming the rebuke of christ greater riches then the honours of a marquesdome without christ : and therefore seeing hee must either want christ or want them , hee dispoyled himselfe of all these to gaine christ . if ( right honourable ) the wife fooles of this world might haue the censuring of these two men and their actions , they would presently iudge them a couple of impassionate and stoicall fellowes , or else melancholike and brame-sicke men , to refuse marquesdomes and kingdomes for scruple of co nscience : but no matter as long as the men are saints in heauen , and their actions honoured of god and his angels ; admired of good men , and neglected of none , but those who as they will not follow them on earth , so are they sure neuer to follow them to heauen . so excellent was the fact of moses , and so heroicall , that the holy ghost vouchsafes it remembrance both in the olde and new testament , that so the church in all ages might know it and admire it : and doth chronicle it in the epistle to the h brewes , almost two thousand yeares after it was done . if god himselfe did so to moses , shall not gods church be carefull to commend to posterity this second moses ? whose loue to christ iesus was so zealous , and so inflamed by the heauenly fire of gods spirit , that no earthly temptations could either quench or abate it ; but to winne christ , and to enioy him in the liberty of his word and sacraments , he delicately contemned the honors and pleasures of the marquesdome of vicum . vicum one of the paradises of naples : naples the paradise of italy : italy of europe : europe o ▪ the earth : yet all these paradises were nothing to him , in comparison of attaining the celestiall paradise , there to liue with iesus christ . if any papists ( musing as they vse , and measuring vs by themselues ) do suspect the story to be some fained thing , deuised to allure and intise the peoples minds ; and to set a flourish vpon our religion , as they by a thousand false and fained stories and mirables vse to doe . i answere , first in the generall ; farre be it from vs and our religion to vse such meanes , either for our selues , or against our aduersaries : no , we are content the church of rome haue the glory of that garland : popery being a sandie and a shaken , a rotten and a tottering building needs such proppes to vnderset it : but truth dare shew her selfe , and feares no colours . but for the particular , i answere : cunning liers ( as many monkes were ) framed their tales of men that liued long agoe , and places a farre off and vnknowen ; that so their reports may not too easily be brought to triall . but in this case it is far otherwise ; the circumstances are notorious ; the persons and places famously knowen : vicum , naples , italy , geneua , are places wel knowen : calantonius his father , charles the fist , his lord and master , pope paul the fourth his vncle , were persons well knowen : examine either places or persons , and spare none ; truth seekes no corners ; disproue the story who can , we craue no sparing : neither is the time too farre past , but may soone be examined . he was borne within these hundred years , and died at geneua within these twenty yeares : and his sonnes sonne at this day is marquesse of vicum . let any papist doe what he can , he shall haue more comfort in following the example , then credit in seeking to disproue the storie . in the course of my poore reading ( right honourable ) i haue often found mention of this noble marquesse , and of his strange conuersion ; but the storie it selfe , i first found it in the exquisit library of the good gentleman master gee ; one that honours learning in others , and cherisheth it in himselfe ; and hauing not once red it , but often perused it , i thought it great losse to our church to want so rare a iewel ; and therfore could not but take the benefit of some stolne houres to put the same into our tongue , for the benefit of my brethren in this realme , who want knowledge in italian and latine tongues . and now being translated , i humbly offer and consecrate it to my holy mother the church of fngland ; who may reioyce to see her religion spredding it selfe priuily in the heart of italy ; and to see the popes nephew become her sonne . and next of all vnto you ( right honourable ) to whom i am bound in so many bonds of duety , and to whom this story doth so fitly appertaine . you ( my honourable good lord ) may here see a noble gentleman of your own rank in descent , birth , education , aduancements like your selfe ; to be like you also in the loue and liking of the same holy religion . and you good madam , may here conceiue & iudge by your selfe , how much more happy this noble marquesse had bin , if his lady madam victoria had bin like your selfe . i meane , if she had followed and accompanied her lord in that his most holy and happy conuersion . and you all ( right honourable ) in this noble marquesse as in a crystal glasse , may behold your selues : of whom i hope you wil giue me leaue to speake ( that which to the great glory of god you spare not to speake of your selues ) that you were once darknes , but now are light in the lord : blessed be that god the father of light , whose glorious light hath shined into your hearts : behold ( right honorable ) you are not alone ; behold an italian ; behold a noble marquesse hath broken the ice , and troden the path before you : in him you may see that gods religion is as well in italy as in england : i meane that though the face of italy be the seat of autichrist , yet in the heart thereof there is a remnant of the lord of hosts . you may see this noble marquesse in this story now after his death , whom in his life time so many noble princes desired to see . his body hath lien in the bowels of the earth these seuenteene yeares , but his soule liues in heauen in the bosome of iesus christ , and his religion in your hearts , and his name shall liue for euer in this story . accept it therfore ( right honourable ) and if for my sake you will vouchsafe to read it once ouer , i dare say that afterwards for your owne sake you will read it ouer and ouer againe : which if you do , you shall find it wil stir vp your pure minds , & inflame your hearts with a yet more earnest zeale to the truth : and wil be an effectuall meanes to increase your faith , your feare of god , your humility , patience , cōstancy , and al other holy vertues of regeneration . and for my part , i freely & truely professe i haue bin often rauisht with admiration of this noble example ; to see an italian , so excellent a christian , one so neere the pope , so neere to iesus christ ; and such blessed fruit to blossome in the popes own garden ; and to see a noble man of italy forsake that for christ , for which , i feare , many amongst vs would forsake christ himselfe . and surely ( i confesse truth ) the serious consideration of this so late , so true , so strange an example , hath bin a spur to my slownes , & whetted my dul spirits , and made me to esteeme more highly of religion then i did before . i know it is an accusation of my selfe , & a disclosing of my own shame to confesse thus much ; but it is a glory to god , an honour to religion , a credit to the truth , and a praise to this noble marquesse , and therefore i will not hide it . and why should i shame to confesse it ? when that famous & renowned man of god , holy caluine freely confesseth ( as in the sequell of this story you shall heare ) that this noble mans example did greatly confirme him in his religion , and did reuiue and strengthen his faith , and cheere vp all the holy graces of god in him . and surely ( most worthy lord , and honorable ladies ) this cannot but confirme and comfort you in your holy courses , and as it were put a new life vnto the graces of god in you , when you see , what ; not the common people , but euen such as were like your selues haue suffred for religion ; and when you see that not only the poore and baser sort of men , but euen the mighty and honourable ( as your selues are ) doe thinke themselues honored by embracing religion . pardon my plainenes and too much boldnes with your honors , & vouchsafe to accept it as proceeding from one who much tendreth your saluations , and reioyceth with many thousands more , to behold the mighty & gracious work of god in you . goe forward right noble lord , in the name of the lord of hosts , still to honour that honorable place you hold , stil to defeat the vaine expectation of gods enemies ; and to satisfie the godly hopes and desires of holy men : still to discountenance popery and all prophanenes : stil by your personall diligence in frequenting holy exercises , to bring on that backward citie : by your godly discipline in your familie , to reforme or to condemne the dissolutnes and disorder of the most great families in this country : stil to minister iustice without delay ; to cut vp contentions , & saue the lawyers labour : still to relieue the fatherlesse and the widow , and helpe the poore against their oppressors : and which is all in all , still to supplant superstition , popery , ignorance , and wilfull blindnes ; and to plant and disperse true religion in that citie , and these northern countries . by al these meanes still shewing your selfe an holy and zealous phinehes ( vnder the great phinehes our most worthy soueraigne ) to execute gods iudgement , and to take vengeance on the zimri and cozbi of our nation : namely , on popery and prophanenes ; the two great sinnes which haue pulled downe gods plagues on our land , and the due and zealous punishment whereof , will be the meanes againe to remoue them . but i wrong your honours to trouble you with these my too many and too ragged lines : and i wrong this noble gentleman to cloth his golden story with this my rude and home-spun english stile : and i wrong you all to keepe you so long from being acquainted with this noble marquesse , so like your selues ; at whose meeting and acquaintance i am sure there will be so much reioycing , and mutuall congratulating at the mighty and gratious worke of god in you all . the same god and mercifull father i humbly beseech , and euer will , to accomplish his good worke in you , as he did in that noble marquesse : and as he hath already made you so many waies blessed ; blessed in your selues , blessed one in another , blessed in your conuersions , blessed aboue many , in your many and religious children : so at last he may make you most of all blessed in your ends ; that so after this life , you may attaine the eternall glory of a better world , whither this noble marquesse is gone before you . from my studie , ian. . . your honours in all christian duety , w. crashavv . to the cristian and courteous reader . good reader , conceiue i pray thee , that this translation being made diuers yeares agoe , and communicated to my priuate friends ; i thought to haue suppressed it from spreading further : but being pressed by importunitie , and vrged with vnauoidable reasons , i haue now yeelded to let it passe in publike : the rather considering , that though at this day almost euery houre yeeldes a new booke , yet many ages affoord scarce one example like to this . i haue diuided it into chapters for thy better ease in reading and remembring : and seeing i find in other authors often mention of this noble marquesse , and his heroicallfact : i haue therefore not tied my selfe precisely to the words of the latine story , but keeping the sense and scope , haue sometime inlarged my selfe as the circumstance seemed to require , or as i had warrant and direction from other stories . reade it with an holy and an humble heart , and prayer to god , and account me thy debter , if thou thinke not thy labour well bestowed . and when thou findest a blessing , and reapest spiritual comfort hereby , then vouchsase to remember me in thy prayers . temple , septem . . . thy brother in christ , w. crashavv . chap. . of the linage , birth , and infancy of galeacius caracciolus the noble marquesse of vico. my purpose is to commit to writing the life of galeacius caracciolus : as being a rare example of a most strange and seldome seene constancy in the defence of godlinesse and true christian religion . he was borne at naples , a renowned citie in italie , in the moneth of ianuary , in the yeare of christ . a his fathers name was calantonius , who was descended of the ancient and noble house of the caracciolies in the country of capua . this calantonius euen in his youth , was not onely well respected , but highly esteemed , and a familiar friend of that noble prince of orarge , who after the taking and sacking of rome , was placed in the roome of the duke of borben : yea his faithfulnesse and industry was so well approued to the prince ( as often times afore , so especially ) at the siege of naples , what time it was assaulted by lotrechius , as that afterward , when the emperour charles the fist of that name , ( who then was at rome to receiue the imperiall crowne and other ornaments of the empire ) did appoint the said prince with certaine forces , to go and besiege the citie of florence ; he thought it needfull to take the said calantonius with him , for his wisedome and graue counsell . from whence when that seruice was ended , he being sent to casar himselfe , he did so wisely demeane himselfe in all his affaires , and did so sufficiently satisfie the emperour in all things , that he made good in euery point , that worthy testimony which the prince had giuen of him ; whereupon he being at that time most honourably entertained of the emperour himselfe , was by him not only aduanced to the state and title of a marquesse , but also equally ioyned in commission with the viceroy of naples ( for his wisedome and experience in all kind of affaires ) to be assistant vnto him , and fellow with him in swaying the scepter of that kingdome . in which office and function hee so caried himselfe , as he wonne the good will of both small and great , as wel of the nobles , as of the commonalty : yea insomuch as he was deepely inuested in the fauour of the emperour charles and king philip his sonne . and so he continued in this dignitie till the last day of his life , which was in the moneth of february , in the yeare . he being himselfe more then three score and ten yeares of age . such a father , and no worse had this galeacius . as for his mother , she was descended of the noble familie of the caraffi : and her owne brother was afterward * pope of rome . which i affirm notto that end , as though this in it self was any true praise or honour to galeacius , but that his loue to true religion , and his constancy in defence thereof , ( euen against such mighty ones ) may appeare the more admirable to all that heare it , as it hereby did to all that knew him . ofwhich his loue to true religion , we shall speake more anon . galeacius being twenty yeares olde , and the onely sonne of his mother , who was now deceased ; his father calantonius being desirous to continue his name , to preserue his house and posteritie , and to maintaine his estate and patrimonie , whose lands amounted to the summe of fiue thousand poundes a yeare and vpward ; did therefore prouide him a wife , a virgin of noble birth , called victoria , daughter to the duke of nuceria , one of the principal peeres of italy , with whom he had in name of portion or dowrie sixe thousand fiue hundred pounds . he liued with his wife victoria vnto the yeare . at which time he forsooke house , familie , and country for religions sake : and in that time he had by his wife six children , ( foure sonnes and two daughters . ) his eldest sonne died at panorma , in the yeare . leauing behind him one sonne and one daughter : the sonne obtayning by inheritance the marquesdome of vicum ▪ ( amongst diuers other things ) married a wife of noble birth afore his grandfather galeacius died . by whom , as i heare , he hath two children , to whom this galeacius is great grandfather . now all these particulars doe i thus set downe to this end , that the perseuerance of so great a man may appeare the better by all these circumstances , which is no lesse then a most glorious victory ouer so many temptations . chap. ii. of his preferment at court , and the first occasion of his conuersion . the marquesse calantonius seeing so good hope of the continuance of his house and posterity , desiring not to preserue onely , but to increase and augment the dignity of his house , purposed therefore that his sonne galeacius should seeke further honour and follow the court. wherefore making offer of him to the emperour charles , he was most kindly entertained into the emperours house and seruice , and soone after was made the emperours gentleman-sewer . in which place and office within short time , he both wonne the fauour of the nobility , and the rest of the court , and grewe to be of speciall account euen with the emperour himselfe : for all mens opinion and iudgement of him was , that there was not one of many to be compared with him , for innocency of life , elegancy of manners , sound iudgement and knowledge of many things . thus galeacius was in all mens opinions , in the high way to all honour and estimation : for the prince whom he serued was most mighty , and the monarch of the biggest part of the christian world . but all this was little : for god , the king of kings , of his singular mercy and grace did purpose to call him to farre greater dignity , and to more certaine and durable riches . and this so great and rare a work did the lord bring to passe , by strange and speciall meanes . so it was that in those daies a certaine spaniard , a noble man , did soiourne at naplcs , who had to name iohannes waldesius : this gentleman being come to some knowledge of the truth of the gospell , and especially of the doctrine of iustification ; vsed often to conferre with , and to instruct diuers other noble men his companions and familiars , in points of religion , confuting the false opinions of our owne inherent iustification , and of the merits of good workes , and so consequently detecting the vanity of many popish points , and the fondnesse of their superstitions : by which meanes he so preuailed , or rather the lord by him , that diuers of these noble gentlemen began to creepe out of popish darkenesse , and to perceiue some light of the truth : amongst these , was there one iohannes franciscus caesarta , a noble gentleman and kinseman to this our galeacius . of this gentleman first of all did galeacius heare diuers things in conference , which seemed to him much contrary to the course of the vaine world ; yea much to crosse euen his age and estate , and course of life ; as namely of the true meanes of our iustification , of the excellency and power of gods word , of the vanity of the most of popish superstitions , &c. for galeacius esteemed and vsed this gentleman as his familiar friend , both being neere of his blood , and especially for that hee was ▪ a gentleman of very good parts . now although the speeches of this gentleman did not at the first so farre preuaile with him , as to make him forsake the vanities of this life ; notwithstanding it was not altogether in vaine : for that god which had ordeined him to be a speciall instrument of his glory , would not suffer so good seed to perish , though it seemed for a time to be cast euen amongst thornes : neither will it be beside the purpose to set downe particularly the meanes , which it pleased god to vse for the working of this strange conuersion : amongst which this was one . chap. iii. of the meanes of his further sanctification . at that time peter martyr vermilius a florentine , was a publik preacher and reader at naples . this man was a canon regular ( as they call them ) a man since then of great name , for his singular knowledge in christian religion , his godly manners and behauiours , and for his sweet and copious teaching ; for he afterward casting away his monkes coule , and renouncing the superstitions of poperie , he shone so brightly in gods church , that he dispersed and strangely droue away the darkenesse and mists of popery . galeacius was once content at caeserta his motion to be drawen to heare peter martyrs sermon ; yet not so much for any desire he had to learne , as moued and tickled with a curious humour , to heare so famous a man as then martyr was accounted . at that time peter martyr was in hand with pauls first epistle to the corinthians , and as he was shewing the weakenesse and deceitfulnes of the iudgement of mans reason in spirituall things , as likewise the power and efficacy of the word of god , in those men in whom the lord worketh by his spirit ; amongst other things he vsed this similie or comparison : if a man walking in a large place , see a farre off men and women dancing together , and heare no sound of instrument , he wil iudge them mad , or at least foolish ; but if he come neerer them , and perceiue their order and heare their musicke , and marke their measures and their courses , he will then be of another minde , and not onely take delight in seeing them , but feele a desire in himself to beare them company and dance with them . euen the same ( said martyr ) betides many men , who whē they behold in others a suddain and great change of their looks , apparell , behauiour , and whole course of life , at the first sight they impute it to melancholy or some other foolish humour ; but if they looke more narrowly into the matter , and begin to heare and perceiue the harmony and sweete concent of gods spirit , and his word in them , ( by the ioint power of which two , this change was made and wrought , which afore they counted folly , ) then they change their opinion of them , and first of all begin to like them , and that change in them , and afterward feele in themselues a motion and desire to imitate them , and to be of the number of such men , who forsaking the world and his vanities , doe thinke that they ought to reforme their liues by the rule of the gospell , that so they may come to true and sound holinesse . this comparison by the grace of gods spirit wrought so wonderfully with galeacius , ( as himselfe hath often tolde his friends ) that from that houre he resolued with himselfe , more carefully to restraine his affections from following the world , and his pleasures , as before they did , and to set his mind about seeking out the truth of religion , and the way to true happinesse . to this purpose he began to reade the scriptures euery day , being perswaded , that truth of religion and soundnesse of wisedome was to be drawen out of that fountaine , and that the high way to heauen was thence to be sought . and further , all his acquaintance and familiarity did he turne into such company , as out of whose life and conferences , he was perswaded he might reape the fruit of godlinesse and pure religion . and thus farre in this short time had the lord wrought with him by that sermon : as first , to considerwith himself seriously whether he was right or no : secondly , to take vp an exercise continuall of reading scripture : thirdly , to change his former company , and make choice of better . and this was done in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fortie and one , and in the foure and twentieth yeare of his age . chap. iiii. of the strange censures the world gaue of his conuersion , and how the better sort reioyced at it . bvt when this sudden alteration of this noble and yong galeacius was seene and perceiued in naples , it can be scarce set downe how greatly it amazed his old companions , which as yet cleaued to the world ▪ and to the affections of the flesh : many of them able to render no cause of it , could not tell what to say of it ; some iudged it but a melancholicke passion ; others thought it plaine follie , and feared he would become simple and doting and that his wit began by some meanes to be empaired thus euery one gaue his verdict and censure of him , but all wondred , and doubted what it would turne to . but the better sort of men and such as feared god , and had their mind enlightned with some knowledge of religion , as they wondred no lesse to see so great a change in so great a man , so likewise they were surprized with exceeding ioy to see it : for they were perswaded that god had some great and extraordinary work in it ; that a yong gallant , a noble man of such wealth , and honor as he was , liuing in such delight and pleasures , in so general a corruption of life , both in court and countrey , but especially this age , nobility , wealth and honour being ioyned with the wanton deliciousnes of the courtly life : i say , that such a man should bee indued with the spirit of holinesse , and so farre affected with repentance , as that he should contemne all those in respect of heauen ; they esteemed of it ( as it was indeed ) a rare matter and seldome seene in the world : and therefore they greatly reioyced at it , and praised the lord on his behalfe . amongst those men that thus reioyced at his conuersion , was one marcus antonius flaminius a scholar of great name , and an excellent poet , as his paraphrase on the psalmes , and other very good poems do sufficiently testifie . galeacius about this time receiued a letter from this flaminius , wherein ▪ he did congratulate and reioyce with him , for the grace and gift of god , which was besto wed on him in his conuersion . this letter i thought good to insert into the bodie of this story , ( as being worthy of no lesse ) to the end that it might be a witnes in times to come , of the good opinion which such men had conceiued of him , who knew the foundatiō of true iustification , thogh they were yet possessed with other errours , as about the sacraments , and of the masse , &c. which alas as yet they were not able to discerne of , as after by the greater grace of god this galeacius did . the copy of the letter is this . chap. v. marcus antonius flaminius a great scholar in italie , writeth to galeacius , and congratulateth with him , for his holy and happy change . to the right honourable galeacius caracciolus . right noble lord , when i consider seriously these words of paul. * brethren you see your calling , that not many noble , not many wise , according to the flesh , not many mightie are called : but god hath chosen the foolish things of this world to confound the wise , and weake things to confound the mightie , and base things in the world , and things not accounted of , and things that are not , to bring to nought things that are . when i say , i consider of these words so often , i admire at that rare blessing of god , which he hath vouchsafed to you a noble and mighty man : namely , that he should grace you with that true and incomparable nobility , which is attained by true faith in christ iesus , and a holy life . as much greater as this blessing is , so much the more holy and sincere ought your life to be , and so much the more vprightly are you to walke with your god ; lest that your thornes ( that is , riches , pleasures , and honours , ) should choke the seede of the gospell which is sowne in you . for this i am sure of , that god hath begun some great worke in you , which he will finish to the glory of his owne name , and will bring to passe ; that as heretofore you had care so to liue a noble man , amongst noble men , that you might obserue the decorum and maintine the dignity of nobilitie : so hereafter that you may employ your whole selfe in this , that you may defend and vphold the honor & dignity of the children of god ; whose duety it is to aime at the perfection of their father with al endeuors ; and in their life vpon the earth to resemble that holy & heauenly life , which they shal lead in the world to come . call to mind continually ( my good lord ) in all your words and deedes , that we are graced with this honour to be made the sonnes of god by iesus christ : for that mediation will by the helpe of the holy ghost , worke this care in vs , that we neuer commit any thing vnworthy of that holy name of christ , by which we are called . and yet alas , such is our estate , as that if we do endeuour to please christ , we are sure to displease men , and must bee content to contemne the vaine glory of the world , that we may enioy heauenly and eternall glory with god ; for it is impossible ( as christ saith ) for him to beleeue in god , which seekes the honour and praise of men . i meane of the men of this world , which as the kingly prophet saith , are lighter and vainer then vanity it selfe . and therefore their iudgement is little worth , and lesse to be esteemed ; but rather the iudgement of god , who seeth not all our actions onely , but euen our most hidden thoughts and purposes . which being so , were it not folly and madnesse to displease such a god , to please so fond a world ? it were a shamefull thing if a wife should endeuour to please other men , rather then her husband . how much more then vnworthy is it if our soules should rather ayme to please the vaine world , then their most holy spouse christ iesus ? if the onely sonne of god was content , not only to be reuiled , yea and scourged ; but euen to die vpon the crosse as a cursed malefactor , and all for vs : why should not we much more beare patiently the taunts and mockes , yea euen the slanders of gods enemies ? let vs therfore arme our selues as it were with a holy pride , and ( in a sort ) scorne and laugh at their mockes : and putting vpon vs mercy and pity as the feeling members of christ , let vs bewaile so great blindnesse in them , and let vs intreat the lord for them , to pull them out of that palpable darknesse into his true and marueilous light , lest satan binde them to himselfe in his euerlasting prentishippe ; and so being his bondslanes , and hired sworne seruants of his blacke guard , doe send them out to persecute iesus christ in his members . which when they haue done all they can , and all that the diuell their master can teach them , though the diuell himselfe should burst with malice , and they for anger grinde their teeth ; yet shall it all tend to the magnifying of gods glory , which they labour to obscure , and to the furtherance of their saluation whom they so disdained : yea to the increase of their glory in a better world , whom in this world they thought worthy of nothing , but of all disgrace . and surely ( my most honourable lord ) he that is possessed with the certaintie of this faith , will without doubt make open warre with the corrupt affections of his owne nature , and with all the world : yea euen with the diuell himselfe , and will not doubt but in time euen to ouercome them al. therfore let vs humble our selues to our god and father euerlasting , that he would increase that saith in vs , & bring forth in vs those most blessed & sweet fruits of faith in our harts & liues , which he vseth to work in them whom he hath elected : that so our faith being fruitful of good works , may appeare to be not a fained but a true faith : not a dead but a liuing faith : not a humane but a diuine worke in vs : that so it may be to vs an infallible pledge of our saluation to come . let vs labour to shew our selues the legitimate and vndoubted children of god , in seeking aboue all things , that his most holy name may be sanctified in our selues and others ; and in imitating his admirable loue and gentlenesse , which makes his sunne to shine on good and badde . let vs worship his heauenly maiestie in spirit and truth : and let vs yeeld vp the temple of our heartsto christ iesus as an acceptable sacrifice vnto him : yea letvs shew our selues members of the heauenly high priest christ iesus , in sacificing to god our owne bodies , and in crucifying the flesh with the affections and the lusts thereof ; that sinne being dead in vs , the spirit of god may create in vs a spirituall life , whereby christ iesus may liue in vs. let vs die to sinne , and die to our selues , and to the world , that we may liue blessedly to god and christ iesus : yea let vs acknowledge and shew by our liues , that we were once ●●ad ; but now are raised to the life of grace , by the power of christ iesus . let our conuersation be heauenly , though we liue on the earth : let vs begin that life here which we hope to lead in heauen : let the image of god shine bright in vs : let vs disgrace and weare out the olde image of sinne and satan , and labour to renue the image of christ iesus , that all that see vs may acknowledge gods image in vs. which holy image of grace , as it is beautifull and glorious in all gods saints ; so in you ( my good lord ) it shall be so much more glorious , in as much as you go before others in birth , nobility , honour , and high place . o what a pleasant sight is it to all true christian men ; yea to the angels ; yea how acceptable to the lord himselfe , to behold a man of your place and estate , so farre to forget the world and denie himselfe : so deepely to consider the frailty of his own nature , and the vanity of all temporal things as to say with christ , i am a worms and no man : and to crie out with dauid , turne thy face to me and haue mercy vpon me , for i am desolate and poore ? o happy and true rich man , which hath attained to this spirituall and heauenly pouerty , and can giue a farewell to himselfe , and the world , and all things that he hath for christs sake , and can freely renounce and forsake carnall reason , humane learning , company and counsell of friends , wealth , honours , lord shippes , pleasures of all sorts , delight of the court , high places and preferments , dignity and offices ; yea fauour of princes ; yea his owneselfe ! how welcome shall he be to christ , which can denie all those for christs sake ? such a one may go for a foole in the world ; but he shal be of the almighties counsell : such a man knoweth that felicity consists not in any thing that this world can afford , and therefore in the midst of all his wealth and abundance , he crieth out to god as though he had nothing , euen out of the feeling of his heart ; giue vs this day our daily bread . such a man preferreth the rebuke of christ before the honour of the world , and the afflictions of christs religion , before the pleasures of the world : and because hee despiseth all things in respect of christ , and his righteousnes , and is possessed and grounded with gods spirit ; therefore hee sings with true ioy of heart , with the kingly prophet ; the lord is my shepheard , therefore i can want nothing : neither will i feare hunger or any outward thing ▪ he feeds me in greene pastures , and leads me forth besides the water of comfort . this man distrusts himselfe and all the creatures in the world , that he may trust and cleaue onely to god : neither aimes he at any pleasure , any wisedome , any honour , any riches , any credit or estimation ; but such as comes from god himselfe : and therfore he professeth with the same prophet , i haue none in heauen but thee alone , and none in the earth doe i desire but thee : my slesh consumeth with longing after thee , and thou lord art my heritage and portion for euer . he that spake thus was a wealthy and mighty king , yet suffered he not the eyes ofhis mind to be blinded or dazled with the glittering glory of riches , pleasures , or honour , or ought else that a kingdome could giue : for he knew wel that they al came of god , and were held vnder god , and must all be vsed to his glory , and that he that gaue them hath farre better things to giue his children . and therefore that king and prophet makes his heauenly proclamation before al his people ; blessed art thou o lord god our father for euer and euer : thine o lord is greatnes , and power , and glory , and victory : all that is in heauen and earth is thine , thine is the kingdome lord , and thou excellest as head ouer all : riches and honour come of thee , and thou art lord of all : in thy hand is power , and strength , honour , and dignitis , and kingdomes are in thy disposition : therefore wee giue thee thankes o god , and we extoll thy great and glorious name . but who am i , and what is my people , that we should promise such things to thee ? for we are strangers before thee , and soiourners as all our fathers were ; our daies are like a shadow vpon the earth , and here is no abiding . see how dauid cannot content himselfe in abasing himselfe , and extolling the lord : and in how many words his affections vtter themselues . this was dauids meditation , and let this be your looking-glasse ; and into the looking-glasse of this meditation looke once a day , and pray daily that god would still open your eyes to behold your owne vilenesse ; and his incomprehensible power and loue to yee , that with king dauid you may humble your selfe vnder the mighty hand of his maiesty , and acknowledge all power and glory to belong to god alone , that so you may be made partaker of those heauenly graces , which god bestoweth not on the proud and lofty , but on the humble and meeke . remember that ordinance of the eternall god , that saith : let not the wise man glory in his wisedome , nor the strong man in his strength , nor the rich man in his riches , but let him that glorieth , glorie in this , in that he vnderstandeth and knoweth me , that i am the lord which doe mercy and iustice on earth : for these things please me , saith the lord. ( therefore my good lord ) if you list to boast , boast not as the world doth , that you are rich , or that you are of noble birth , or that you are in fauour with the emperour and other princes , or that you are heire apparant of a rich marquesdome , or that you haue married so noble a waman : leaue this kind of boasting to them , who haue their minds glued to the world , and therefore haue no better things to boast on : whose portion being here in this life , they can looke for nothing in heauen . but rather reioyce you in that you are entred into the kingdome of grace ; glory in this that the king of kings hath had mercy on you , and hath drawen you out of the misty darkenesse of errors , hath giuen you to feele his endlesse loue and mercy in christ , hath made you of the childe of wrath ▪ his owne sonne ; of a seruant to finne and the diuell , an heire of heauen ; and of a bondslaue to hell , a free denision of the heauenly ierusalem ; and glory in this , that euen christ iesus himselfe is giuen you , and made your owne , and with him all things else . so that as paul saith , all are yours , whether the world , or life , or death , things present or things to come , all are yours in and by christ , who is the onely felicity of our soules ; and therefore whosoeuer haue him , haue with him all thing else . this is the true glory and the sound boasting of christianity : for hereby is gods mercy extolled , and mans pride troden vnder foote , by which a man trusting too much to himselfe , rebelleth against god. this glorious boasting makes vs humble euen in our highest honours : modest and meeke in prosperity : patient and quiet in aduersity : in troubles strong and couragious : gentle towards all men : ioyfull in hope : feruent in praier : full of the loue of god , but empty of all loue of our selues or ought in the world : yea it makes vs christs true beadsmen , and his sworn seruants , and maks vs yeelde vp our selues wholly to imitate and follow christ , and to esteeme all things else as fraile and vaine ; yea dung and drosse that we may winne him . right honourable and my good lord , you see that i am so willingly employed in this seruice of writing to your honour , and in conferring with you of heauenly matters , that i haue forgot my selfe , or rather your honour , in being so tedious , which in the beginning i purposed not . i am priuie to my selfe and of my owneignorance ; and guilty of mine owne insufficiency , as being fitter to be a scholar then a teacher ; and to heare and learne my selfe , rather then to teach others : and therefore i craue pardon of your honour . farewell . the most reuerend embassadour desireth in his heart he had occasion to testifie indeede , that true good will which in his soule he beares you : in the meane time he salutes you , & so doth the illustrious princesse of piscarta her highnesse ; and all other the honourable personages which are with me ▪ all which reioyce for this good worke of god in you , and in all kindnes do kisse your hands ; and they do all earnestly intreat the lord for you , that he that hath begun so great a worke in you , would accomplish the same to the end : and the richer you are in temporall goods , in lands , and lord shippes , that he would make you so much the more poore in spirit ; that so your spirituall pouerty , may doe that which your worldly riches and honour cannot : namely , bring you at last to the eternall and neuer fading riches of the world to come : amen . farewell . from viterbium . your honours most humbly addicted , and most louing brother in christ , m. antonius flaminius . chap. vi. of the many temptations the diuell vsed to pull him backe , as by his father , his wife , and by noble men of his acquaintance . by this and other holy meanes galeacius was confirmed in the doctrine of the truth , and went forward constantly in the course of gods calling , and the way of godlines . but the more couragiously he went on , the more fiercely the diuell raged against him by his temptations ; endeuouring thereby to hinder him in that happy course : yea and if it were possible to driue him backe againe , which course lie commonly takes against those , who haue propounded to themselues to tame the rebellion of the slesh , and to relinquish the vanities of the world . and first of all , this zealous course of his in religion procured him an infinit number of mockes , and made him subiect to most vile slanders ; yea made him incurre the hatred of a great number , but especially did he herein displease & vex his father , as one that was not only of a contrary religion , but one who onely intended the honour of his house , and the aduancing of his posterity , which in respect of religion galeacius cared not for at all : and therefore he did often sharpely chide him , and charged him with his fatherly authoritie , to put away those melancholy conceits ( as hee termed them . ) no doubt but this was most grieuous to him , who alwaies was most submisse and obedient to his father . but another griefe did more inwardly afflict him , which was in respect of his wife victoria . who though she was alwaies a most kind and dutifull wife , as also very wise , yet shee would by no meanes yeelde to this motion and change of religion ; because she thought and feared it would breed infamy and reproch , to her self and her house ; and therfore was continually working on him by all meanes and deuices she could : labouring to mooue him by teares and complaints , and by all kinds of intreaty that a wife could vse to her husband : and withall sometimes vrging him with such vaine and fond reasons as commonly women of that religion are furnished withall . what a vexation this was , and what an impediment to his conuersion , such may iudge easily , who are cumbred with husbands or wiues of a contrary religion . and no little griefe and temptation was it to him , besides all these , that the most part of the noble men in and about naples ( being either of his blood , or kinred , or his familiar friends ) vsed continually to resort vnto him , to follow their old and ordinary sports and pleasures . alas how hard a thing was it to shake off all these on a sudden , and to take vpon him a direct contrary course of life to that he had ledde with them afore ; which he must needs doe if he would goe on as he had begun ? and further , it was no little vexation to his soule to liue in the court , when his office and place called him thereunto : for there hee might heare of any thing rather then of religion : and not a word by any meanes of gods word , but talke enough of common and worldly preferments and pleasures , and deuising of meanes for the most cruell handling and dispatching out of the way all such as should depart from the romish faith . any christian heart may easily conceiue how deepely those temptations and hinderances vexed his righteous soule in this his course towards god : insomuch as a thousand to one , they had turned him backe againe ; and doubtlesse they had done so indeed , had not god assisted him with speciall grace . chap. vii . how he escaped the snares of the arrian anabaptists , and ▪ after of the waldesians : and of his resolution to leaue his countrey , hono urs , and liuings , to enioy the liberty of gods religion . bvt aboue all these , satan had one assault strongest of all , whereby he attempted to seduce him from the true and sincere religion of god. about that time the realme of naples was sore pestred with arrians and anabaptists : who daily broched their heresies amongst the common people , colouring them ouer with glorious shewes . these fellowes perceiuing galeacius not fully setled as yet in religion , nor yet sufficiently groūded in the scripture , tried al meanes they could to intangle him in their errours and blasphemous fancies : wherein the mightie worke of god was admirable towards him : for he being a youth , a gentleman , but a meane scholar ▪ and little studied , and but lately entred into the schoole of christian religion ; who would haue thought that euer he could haue resisted and escaped the snares of those heretikes ; many of them being great and grounded scholars , and throughly studied in the scripture ? notwithstanding , by the sincere simplicity and plainnesse of gods truth , and the inspiration of the holy ghost , hee not onely descried the fondnesse of their heresies , but euen vntied the knots , and brake their nets , and deliuered himselfe , and mightily confuted them : yea such was the working of god , as being sometime in their meetings , hee was strongly confirmed in the doctrine of the truth by seeing and hearing them . thus by gods mercie he escaped and was conquerour in this sight . but the diuell had not so done with him , for another and more dangerous battell presently followed . the waldesians , of whom wee spake before , were at that time in naples in good number . with them did galeacius daily conuerse , their courses of life and study being not farre vnlike . these disciples of waldesius knew as yet no more in religion but the point of iustification : and misliked and eschewed some abuses in popery ; and neuerthelesse still frequented popish churches ; heard masses , and were present ordinarily at vile idolatries . galeacius for a time conuersed with these men , and followed their way : which course doubtlesse would haue spoiled him , as it did a great sort of them ; who afterwards being taken and committed for the truth , were easily brought to recant their religion , because they wanted the chiefe and the most excellent points , nor were sufficiently setled : and yet afterwards againe , not daring to forsake their hold in iustification ; and therefore comming to it againe , were taken as relapsers and backsliders , and put to extreame torments and cruell death . in the like danger had galeacius beene , but that the good prouidence of god otherwise disposed , and better prouided for him : for his office and place that he bare in the emperours court , called him into germany , and so withdrew him from his companions the waldesians : for the lord had a greater worke to worke in him then the waldesians were able to teach him : for there in germany hee learned ( that he neuer knew afore ) that the knowledge of the truth of iustification was not sufficient for saluation ; whilst in the meane time a man wittingly defiled himselfe with idolatry , which the scripture cals spirituall whordome : and of no man did he reape more sound and comfortable instruction then of peter martyr , of whom we spake afore , whom god had lately called out of italy , and confirmed him in the truth . this martyr instructed galeacius soundly , in the way of the truth , and made it plaine vnto him , by priuate conferences as well as publicke reading : for he was at that time publick professor of diuinity at stransbrough in germany . galeacius furnished with those holy instructions , returned to naples , and presently resorting to his companions , the waldesians , amongst other points , conferred with them about the eschewing of idolatry , and deliuered his iudgement therein . but they not induring scarce to heare it , presently forsooke him , for they would by no meanes entertaine that doctrine , which they knew was sure to bring vpon them afflictions , persecutions , losse of goods and honours , or else would cause them to forsake country , house , and land , wife , and childe , and so euery way threatened a miserable estate to the professors thereof . now this their forsaking of him , and telling him of the danger of this profession , was another strong temptation to keepe him wrapped in their idolatry , and to make him content himselfe with their imperfect and peeced religion . but god which had in his eternall election predestinate him , that he should be a singular example of constancy to the edification of many , and the confusion and condemnation of luke-warme professors ; gaue him that excellent resolution , and that heauenly courage , as he escaped at last conquerour ouer all those temptations and assaults of satan ; and nothing could suffice or content him but the pure religion , and also the profession of it : and therefore seeing no hope of reformation in naples , nor any hope to haue the waldesians ioyne with him , and seeing plainely that he could not serue god in that countrey ; he resolued vndoubtedly that hee would forsake the countrey , and seeke for christ and his religion wheresoeuer hee might find them ; and that hee would rather forsake father , wife , children , goods and lands , offices and preferments to winne christ , then to enioy them all and want christ iesus . chap. viii . of the grieuous combats betwixt the flesh and the spirit , when he resolued of his departure . now heree by the way it may not be omitted , what kind of cogitations he hath often said came into his mind , as he was deliberating about this great matter . for first of all , as often as he looked on his father , which he did almost euery houre , who decrely loued him , and whom againe he respected in all duety and reuerence : so often doubtlesse he was striken at the heart with vnspeakeable griefe to thinke of his departure ; his mind no doubt often thinking thus : what , and must i needes forsake my deere and louing fathr , and cannot i else haue god my father ? o miserable and vnhappy father of my body , which must stand in comparison with the father of my soule ! and must i needes faile in duety to him , if i performe my duety to god ? o miserable old man ! for what deeper wound can pierce him , then thus to be depriued of the onely staffe and comfort of his old age ! alas shall i thus leaue him in such a sea of troubles ; and shall i bee the onely meanes to strike into his heart the deepest wound of griese that yet euer pierced him in all his life ? this my departure is sure to make my selfe the obloquy of the world : yea to breede reproch and shame to the marquesse my father , and to my whole stocke and kinred . how is it possible that the good old man can ouercome or indure so great a griefe , but rather he must needs be swallowed vp of it , & so with woe and misery end his life ? shall i then be the cause of death to my father , who would if neede had beene redeemed my life with his owne death ? alas what a misery is this like to be either to me , or him , or vs both ? yet must i care lesse for bringing his gray head with sorrow vnto the graue , then for casting my owne poore soule with horror into hell . and no lesse inwardly was he grieued in respect ofhis noble wife victoria : for hauing no hope that she would renounce popery , and go with him , therefore he durst not make known vnto her the purpose of his departure ; but rather resolued for christs sake to leaue her and all , and to follow christ . shee was now as he was himselfe in the prime of youth , a lady of great birth , faire , wise and modest ; but her loue and loyalty to her husband surpassed all . how was it possible patiently to leaue such a wise , so that his perplexed mind discoursed on this fashion when he lookt on her : and shall i so , yea so suddenly , and so vnkindly leaue and forsake my wife , my most deere and louing wife , the onely ioy of my heart in this world , my companion and partner in all my griefe and labour ; the augmenter of my ioy , the lessener of my woe ? and shal i leaue her , not for a time , ( as hertofore idid when the emperors seruice called me from her ) but for euer , neuer againe to enioy her : yea it may be neuer to see her ? and shall i depriue my selfe of her , & thereby depriue my selfe ofal others also , & of al the comfort of the coniug all life & married estate ? and shal i so leaue her desolate & alone in that estate & age whereof she is ? alas poore lady , what shal she doe , what shal become of her , and of her litle ones when i am gone ? how many dolefull dayes without comfort , many waking nights without sleep , shal she passe ouer ? what wil she do but weep & waile , & pine away with grief ? and as he cast these things in his mind , he thought he euen saw his wife , how she tooke on with her self , sighing & sobbing and weeping ; yea howling & crying , & running after him with these pitifull out-cries : ah my deere lord , and sweete husband ; whither will you goe ? and will you ieaue me miserable woman , comfortlesse and succourlesse ? what shal become of me when you are gone : what can honors , pompes , riches , gold , siluer , iewels , friends , company , all delights and pleasures in the earth ; what can they all do to my comfort when i want you ? and what ioy can i haue in my children without you , but rather my griefe to be doubled to looke on them ? and how can i or the world be perswaded that you care for them , and for my selfe ? is this the loue that thou hast so often boasted of ? ah , miserable loue which hath this issue ! either neuer didst thou loue me , else neuer had true loue so strange an end as this of yours hath , and yet which is worse then all this , you neuer shewed me cause of this your strange departue ; had i knowen cause , it would neuer haue grieued mee halfe so much : but now that the cause is not knowen , what will the world iudge , but that the fault is in me ? at least , if they cannot condemne me for it ; yet how reprochfull will it be to me , when euen euery base companion dare lay it in my dish , and point at me with their fingers when i go by , and say , this is that fond woman who married him with whom she could not liue , and whom her husband disdained to liue withall ? this is that simple foole , who is desolate hauing a husband ; and a widow , her husband yet beeing aliue . either shall i be counted wicked , which haue caused thee to leaue me ; or foolish , miserable , and vnhappy , who chose so fondly , as to take him , whom i could not be sure of when i had him . in a word , i shall be depriued of thee : yea of all possibility of hauing any other , and so hauing a husband , i shal liue in al misery altogether without a husband . these two cogitations of his father and his wife greatly tormented him , and the more because hee laboured to keepe close this fire , which burned and boiled in hisheart : namely , to conceale his departure , lest by being knowne it might haue beene hindred , which he would not for a world . yet there was a third and speciall care that pinched him , and that was for his children , which were sixe in all ; goodly and towardly children , and worthy of so noble parents : the more griefe was it , in that they were so yong , as that they could not yet conceiue what it was to wanta father ; the eldest was scarce fifteene , and the yongest scarce foure yeares old : hee loued them with most tender and fatherly affection , and was againe loued and honoured of them . it is wonderfull to thinke , how when his wife the lady did giue into his armes his yongest childe to play withall ( as oftentimes wiues vse to doe ) how it were possible for him , and what a do he had with himselfe to containe from floods of teares ; especially because his eyes seeing them , and his hands holding them , and his heart taking delight and pleasure in them , his minde could not but discourse on this manner : and shall i within these few daies vtterly forsake these sweete babes , and leaue them to the wide and wicked world , as though they had neuer beene my children nor i their father ? yea happy had i bin if i had either neuer had them , or hauing them might enioy them . to be a father is a comfort , but a father of no children , and yet to haue children , that is a misery . and you poore orphans , what shal become of you whē i am gone ? your hap is hard euen to be fatherlesse , your father yet liuing : and what can your great birth now helpe you ? for by my departure you shall lose all your honour , all your liuing and wealth , and all dignity whatsoeuer ; which otherwise you had bin sure of : nay my departure shall not onely depriue you of al this , but lay you open to all infamy , reproch , and slander , and bring vpon you all kind of misery : and thus miserable man that i am , shall the time be cursed that euer they had me to their father . and what can your wofull mother doe when she looketh on you , but weepe and wring her hands , her griefe still increasing as she lookes vpon you ? yet thus must i leaue you al confounded together in heaps of griefe , weeping and wailing one with another , and i in the meane time weeping and wailing for you all . many other griefes , temptations , and hinderances assaulted him , though they were not so weighty as these formerly named , yet which might haue beene able to haue hindred any mans departure , being in his case ; as to leaue the company of so many gallant noblemen and gentlemen , his kinred and acquaintaince ; to lose so honourable an office and place as he bare in the emperours court ; to leaue for euer his natiue soile the delicate italy ; to depriue himselfe and his posterity of the noble tittle and rich liuing of a marquesdome ; to vndertake a most long and tedious iourney ; to cast himselfe into exile , pouerty , shame , and many other miseries without hope of recouery for euer : to change his former pleasant life into all hardnesse , and to giue a farewel to al the delicacies of italy , wherein he was brought vppe ; to leaue that goodly garden of his father the marquesses , which once should be his owne ; the goodliest garden almost in all italy or all cristendome ; which was furnished with plants of all sorts ; and these not onely of all such as grow in italy , but euen such as were to be got out of all other countries : this garden and orchard was so exquisite both this way , and in diuers other sorts of elegancies , that a great number of men of all qualities resorted daily out of all countries to see it . but this and all other the pleasures and delicacies of this present life could doe nothing with him to remooue him from his purpose ; but he renounced them all , and resolued to leaue them all to follow christ : so strong and admirable was the constancy of this noble gentleman . chap. ix . how after all the temptations which flesh and blood laid in his way to hinder his departure , he consulted with the lord , and from him receiued grace to ouercome them all . bvt it may be asked , whereupon was grounded so great vnmoueablenesse of this purpose , or whence came it ? if we aske the world and common iudgement , they will answere , that doubtlesse melancholike humours preuailing in him , spoiled the man of his iudgement and naturall affections , and empaired common sense and reason ; and thence proceeded this obstinate and desperate purpose , as the world iudgeth of it . but if a man lift vp his eyes higher and behold the matter more seriously , he might haue manifestly seene that it came to passe by the mercifull blessing and strong hand of god , who from al eternity had predestinate him , that hee should stand so vnmoueable against all temptations , and continue in one tenour steady and stedfast , vntill he had made voyde all the attempts of satan , and remoued all the stumbling blockes which his flesh and blood and carnall reason could cast in the way ; for the which purpose the spirit of god enabled him to reason with himselfe on this sort : thou lord art hee who drew and deliueredst me out of the thick and misty darknes of ignorance , and hast enlightned my mind with the light of thy holy spirit , and with the heauenly knowledge of thy truth : thou hast made knowen to me the way of saluation , and hast ransomed me to thy selfe by the blood of thy sonne . now therefore good lord and holy father , i am wholly thine , and consecrated to thy glory ; and as i am thine , i will follow thee , and obey thee , and walke in the way of thy will whithersoeuer thou shalt call me . not my father , nor my wife , nor my children , nor my honours , nor my lands , nor my riches , nor all my delicacies and pleasures shall hold or hinder me one houre from following thee . i denie my selfe o lord , and i deny this whole world for thee and thy sake : o lord thou knowest me , and the readinesse of my mind to wait vpon thee ; and how that my heart is inflamed with the fire of thy loue : yet thou seest againe how many enemies compasse mee , how many hinderances lie in me way , and how many temptations and impediments lie vpon me , so that i am scarce able to moue or lift vp my head vnto thee : o lord i am now in the depthes of those troubles , out of which the holy prophet dauid once cried to thee as i doe now ; o lord haue mercy on me and deliuer my soule . and although satan and my owne flesh doe affright me in this my purpose , whilst they set before my eyes , the crosse , and the infamy , and the pouerty , and so many miseries , which i am like in this my new profession to vndergoe : notwithstanding o lord , i lift vp my selfe in the contemplation and beholding of thy infinite maiesty ; and therein i see and confesse that that crosse and affliction is blessed and glorious , which makes me like and conformable to christ my head ; and that infamy to be honorable which sets me in the way to true honour ; and that pouerty to be desired , which depriuing a man of some temporall goods , wil reward him with an heauenly inheritance , then which , there is nothing more pretious : i meane o lord with thy owne selfe , and thy glory o euerlasting god , and that by thy onely son iesus christ ; that so i enioying thy glorious presence , may liue for euer with thee in that heanenly society : o blessed and happy these miseries which pull me out of the worlds vanities , and sinke of sinne ; that i may be made heire of an euerlasting glory . welcome therfore the crosse of christ , i wil take it vp o lord , and wil follow thee : with these & such like holy meditations & other holy meanes , he ouercame at last all the attempts of satan , al his owne natural and carnal affections : yea and the world it selfe , and verified that in himselfe which paul affirmeth of gods true elect , that they that are christs haue crucified the flesh with the affections and the lusts : that is , haue crucified their soules for christ , who crucified himselfe for them . o satan , gods enemy and his childrens , how vaine were all thy attempts , and how light al thy assaults ? in vaine dost thou set vpon those for whom christ vouchsafed to die , and suffer on the crosse : vpon which crosse he so brake thy head and thy power , and so trampled ouer thee , that now thou shalt not be able to touch the least haire of the head of any of those for whom he died . and as for galeacius , hee had builded his house on the rocke , and founded it so sure , that no wind , no raine , nay no floods of griefes , nor tempests of troubles , nor whirlewind of temptations could once remoue him : and so he continued resolute as a christian souldier & conqueror ; fully minded to leaue his country at the next opportunity he could take : his mind i cannot tell whether more rauished with ioy one way , or more perplexed with griefe another way ; but betwixt ioy and griefe he still continued his purpose , vntill at last his spiritual ioy ouercomming his naturall and carnal griefe , he fully concluded that in despight of the diuell and all impediments in the world , hee would surely goe . chap. x. how he performed his heroicall resolution , leauing all for christ , and going to geneua . whereupon making knowen his mind but to a few , & those his most familiar friends , and of whom he hoped wel for religion ; he wrought vpon them so far , as that they promised and vowed that they would accompany him in this voluntary & christian banishment , that so they migh enioy the true liberty and peace of conscience in the true church of god. but how deepe and vnsearchable the iudgements of god are , the euent afterward shewed : for diuers of them ( though not all ) who for a time seemed to be indued and led with a most earnest zeale of gods glorie in this action ; when they came to the borders of italy , & considered what they forsooke , and to what they now tooke themselues : first began to looke backe againe to italy ; afterwards went backe againe indeed , and so turned againe to the vomit of their pleasures . but this ingratitude to the lord for so great a fauour offred them , the lord pursued with a iust reuenge : for purposing to serue god in their pleasures , and in the midst of popery , they were after taken by the spanish inquisition ; and so publikely recanting and abiuring christian religion , they were afterward subiect to all misery & infamy ; neither trusted nor loued of the one side nor the other . this fearful desertiō & backsliding of theirs , doubtlesse was most grieuous to galeacius ; & verily the diuel hoped hereby yet once again to haue diuerted him from his intended course , in making him be forsaken of those by whose company and society he hoped to haue been greatly comforted in this discomfortable voyage . but notwithstanding al this , galeacius continued resolute in his purpose , and at last finding opportunity , attempted his departure , and made fit for it ; yet made no shew of any such matter ; but rather coloured and concealed his intent , lest the authoritie of his father might any wayes hinder his so godly a purpose : and so gathering together some thousand markes of his mothers goods which she had left him : on the one and twentieth of march , . in the yere ofhis age the foure and thirtieth , he departed from naples in manner as he was wont to doe afore , making it knowne that he purposed to go into germany to the emperour ; who at that time held his court at auspurge : and thither indeed he went accordingly , and stayed seruing in his place and office till the sixe and twentieth of may in the same yeare : vpon which day ▪ leauing the court and the emperours seruice , & his honorable office which there he beare ; & taking his last and euerlasting farewel at the court , and all worldly delights , ( and yet departing in ordinary sort as afore , and in purpose to goe into the low countries , as some thought ) he tooke his iourney straight towad geneua , and thither came by gods good hand the eight of iune , and there rested his weary body , and reposed his much more wearied conscience , with a full ioyfull heart : yea with the greatestioy that euer came to him in all his life , but onely at the time of his conuersion . chap. xi . of his arriuall at geneua , and his entertainment there : and especially his acquaintance and friendship with caluine . in the city of ceneua ( though there was a church of italians who likewise were come thither for the gospell ) yet hee found not one whom he knew , saue one lactantius rangonius , a noble man of siena in italy : this gentleman had beene one of his familiar acquaintance when they were at home , and now was preacher of gods word to the church and congregations of the italians , who were then at geneua , now when he saw that the mercy of god had granted him to ariue at this quiet and happy hauen , where he might with liberty of conscience serue god , free from the corruptions of the world , and the abominable superstitions & idolatry of antichrist ; presently he ioyned himselfe in friendship , and yeelded himselfe to the instruction of master iohn caluine , the chiefe minister and preacher of that church . caluine being a man of deep insight and exquisite iudgement , perceiuing him to be a man of good knowledge and experience , of a moderate and quiet spirit , of an innocent and vpright life , and indued with true and sincere godlinesle ; did therefore most kindly and louingly intertaine him into his fellowshippe : for the good man of god in his wisdome foresaw that such a man as this , would doubtlesse become a speciall instrument of gods glory , and a meanes of the confirmation of many ( but especially of italians ) in the knowledge and loue of religion : this holy loue and christian friendshippe thus begunne , was so strongly grounded betwixt this noble marquesse and renowned caluine , that it continued till the yeare . which was the last yeare of caluines pilgrimage in the earth , and the entrance into his heauenly rest . the church and people of geneua can testifie of their true and constant friendshippe ; but it needes not : for there is extant at this day a speciall testimony thereof , euen from caluine himselfe in a preface of his ; wherein he dedicates to galeacius , his commentary vpon the first epistle to the corinths ; which i thought good here to set downe word by word , that thereby it may appeare how greatly caluine esteemed ofhim . chap. xii . caluines epistle to galeacius , congratulating his holy and happy conuersion . to the noble gentleman , and as well honourable for his excellent vertues , as for his high descent and linage , galeacius caracciolus , the onely sonne and heire apparent to the marquesse of vicum : iohn caluine sendeth greeting in our lord. i wish that when i first put out this commentary , i had either not knowen at all , or atleast more throughly knowen that man , whose name i am now constrained to blot out of this my epistle : yet i feare not at al , lest he should either vpbraid me with inconstancy ▪ or complaine of iniurie offred him , in taking thatfrom him which afore i bestowed on him ; because it was his owne seeking , both to estrange himselfe from mee , and from all society with our church : wherefore he may thanke himselfe and take the blame on his owne necke : for , for my owne part i am vnwillingly drawne thus farre to change my accustomed maner , as to race out any mans name out of my writing . and i bewaile that the man hath throwne himselfe downe from that seat of fame wherein i had placed him : namely , in the forefront of my booke , where my desire was he should haue stood , thereby to haue beene made famous to the world . but the fault is not in me , for as then i held him worthy , so since then hee hath made himselfe vnworthy ; and therefore let him be as he is , and he for mee buried in obliuion : and so for the good will i once bare to him , i spare to speake any more of him . and as for you ( right honourable sir , ) i might seeke excuse why i put you now in his roome , but that i am so sufficiently perswaded of your great good will and true loue to me ; the truth whereof can be testified by so many witnesses in our church . and that i may make one wish more , i wish from my heart that i had knowen you as well ten years agoe , for then i should haue had no cause to haue altred the dedicatiō of my booke , as now i do . and as for the publicke estate of the church , it is well that it shall not onely lose nothing by forgetting that man , whose name i now blotte out , but by your comming into his stead , shal receiue a far greater gain , and a sufficient recompence . for though i know you desire not the pub licke applause of the world , but rest contented in the testimony of gods spirit in your conscience : ( neither is it my purpose to publish your praises to the world ) notwithstanding , i thinke it my duety to make knowne to the readers some things concerning you , and whereof my selfe and this church and city are daily eye witnesses : and yet not so much for your praise , as for the benefit & instruction of the readers . and this is it that i would all men should know & make vse of ; that a gentleman , a lord , so wel and highly borne , flourishing in wealth & honor , blessed with a noble & vertuous & louing wife , and many goodly children , liuing in al peace & quietnes at home & abroad , wanting nothing that nature could desire , & euery way blessed of god for all things of this life , should willingly & of his owne accord leaue al those , & forsake his country , a rich & fruitfull & pleasant soile ; so goodly a patrimony & inheritance , so stately a house , seated so commodiously & so pleasantly , to cast off al domestical delight and ioy which hee might haue had in so good a father , wife , children , kinred , affinity , and acquaintauce , and all that for this onely , that he might come & serue christ iesus in the hard & vnpleasant warfare of christianity ; and should depriue himselfe of so many alluring delights of nature , & to content himself with that slēder measure of al things which the distressed estateof our church is able to affoord , & frō al the superfluities of a courly & lordly life , here amongst vs to betake himself to an easie rate and frugal kind of life , euen as though he were no better then one of vs : and yet i so recite al this to others , as i let it not passe without vse to my selfe . for if i do set out your vertues in this my epistle , as on the toppe of a towre for all men to see them ; that so they may conforme themselues to the imitation of them ; it should be shame for my selfe not to be much more neerely and inwardly touched with a loue of them , who am continually an eye witnesse of them , and daily behold them , not in an epistle , but in the cleare glasse of your owne life : and therefore because that i find in experience how much your example preuailes in me , for the strengthning of my faith , and the increase of godlines in me ( yea and all other holy men who dwel in the city , doe acknowledge as well as i , that this your example hath beene greatly to their edification in al grace ) i thought it therefore a necessary duety to impart this rare example of yours to the world ; that so the profit and benefit of vs might inlarge it selfe , and spread out of this citie into all the churches of god ; for otherwise it were a needlesse labour to make knowne to the furthest parts of christendome , the vertues of such a man , whose nature and disposition is so out of loue with pride , and so farre remoued from all ostentation . now if it shall please god that many others ( who dwelling farre off , haue not hitherto heard of you ; ) shall by the strangenesse of this your example addresse themselues to the imitation of it , and leaue their pleasant nests , whereto the world hath setled them so fast ; i shall thinke my selfe bountifully rewarded for these my paines : for out of question it should be common and vsuall amongst christians , not onely to leaue liuings and lord ships , and castles and townes , and offices and promotions , when the case so stands that a man may not enioy both christ and them : but euen willingly and cheerefully to despise and shake off whatsoeuer vnder the sunne ( though it be neuer so deere and pretious , so pleasant and comfortable ) in respect and comparison of christ . but such is the slownesse and sluggishnesse of the most of vs , that we doe but coldly and formally professe the gospell : but not one of a hundred , if he haue but some little land , or peece of a lordship , that will forsake and despise it for the gospel , sake : yea not one of many , but very hardly is drawn to renounce euen the least gaine or pleasure , to follow christ without it : so farre are they from denying themselues and laying downe their liues for the defence of it . i wish these men would looke at you , and obserue what it is you haue forsaken for loue of christ ; and especially i wish that all men who haue taken vpon them already the profession of religion , would labor to resemble you in the denial of themselues , ( which indeed is the chiefe of all heauenly vertues : ) for you can very sufficiently testifie with me , as i can with you , how little ioy we take in these mens companies ; whose liues make it manifest , that though they haue left their countries , yet they haue brought hither with them the same affections and dispositions which they had at home : which if they had also renounced , as wel as they did their countries ; then had they beene indeed true deniers of themselues , and beene partaker with you of that true praise ; wherein alas , you haue but few compartners . but because i had rather the reader should gather the truth and strangenes of this your example , then i should goe about in words to expresse it ; i will therefore spare further speech , and turne my selfe to god in praier , desiring of his mercy , that as he hath indued you hitherto with an heroicall courage , and spiritual boldnesse ; so he would furnish you with an inuincible constancy to endure to the end : for i am not ignorant how strangely the lord hath exercised you heretofore , and what dangerous pikes you haue passed ere you came to this : by which former experience your spiritual wisdome is able to conclude , that a hard and toilsome warfare doeth still remaine and wait for you ; and what neede there is to haue the hand of god from heauen raught out to assist vs , you haue so sufficiently lea rned in your former conflicts , as i am sure you will ioyne with me in prayer , for the gift of perseuerance to vs both : and for my part i will not cease to beseech iesus christ our king and god ( to whom all power was giuen of his father , and in whom are kept all the treasures of spiritual blessings ) that he would stil preserue you safe in soule and body , and arme you against all temptations to come , and that still he would proceed to triumph in you ouer the diuell and all his vile and wicked faction , to the magnifying of his owne glory , and the inlarging of his kingdome in your selfe , and others of his children . . call. feb. . at geneua . your honours most assured in the lord , iohn calvine . chap. xiii . newes of his departure to geneua came to naples , and the emperours court : and how the old marquesse his father and other his friends were affected with the newes . and thus ( to returne againe to our story ) galencius setled himselfe downe at geneua as at a ioyfull resting place . but when the newes of so sudden and strange a departure , and so wilfull an exile came to naples , and were made knowen in the emperours court : it would scarce be beleeued or thought , how strangely it affected & moued al that heard it . all men wondred at it , and the most could not be perswaded it was so ; but when it was certainely knowen and out of doubt , it was strange to see , how euery man gaue his verdit of the matter : some one way , some an other , as the course of men in such cases is . but aboue all , it so abashed and astonished his owne friends and familie , that nothing was heard or seene amongst them , but cries and lamentations , most bitter teares and pitiful complaints . and surely to haue beholden the state of that family , how miserably it seemed at that time to bee distressed : a man would haue thought it euen a liuely paterne and picture of all woe and misery . but none was more inwardly pinched then the marquesse his father , whose age and experience being great , seemed to assure him of nothing to follow hereupon but infamy and reproch , yea the vtter vndoing and subuersion of his whole estate and family ; notwithstanding , passing ouer that fit of sorrow as soone and as easily as he could , the wretched and carefull olde man began to bethinke himselfe by what meanes he might preuent so miserable a ruine and fall , which seemed to hang ouer him and his . one thing amongst other came into his mind , which also had once caused many grieuous temptations to galeacius , and had much troubled his mind afore his departure . it was this . chap. xiiii . the first meanes vsed by his father the old marquesse to recall him home againe : he sent a kinsman of his , whom he knew his sonne deerely loued , to perswade him to returne , but he could not preuaile . galeacius had a cosen-german , whom alwaies hee esteemed and loued as his brother : this gentleman so tenderly loued of galeacius did the marquesse send to geneua to his sonne ▪ with commission and letters full of authority , full of protestations , full of pitifull complaints , full of cryings and intreatings that he would come home againe ; and thereby cheere vp his old father , and make happy againe his vnhappy wife ; be a comfort to his distressed children , a reioycing to his kinsfolkes , and to the whole citie of naples , and saue his whole house and posteritie from that extreame ruine , which otherwise it would be sure to fall into . thus this gentleman was dispatched away and hasted to geneua , with great hope for their ancient and faithful loue to haue preuailed with galeacius . where by the way wee are to remember that galeacius did alwaies so loue him , that the gentleman was not so sorrowful for his departure : but galeacius was much more sorowfull that he could not winne him to haue gone with him , in this holy pilgrimage for religions sake ; but he so much feared to haue bin hindred himselfe , that he durst not deale with this gentleman his dearest cofin , no nor with his wife , to perswade them to haue gone with him . the gentleman comming to geneua inquired after galeacius . at that time galeacius dwelt in an ordinary & meane house which he had taken to his owne vse , hauing no more attendance , but onely two seruants : the gentleman at last found him out , and presented himselfe into his sight : it had bin a pitiful spectacle to haue seene the meeting of those two gentlemen : their first meeting and imbracings were nothing at all , but sighes and sobs , and teares , and vnutterable signes of griefe : such vnspeakeable sorow did their naturall affections breed in them , that for diuers houres they could not speake a word one to other : but at last the gentleman , burning in desire to inioy againe his dearest galeacius , brast forth into speeches , & mixing teares and sobs with euery worde , deliuered his letters , till hee could come to more liberty of speech : and at last hauing obtained of his affections leaue to speake , he added to his letters , exhortations , strong perswasions , earnest entreaties , and withall plentie of teares , that he would haue respect to the ouerthrow of his house , the griefe of his olde father , the desperate estate of his wife and children , the continual complaints made by all his friends and kinsfolks : all which notwithstanding were not so past cure , but that yet they might be remedied by his returne again . this was the substance of his message . galeacius taking not long time to aduise himselfe , in this which the world would thinke so waighty a case , addressed him immediatly this answere in briefe : that he perceiued very wel ▪ al to be true that he said ; but as for his departure it was not done rashly , nor vpon any fond conceit , but vpon mature deliberation ; that the lord was the author of the action , that gods grace was the cause mouing him , and the meanes whereby he brought it to passe : which grace of god , he said , had opened his eyes , and enlightned his mind with the knowledge of the truth ; and made him see and discerne the cosenages , and superstitions and idolatry of popery , which by an impious and sacrilegious distribution diuideth the glory of god ( which is incōmunicable ) & imparteth the same with fained & filthy idols : he likewise told him that he wel foresaw all the infamies & miseries which would ensue vpon this his conuersion : and al the danger & damage which therby his house and children were likely to incur . but he said , that seeing one of those must needes be chosen , either to stay at home with a conscience burdened with a heauy heape of errors and superstitions piled together by the sleight of satans art , & euery momēt to sin against the maiesty of god so many thousand waies ; or else to leaue his house , his goods his family , his country , yea the world and all the glory of it , and thereby purchase liberty of conscience to serue the lord according to his word : that therefore he resolued of the two euils to chuse the lesse , and of the two good to chuse the greater , and rather to shut his eies at all these , then the sight of them should hinder him from yeelding to the cal and voice of his sauiour christ : who saith , that a man is not worthy to be his disciple , who leaueth not father & mother , & children , & brethren , and sisters ; yea and his owne life , in comparison of him . and this he said was the cause , why he did forsake parents , and wife , and children , and all his friends , and had renounced all his wealth and dignities : because hee could not enioy both christ and them . and as for them all , hee was sorie that either they would not come to him , or that hee might not more safely liue with them , thereby to comfort them . but as for himselfe , hee said , hee had riches , and honour , and ioy enough : yea all sufficient happinesse , as long as ( with these two seruants and his little cotage ) he might liue in the true church of god , and might priuily serue him , and might enioy gods word and sacraments , not being mixed and defiled with the superstitious deuises of mans braine ; and as long as he might liue in the company of godly men ; and haue time and liberty to meditate by himselfe , and to conferre with them of the great blessings which in his conuersion his good god had vouch ▪ safed to him : that so he might with true contentation and perfect peace of conscience , aime & aspire at that immortal glory which christ iesus hath prepared for al his children : yea he concluded , that his want was abundance , his pouerty pleasant , and his meane estate honourable in his eyes , as long as he indured them for these conditions . this his answere was as hardly entertained of his kinsman , as it was vnlooked for afore it came : but seeing he could not reply with any reason , nor answere him with any shew of argument ; and perceiued it hard , or rather impossible to remoue the man one iot from his resolution ; for that he had grounded it , not on any reason or will of man , but vpon the holy word of god , and his powerfull and vnresistable calling ; therefore with a sorrowfull heart hee held his tongue , bitterly complaining within himself of his so hard hap , and vncomfortable successe : and so resolued to returne home againe ; heartily wishing he had neuer taken that iourney in hand : and so at last he went indeed and tooke his leaue of his beloued galeacius , but not without plenty of teares on both sides , with many a wofull crie and pitifull farewell . and no maruell : for besides neerenes in blood , their likenesse in manners and daily conuersation together , had linked them in a sure bond of friendshippe : but there wanted in one of them the surest linke in that chaine , that is , religion , and so it could not hold : and therefore the world pulling one of them from christ , and christ pulling the other of them from the world : so these two friends left each other , being in feare neuer to see one the other againe . chap. xv. of his cosens returue to naples without successe , and how galeacius was proclaimed traytor for his departure . and thus at last he came home to naples with heauie cheare . whose approch being hard of , there was running on all sides to heare good newes : but when he had deliuered his message ; alas how all their sorrow was redoubled vpon them ; and how his father , wife , children , and al his friends were ouerwhelmed with griefe : and the rather , because as at the same time an edict was published , wherein galeacius was proclaimed guilty of high treason : and therefore al his goods comming to him by his mother , were confiscate , and himselfe , and all his posterity vtterly cut off and excluded from all right of succession in his fathers marquesdome ; which thing ( aboue all other ) grieuously affected the old marquesse , and grieued the good old man at the very heart ; the aduancing and honouring of his posterity being the onely thing hee had aimed at all his life . whereupon hee bethought himselfe as old as he was to make a iourney to caesar the emperour , and thereby if it were possible to preuent this mischiefe ; purposing to make but this sute to his maiesty , that his sonnes departure from the roman church , might not preiudice nor hinder the succession and honour of his children and posterity , but that he himselfe might onely beare the punishment of his owne fault . chap. xvi . of the second meanes vsed to recall him : his father sent for him to come and meete him at verona ; but all he could doe by himselfe or others whom he set on , preuailed nothing at all . and whilst he was resoluing of this purpose , hee bethought him of another remedy and meanes , whereby he hoped to remoue his sons mind from his purpose , and withdraw him from the company of these heretikes of geneua , as hee and the world accounted of them . therefore in hast he dispatched away a messenger with letters to his sonne , commanding him by the authority of a father to meete him at a certaine day appointed at the citie of verona in the dominion of the venetians ; at which towne he promised to stay for him , as he went to wards germany to the emperour : and for his sonnes more securitie , he procured a safe conduct from the duke and signory of venice ; that his sonne might goe and come without danger of life or liberty . galeacius receiuing the letters , and being resolued by his owne conscience , and them to whom he imparted the matter , that hee might not any way with good conscience disobey so reasonable a request and lawfull a commandement of his father , answered that he would goe ; although he feared that by this meeting , and talke of his father and him , his fathers minde would but be more vehemently exasperate against him : for he firmely resolued afore he went , that all the threatnings , intreaties , counsels , and temptations that his father could deuise , should not stirre him one inch from that course of religion , whereby he had begun to serue the lord. with this purpose he departed geneua , aprilis . . furnished with heauenly fortitude , assisted 〈…〉 aiers of the church , and armed with constancy , and with the sword of gods word ; whereby he hoped to sustaine and beat backe all the darts of temptations whereby hee knew hee should be assaulted . comming to verona , there he found the marquesse his fafather , who receiued and vsed him kindly , though he could not but manifest in his countenance the inward anger and griefe ofhis heart . after a few salutations , the father began with all his cunning to deale with him about his returne home againe , laying open to the ful that perpetuall in famy , which was sure to fall on his house and posterity , vnlesse that galeacius did preuent so great a mischiefe : which ( saith he ) thou easily maiest doe , and of right oughtest to doe : and i know thou wilt doe , if there be in thee but one sparke of naturall affection to father , wife , or children . galeacius the sonne with such reuerence as was due to his father , answered with all sub●●●sion that his bodie and estate is his fathers , but his conscience is the lords : and tels him he can by no meanes returne home , but he should make shipwrack of a good conscience : he proues it to him by good reasons , and such as his father could not resist ; and therefore humblie intreats his father , that seeing his desire is onely to obey the lord , and saue his soule ; that therefore he would not vrge him to respect more the good estate of his children , then the glory of god , and his owne soules health . the marquesse perceiued he laboured in vaine to remoue his sonne from his resolution , which he iudged to be nothing but a peruerse stubbornnesse against the catholike religion , as he thought : and therefore with griefe ofminde ceased that sute ; and imparted to him the cause ofhis iourney to the emperour ; strictly enioyning him that he should not returne to geneua , but abide in italy till he had obtained his sute at the emperours hand , and was returned out of germany ; which thing galeacius promised and performed : for he a bode in italy vntill august : at what time he had notice that his father had preuailed in his sute bfore the emperour . during which time , one hieronymus fracastorius , a notable philosopher , physition , and poet ( being procured and set on by the marquesse ) dealt with galeacius with all his might and eloquence , to perswade him to yeelde to his father ; adding withall , that that new sect ( as he termed ) was false and deceitfull , and not worthy to be beleeued . galeacius heard all he could say , and answered him point by point : and finally , by the pure simplicity of the word of god , he so satisfied him ( though he was both wise and learned ) that he willingly held his tongue ; and at last friendly intreated him , that he would not be angrie for that his importunitie and boldnesse with him . chap. xvii . of his returne to geneua , where he founded and setled a forme of discipline in the italian church . thus galeacius hearing of his fathers successe , returned with a ioyfull heart towards geneua ; for that he saw his father deliuered from the feare of that infamy , which the confiscation of his goods , and forfeiture of his lands , might haue brought vpon his family : and therefore he hoped he would be the lesse moued against him . whereuppon setling himselfe downe againe at geneua , and deuising how to spend his time in doing good ; he began to consider seriously of setling the discipline in the church of the italians , which was then at geneua ( for thither had a great number of italians transported themselues and their families for religions sake , flying the tyranny of the vnholy inquisition . ) and about that time it fell out fitly that calume going embassadour from geneua to basill in causes of religion and other matters ; intreated galeacius to beare him company : whereunto he willingly condescended . at basill he found an italian called celsas , whose right name was maximilian , and was descended of the noble house of the earles of martinongo in italy : this man had got a great name in italy amongst the papists for his eloquency & speech , and lately by the mercy of god was escaped out of the mite of popish superstitions . galeacius right glad of him , perswaded him to breake off the purpose that he had for england , and goe to geneua with him , where he might liue in the fellowship of a great number of his country men italians , and inioy the benefit of the company , conference and familiarity of many worthy men , but especially the most sweete acquaintance of that great caluin , and al those , with the liberty of a good conscience . the good gentleman yeelded , and so they comming to geneua by their industry and good meanes ( together with the helpe and direction of caluin in all things ) that forme of discipline was established in the italian church , which at this day standeth & florisheth in the same church , & remaineth recorded in a book for that purpose : & maximilian the earle , of whom we spake afore , was the first pastor elect of that church , & vndertooke the charge , purely to expound the word of god , and to administer the sacraments that christ left behinde him , and to watch ouer that flocke and people : certaine elders were ioyned as assistants to him , to whom was committed the care of the church , to looke to the puritie of doctrine and life in all estates ; the principall of the elders was galeacius himselfe , vnto whom the honour is due of bringing to passe so worthy an enterprise , and the rather for that by his authority , diligence and watchful care , he preserued the same in good and sure estate all his life time ; and after him it hath continued , being deriued to others , to the great good and profit of many soules . and thus he passed this yere . withioy and comfort . chap. xviii . the third temptation to drawe him away : liberty of conscience offered him by his vncle , pope paul the fourth : which after many temptations of flesh and blood to the contrary , at last by the assistance of gods grace he refused . next succeeded in order the yere . wherein satan assauted him with new stratagems and deuices : for that yere his vncle which was paulus quartus , his mothers brother , attained the feate of the papacy of rome , whereby the marquesse his father conceiued good hope , by this meanes either to draw his sonne home againe , or at least to procure him liberty of conscience , and leaue to liue in some citie of italy , where he might inioy the society of his wife and children , and they of him . whereupon hauing occasion of businesse to trauel that way , hee sent letters to his sonne to geneua , commaunding him to meete him at mantua in italy , and for his easier dispatch hee sent him prouision of money for the iourney . galeacius obeying againe his fathers will , tooke his iourney from geneua , and came to mantua the fifteenth of iune , where hee was entertayned by his father with more then ordinarie kindnesse , and in more louing maner then heretofore was accustomed . and at last hee opened his minde vnto him , the substance and effect whereof was : that hee had obtained of his vncle , who now was pope ▪ a dispensation for him ; whereby liberty was granted him , to liue in any city within the iuristiction of the venetians , wheresoeuer he would without any molestation to be offred him , about his religion or conscience . his father tels him that if he doe this , this will bee a greater solace to his olde age , then his departure and absence hath beene griefe vnto him : besides all this , the good old man most earnestly intreated him ( though hee was the father and spake to the sonne ) that hee would gratifie him in this his request : and added many beseechings , who in any lawfull thing might by his authoritie haue commanded him : and euery word that he spake was so seasoned , as comming from the affection of a father ; and at last with many strong reasons perswaded him , not to reiect this so extraordinary a fauor offered him by the pope in so speciall and rare clemency , whereby he might without hurt of his conscience liue more commodiously then euer afore , and be restored to his former honour , and place , and estate : and recouer the former loue and estimation of all his friends : yea and of many strangers , who hearing of this his obedience to his father , would loue him for it , vnto which obedience to me ( saith the father to his sonne ) thou art bound both by the bond of nature , and by the law and word of god , which thou so much talkest of and vrgest to me : therefore , saith he , if there be in thee either sparke of naturall affection , or any religion and conscience of thy duety , thou wilt yeelde vnto me in this , especially seeing thou maist doe it without hurt or endangering of thy conscience and religion . this talke and request of the marquesse diuersly affected galeacius : for the thing he requested , and the reasons he vrged seemed to be such , as he could with no good reason contradict them ; and yet he durst not presently entertaine the motion : besides that , the presence , authority , and reuerent regard of his father , the vehemency and affection of his mind , and especially the naturall bond and obligation , wherein the son stands tied to the father in things law full and indifferent ( especially when by that obedience no violence is offred to good conscience ) all these did greatly moue him . also naturall and carnall reason for their parts , assaulted him no lesse violently with such kind of arguments , as for the most part preuaile with all men . for his father offred him yearly reuenues , competent and fit for his estate , the solace of his children , and society of his wife : which two things he desired aboue all other in the world . so that to this motion and request of his father the marquesse , galeacius knew not well what to answere on the sudden , but stood for a time musing and doubtfull what to say ; and the rather , for that he then wanted his speciall friend , faithfull caluine , with whom he might consult in so waighty a cause . it seemed to him impious and vngodly , not to yeeld to his father in so lawfull and reasonable a request , and he saw no way how he might denie it , but he must needes incurre and vndergoe his fathers extreame displeasure : and yet how hee might yeelde to it with safety of conscience he much doubted ; for he feared that more danger to his profession and religion , and consequently more hurt to his soule might hereupon insue , then he could presently perceiue : so that he stood altogether vnresolued in his owne reason what to doe ; therefore in this extremity he denied himselfe and renounced his owne wit , and in humble and feruent prayer betooke himselfe in this difficulty to the blessing and direction of his god and sauiour , the author and true fountain of wisedome and constancy : humbly crauing of the lord to assist him with his holy spirit , that in this extreamity hee might aduise and resolue of the best and safest course , for gods glory and his owne sound comfort . ( o how truely sung that sweete singer of israel king dauid , when he said , how happy and blessed are they that feare god , for god will teach them the way they should walke ! ) galeacius found it most true in his owne experience ; for vpon this his submission and prayer , the lord from heauen resolued him in this sort : that seeing the pope did ( antichrist-like ) directly oppose himselfe to christ ▪ and his religion and church ; that therefore he might by no meanes sue for , or accept any fauour at his hands , nor be by any meanes beholden to him at all . because what shew of seruice soeuer was done to him by the enemy of christ , seemed to bee taken from christ himselfe . further , gods spirit perswaded him it caried too great a shew of apostasie , or backsliding ; to forsake the company of godly professors , and the fellowship of christs church ; and to liue amongst idolaters in the midst of all abominations . the same spirit of god set before his eyes that scandall and offence , which this fact of his would breed in the minds of the faithfull ▪ which would thinke that he had taken his farewel at religion , and would now shake hands again , & renue his acquaintance with his old friend the world : that he had lightly esteemed the spirituall blessings & heauenly iewels of graces , which god distributeth daily in his church ; and would now betake himself again to the olde affections of his flesh . the same spirit resolued him , that thus to forsake the ordinary meanes , and depriue himselfe of the true vse of the word and sacraments , and to liue in a place where was nothing but idolatrie , was to tempt god in the highest degree . god likewise opened his eyes , that he perceiued the sleight of satan by this his fathers d●●t : namely , to entangle him againe in the net of worldly cares , to wrappe his mind in the snards of italian pleasures ; and so to dazle his eies with the honours , and pleasures , and sensuall delights ▪ which once he had bin brought vp in , that his religion might decay by little and little and that all godlinesse might by the heat of these new pleasures , fall and melt away like as waxe before the fire : and lastly , the lord vpon his prayer granted him the wisedome of his holy spirit , to answere al his fathers obiections , and confute all his arguments . and amongst many other , he earnestly intreated his father that he would not do that vnto him , which afterward hee would repent that euer hee had done : namely ▪ that he would not be a meanes to make him a prey to the papists ; which had confirmed for a law , and ratified it by many examples , that promise , faith , nor oath is to be kept with any man whom they call heretikes . whereupon , said he , it is better for me , and more ioy to you , to liue as i doe with this poore estate , then with hope of better to endanger my life , and so our whole posterity . by these , and such like perswasions it pleased god so to worke vpon the marquesse , that hee was ouercome in this sute , wherein he supposed to haue preuailed ; and therefore he yeelded against his will : and so with a sorrowfull heart he returned to naples . and as he went , he certified the pope the obstinacy of his sonne , and so the father and the vncle bewailed together their ill successe . chap. xix . of his acquaintance with franciscus portus , and the religious dutches of ferrara in his returne home to geneua . bvt in the meane time galeacius after he had accompanied his sorrowfull father somewhat on the way , returned with a full glad heart ; and came to the city of ferrara ▪ where he was ioyfully receiued of franciscus portus , a noble and renowned man for learning , and who afterwards taught publikely at geneua many yeares , and read the greeke lecture with great profit to the audience , and praise to himselfe . this portus bought galeacius into acquaintance with the noble dutches of ferrara , who entertained him honourably : and after much conferrence had with him of the alteration of his religion , of the successe of his long voyages , and tedious iourneies ; of the church of geneua , of caluine , and of many chiefe points of christian religion ; she dismissed him , and left him to his iourney ; but not without all courtesies that she could affoord him : and namely for one , to relieue the length and tediousnes of the way , she lent him her owne chariot : and thus galeacius was conueyed in the chariot of so great a princesse as far as to the towne of francolium : from whence hauing a pleasant tide down the riuer of po , or padus , he came by water into venice : where taking shippe and crossing the sea , he went thorow switzerland to geneua , and thither came the foureteenth of october in the same yeare , the whole congregation , and especially his chiefe friends , reioycing with ioy vnspeakeable , for the safety of his returne . and thus this cruell tempests thus being ouer-blowen and now quieted , and satan seeing he preuailed not by any of those forcible assaults ; yet thought to trie him with one more , and therefore came vpon him a fresh , like as a second fitte of an ague stronger then the first : and by this satan feared not but to giue him the ouerthrow ▪ and to bring him home againe into italy : and thus it was . chap. xx. the fourth assault that satan vsed to bring him backe againe , was by his wife , who by her letters won him to come and meete her in italy : which he yeelded vnto , and gaue her meeting . his wife victoria burned in long loue and hearty affection toward her husband galeacius , so that it cannot be vttered how vehemently she desired his company : wherupon shee neuer ceased writing to him , and intreating him to returne againe to her and his children . but when shee saw her womanly arguments and vaine scribling did no good , at last shee in all earnest manner desired him to meete her in some city within the territorie of the venetians , not farre from the kingdome of naples . to this motion galeacius yeelded : and thus the husband and wife promised to meet ; but the ends that they aymed at were diuers : she hoped by her slattery and faire speeches , her teares and lamentations , to winne her husband home againe : on the other side he was much more busie in deuising how he might perswade her to deliuer her selfe out of the filth of popery , and come and dwell with him . with these resolutions they both going forward , shee came to vico , to her father in law the marquesse . he came from geneua to laesina , a citie in dalmatia . this laesina is distant from vicum an hundred italian miles by water ; and standeth iust ouer against vicum ; and the sea called the venetian gulfe lieth betwixt them . galeacius here abode and expected his wife : but at that time she came not as she had promised , and he expected . yet he could neuer learn the cause of her staying at that time , nor what it was that moued her so to disappoint him ; yet though she came not her selfe she sent two of her eldest sons to their father ; whose sight was most welcome , & their company most cōfortable to galeacius : but one way it grieued him the more ; because the sight and company of them more affected him with the absence of his wife ; for whose sake and company especially he had taken so long a iourney : therefore sending them soone after home againe , he went away sorowfull to geneua . where he had rested but a few daies , but another packet of letters came posting from his wife , beseeching him not to thinke much at her former negligence , and to vouchsafe once againe to come to the same place ; where , without all faile , she would most gladly attend him , and solemnly vowed with largeprotestations she would not disappoint him . the request was very vnreasonable , & it was a hard case for galeacius thus to spend his time , and wearie his mind and body in so long and dangerous iournies , and to so little purpose as hitherto he had . notwithstanding , one thing mooued him to yeelde euen to this motion also : namely , a perswasion that he had , that when he first forsoke his country , he did not fully discharge his duety , in labouring to winne his wife to haue gone with him ; by explaining to her the chiefe heads of christian doctrine , whereby she might possibly haue receiued some tast , and so haue taken some liking of true religion : desiring therefore now if it were possible to make amends for his former negligence , he yeelded to goe . and so obtayning for his better security in going and returning , a pasport or safe-conduct from the high court of rhoetia ; he departed from geneua the seuenth of march , in the yeare . and came to laesina in dolmatia , ouer against vicum : where he had intelligence that the marquesse his father , his wife , his children , and his vncles sonne ( he of whom we heard before ) were already come to vicum , with purpose to haue beene by that time at laesina with galeacius ; but they could not , by reason that a mariner of venice had broken promise with them , and disappointed them : by reason whereof , and of other dangers of the sea , they could not as yet take shipping , nor durst venture ouer the water . whereupon galeacius not induring patiently so long delayes , resolued to goe himselfe ouer to vicum . such was his faith in the lord , and his loue to his friends , that hee respected not the imminent danger : but constantly relied on the lords protection ; knowing that no fleshly affections droue him to his iourney , but a sincere zeale to gods honour , and the soules health of his kinred , and the discharging of his owne duety vnto them ; whereunto he was perswaded that he had a speciall calling . chap. xxi . of his arriuall at vico , his fathers chiefe house , and his entertainment there : and what meanes were vsed to seduce him : and how his wife refused not onely to goe with him , but euen to lie with him , because he was an heretike : being thereto , as she said , commanded by her confessor . and so arriuing by gods mercy on the coast of italy , not farre from vicum , he gaue intelligence of his approch to his father the marquesse ; who presently sent his children to meete their father : and all his retinue to attend him into the castle ; at whose entrance , it cannot be expressed how great ioy was in all that house and noble familie ; and how all the nobles and gentlemen of his kinred and acquaintance reioyced at his returne ; and beganne to cheere vp their hearts with a new hope which hitherto had beene cast downe and oppressed with griefe and despaire . but aboue all other his wife ( madam victoria ) surpassed in ioy and new conceiued delight ; hoping she had now recouered her most deere lord and beloued husband , the only comfort and the sweete solace of her life . all ( but galeacius ) exceedingly reioyced at this meeting here ; though indeed it greatly ioyed his naturall affection , to enioy the company of his friends , so many , so neere , and so deere vnto him : yet his ioy was tempered and allayed with a certaine doubting feare which ranne in his minde night and day . for the wise gentleman well foresaw , that the fruition of that pleasure was but to last a while , and soone would haue an end ▪ for the end of his comming was not that which they imagined : and euery day new matters ranne in his heads the consideration whereof did not a little trouble him . hee hath often since discoursed vn to his friends , that all those dayes he liued in continuall feare , to be suddenly apprehended , and cast into some filthy prison ; where he should spend his daies in languishing and lamentations , without any solace of his friends : yea and be vtterly debarred of the comfortable reading of gods holy word . but returne to the matter . at his first arriuall hee was entertained with much ioy on all sides , and many cherefull countenances and kind welcomes . but alas , within a few daies all this mirth and ioy was turned into teares and lamentation , and vnmeasurable griefe : for when once he had opened to his father the marquesse his constant purpose to perseuere in the truth of that religion hee had begunne to professe ; and that hee would rather die in the defence of it , then be drawen from it ; then alas , what fighing , what crying , yea what dolefull lamentation did it moue in them all ! but then let the christian reader iudge what a troubled spirit and wofull heart that good man had in this so fearefull a combatte betwixt the grace of god and his naturall affections ; and what a torment it was vnto him , to see them all so neere and deere vnto him , labour to withdraw him from god ; and to see his constancy in religion so to grieue them , which was the ioy of his owne heart . yet taking vp with himselfe as well as nature could , and comforting himselfe in his god , he afterward dealt with his wife in all louing and yet earnest manner that she would follow him her husband , and delay no longer time , but come and liue with him according as the law of god and nature required : which if she would doe , he promised her liberty of her conscience and religion , to liue as she would ▪ but for his owne part , he told her aforehand , as she should after find ; namely , that he was firmlie esolued to liue and die in that religion , which ( by the hand of god leading him ) hee had vndertaken ; and for the which he had forsaken countrey , kinred , and all those excellent and comfortable blessings of thus life , which god had giuen him . here i leaue it to the reader , but especially to the harts of such women , as being wiues , do truely loue their husbands , to iudge with what sobs and heart-breaking the silly gentlewoman heard these words of her husband , whom she now saw past all hope to be perswaded to stay with her ; which she desired aboue all worldly things . yet it appears it was but in meere carnal and worldly respects , as the consequent shewed : for though she loued him and desired his company neuer so much ; yet beeing a wise , worldly , wilfull , and indeed a right papist , she answered him plainely ( though with many teares ) that she would neuer go with him to geneua , nor to any other place , where was any other religion , but that of rome ; & that she would not liue with him as long as he was intangled with those heresies ( as she called them ) wherby it appeares that she was a carnall politike papist . she loued him , but where ? in italy ; and there would line with him , but not at geneua : and why ? for in italy he might aduance her to the state of a marchionesse ; in geneua he could not : there she might liue with him a life ful of al delights ; but in geneua a hard , base , & obscure life , and subiect to many outward dangers and miseries . in which respects it was that she was so instant vpō him to stay with her . but the conclusion was , her desire was to enioy him & italy both : but rather then she would leaue italy and the delicacies therof , she chose plainely to forsake him ; & to withdraw the duty of a wife from him . for it may in no case be omitted ( which afterward hee imparted to some his intierest and most inward friends ) that shee euen then and there denied him that duetie which a wife is bound to yeeld to her husband by the law of god and nature : that is , she would by no meanes giue him due beneuolence , nor consent to lie with him as man and wife : and gaue this reason ; that shee was expresly forbidden of her confessor , vnder paine of excommunication , because hee was an heretike . where behold popish religion what it is , that can separate man and wife for disparity in religion ; and can discharge men and women from those dueties of marriage with which god hath charged them . how this monstrous vnkindnes and vnwomanly answer pierced his heart , let any christian man iudge , whom god hath honored to be an husband . yet he ouercame and euen deuoured all these tormenting griefes , and beare them with an inuincible constancy and quietnes of mind . yet he purposed not to beare so great an iniury for cuer , but to redresse and helpe it if it were possible : and therefore he further proceeded with her , and openly and plainely denounced to her , that vnlesse she would yeeld him that matrimoniall duety , which by gods law she ought : namely , to eate , and lie , and liue with him ; it would be a cause to make him sue out a diuorce against her , and so procure a finall separation ; which if she were the cause of , she might thanke or rather blame her selfe , who withdrew her necke from that yoke of duety towards him which marriage required , and which he for his part said , he would neuer haue done to her , though her religion was so farre differing from his . yet notwithstanding ▪ he said , that she first refusing him , hee had then iust cause to refuse her , who had first by refusall of that duety refused her selfe as it were , and denied her selfe to bee his wife . and so he concluded with her , that vnlesse she would be his wife , he would no longer be her husband . this protestation no doubt , amazed and troubled her not a little , and vexed the silly womans mind ; especially for that he was and had alwaies beene such a husband to her , so good and kind , and euery way so well deseruing , that she loued him as her owne eyes ( therefore more was she to blame , that she esteemed him not as the light of her eyes : ) but though this troubled her sore , yet it moued her not to her duety ; so good a scholar was she in this popish learning , that she would rather incur her husbands , yea gods displeasure then her confessors ; and rather breake their commandements so holy and iust , then his , which was so vngodlie , and so vnreasonable : and it also lesse preuayled with her because she imagined he would not so doe ( though he spake so ) but onely did it to feare her , and so in feare hereof to make her yeeld vnto him . chap. xxii . seeing he could not reclaime his ladie , he resolued to returne to geneua : and of the greeuous temptations he endured : where he tooke his last farewell of his father , wife , children , and friends : and of his heauenly courage , in bearing and passing thorow them all . when therefore the good gentleman saw all things so farre amisse , that euen his wife was against him of all other , and gaue him a deeper wound then all other his friends ; denying him that societie and fellowship which the bond of marriage yeeldeth , & seeing that the time passed without any good doing , but rather to the increasing of griefe on all sides ; hee theerfore resolued to depart , and so calling his wife victoria againe , he iterated vnto her his former protestation ; and so bad her take it as his last warning . the dolefull day of his departing being come , hee held on his purpose , and so entred into the chamber of his father the marquesse to do his duetie vnto him , and to take his leaue : who seeing his son thus past al hope of recouery , quenching his fatherly affection in fury and raging madnesse , like a frantike or desperate man , reuiled him in most dispitefull termes , and at last giues him his farewel with many a heauy and bitter curse . this so strange and extraordinary persecution , did this good gentleman suffer for christs sake ; and it is marueile that it did not cause him to looke backe againe , and turne his course . but it was gods doing that his father should vse these extreme and violent curses , rather then to goe about to winne him by allurements and gentle perswasions : for hee hath often vsed to tell his friends , that this monstrous inhumanity and vnnaturalnes of his father did rather confirme and settle his minde ; his nature being rather to be ledde then drawen , and rather to be wonne by friendlinesse and faire meanes , then to be vrged by extremities . but god would haue his seruant to be tried by both meanes : namely , the allurements of his wife and the minacings of his father . thus god would purge him in the fire of all kind of temptations . and thus by the power of gods grace hauing passed thorow this fire , behold a hotter is to be ventured on . departing his fathers chamber , with that burden of curses ( which the lord turned into blessings ) he came into the great chamber , and so into the hall ; where he found his wife , his children , his vncles sonne ( afore spoken of ) diuers noble gentlemen his kinsfolks , and some his ancient familiars and domestick friends : all fraught with griefe , and making heauy cheere ; nothing was heard but sighes , and sobbes , and cries ; nothing was seene but teares and wringing of hands : his wife embracing him , and taking him about the necke , beseeched him in most louing and most pitifull maner , that be would haue care of himselfe , of her , and of all his children , and whole house ; and not so wilfully to cast them all away . his yong children all vpon their knees , with armes stretched ou t , and hands holden vp , and faces swolne with teares , cried vnto him to haue pitie on them his owne bowels ; and not to make them fatherlesse before the time . his cosen and other kinsmen with heauie countenances and watrie eyes looked rufully on him ; and though for griefe they were not able to speake one word to him ; yet euery looke , and euery countenance , and euery gesture was a loud crie , and a strong intreatie , that he would stay , and not leaue so ancient and noble a house in such wosull and desolate case . no words can suffice to expresse the griefe of that doleful company , nor that lamentable departure that there was to be seene . vnutterable was the griefe on their side , and vnspeakeable was the torment & temptation which the noble gentleman felt in this agonv , when he must either leaue christ iesus or leaue all these for him . but amongst & aboue al , there was one most lamētable sight , which would euen haue wrung tears frō a hart of flint . amongst al his children he had one daughter , a towardly & goodly yong gentlewoman of xij . yeres old , who crying out amain & wallowing in teares , fell downe , & catching fast hold about his thighes and knees , held him so hard as he could by no means shake her off : & the affectiō of a father wroght so with him , as he could not offer with violence to hurt her ; he labored to be loose , but she held faster ; he went away , but she trailed after , crying to him not to be so cruell to her his childe ; who came into the world by him . this so wonderfully wrought with his nature , he being a man of a most louing & kind affection ; that he hath often reported he thought that all his bowels rowled about within him & that his hart would haue burst presently , & there instantly haue died , his child so hauing him fast about the legs . but notwithstāding al this , he being armed with a supernatural & heauēly fortitude , he brake thorow al these tēptations , & treading vnder foot whatsoeuer might hinder him frō christ , he escaped out ofthis perillous battell a glorious cōquerer ; & so leauing that sorrowful house & dolorus cōpany , he came with speed to the shore : where presētly taking shipping , he caused them to hoist vp sailes towards laesina with a turmoiled & distressed mind , one way surcharged with sorow to remēber the maner of his departure ; another way surprized with ioy to remēber that he had escaped . and euen as a ship in a tēpestuoussea , the boisterous waues tossing it vp & down , is thrown about , somtime touching the clouds ▪ somtime plunged into the depth : so no doubt the noble mind of this yong marquesse was no lesse distracted with cotrary cogitations ; being as it were in a labyrinth of distempered affections : sometimes he could not but remēber that lamētable estate wherin he left his father , wife , & children : he often imagined he was stil amongst thē ; he thought he hard them cry & cal vpon him ; thought he still felt his litle deere daughter clasping him about the legs & trailing after him ; neither could he contain but breake out into tears ; neither could he for his life but often looke backe at that princely house , with al those goodly orchards , gardēs , granges , fields & teritories : to al which he was the only heire apparēt ; yet al which he saw he must leaue for christ sake . but one thing pierced his heart to see his wife , and children , and other his alliance standing on the shore ; who when they could not speake to him , looked at him ; and when they could not see him ceased not to looke after the shippe as long as it was in sight ; neither could hee refraine but with a wofull countenance looke at them againe as long as hee could discerne them : and withall he called to minde the bitter words and heauy farewell which the marquesse his father gaue him at his departure ; all which cogitations running in his head , did doubtlesse wring from his sorrowfull heart many a deepe sigh and heauy grone , and many a bitter teare from his watrie eyes : and yet notwithstanding all these , the spirituall strength and courage of his minde was constant and inuincible . and euen as a good pilot in a raging sea , when clouds and darkenesse , thunder and lightnings , storme and tempest runne together , and tosse the shippe from waue to waue , as lightly as a ball from hand to hand ; yet for all that he sits still at the helme , with vndanted courage , and markes his compasse ; and by his courage and skill together keepes on a right and stedfast course thorow all the rage of sea and weather : euen so this our thrice noble galeacius taking hold of the holy and heauenly anchor ; namely , a liuely faith in christ , and a stedfast hope in god , he surmounts the clouds , and fixeth those anchor-holdes in heauen , and looking stedfastly with a spirituall eye , at the true load starre : namely , christ iesus and the hope of eternall happinesse ; he directs his course towards the same with an heroicall spirit , and heauenly resolution thorow the tempestuous waues of those fearefull temptations : and the shippe that caried his body , did not so fast transport him from delicate italy towards dalmatia , as the shippe of heauenly constancy and loue of god withdrew his minde and meditation from all naturall respects and worldly delights , and made it mount alost in holy contemplation . and thus the presence and grace of gods spirit , hauing ouercome the power of naturall affections ; he began to cheere vp himselfe after this tempest : and first of all , bending the knees of his heart to the eternall father in heauen ; hee yeelded his maiesty most hearty thankes , for that he had furnished his soule with such a portion of his grace , as to withstand and conquere satan in such a perillous battell : and for that hee had deliuered him from the danger of popish thraldome , from the inquisition , and from that perpetuall imprisonment both of conscience and body which the popish church would haue brought him vnto , had he not thus escaped their hands . hee likewise praised god vnfainedly , that he vouchsafed to giue him time , opportunity , and grace to discharge that duety to his wife the yong marchionesse , which at his first departure he had omitted , and which oftentimes he had with great griefe bewailed , and that he had enabled him to omit nothing which might haue perswaded her to haue left sodome , and to haue vndertaken with him this blessed pilgrimage towards the heauenly ierusalem . the remembrance of these things much refreshed his troubled minde . it also much contented and satisfied his conscience , that vpon that monstrous and vndutifull behauiour of his wife towards him ( spoken of before ) hee had made that protestation which hee did : namely , that he would vse the lawfull meanes to be diuorced from her , who had first of al diuorced & cut off her selfe from him , by denying that duety of loue , which the wife may not denie to the husband , nor the husband to the wife : he perswaded himselfe that this protestation would worke well with her , and make her more confirmeable to her duetie , when she had aduisedly thought of it . chap. xxiii . of his iourney home againe by venice , and thorow rhoetia , switzerland : and his safe arriuall at geneua : and of the great ioy he brought to the church by his safe returne . reuiuing his troubled spirits with these cogitations , he arriued at lasina in dalmatia , which is the countrey ouer against italy ; from whence he passed in a very quiet passage , and calme sea to venice : where hee found many faithfull seruants of god , and good christians ; who hauing heard afore that he was gone to vicum , were exceedingly afraid for that imminent and ineuitable danger they saw he was in , either to haue his conscience a slaue to popish vanity , or his person a prisoner to popish cruelty ; therefore they ceased not to pray for him night and day : and yet for all that they feared greatly what would become of him . but when now at last they saw him returne , both sound in conscience , and safe in person ; & such a glorious conquerer ouer satan , and ouer so many strong temptations with which the world and naturall affections had assailed him : their feare was turned into comfort , their sorrow into ioy , and they all glorified the lord for him . and so after mutuall comfort giuen and receiued , he departed from venice , and trauelled thorow rhoetia and switzerland ; where he visited the churches of the protestants , and comforted them greatly with his presence , and by telling them what great things the lord had done for him : and so by the good hand of his god vpon him , he came in safety to geneua the fourth of october in the yeare . his safe arriuall brought exceeding ioy to the whole church there ; but especially to the italian congregation : for his long absence had brought them into some suspence and doubt , not of any alteration of his religion , but of some cruell and false measures to haue beene offred him by the deceitfull papists . but when they saw him so safely returned , vntoucht in conscience , and vnhurt in his person ; and that he had passed so many pikes of temptations which they knew had beene pitcht against him ; they gaue great thankes to the lord for him . but when he had discourst vnto them particularly the whole course of the proceedings : first , what a strong battry of temptations and assaults the diuell and the world had planted against him , then how manfully he fought and withstood , and at last ouercame them all ; they fell into admiration of so rare constancy , and thought him worthy of all honour , to whom it is giuen ( as the apostle saith ) to suffer so much for christ and for religions sake : and in all earnest manner they magnified the singular grace and mercy of god towards him , and towards the whole church in him ; which had not suffred his seruant ( this noble galeacius ) to be seduced out of the way of that holy calling whereto the lord had called him : and who had deliuered him from so subtile a traine , laid by the policy of the enemy satan , to haue intrapt his soule and conscience , by ouerturning him in the race of his religion : and they all acknowledged that this noble and godly gentleman found it verified in himselfe , which the kingly prophet saith in the psalme : because he hath trusted in me , therefore i will set him free : i will be with him in his troubles , i will deliuer him , and crowne him with honour : and in another place , he that trusteth in the lord shall neuer be confounded . and thus the church receiued a double benefit by him : for first , his practise was an example vnto them all of a most extraordinary and heauenly constancy in the loue and profession of true religion : secondly , the mercifull dealing of the lord with him , was a notable confirmation of their faith , and an encouragement to them to perseuere and stand to the truth , with assurance that the lord himselfe would stand by them . chap. xxiiii . certaine yeares after his returne to geueua , he begins to feele in himselfe a necessity of marriage : he deliuers his case to caluin , who refused to consent : the matter is referred to the churches of switzerland , and by them he is resolued that he is free from his first wife , and may marry againe . and thus with vnspeakeable contentment in his owne conscience , and with publike ioy and thankesgiuing of the whole church , he setled himselfe at geneua in his former priuate and quiet life . where after a few yeares he began to find in himselfe some reasons which perswaded him to thinke it needefull for him to liue in the estate of marriage : and therefore hauing thus long waited and expected a more wise and duetiful answer from his wife ; and perceiuing by her not answering , that she still persisted in that monstrous and vnnatural wilfulnes , which her blinded popish mind had formerly vndertaken by the perswasion of her blind and popish guides ; he therefore purposed to take such course for his remedie , as by the law of god and his church should in that case seeme allowable : namely , to be diuorced from her ; who for her part had broken the bond and vntied the knot of matrimonie . and first of all he imparted his mind and purpose to m. caluine , and craued his godly and wholsome counsel in a case of so great importance . his counsell was first of all , that it was more conuenient and lesse scandalous to the enemies of religion , if he could abstaine . but the gentleman replied , that the case was so with him , as he could not abstaine , and gaue him many weighty reasons which drew him to marriage ; and withall participated vnto him some secret reasons : for the which he affirmed it was altogether necessary for him to marry . holy caluine as he was a man indued from god with sharpenesse of iudgement , and a wise and discerning spirit : so he foresaw plainely that many would speake euill of the fact , others would take offence at it , some would plainely condemne it , and speake euill of religion for it ; and the rather because ( as he truely said ) very few did rightly conceiue the full truth in the doctrine of diuorcement : but fewest of all would or could know the whole circumstance of this particular fact . he likewise wisely considered that the like president was seldome seene , especially in the italian church , whereof this gentleman was a principall member , and of speciall account , both for his nobility , birth , and descent , and for his zealous loue to religion . all which considerations , with diuers other , made reuerend caluine not too easily to subscribe to this purpose and motion of galeacius . notwithstanding , when the gentleman vrged him out of the word of god and good conscience , with arguments which he saw and confessed he could not sufficiently answere ; therefore lest he should burden and trouble the conscience of so good a man , which alledged for himselfe , that he was driuen by necessity to that course ; he yeelded thus farre to him : that if he would repaire vnto the learned and reuerend diuine peter martyr , and aske his opinion , and the opinions of all the learned and chiefe diuines of rhoetia , and switzerland ; and desire them seriously to consider of it ( as in a matter of such moment , and of so great consequence , it was requisite ) and then set downe their iudgements in the matter , and the reasons mouing them thereunto ; he promised that he would also subscribe vnto them , and most willingly yeelde vnto him , what liberty soeuer they did allow him : alwaies prouided , that he also should submit himselfe vnto their censure , and stand to the triall of their iudgements in this case . galeacius most willingly yeelded hereunto , as who desired nothing , but that which the lord by his word , and by the voyce of his church , should allow vnto him ; and so taking the course that caluine had aduised him , he caused letters to be drawen and sent to zurich , berue , and other the churches of switzerland ; opening the whole circumstance of the matter , and expounding the case truely and fully ; and humbly craued the iudgement of the church in a case of conscience so great and doubtfull . the chiefe preachers and most learned diuines yeelded to his honest and godly request , and assembled about it : the matter was much and long debated , and argued at large on both sides : and after mature deliberation , and sufficient consultation had ; it was concluded and agreed on by them all with one consent̄ , that he might with safe conscience , depart from that wife , which had first of all on her owne part broken the bond , and dissolued the marriage knot : and for the proofe of this their opinion , many causes and reasons were alledged and laid downe out of the scriptures , fathers , councels , and out of the ciuil law , which is the law almost ofal countries in christendome . all which ( both their conclusions & their reasons ) were put in writing , and are registred and safely recorded ; and are kept to this day ready to be shewed to whomsoeuer and whensoeuer neede shall so require : for it was thought good by the church so to doe ; both for that the case was extraordinary , and would be sinisterly spoken of , and censured by many ; who knew not sufficiently how it stood : and especially for the preuenting of any slander or cauill , which the enemies might obiect against our religion . chap. xxv . by publike sentence of the church and iudgement of the law , he is diuorced from his former wife : and after a time he marrieth a french gentlewoman , a widow of about fortie yeares of age , himselfe then being about three and fortie . galeacius hauing thus laid his foundation ▪ proceeded further ; but still with the consent of the church , and obseruing the due forme of law , and the ordinary course of iustice in such cases , he craued publikely of the magistrate that he might be diuorced , that is , that he might bee pronounced to be free and discharged from that wife , who had already cut off her felfe from him . the magistrate considering the trueth and circumstance of the case , together with the iudgement of the diuines , wherunto also was agreable the iudgement of the law , graunted vnto him , as by his aduocates it was required ; & so in publik court , and by sentence definite , and irreuocable he was diuorced , and was pronounced to be free , and discharged of his former wife victoria ; and that it was lawful for him and in his choice to liue vnmaried , or to marrie as hee himselfe would . after which liberty obtained , hee imparted the matter to his friends , and applying himselfe to thinke of another wife , he asked their aduices in this point also . and herein hee tooke that course , which generally men in the world take , not ; for in his choice he respected not so much wealth , birth nor beauty , but onely to find a fit companion of his life , and such a one , as with whom he might lead that which remained of his life , in a comfortable contentment , in tranquillity of minde and peace of conscience ; that so hee might the more cheerefully serue the lord , and waite for the comming of iesus christ . which course of his is more to be noted , especially in so great a man , and so honorably discended ; and the rather to crosse and controle the carnall and worldly courses , which men for the most part and women also obserue in their mariages ; respecting those things first , which should be last , and that last or not at al which should be first and aboue all . galeacius continuing this his purpose , and looking about for his choice , the prouidence of god ( which doth neuerfaile his children , especially in so great matters ) did offer vnto him a fit opportunity . for so it was that at the same time , a certaine gentlewoman of france , a wido we came from roan to geneua , for true religions sake , which she loued and professed , and for the loue of it left her country , & came thither for liberty of her conscience . she was a matronelie , and a graue woman , and well reported of for her modesty , honesty , feare of god , and for manifold good qualities : her name was anna fremeria , and was about fortie yeares of age . all which circumstances galeacius well obseruing , thought her a fit and conuenient wife for him : and so with the consent and liking of other his good friends , he tooke her to wife , and married her the sixteenth day of ianuary , in the yeare . and in the three and fortieth yeare of his age ; and they liued together many yeares after with much comfort one of another , & in an excellent agreement , being both of the same religion , and of one mind ; alwaies drawing in one yoke , and bearing one burden ; diuiding it betwixt them ; whether it was ioy or sorrow : so that the vnquietnes of his life past , was now recompenced with a life full ofall contentment ; and so louing her , and being truely loued ofher , they spent their daies in all mutuall comfort , solacing themselues in their quiet and priuate life , and ioying in the mutuall faithfulnes and loyalty which one performed to another . loe thus shall the man be blessed that feareth the lord. chap. xxvi . of his course of life after his marriage : his frugality . now being married , he laboured to deliuer and disburden himselfe of worldly cares ; and therefore he prescribed to himselfe a sparing and frugall course of life ; resoluing to keepe himselfe within the compasse of his reuenue ▪ which although it was as much againe as it was afore , by his wiues dowrie : yet by many other hinderances was farre lesse then heretofore it had beene . and first for his houshold , his care was to haue it little as might be , and therefore for his seruice and attendance , he onely kept two maid-seruants : and for himselfe , he ledde his life in great sobrietie , and in very meane estate , yet alwaies free from sordid basenes , and alwaies keeping a seemely decorum ; neuer wanting any thing that was necessary , nor hauing much that was superfluous . his attire was plaine and homely , but alwaies comely , cleane and handsome : and he that in his owne countrey might haue beene lord of so many tenants , and commander of so many seruants , did now walke the streets of geneua alone , often not hauing the attendance of one man : yea he would not disdain to come himselfe into the market , nor think scorn to prouide himself of necessaries : and sometime would buy and cary home fruits , herbs , roots , and such other things . and this course of life , together with liberty oftrue religion , he esteemed greater happines then the marquesdome of vicum . and although by this course of life he could scarce be discerned from an ordinary man , and from the common sort of people : notwithstanding in his countenance appeared that grauity in his gestures , behauiours , and in his whole body shone that comely maiesty ; as any wise man to haue seene him , and well considered him , would haue presently iudged that he came of noble race ; and that he had beene fit for the greatest imployments of the world : which also was so much the greater , because that with his excellency of birth and person , & perfection of all gentlemanly behauiours was ioyned true godlines , & the feare of god ; which of it selfe is of such force as it is able euen to honour him , who wanteth these worldly ornaments and outward perfections . how much therefore did it magnifie him , who had it in so great measure , and accompanied with so many true complements of gentry and honor ? by alwhich it came to passe that so many parts of the chiefest excellencies meeting in that one man , made him to shine aboue other the members of the church , euen as the moone amongst the stars . so that the italian church , though but little of it selfe ; yet by the vertues and worthinesse of this one noble gentleman , seemed worthy to be compared with the whole church of geneua . and as he was a credit and honour vnto that church , so was he againe most honorablie esteemed of that church : yea not onely of that church , but of the whole church and state of geneua : for not one senator nor magistrate of the city , not one of the preachers & ministers of the church was to be found , which had not alwaies in their mouthes , the commendation of noble galeacius : yea he was honored and highly esteemed of bythem all , and it was hard to say whether hee was more loued , or admired amongst them . in a word , he was loued of all men , lookt at of all men , spoken of by all men , magnified and extolled , yea wondred at of all men ; and though he knew not many himselfe , yet all men laboured to knowe him . no publike meeting was appointed , no solemne feast was made , wherto this our galeacius was not most solemnly called : yea euery man was desirous of him , and happy was he that might haue his company : yea they thought their meetings graced , and their houses honoured with his presence ; and in all assemblies the chiefest and highest roome was offred him : yeawas thrust vpon him , though he nothing at all respected it . and although he refused the name and title of marquesse ; because , he said , the emperour had cut off his succession , and depriued him of that honour because of his religion : notwithstanding , do what he could , he was called byno other name al his life long , and that not by some few his friends and fauorites , but by all sorts of men , euen strangers themselues , and such as were not of his religion . for all men thinking that he had iniury to be depriued of his lawfull succession ; therfore though they could not giue him the liuing and estate , yet they gaue him all they could ▪ that is , the name and title . such were his noble and gentlemanly qualities ( besides his christian vertues ) that they wonne the loue and liking of all men ; and caused them to honour him far aboue that he desired or cared for : yea euery one laboured to shew any seruice or to performe any duety of loue and kindnes towards him : nay strangers themselues were desirous to see him , and were drawen into an admiration ofhim : insomuch as whensoeuer any of the nobility or princes of christendome , especially of italy , did trauell to see forraine nations ; and for the most part taking geneua in their way ( which place generally all trauellers haue a great desire to see ) they would by no meanes omit to see and visit galeacius . thus did francis and alphonsus the yong dukes of ferrara , octauius the prince of selerum : and thus did fernesius the duke of parma , and diuers other : who in their trauell comming by geneua entertained him in all the complements of courtesie and of honour , no lesse then if he had beene at naples in his former glorie ; or if he had still beene a courtier in the emperours court , as heretofore he had beene . in a word , no noble man , no embassador , no great scholar , no man of note , of any forraine nation came that way , but presently they vsed meanes to haue a sight of this noble marquesse ; and for the most part desired to haue some company and conference with him : so that he was resorted vnto continually by men of all sorts ; as though he had not beene a priuate man , keeping a meane estate and dwelling in a little house ; but rather as though he had beene a great prince in the court , or one neere in place to the emperour himselfe . but though all men desired his acquaintance and company , and he againe was not curious in that point , but courteous to all as occasion was offred : yet for the most part , his most familiar conuersation was with the men of his owne nation : namely , with his countrimen the italians , of whom there was a flourishing church at geneua at the same time ; and which also flourished the better by his meanes , as heretofore hath beene declared . amongst whom though he behaued himselfe , it is doubtfull whether more ciuilly , or more humbly ; yet for all that he was honoured of them all , and vsed more like a lord then a priuate man : which although he in euery respect deserued , yet by no meanes desired . and so besides all his worthy and excellent parts , his humble minde and friendly conuersation made him more honourable . and to speake but truth of him , out of all question hee was not onely a good christian , but ( which is not alwaies seene ) a perfect and an absolute man : yea a man can hardly name any of those good parts and amiable qualities ; which for the most part doe winne a man loue in the world ; which were not to be found in this noble gentleman . for besides his noble birth and princely education , his religion and true feare of god ; he was also humble minded , affable , curteous and friendly to all men : he was wise , discreete , of good conceit , and of an excellent speech and discourse . it would haue delighted a man to haue heard him speake ; for as his memory was exceeding good , so his naturall eloquence , his smooth stile , his easie , quiet and seemely deliuerie , made his speech to be greatly commended of all that heard him . a man would haue wondred to haue seene how many , euen of the best sort , would haue laboured to haue bin in his company , and as it were haue catcht vp & eaten his words from his mouth , when it pleased him to discourse of some of those exploits and aduentures , which had fallen within the compasse of his own knowledg : as of the emperor charles the fift his voiage into prouence , and of his warres which he waged in gelderland , against the duke of cleeue , and of many other great affaires and special imployments . neither was hee onely a fit companion for gentlemen and men of estate , but such was the mildnes of his nature and disposition , that he was also kind and courteous to men of lower place , and most ofall to the poore , amongst whom , if they were godly and honest he would conuerse as familiarly , as with his equals , or with men of greater place . he was also of a free and liberall hart , no poore or distressed man did euer require his assistance , or craue his helpe , but presently hee would reach vuto them his helping hand , and relieue them by all meanes he could , yea the want of his former wealth and losse of his marquesdome , did neuer grieue him , but when he had not wherewithall to exercise his charitie , towards the poore soules of god : it was his ioy and delight to be lending and giuing to those that wanted , and in that respect onely he often wished himselfe as great a man in geneua as he was in italy : but to his power and ability his good workes did farre exceed the proude and pharisaical papists , who glorie in their workes , and will bee saued by them . prisoners & men in danger did often feele his bountie ; hee omitted not to visite his sicke brethren , and that most diligently : such as were poore hee relieued ; yea the richest and learnedst of all , did thinke themselues in their sicknesses happy to haue him with them ; his presence and company , but especially his talke and christian exhortations were so comfortable vnto them . his ordinary exercises were these ; euery day hee repaired to the church and heard diuine seruice , and missed not to be present at prayers with the congregation , especially he neuer omitted to heare the sermons and the word preached ; which he did alwaies with wonderful deuotion & reuerence to the word of god ; for he iudged and esteemed that the true happines of a man , and the onely sweete and pleasant life consisted in liuing holily , in walking in gods waies , in meeting with satans temptations , in bridling the corruptions of his nature , and in seruing god truely and sincerely without hypocrisie : vnto all which steps of happines he thought he could neuer attaine , but by the preaching of the word ; wherunto he also adioyned a daily course of reading the scripture ; thus labouring out of the scriptures to lay the foundations of his own saluatiō , which he applied to the profit and comfort , not ofhimselfe , alone , but of many others with him . besides al this , for the loue he beare vnto the church , and the desire he had to do al good he could ; he tooke vpon him the office of an elder in the church : the duety whereof he supplied daily , carefully obseruing and inquiring into the maners and liues of professors ; allowing & incouraging the good , and censuring the offenders , which he did with great care & conscience , lest that scandals & offences might arise in the church , whereby either the quiet and good estate ofthe of the church at home might be disturbed , or the enemie might haue any occasion to slander the profession of religion . neither stayed he here , but beside this publike care and labour , hee also was daily well occupied in more priuate matters : for where euer he saw , obserued , or heard of any dissensions , sutes in law , or controuersies amongst christian neighbours , hee was exceeding carefull to end and compasse them ; and for that end , as he had a ripe wit and a good conceit and deepe insight , so hee would imploy them all to the finding out the trueth and state of the cause : and hauing found it , hee would vse all his authority , yea he would make himselfe beholden to men , on condition they would yeelde one to another , and 〈◊〉 in peace . in a word , his whole course of life sauoured of grace , and did shew him to to be a sanctified man ; yet doubtlesse he thoght himselfe borne not for himselfe , but for god and for the church ; and he thought no time so well spent , nor any busines so wel dispatcht , as that wherin , not any priuate gain , or pleasure to himselfe was sought or obtained , but only gods glory aduanced , his church edified , religion maintained , and the good worke of gods grace confirmed in himselfe and others . chap. xxvii . being aged he falleth into a long and languishing sicknesse . and thus he liued at geneua many yeres full of ioy and quietnes , comfort , and contentment : farre from all worldly ambition , and as it were forgetting what he was , & what he was borne to in this world , onely respecting what he was to inherite in the world to come ; & as he had begun , so he continued in a loathing and detestation of all popish superstition , and impieties . but with this great quietnes of mind and conscience there wanted not some outward and corporal vexations : for after his long peace , new afflictions & storms came vpon him , wherby the almighty would yet better trie him , and make his faith , his hope , his patience and perseuerance to shine more gloriously ; that so afterward he might receiue a more excellent reward , and a more glorious crowne . for first of all , he fell sicke of a grieuous , doubtful & dangerous disease , which had bred vpon him by abundance of rheume , wherby he became so short winded that he could hardly draw his breath ; by force of such weakenes he was exceedingly tormented night and day : for the good gentleman was constrained oftentimes to sit vp whole nights together and was faine to be remoued from roome to roome , and from one place to another , to see if by any meanes he might take some sleepe , which by the vehemency of this disease was almost quit gone from him . this disease had growen vpon him by reason of his many and long and sore iournies , which he had taken by sea and by land for his conscience sake : and of the great distempers and alterations of the state of his body , which for his soules sake he had vndergone . chap. xxviii . a new temptation assaults him : a iesuite is sent from his friends in italy to reclaime him , by offring him great summes of money , and to ▪ make his yonger sonne a cardinall : but he valiantly scorneth it all , and sends him backe with shame . bvt this languishing sickenesse did not so much afflict his weake and aged body as satan laboured by another deuice , and a new temptation to trouble and vex his righteous soule . for it came to passe that about the same time , when this disease had seazed vpon him , there came to geneua out of italy a nephew of his , the naturall sonne of his owne sister , with letters to him from his former wife victoria the marchionesse , as also from his eldest sonne the yong marquesse : vnto which letters this yong gentleman being also a scholar , added many words of his owne to little purpose ; labouring to perswade and allure him with much and vaine babling , that now at the last he would acknowledge his error , and returne home againe to his owne countrie to his former religion , and to his ancient inheritance , that goodly marquesdome . the principall cause both of their writing , and his comming so farre was this : because that if he would now at last returne againe , hereby he said that out of all doubt he might aduance his yongest sonne charles , either to the princely state of a cardinall , or at least to be some great bishop . for , saith he , whereas your sonne is now admitted into holy orders , and is ( for his great friends and alliance , and for his special towardlines ) in possibility of so great preferment , your pertinacy and obstinate peruersenes , in following and defending a new found and vpstart religion ; and condemned ( as he said ) by al the great estates of italy , is the very only hindrance of your sons preferment . these kind of news how highly they offended the holy and christian soule of this thrice noble galeasius , who from his hart abhorred , and in his soule detested those vaine and vngodly and prophane dignities in the popish church ; i leaue it to be iudged by the christian reader . and therfore hauing with much griefe of mind hard thus much of this vnsauory and vnpleasant message , and not ablelonger to forbeare , lie first of all tooke the letters , and before his face that brought them , threw them into the fire ; and then briefly , but grauely , wisely , and zealously hee shaped him his answere by word of mouth : thinking so badde and base a message vnworthie the time and labour of writing . and first of all hee tolde him , that there could not haue come to him more heauie and vnwelcome newes of his sonne then these ; that hee was so blind a papist , that for the hope of this worldly aduancement he would venture the ruine and subuersion of his soule . and bad him tell his sonne that he would hinder him in that vngodly course by all meanes he could : and hee said , hee knew not whether it more grieued him to see the vanity of his sons proceeding , then it reioyced him that it lay in his power any waies to hinder him in the same : yea , saith he , know thou , and let that my seduced sonne know , that you could haue vsed scarce any argument vnto me so forcible to make me persist in my religion , and to detest popery , as this ; that in so doing i may hinder my sonne from the abominable dignities of the popish church : and therefore , saith he , returne my son this answere ; that in stead of helping him to these preferments , i will pray for euer to the lord for him , who is the father of his soule and mine , that he would open his eyes to see the truth , and that he may haue grace after the example of me his father to see the horriblesuperstitious idolatries & impieties of popery , & seeing thē to abhor & detest them : & renouncing the vanities of al worldly pomp and honor , to direct his foote steps to the lord , and embrace his holytruth , and yeeld his soule and conscience obedient to the heauenly calling , and so become the seruant and childe of the most high god : whereby he may aspire and attaine to the true and highest dignity ; which is to enioy the fauour and comfortable presence of god , & his holy grace ; to loue god , and to be loued of him ; and so at last to be aduanced to that heauenly and eternalglory which is prepared for them who in this world do forsake themselues and their owne desires , that they may in true holines serue the lord. with these and such like holy speeches he answered the disholy and dishonest demand of this carnall papist . but for all that this importunate and vnreasonable iesuite ( for he was of that sect ) ceased not to be troublesome to this noble and holy gentleman ▪ still vrging him with fond and friuolous reasons , and pressing him with rediculous arguments : as this especially for one ; he promised him a huge sum of money , if he would returne home : which , saith he , lies ready at lions for you , and the brokers and exchangers there are prepared to pay it . and he further assured him , that if he would come againe into italy , they had procured him liberty of his conscience and religion at turing : and there also ( he said ) he should find a great summe of money ready for him . but when this importunatefellow presumed to presse the good conscience of this resolute gentleman with such base arguments ▪ and began to weigh religion in a paire of gold weights ; then the noble heart of this holy christian could not but shew it selfe mooued , and therefore in a holy zeale and an ardent loue of his sauior christ iesus , he cryed out , let their money perish with thē who esteeme al the gold in the worldworth one daies society with iesus christ , & his holy spirit : & cursed , saith he , be that religion for euer , which shal wed men to the world , & diuorce them from god. go home therfore , saith noble galeacius , take away thy siluer again , & make much of that drosse of the earth , together with your dregs of popery , lock thē vp together in the chest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and as for me , know it , that my lord & sauior christ , hath made me enamored of far more precious iewels and durable riches . but the heauenly constancy of this holy man , droue this frantike papist from his bias , into an extreme choller , for he according to the nature of his popes holy religion thought that when all arguments had failed , yet money would haue wonne him , and therfore seeing him so highly to scorne , and so disdainfully to contemne so great offers , hee thought it very strange ; and therefore seeing all his labor lost , and his best hold proue so weake , he fell from mony to meere madnes ; and forgetting himselfe , and his duty , brake out into ill words , and reproohfull termes : but when the magistrate was informed of it , and saw that this arrogant papist durst so far abuse the patience of so honorable a man , therfore by their authority , they forbad him the citie ( as the manner of that place is in such cafes ) and so this newes bringer had his pasport to be packing , and to go home and count his siluer ; and there to bragge of his good successe ; for he now could say by good experience , that so much money as was enough to lead an hundred popish friers to and fro whither a man would , like beares by the nose , could not touch the conscience of one protestant , much lesse make him a papist . chap. xxix . being deliuered from the importunitie of the iesuit : not long after , came a monke , nimble witted and learned , a kinsman of his owne , who had a strong conceit that he could haue reclaimed him : but he came too late , the marquesse being dead before he came . and thus it pleased god to deliuer this sick gentleman from this troublesome tempter , and this messenger of satan which came to haue buffeted him ; but he buffeted , yea and vanquished him , & satan in him ; and he might report at home , that he found the marquesse sicke in bodie , but whole in mind , yea that he neuer saw in all his life so resolute a conscience , and so couragious a mind in so weake a body . and thus the lord doubtlesse did in mercy to him ; that being from this disquiet companion ▪ he might with more comfort and lesse griefe , beare the burden of his sickenes , which now grew vpon him more and more , and left him not till it made him leaue the world , and till it had translated him from this his pilgrimage , to his eternall rest ; and till it had made him of a poore marquesse vpon earth , a glorious king in heauen . whose death as it was wonderfully lamented of the whole church for the vnrecouerable losse they had of him : so it was a merciful blessing , and a welcome messenger of god to him : for it freed and deliuered him from many stormes of new temptations which the diuell was raising against him ; for within a short time after his death , there came to geneua a certaine monke , a good scholar , a gentleman by birth ▪ and neere a kin to galeacius ; who being puft vp with monkish pride , and a conceit of his owne ability for such an enterprise , thought so farre to haue preuailed with galeacius by his nimble wit and eloquent tongue , as to haue perswaded him now at the last , either to haue relinquished his religion , or at least to haue left geneua and to haue returned into italy ( where his vncle had beene lately pope ) that so by his presence and countenance , and the helpe of his great friends ( which he had both in the popes and the emperours court ) his children might be in more possibility of those high dignities and great places in the world , which they and their other friends aimed at : and for the attainment whereof , nothing so much hindred them as their fathers religion , and course of life . but he returned home a proud foole as he came , and ashamed of his proud and insolent spirit ; which perswaded him by his vaine babling he could haue ouercome him whom he found when he came to geneua to haue ouercome the world , and all spirituall enemies , and now to be triumphing in the glory of heauen . and so leauing him and all other his popish carnall kinred , gnashing their teeth for anger to see his admirable constancy ; let vs returne againe to our sicke gentleman , whose end now hasting on , will also hasten an end of this strange story . chap. xxx . his long and languishing sickenes grew and increased vpon him in such measure , as his paine was most grieuous ; but hee bare it all with an heroicall and heauenly courage : so that it might manifestly appeare that euen the lord from heauen did lend him strength ; and as the torments and pangs of the disease increased , so hisfaith and patience and all heauenly vertues shone in him more and more : so that it was most true of him which the apostle saith , as the outward man perished so the inward man was renued daily . his body pined away , buthis minde and soule grew from strength to strength : and as a by-stander feeles not the paines of him that is tormented or racked before his eyes : so his soule and mind stood as it were a farre off , beholding the paines and vexations of the body ; and being vntoucht it selfe , did as it were laugh at satan , sinne , death , and damnation ; who by all their ioynt power could doe no more , but onely to vex and racke this poore carcase with bodily disease , but were not able to touch the soule , to vexe the minde , or wound the conscience . if any man aske the reason why his mind and conseience were so quiet in this so great torment of the body : the reason was ▪ for that his mind was imployed in holy meditations , as of the singular loue of god his father vnto him in christ iesus ; whereby he assured himselfe vndoubtedly of saluation , of the manifold holy graces , wherewith god had adorned him : by the force whereof , he said , he had borne off so many buffets of satan , had passed so many pikes of troubles , and come away conquerer in so many fearefull fights , as had opposed themselues against him in his conuersion . these gifts and graces of god he weighed with the crosses of his sicknes , and found them far heauier ; and he compared these momentany and light afflictions , with that exceeding and eternall weight of glory , which , he said , he knew was laid vp for him in heauen . these and such like meditations cheered vp his spirit more then the force of his sickenes could appall him . but aboue al things he felt vnspeakable comfort and sweetnes in his prayers to the lord ; which he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 feruently , and with a zealous and faithfull heart . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 often say , that in the midst of his prayers , his soule seemed to him to be euen rauished out of himself , and to taste of the blessed ioyes of heauen . so that the saying of the blessed apostle was verified in him , as the suffrings of christ abounded in us , so consolation by christ abounded much more . in his sickenes he wanted no helpe of the physitions , for they came to him out of all parts of the citie : and willingly did they all do their diligence about his body ; whose soule they knew had christ iesus to be the physition for it . his friends also continually visited him , who were of the chiefe men in the citie ; and they were all welcome to him rich and poore : and it is hard to say whether he receiued more comfort by them , or they more spirituall edification by him ; his speeches and behauiours were so full of patience , and so well seasoned with all grace . all his friends performed to him what duety soeuer was in their power , but especially his worthy wife did then shew her selfe most louing and loyall , for she was neuer from about him , and saw that he wanted nothing which the world could yeelde for the recouery of his health . but all was in vaine , for the time of his dissolution was at hand , and he had runne the royall race of a most holy christian life ; and now nothing remained but a blessed death . he might say as the apostle did with much ioy of heart : i haue run my race , i haue finished my course , i haue kept the faith : from henceforth is laid vp for me a crown of righteousnes , which christ the righteous iudge will giue to me , and to all such as wait for his appearing . after few daies the violence of his sickenes was such , as it ouercame all power of physicke ; so that it was manifest , that that blessed houre approched , wherin the lord had appointed to accomplish his owne good worke in him ; therefore he sequestred himself altogether from any more care of his body , and from al worldly cogitations ; he renounced the world and all in it ; he tooke his farewell of his wife , and all his christian friends , and said , hee should lead them the way to heauen . hee fixed all his thoughts vpon his soule , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ixed on the lord in heauen : and cried to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hat as he had sought him al his life , so he would ●● him , and acknowledge him for his owne . and thus as all his friends sat about him , and as the preachers and ministers were occupied in holy praiers and reading of the scriptures , and applying to him the heauenly consolations of god ▪ word , in the performance of these exercises he ended his dales , wherein hee had taken ▪ delight all his life long : and as hee reioyced to haue them in this life , so it pleased the lord that he should haue them at his death . and so in the midst of all his friends , in the presence of the ministers , euen in the fight of them all , he peaceablie and quietly yeelded vp his spirit , and rendred his soule into the hands of his mercifull god and faithfull creator , of whom he had receiued it ; who immediatly by the ministery of his holy angels receiuing it at his hands , and washing it pure in the blood of iesus christ , crowned it with the crown of eternal & heauenly happines . and thus this holy man was translated from a noble man on earth , to be a noble saint in heauen : and of a marquesse on earth in bare name and title , he was aduanced to be a glorious & triumphing king in heauen : where he now raignes in glory with that god whom he so faithfully serued on earth . that god and mereifull father grant that all we that reade this admirable story , may be allured to take vpon vs the same most holy profession , that this thrice noble marquesse did ; and may renounce and cast off what euer in this world we see doth hinder vs from the holy fellowshippe of christ iesus ; and strengthen vs that we may be faithful to the end : that so we may obtaine the crowne of life in that glory , where this noble galeacius and all the heauenly host of gods saints do wait for vs. amen . this was his life , this was his end : let thy life be like his , and thy heart walke in the same way ▪ then shall thy soule die his death , and thy latter end shall be like his . o lord how glorious art thou in thy saints ! finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e genes . . heb. . notes for div a -e a the very yeare when luther began to preach the gospell . * that is , pope paul the fourth . notes for div a -e see how the first step of a mans conuersion from popery , is true and sound mortification of carnall lusts , and a change of life . see also how the first meanes to bring a man out of error to the truth , is study of holy scriptures . notes for div a -e . cor. . , . iohn . psal . psal . psalme . psalme . . chron. . ieremy . phillip . notes for div a -e hieronymus fracastorius . notes for div a -e sinus adriaticus . notes for div a -e his seruants , but two . his attire plaine , but comely . his humilitie and lowly minde . euidences of nobility shining in his actions and behauiours . how greatly he was esteemed in geneua . they stil called him by the title of marquesse . he was alwaies visited by strangers , and trauellers , especially princes and noble men . his company and conuersation . his courtesie and affabilitie . his rare perfections . his eloquence and ability of speech . his mildnesse to his inferiors . his charity to the poore . his good workes and charitable deedes . his ordinary exercises of religion , publike and priuate . his particular and personall calling . his courage and iustice . his loue of peace , and continuall ending of contentions , and setting men at vnity that were at variance . a true copy of a project for the reunion of both religions in france lettre de quelques protestants practiques au sujet de la réunion des religions. english dubourdieu, jean, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a true copy of a project for the reunion of both religions in france lettre de quelques protestants practiques au sujet de la réunion des religions. english dubourdieu, jean, - . p. printed for randal taylor, london : . translation of: lettre de quelques protestants practiques au sujet de la réunion des religions. caption title. "signed by dubourdieu, la coste, and above sixty more"--p. . imprint from colophon. reproduction of original in union theological seminary library, new york. imperfect: filmed copy dark and partially illegible. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng catholic church -- france. catholic church -- relations -- protestant churches. protestants -- france. protestant churches -- relations -- catholic church. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - pip willcox sampled and proofread - pip willcox text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a true copy of a project for the reunion of both religions in france . we whose names are here underwritten ministers of the reform'd religion ; being desirous to carry our obedience to his majesties commands as far as the great interest of our consciences will give us leave ; and hoping , from the great goodness of his majesty , that in consideration of this our compliance , and the steps we make towards the religion he professes , he will be pleas'd to command the persecution that we are under to cease ; do promise to contribute , what lies in our power , to the religious design which he has of uniting all his subjects under one ministery , and do resolve to reunite our selves to the gallican church , which in its pastoral letter does likewise say that they will yield some of their right in favour of the publick peace , and will rectifie those things that want redress , provided the wound of schism be once heal'd . we do likewise on our side engage our selves , that if the following articles are bona fide granted to us , we will with all our hearts give his majesty that satisfaction which he desires . i. that there shall be no obligation upon any body to believe purgatory , that all disputes on this article shall cease ; every one speaking with great moderation of the state of souls after this life . ii. that the pictures of the holy trinity shall be taken out of the churches ; and those which shall be left shall be only as ornaments , &c. that the pastours shall carefully instruct the people to avoid upon this point the abuses which are but too common among the ignorant . iii. that such relicks of saints as shall be undoubtedly own'd to be true , shall be preserv'd with respect , but shall not make any essential part of the cult of religion , and that none shall be bound to worship them . iv. that it shall be taught that god alone is the true object of our adoration , and that the people shall be warn'd not to attribute to any creature , though never so eminent , that which is peculiar and proper to god : but nevertheless since the saints in heaven do concern themselves in our miseries , we may pray to god to grant that to the prayers of the church triumphant , which the indifference and coldness of ours cannot obtain from him . v. that amongst the sacraments of the christian religion baptism and the eucharist shall be reputed the chiefest , and that the others shall have the name of sacraments in a more large sense only vi. that touching the necessity of baptism the canon of the council of trent shall be the rule , and it shall not be intended to any other than the natural sence of these words . siquis dixerit baptismum liberorum ad salutem non esse necessarium anathema sit . and therefore there shall be no modification to the tenth canon of the precedeing chapter ; which declares , that it is not lawful for all persons to administer the sacraments , that power belonging only to the ministers of the gospel who have receiv'd it from jesus christ . vii . that jesus christ is really present in the sacrament of the eucharist , though the manner of his presence be incomprehensible to the wit of man , and therefore none shall be oblig'd to define the manner of his presence , neither shall there be any dispute about it , since it passes our understanding , and that god has not reveal'd it to us . viii . that in receiving the sacrament one shall be in a posture of adoration , the communicants at that time paying to christ those supreme honours which are only due to god ; but no more shall be exacted from any body for the species of the bread and wine , than that respect we pay to sacred things . ix . that none shall be oblig'd to kneel before the host , except at the communion . x. that the people shall have the liberty of reading the scripture , which shall be read publickly in the churches , and that the service shall be perform'd in the vulgar tongue : that the cup shall be given to the people , and that no other sacrifice shall be own'd , but that upon the cross , that it shall be taught that christians have but one victim which was sacrificed once for all , and that the eucharist is only a sacrifice of commemoration or the representation , which the true christian makes to god of the sacrifice of the cross . xi . that before we be oblig'd to receive auricular confession , all abuses proceeding from it shall be redressed , and those necessary modifications added , which may contribute to the quiet of our consciences . xii . that all fastings and other mortifications shall be look'd upon only as helps to piety , and to preserve us in a state of grace : that all the orders of religious men or women shall be reform'd , particularly the mendicants : and those only shall be preserv'd that are most antient , such as the benedictines , together with the jesuits and fathers of the oratory , all which shall be subject to the inspection and authority of the bishops alone . xiii . that the ministers shall be preserv'd in the state ecclesiastick , and shall have in the church a particular rank ; except only those who have been twice married , who shall be consider'd some other way . xiv . that jesus christ having bestowed on his ministers the power of administring the sacraments gratis , that they shall likewise dispense them gratis , and without selling them as is now practic'd . xv. that the people shall be dispens'd from that great number of holy dayes , which now do burthen them , and shall be oblig'd to celebrate only the mysteries of the nativity and resurrection ; with those of the apostles and saints of the first century . xvi . that the limits which the last assembly of the clergy of france have set to the popes authority shall be inviolable , and that as to the rank he is to have amongst the bishops , he be look'd upon only , as primus inter pares . xvii . that those observations and ceremonies , which are beneath the majesty of the christian religion , and of which there is no foot-steps in antiquity , shall be abolish'd ; such as torches at burials , canonisations , processions , pilgrimages , and the postures of the priests at the altar . xviii . that upon all questions of the merit of good works , and the power of grace , the opinion of st. austin shall be followed , and the exposition of the bishop of meaux . xix . that the gaining of pardons and indulgences shall be reform'd , and that the people shall be instructed as much as possible , that they are to hope for the remission of their sins by the blood of jesus christ . may the lord send down his spirit upon men , that they be all one heart , and one soul , and that we may in our days see this blessed reunion . it is the vows and prayers of all good people of both communions , and to which all ought to contribute according to their talent both by word and writing . amen fiat . signed by dv bovrdiev la coste . and above sixty more . london , printed for randal taylor , . at the court at hampton-court the th day of july ... england and wales. privy council. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : or : ) at the court at hampton-court the th day of july ... england and wales. privy council. england and wales. sovereign ( - : charles ii) p. printed by the assigns of john bill, thomas newcomb, and henry hills ..., london : caption title. imprint from colophon. prescribing measures for the relief of distressed protestants abroad. this work found as wing e at reel : , and as wing c at reel : . both numbers cancelled in wing ( nd ed.). reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- europe. great britain -- history -- charles ii, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion diev et mon droit royal blazon or coat of arms at the court at hampton-court the th day of july . present the kings most excellent majesty , lord archbishop of canterbury lord president lord privy seal earl of clarendon earl of bathe earl of craven earl of halifax earl of conway lord viscount fauconberg lord viscount hyde lord bishop of london mr. secretary jenkins mr. chancellor of the exchequer mr. seymour mr. godolphin . his majesty by his order in council of the one and twentieth of july instant , having been graciously pleased to refer a memorial presented to his majesty in behalf of the distressed protestants abroad , to the consideration of the right honourable the lords committees of this board for trade and plantations , with directions to report their opinion thereupon ; and their lordships having this day made their report to his majesty in council , his majesty upon due consideration thereof had , was pleased to declare , that he holds himself obliged in honour and conscience to comfort and support all such afflicted protestants who by reason of the rigours and severities which are us'd towards them upon the account of their religion , shall be forced to quit their native countrey , and shall desire to shelter themselves under his majesties royal protection , for the preservation and free exercise of their religion ; and in order hereunto his majesty was pleas'd further to declare , that he will grant unto every such distressed protestant who shall come hither for refuge , and reside here , his letters of denization under the great seal without any charge whatsoever , and likewise such further priviledges and immunities as are consistent with the laws , for the liberty and free exercise of their trades and handicrafts ; and that his majesty will likewise recommend it to his parliament at their next meeting to pass an act for the general naturalization of all such protestants as shall come over as aforesaid , and for the further enlarging their liberties and franchises granted to them by his majesty , as reasonably may be necessary for them . and for their encouragement , his majesty is likewise pleased to grant unto them , that they shall pay no greater duties in any case then his majesties own natural born subjects , and that they shall have all the priviledges and immunities that generally his majesties native subjects have , for the introduction of their children into schools and colledges . and his majesty was likewise pleased to order , and it is hereby ordered accordingly , that all his majesties officers both civil and military do give a kind reception to all such protestants as shall arrive within any of his majesties ports in this kingdom , and to furnish them with free pass-ports , and give them all assistance and furtherance in their journeys to the places to which they shall desire to go . and the right honourable the lords commissioners of his majesties treasury are to give orders to the commissioners of his majesties customs , to suffer the said protestants to pass free with their goods and housholdstuff , whether of a greater or a smaller value , together with their tools and instruments belonging to their crafts , or trades , and generally all what belongs to them that may be imported according to the laws now in force , without exacting any thing from them . and for the further relief and encouragement of the said necessitous protestants , his majesty hath been pleased to give order for a general brief through his kingdom of england , dominion of wales , and town of berwick , for collecting the charity of all well disposed persons , for the relief of the said protestants , who may stand in need thereof . and to the end that when any such come over , being strangers , they may know where to address themselves to fitting persons to lay their requests and complaints before his majesty : his majesty was graciously pleased to appoint the most reverend father in god , his grace the lord archbishop of canterbury , and the right reverend father in god , the lord bishop of london , or either of them , to receive all the said requests and petitions , and to present the same to his majesty , to the end such order may be given therein as shall be necessary . phi. lloyd . london , printed by the assigns of john bill , thomas newcomb , and henry hills , printers to the kings most excellent majesty . . the present state of the vaudois, drawn out of the three letters i. one from mr. cox, their majesties envoy in suitzerland : ii. the second from monsieur de loches, their colonel : iii. the last from monsieur arnaud minister of the vaudois. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the present state of the vaudois, drawn out of the three letters i. one from mr. cox, their majesties envoy in suitzerland : ii. the second from monsieur de loches, their colonel : iii. the last from monsieur arnaud minister of the vaudois. arnaud, henri, - . coxe, thomas. loches, monsieur de. sheet ([ ] p.) printed for joseph watts ..., london : . reproduction of original in huntington library. probably issued before william iii obtained a toleration for the waldenses in the spring of . created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- france. broadsides -- england -- london -- th century - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the present state of the vaudois , drawn out of three letters . i. one from mr. cox , their majesties envoy in suitzerland . ii. the second from monsieur de loches , their colonel . iii. the last from monsieur arnaud minister of the vaudois . i. part of a letter of the honourable thomas coxe esquire , his majesty's extraordinary envoy into suitzerland concerning the vaudois , dated at berne the th of october , old style , . as for our little army of vaudois , piemontois , and french refugiez , consisting of about fighting men under colonel des loches , and his two lieutenant colonels , julien & mallet ; notwithstanding that , they have been hitherto divided into three small bodies , at suze , lucerne and brigueras , they have behaved themselves well upon all occasions offered , and particularly at lucerne , where they killed or french , with the loss of or only on their side , and but four or five piemontois of their small number , and took two colours from them which i sent to the king by the messenger that carry'd the treaty , as the first-fruits of their courage in those parts . their encouragement and subsistence is of vast importance to the good cause and the protestant religion , both there and in all these parts of the world ; besides the inexpressible consequence it is of , as a back door , and indeed the only safe and certain inlet into france . oh what glorious things might be done in all europe , and particularly in this , for its freedom and deliverance , and for the honour of the protestant religion , if the parliament would without delay in this extraordinary conjuncture of affairs , assist the king so vigorously and plentifully , as to enable him to finish honourably and successfully those noble and important concerns that lye before him , both at home and abroad , and to the compleating of which , god has call'd him in so wonderful a manner ! we are in great straits what to do about the distressed vaudois families , ( i mean the women , old men , and children among them , for the men that can bear arms are in the vallies ) that are come into these parts before their time , in impatient hopes of returning into their old habitations . they came without order , there being nothing r●●●y for them ; yet in the vallies where all 〈◊〉 houses are burnt and destroyed , and no possibility of sowing corn this year , great numbers of them are like to starve and perish for want of bread , all the collections of all sorts for them in these parts , being totally at an end . it would be a most generous , christian , and seasonable assistance , if we could get another very speedy , though small collection , from england and holland , without which , i see no way to avoid their perishing . monsieur arnaud is come to see his family at neu chastel , and returns speedily into the vallies . he spent two or three days with me here . the whole history of the subsistence , deliverance and victories of these protestants in the vallies , is a continued miracle , and would make a good protestant of a profess'd atheist , if he were not arriv'd to the last and fatal degree of obduration . i have perswaded and finally determined him , as he assures me , to begin speedily , and to finish a second history of the vaudois , and of all the miracles that have attended their whole late state and concerns ; which i desire him may be much more circumstantiated and particular , than that of monsieur leger , his nephew , who is setled a professor at geneva , and was imployed there in the late collection of england and holland for the vaudois . i desir'd monsieur arnaud to consult for some papers , &c. and i hear he is now at geneva for that purpose . ii. part of a letter of monsieur de loches , colonel of the vaudois . a fortnight ago i had notice given me , that the enemy , whose army which was encamp'd near carmagnole , had caused their first line to march , with six pieces of cannon , and that the rest follow'd them close on purpose to exterminate those of the religion , and totally to ruin them in these vallies , and that monsieur catinat and other generals of the french army had publickly made known this their design . i do not in the least doubt of this intelligence , for our troops daily intercepting their convoys , and being a continual plague to the garrison of pignerol , it was likely they would do their utmost to be rid of them . i writ to his royal highness about it , and to some others at turin , who knew very well how few men i had with me , without mony , or provision ; most of them without cloaths , shoos or stockings , and several of them sick : his royal highness did me the honour to answer me by three couriers one after another , that it was true he had been inform'd the enemy had such a design , but that the condition his army was in would not permit him to oppose it ; and therefore i should do well to leave the vallies , and so gain the hills towards cony , or leagues from hence . i must confess that in this occasion i visibly found that god by his providence did watch for our preservation . for notwithstanding the evident dangers i was exposed to , instead of flying , as i was advised , he so strengthned me , that i resolved to stand the enemy . accordingly i did send a detachment of a to the town of barges , three leagues from this place ; where on the third instant , being attackt , they fought so well retreating , that they kill'd many of the enemy , and following the orders which i had given them , they retired to a village called bibiane , that is half a league from hence . there they were joyned by another detachment of men , which i had posted in that place . the next day at in the morning they were attackt by squadrons of horse and dragoons , and as many batalions of foot , the best troops of all the french army , commanded by the marquess de feuquieres lieutenant general . our men made their discharge at them , but when they were very near , got out of the village , and disputed the ground with so much courage , that they stopt the enemy in every post that did any wise favour their retreat , killing several officers and soldiers ; which when i heard , i detached a captain with men to back them , and being inform'd that they gave ground , i sent two several times lieutenants with men to faciliate their retreat : but their obstinacy hindred them from executing my orders , and being got within cannon shot of this town , they gained the hills of roura . then the whole body of the enemy fell upon lucerne , all the inhabitants whereof are papists , and which being dismantell'd , lies open on all sides . by the help of god i stopt the enemy for hours , hindred them from passing over a stone bridg , and forced them to wade through the river , where they lost several officers and soldiers ; but being overpowered by their number , i retired to a hill that commanded this town ; from thence i sent orders to the vaudois , who keep the post of the vallies of st. germain , st. bartholomew , and st. john , to joyn with all speed . the enemy detached their vanguard , which entred the town a quarter of an hour before night , burnt some houses , kill'd or women , some old sick men , and little children who could not get away , having made no greater stay than was necessary for their troops to march off . monsieure de feuquieres made a show as if he would have encamp'd near the town , by making a great number of fires there ; but soon after he caused his men to march towards pignerol without drum or trumpet , and without committing any other act of hostility upon the lands of the protestants , being favoured by a thick fog , and making use but of two lights ; but when they had got half a league off , they lighted above a thousand , and begun to beat their drums . this hasty march broke all the measures i had taken to fall upon his rear the next day , and to pursue the sieur de feuquieres in the same manner as we had done when we came into the vallies . i have lost in all these attacks , a serjeant and three soldiers , and some wounded ; and the sieur de feuquieres , to hide his loss , ordered his dead to be buried in the way , so that we met with graves at every step . i am come back into lucerne , and thank god with all my heart that he has permitted us , with a handful of men , to baffle the most cruel design that ever was formed against these vallies . iii. part of a letter written to a gentleman of note by monsieur arnaud , minister of the vaudois , who in autumn last year , brought the first of them back into the vallies of piemont , from whence they had been totally expell'd , and who was there with them in continual service against an army of french ; the vaudois having no other captain to command them in all their engagements , till midsummer last . may i beg of you , sir , to continue your charitable offices in the behalf of these poor and distressed vaudois , whereof the greatest part is already in piemont , and the remainder of them in geneva and suitzerland , among the grizons , and at wirtemberg . as for my own particular , i cannot but praise god for the health , which by his blessing i have injoy'd , having not had the least indisposition , notwithstanding the inconceivable fatigues i have suffer'd , with my brave soldiers and good christians : i praise him also for his divine assistance , which has enabled us to resist the devil and men , both from france and piemont , without any commander , mony , supplies , intelligence , habitations , and without bread : but god who confounds the strongest things by the weakest instruments he makes use of , hath brought our affairs to the pass wherein they are now . pray sir give our friends to understand that our vallies may open to them the surest way to mortifie the common enemy . i am inform'd by letters , that he hath taken suze by composition . there is a mystery in it . our men have surpriz'd and taken chateau daufin . i suppose they will stop there , the season of the year being too far spent . we are about publishing the history of the miracles , which god has wrought in behalf of his children , that all the world may know there is a god in heaven , to raise up his to witness when the time markt out by his providence is come . i implore his heavenly blessing for the preservation of our king , &c. from lucerne the th of novemb. . the history of the wars in ireland to this time , in parts , by the honourable ri●●ard cox , esq published by command . london , printed for joseph watts , at the angel in st. paul's church-yard , . a full and true account of the inhumane and bloudy cruelties of the papists to the poor protestants in ireland in the year, published now to encourage all protestants to be liberal in their contribution for their relief and speedy delivering them now out of the hands of those bloudy-minded people. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing f a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a full and true account of the inhumane and bloudy cruelties of the papists to the poor protestants in ireland in the year, published now to encourage all protestants to be liberal in their contribution for their relief and speedy delivering them now out of the hands of those bloudy-minded people. digby, lettice, lady, ?- . dempsy, henry. [ ], p. printed for peter richman ..., london : . "the rebells letter to the lady offalia ...," p. - , signed: henry dempsy ... [et al.] "the lady offalia her answer to the rebells": p. . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- ireland -- early works to . ireland -- history -- rebellion of . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - celeste ng sampled and proofread - celeste ng text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licensed according to order . may th , . a full and true account of the inhumane and bloudy cruelties of the papists to the poor protestants , in ireland , in the year . . published now to encourage all protestants to be liberal in their contribution for their relief , and speedy delivering them now out of the hands of those bloudy-minded people . london , printed for peter richman in duck-lane , . here followeth a true description or relation of sundry sad and lamentable collections , taken from the mouths of very credible persons , and out of letters sent from ireland to this city of london , of the perfidious outrages and barbarous cruelties , which the irish papists have committed upon the persons of the protestants , both men , women and children , in that kingdom . annoque domini . . the irish nation is well known to be a people both proud and envious . for the commonalty ( they are for the most part ) ignorant and illeterate , poor and lazy ; and will rather beg or starve than work : and therefore fit subjects for the priests and jesuits to spur on upon such bloudy actions and murtherous designs . ignorance is their mother , which is devoid of mercy : god deliver all good christians from the cruelty of such a mother and children . it is too well known , ( the more is the pity and to be lamented ) that the irish have murthered of the protestant party in the provinces of vlster , lempster , connaght and munster , of men , women and children , the number of fifty thousand , as it is credibly reported by englishmen , who have been over all parts of the kingdom , and do protest upon their oaths that there are above five thousand families destroyed . the kingdom of ireland hath four provinces , wherein there are contained two and thirty counties , besides cities and county towns , in all which places the english are planted up and down in all parts , where the irish have most murtherously and traiterously surprized them upon great advantages , and without respect of persons either of age , youth , or infancy , of young men or maids , or of old men or babes , stript all to their skins , naked as ever they were born into the world , so they have gone out of the world , many hundreds having been found starved to death in ditches for want of food and rayment , where the rebellious irish have shewed them no more mercy or compassion , no not so much as they would do to their dogs . thus much for the general , now i come to particulars . at one mr. atkins's house , seven papists brake in and beat out his brains , then ripped up his wife with child , after they had ravished her , and nero like , view'd natures bed of conception , they then took the child , and sacrificed it in the fire . they have flead the skin from the bones of others like butchers : the principles of whose religion is bloud . witness our books of martyrs ; those chronicles of bloud . witness those thousands of butcher'd protestants in france and germany . they burned others , firing their houses , towns , villages , those sons of the coal , as if their habitation were in hell. they vowed to root out all the english nation out of this kingdom . they turned all the protestants out of kilkeny . at belturbalt , in the county of cavan , the popish rebels demanded the town on promise , that if they would surrender , they should pass free with bag and baggage , they back'd their promise with oaths and execrations , cursing themselves , if they did not let them go withall . on serious considerations of the inhabitants and the governour , they were persuaded to yield it up , which when they had done , and drawing away their goods and moneys , they like treacherous villians sent about twenty or thirty to-guard them , when they had guarded them seven miles from the town , they with more of that desperate forsworn rabble seized on them , robbed all the protestants , being between five hundred and a thousand persons , men , women and children ; who submitting themselves to their mercy , found no quarter but cruelty : they stript them all naked , and turn'd them out of their houses into the open fields in bitter could weather , in a most vile and shamefull manner , not affording them one of their lowzy rags to hide those parts which should be covered . take notice of the faith of a papist , who for his own advantage , casts off all bounds of fidelity and common honesty . they are remarkable for persidiousness and treachery , as you may behold in that master of mis-rule , the arch-rebell sir philem o-neal , basely pretending to be a suiter to the old lady cawfield , being a widow , and made fair promises of his respects to her , and when he had his advantage of possession of her house and goods , turned them out of all , and bound them prisoners , and made her whom he intended his nearest companion to be his lowest vassal . in the town of lurgon , in the county of armagh , the mac-kans skirmishing with the englishmen , slew divers of our men , whereupon they entred parly demanding the town : sir willian brunlow being governour of the castle , on some considerations thought good to yield , thereupon they promised and backt it with oaths and great protestations , that they should have fair quarter , and pass without prejudice to their lives : yet behold the perfidiousness of these brutish creatures , as men not fearing god , or devil whose practice they imitate , who was a lier from the beginning . notwithstanding all these fair pretences they knew no mercy , killed men , spoiled women , nay , in their boundless rage , slew and massacared , and stript helpless ministers , whose calling might have pleaded pity . but what speak we of pity to men , that have no bowels ? in london-derry , at the town of belly-hagh belonging to the londoners . sir philem o-neal , promised under hand and seal to let the poor protestants to pass with bag and baggage , onely to part with their town , which was a fair goodly place : yet this perfidious rebel ? as if it was not enough to make these poor souls harborless , to lay them open to wind and weather , but to add to all their misery , stript man , woman and child , took their cloaths for a prey , and sent them out naked , without a shirt or smock to their backs , left them not worth a groat , this was one of their works of mercy , if they scaped with their lives : but how many lives might be lost by this immodest and inhumane act , judge . the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel . will you behold another mercifull act , and record it . captain rory macquire , at the beginning of the robellion for the first fortnight commands his soldiers to give quarter to women and children , but to massacare all the men , to spare none . wo to him that makes the wife a widow , and the children fatherless , but after they began to resist , and to gather into companies : then hear the charge of this bloudy man , gi●e no quarter , no not to women , though tears and prayers interpose , yet know no pity : no not to harmless babes , though it was death enough to kill their parents , nor spare neither man , woman , or child . it is reported by an ominent gentleman that had long dwelt among the rebels , but it s thought fit to forbear the names of those that gave intelligence of the barbarous cruelties of these savage beasts ▪ because they threaten to be the death of them that shall unmask them . it is reported by this gentleman that the handlowans came to town-regis , divers of them assaulted the castle , of which captain saint john was commander , he with his son got away with some difficulty , leaping over the wall , they fearing they might setch supplies to recover their lost castle , most inhumanly took the captain 's wife , ( poor gentlewoman ) and set her on the wall having stript her to her smock , who was big with child ( and within an hour of her delivery ) that in case the captain and his son should have assaulted the town , his wife should have been the white at which he must have levelled : oh extreme and unheard of cruelty ! as for the protestant ministers whom they surprize , their cruelty is such towards them , at it would make the hardest heart to melt into tears . their manner is first to strip them , and after bind them to a tree or some post where they please , and then to ravish their wives and daughters before their faces ( in sight of all their merciless rabble ) with the basest villains they can pick out , after they hang up their husbands and parents before their faces , and then cut them down before they be half dead , then quarter them , after dismember them , and stop their mouths therewith . they basely abused one mr. trafford a minister in the north of ireland , who was assaulted by these bloudy wolves of rome's brood , that know not god , nor any bowels of mercy . this poor distressed minister desired but so much time to bethink himself before he took his farewell of the world to call upon god : but these merciless wretches would admit no time , but instantly fell on him , hackt and hewed him to pieces . dr. tate minister of belly-hayes , they stript starke naked , and then wounded him dangerously in the head , and then let him go towards dublin , where he lay long sick . sir patrick dunston's wife ravished before him , slew his servants spurned his children till they died , bound him with rouls of match to a board , that his eyes burst out , cut off his ears and nose , teared off both his cheecks , and cut off his armes and legs , cut out his tongue , after run a red hot iron into him . many gentlewomen they ravished before their husbands faces , stripping them first naked to the view of their wicked companions , taunting and mockings . them ( after they have spoiled them ) with bitter and reproachsull words , sending them away in such a shamefull , or rather shameless manner , that most of them have died with pain and grief , or else have starved with want and cold . base cruelty unheard of , exceeding the brute beasts , and so much the worse because they are reasonable , which makes them skilfull to destroy . one mr. luttrell , dwelling within three miles of the burrough of cavan , a gentleman worth by report , two or three hundred pounds a year , with a very great stock of cattel , was basely betrayed by an irish boy that he had bred up in his house . see the baseness of the popish brood , who when he was at dinner ( being upon the thirtieth day of october last ) was surprized by threescore of those irish unmercifull villains , with a company of dirty whores and bastards that followed them , which this boy let in at a back door , where pulling him and his vertuous wife from the table , and four small children , the eldest of them being not six years of age , and one sucking at her breast , without pity or humanity , stript them naked , notwithstanding their prayers and tears to have let them kept their cloaths , and then thrusting them in a cruel and violent manner out of doors , threatned to kill them if they went not speedily away . take notice how uncertain all our outward comforts are . so they departed , ( for fear ) away , being ashamed to be seen of their servants , some of them running one way , and some another to shift for themselves , but the distressed gentleman with his wife and children , and a little youth , directed their course towards dublin , hoping to find some of their friends in the way to relieve them , but the farther they came the more miserable they were , meeting their loving friends robbed ( by others ) in the same manner , which struck in them such amazement and fear , that their hearts failed them , so that being naked and hungry , helpless and hopeless , the poor infants crying in their ears , which must needs kill their hearts , they went not far but sate down under a hedge or ditch , and there died : being not at that time above six miles from his own house , for this little youth that he had bred up ( being an english boy ) forsook not his master when the rest ran from him , but continued with him till death : the same day , some horsemen or troopers riding that way to coast the countrey , met this youth , unto whom he told this sad story , and being not far from the place led them to this lemantable sight , where they beheld the true love of man and wife , embracing each other in their death , the three eldest children dead , but the suckling child was preserved through heat , being between them both , and grabling and gaping for the dead mothers breast . so the troopers took up the child , carrying it to a nurse , for they knew the parents well , and bestowed some cloaths upon the english youth , who came to dublin within few days after , and related the story in my hearing . in the county of roscommon , near the town of roscommon , there fled into the parish church , eleven-score of the english , men , women , and children , where they remained three days and nights without any sustenance , till they were almost starved , so that at last ( what with the cries of their children and their own wants ) they were forced to commit themselves to the cruelty of the irish , who according to their usual manner first stript them naked , after drove them through the town like so many harmless sheep and lambs over a bridge at the towns end , having before broke down one of the middle arches where a strong water runneth , so that either they must leap in or come back , their intent being there to murther them , as they did ; for the poor wretches being sickly , weak and faint , for want of food and sleep ( yet unwilling to hasten their own ends ) some returned back whome they killed without mercy , others they thrust into the water who were drowned , some that could , did swim towards the shoar , and there inhumame villians , bruitish furies , ran and met them before they got to land , and knock'd them in the head in the water , some few escaped that did swim to the other side of the river , where the irish could not come at them , having before broken down the bridge themselves , and so escaped to dublin , to be sad witnesses of this lamentable tragedy . mr. blandry a minister they hanged , after pulled his flesh from his bones in his wifes sight . many ladys and gentlewomen ( which they have surprized in the province of vlster ) being great with child , they have turned them out of their houses naked into the fields , where they have been delivered without the help of any women , and so have ended their misery , others that have escaped death in child-bearing , they have mercilesly carred away upon carts ( lying in lowsie and stinking straw naked , ) to places where they and their poor infants have been destroyed . there was one gentlewoman which was wife to mr. king , a dean , ( brother to the bishop of glogue ) and parson of dundalke , in the county of lowth , who having three thousand inhabitants in his parish , had but thirty communicants of the protestant party , the rest being all irish and papist , and although this gentleman did for many days together ( by his own relation to me ) sollicite his wife to go to dublin , and to remove his goods thither living at a place about two miles from dundalke , she being great with child , yet would not be persuaded , although she knew the rebels were at the newry within eight miles of dundalke , whereupon he left her and his family , and going to a friend's house within two miles of his own ( for fear of the multitude of the irish , that lived about his own house ) he remained there but two days when tidings was brought him , that the irish had seized upon his wife and all that he had , so that he was forced to fly away for his life with his friends , who was pursued by the rebels about twelve miles , but through god's mercy he escaped with his precious life ( which they hunted after ) with the loss of his whole estate , and wife whom they turned out of ( doors having first abused her ) where she was delivered in straw , without the heip of any woman , and so perished . she was a charitable gentlewoman , and in her life time had relieved many hundreds of the poor irish , and this mercy they afforded her for her charity . the lord blany escaped their cruelty , being forced to ride fourteen miles upon a poor carrion jade , without either bridle or saddle to save his life , his vertuous lady being surprized by these villains the same day , and his children , who use her most ignobly and cruelly , neither regarding her nobleness of birth , nor her lord , but forced her to lodge in straw with a poor allowance of two pence a day to relieve her and her children : and to add affliction to the good ladys misery , slew a kinsman of hers , and caused him to be hanged up before her face two days and two nights in the room where she lay to terrifie her , telling her withall , she must expect that end . in the county of tir-oen ( even in that rebellious part ) whith is above all other inhabited by those romish locusts and wolves , which in nature differ not from the dog-wolves that breed amongst them , was the cruellest murther ( of all the rest ) committed by some of the soldiers belonging to sir philem oneal , that tyronish off-spring , and rory mack-guire , the lord mack-guire's brother , who are known to be the most eminent rebells in this treason , upon the bodies of one mr. charles davenant , his wife , and two young children . the villain which first entred the house and most forwardest in cruelty was known by his name , to one of the servants in the house , to be sometime a servant to this mr. davenant , and lived at the time of this tragedy not far from dunxannon in the county of tir-oen . the servant of the house that knew him was born in ireland , in the city of clogher in the said county , but of english parents , his name is thomas maddin , but he could speak good irish , and so escaped , being an eye-witness of these passages ensuing . this swillyvane and his rout broke in forcibly into the house where they found three or four servants that made no resistence , in the kitchin , but going farther into the house they found mr. davenant , sitting by a fire with his wife and children , two young daughters , they immediately seized upon him and his wife , and bound them both fast to their chairs , making a very huge and great fire , after they stripped the two children , the eldest being not seven years old , slew them in the sight of their parents , and after roasted them upon spits before their faces , such barbarous cruelty was never known . with great patience they were compelled ( poor souls ) to behold that cruelty which they could not help , after they stript his wife , forcing her most uncivilly and unmercifully before his face , and afterward cut her throat , the distressed gentleman being overpressed with the lamentable sight of the death of his wife and children , strived and strugled in his chair where he was bound , and held , hoping they would have killed him , chusing rather to dye the death , than to live any longer . so when they had made an end of his wife and children in this barbarous manner , they untied him and stript him , and afterwards murthered him , when he had confest to them where his money was . there was a letter written about the middle of november last , from stabound in the said county of tir-oen , by one mr. birrom , unto one mr. cusack dwelling in high-street in dublin , which letter i read and took a copy of : and before i came out of ireland the abovesaid thomas maddin , came from the city of clogher , in the county of fermanagh unto dublin , and testified the contents of this letter , being an eye-witness of the certain passages thereof , and did give god great thanks that he had escaped their hands in my hearing , for he said his soul could not endure to be any longer amongst them , they did daily commit such cruelty , murther and outrages , upon the english protestants in those parts . at the burrough of kello , or , as some letters report , at the burrough of trim , being both in the county of meath , in the province of vlster , the rebells surprized the house of one arthur robinson , he himself being at that time in dublin , which was upon the six●h day of november last , about some suits he had in law , being in the last michaelmas term , he not knowing that the rebells were risen in those parts there , he intending to have gone home to his wife and family , five or six days after , hoping by that time to have ended his business , and indeed when he came from his house to dublin , which was on the twentieth day of october , the rebellion was not begun in any part of ireland , but before his appointed time to return home , a messenger prevented him with heavy tidings , even his onely daughter whom he quickly knew , though she were much disguized , for the rebels had slain most of his family , robbed and pillaged the house , after they had stripped his wife and ravished her , they sought out for this young virgin ( being about fourteen years of age ) who had hid her self in a barn , where the villains quickly found her : but she made what resistence she could to preserve her chastity , and with a knife she had ( unseen to them ) wounded one of them , which the rest perceiving seized upon her violently , stripped her , and then bound her with her armes abroad , in such manner as she could not help her self any way , and so like hell-hounds defloured her one after another , till they had spoiled her ; and to shew their unheard-of malice , were not herewith content , but pulled the hair from her head , and cut out her tongue , because she should not report the truth and their cruelty , but the maid could write , though she could not speak , and so discovered their inhumane usage to her and her mother . the maid was sent with a letter from her father in dublin , to mynhead in somersetshire , to her uncle william dyer , her mothers brother , living within three miles of mynhead , which letter i have seen here in town , containing the contents above written , being dated at dublin , the twentieth of november last . about the eighth of januanry last , a distressed minister came to dublin , that had left some goods with a supposed friend , sent for them , the goods could not be delivered , unless he or his wife came for them , he would not go , but she went , and when she came where her goods were ( as if that were too little to lose her estate , but her life must go also ) they hanged her up . was there ever such barbarism among the heathens ? in the county of fermannagh , in the province of vlster , they murthered one mr. champion , a justice of peace , and a burgess of the parliament for the borrough of iniskillin in the said county , who was betrayed by an irish villain his tenant , whom he had saved himself twice before from the gallows . the rogue 's name was patrick mack-dermot , who finding one of his companions , brings him to mr. champion's house , and tells mr. champion that he found this thief stealing the cattel , the gentleman knowing this mack-dermot , said unto him before one mr. iremonger an attorney , i am glad thou art turned from thief to catch a thief , whereupon he returned him this peremptory answer , that he was no more thief than himself . no sooner had he uttered these words in the court before his house , but there rushs in upon them a great number of these rebels , who without respect of mercy stabbed mr. champion , instantly before he could get into his house : so that he fell down immediately , but their fury went further than death , for they wounded him with their skeins in thirty places after he was dead , and then cut off his head to make sure work , whlie the rest ran into the house after mr. iremonger , whom they followed so close that he had not time to lay hold on his sword to help himself , but falling down upon his knees , and calling upon god for mercy , they fell upon him , and ran him through and through , and so he died . one of mr. champion's servants escaped to dublin , and reported this in my hearing in december last . a third was likewise slain , then the rebells entred the house and killed more : his wives sister and her brother-in-law , with two others in the house they kept prisoners , taking possession of all they had within the house and without , his wife was down upon her knees to beg a sheet to put her husband 's dead body in . and another gentleman with other friends that came to visit him over night , lost their lives next morning . in the county of monaghan , within two miles of the town of monaghan , they murthered one mr. george foord in his garden , a great company having gotten into a room or lost over a stable ( being between him and the house ) surprized him , this was upon the one and twentieth of november last , being the lord's day , for when he with his wife and family were gone to church , in that place they hid themselves till their coming back from church , and so watching their time and opportunity , first set upon him without any words , and then entred the house , for the house was strong and not easily to be broken , unless they were let in at the doors , so they bound all the servants being some english , and some irish , till they had found mrs. foord , whom they stript naked and bound , taking from her , her keys , having also with them her husband's keys , who lay murthered in the garden , and risled , and opened every trunk and box in the house to find their money , where they found but little to what they looked for , for they knew that mr. foord was rich and well monyed , wherefore they began with threats to kill her if she did not speedily tell them , but alas ! she could not , then they fell to torturing of her , heating a pair of tongs in the fire , and clapping them to the soals of her feet , and to the palms of her hands , so that with the pain thereof she dyed . after she was dead , they ript her body to see if she had not swallowed any gold into her guts , and so when they had pillaged the house , and carried away with the gentlewomans own horses and carts , all that was worth the carriage , they unbound the irish servants which they before had bound , and murthered such of the english as they pleased , and then departed . i heard affidavit made of the truth and certainty of this massacare , in this manner before recited , before divers of the privy council in dublin in ireland . they set up gallows five miles distant in divers places , on purpose to hang up the protestant spies , which they did accordingly ; they likewise cruelly set women and men on red hot grid irons to make them confess where such coyn , and money , and goods as they had , or whether they had hid or sold any . and all these cruelties were not done without the advice and animation of the fryars , priests and jesuits , and their religious men , or rather firebrands of hell ; who at their masses , and their incendiary sermons , stirred up the people to the committing of these massacares , promising them pardon for the same , and assuring them the more merit , by how much the more they exceeded in their villainous cruelties : they themselves being still in the first of these executions . for no stratagem of war , nor other horrid action or dessign whatsoever , was there undertaken , without them . they going on with their soldiers in the head and front of every battel , and by their mischievous advices and counsels did make them mad , tyger-like , with fierceness and cruelty , assuring them that to imbrue their hands in the bloud of the protestants ( which they term hereticks ) shall add to their merits and canonization of saints , and gain them higher places and reward in heaven . mr. jerome minister , they basely abused who lived near dublin sometimes ; but when he was thus murthered , he lived near the burrough of athie , in the county of kildare , they hanged him , then mangled his body , cut off his members , stopt his mouth with them , then quartered him . this is reported a by citizen of dublin , now in london , to bear witness of this truth . a proclamation was made that neither english nor irish should either sell or keep in their houses , any powder upon the loss of goods and life : except with license , and at two shillings the pound . ministers they hate , and breath out cruelty , massacaring their bodys , burning their books , and tearing them in pieces , and it is likely where they can light on them they use them accordingly . they robbed all english protestants , stripping them starke naked , and so turned them into the open fields and mountains in frost and snow , where hundreds perished . they destroyed the english breed of cattel , out of malice to the protestants , that the poor dumb creatures fared the worse and were spoiled , though one of ours is worth four of theirs . they cut off mens privy members and stopt their mouths with them , ( like cruel savage beasts ) that they might commit such horrid villanies without noise , and lest their pittiless bowels might be moved with the cries of those so cruelly massacared protestants . at. waterford , some poor protestants ready to be starved , came to the town for relief , and their charity threw them some bread over the wall : it is likely the dogs should have had the same entertainment . these bloudy papists forced the protestants to pull off their cloaths , and then killed them on purpose , that they might have their cloaths without holes . after they had knocked a man down dead , they fearing he might counterfeit they doe run their swords twenty times into his body lest he might revive again they stripped ladys and gentlewomen , virgins both old and young stark naked , turning them into the open fields . many hundreds were sound dead in ditches with cold and want of food and rayment , esteeming them no better than dogs . they laboured what they could to make death appear more dreadfull then it was in it self : they hanged up husband , kindred , children , before the faces of their living wives , and tender mothers ready to dye for grief , a death worse than death it self , and this they do on purpose to increase their dolorous pain and anguish . they forced ( as is reported ) some to turn to their cursed bloudy religion , and then persuaded them that they were fittest to dye , and then treacherously murthered them , and so did what in them lay to damn their souls . debtours basely murthering their creditours . tenants sheathing their swords in their landlord's bowels , servants unnaturally slaying their masters , others possessing themselves of their lands , goods , plates , money , jewels , houshould-stuff , corn and cattel , and thrust them out of door naked . oh inhumane cruelty ! many great men's servants , being irish , ran away from their masters with their best horses to the rebels . many of the protestants usually took into their houses , irish boys , as servants , and those did basely betray their masters , like judas , into the hands of these bloudy wolves . a good caveat to look to our servants before we take them , and to instruct them in the fear of god when we have them . others they wounded to death , and then left them languishing , their bellys being ripped up and guts issuing out , they poor wretches lying on dunghills , ( see the charity of cruell papists ) all this lest they should be out of their misery too soon . it seems it was their delight to linger out their cruelties ( like men that wanted bowels ) for whereas the primitive persecutions were exquisitely cruell , yet they made a quick dispatch of them : but these sons of belial found new ways of persecution by extreme cold and hunger to starve ( which aggravates their cruelty ) tender women with child , poor helpless insants and sucklings . an irish rebell ( as a credible friend reports ) snatched an innocent babe out of the armes of the mother , and cast it into the fire before her face , but god met with this bloudy wretch : for before he went from that place , he broke his neck . the rebells burned all the plantation towns in the county of london-derry . one hundred and twenty they threw into the water by force , drowning some that could not swim , others that could they knocked on the head . many rich and great men fled into england , and carrying their estates with them , they left no relief for the poor distressed people that came hither . thousands thus fled into dublin , many hundreds starved to death with hunger and cold , the poor citizens relieved them beyond their abilities the charge lying on the poorer sort . many of their wives they ravished in their sights , before the multitude like brute beasts , stripping them naked to the view of their wicked companions , taunting them , scoffing them , and then sending them away shamefully , that they died with grief , or starved with cold. one mr. wells minister , losing his notes , went back to look them , and as he returned , he met the rebells crying , kill all , kill all , the head rebells command . thereupon he fled over a mountain , was up to the breast in cold snow-water and so scaped to dublin very hardly with his life . three thousand six hundred poor souls fled naked into dublin , and starved with hunger , came to eat something and died with eating , twenty in a daylay dead in the open streets , as men smitten with the plague . sir james crag being in his castle , having many with him was besieged with the rebels , and almost famished the knight was constrained to put forty out of the castle which else must have been famished with the the rest : behold the cruelty of these bloud-sucking papists , when they were turned out , and lest to their mercy , they made quick dispatch set on them , and slew every man. another came into an english gentleman's house , and found him a bed , and there began to cruciate and torture his naked body , that he might extort of him a consession where his treasure lay , which when this poor distracted gentleman acknowledged in hopes to be eased , they cruelly killed him , and then stripped his wife naked , and turned her out of doors , as if they would make all savage like themselves : and lastly , mac-quire took his daughter being a proper gentlewoman , and satisfied his beastly lust on her , deflouring her , as if that was too little to kill her father , turn her mother out of doors , and abuse her himself , but like an inhumane villain cut off her garments by the middle , and then turned her to the mercy of the common soldiers , to be abused at their pleasure . take notice of the bloudy practices , and cruelties of the romish party , especially of the jesuits and priests , those fire brands of hell , who at this very day to incourage their disciples to murther , as is afore-written , do anoint them with the sacrament of the unction , assuring them that for their meritorious service ( if they chance to be killed ) they shall immediately enter into heaven , and escape purgatory , and what they get from the protestant party , by murthering , robbing and stealing , the one half shall be their own , and what man would not be willing to venture upon such conditions , to get wealth upon earth , and purchase heaven for murther . oh damnable doctrine and doctours . they usually mangled their dead carcasses , laying wagers who should cut deepest into their flesh with their skeins . at carvagh , near colerane , the rebells came to begirt the town , mr. rowly , brother to the worthy knight sir john clotworthy , came forth with a small company , about three hundred men to prevent them , they came upon them with a very great company , and slew all but eight of the protestants , base cowardise where they want courage , they make it up with heaps and multitudes of frighted hares , and the more fearfull and cowardly , ever the more cruel upon any advantage . all their cruelties were usually on disarmed men , in small villages , where was no strength to resist them , there they have tyrannized over the weaker sex , women , and they basely triumphed over little children , their rage hath been exercised . oh base cowardise if they ventured sometimes on our men , it hath been when they were naked , as they have been flying from those furies which their party have newly stripped naked : by and by they met with more of those white-livered villains in companies . they would likewise abuse those poor naked protestants like dogs , adding to their misery , beating them and bruising their naked bodys with cudgels , breaking the heads of some and wounding others , that if they had not died , they have been dangerously sick with the inhumane usage of those merciless wretches : nay , rather than they will be ( no body ) they will shew their manhood in abusing dead bodys , as this story declares by very credible testimony from their own country-men . here i shall acquaint you with a remarkable story , which i received from a citizen of dublin's testimony , of good repute there and here : wherein you may behold the promise made good to the protestant side , which the lord himself made to his people israel , that five should chase a hundred . it pleased god by one man and few with him , to out-dare about thirty thousand of those cowardly rebells , whose cause is base , whose religion is but a mere pretence for their bloudy designs , and thus it was as that citizen related . a very great army of about thirty thousand rebels besieged drohedah , wherein was that valliant and religious commander sir henry tichbourn , with a few of the protestant party with him in comparison of those multitudes of rebells , trusting to their great army , boldly demanded the town , if they would yield , no question , but they should have fair quarter : but sir henry knowing them ( its likely ) very well how perfidious they were , and the less to be believed , the more they swore and execrated themselves , resolutely replied , and sent the rebells this answer . be it known to you i am a soldier bred , and will never yield but upon three conditions . . before i surrender i will kill all the papists in the town . . i will destroy all the nunneries . . i will fire the town , and march in the light of it , by the help of god , to dublin . nay , rather than i will give up , i will feed on a piece of a dead horse , and if that fail , i will eat the soulders of an old popish alderman . this bone he threw among those hungry dogs , and you may imagine how they relished it . and that remarkable instance which was published by order of the right honourable the house of lords , concerning this noble and religious knight , sir henry tichbourn , how it pleased god to honour him with a successfull victory against the rebells , they being driven in drohedah , to eat horse-flesh for want of other provision . the rebells having chained up the river in hope to keep out provision by sea , that no relief might come from dublin , it pleased god to raise such a storm that broke the chain , and scattered the enemies boats , and opened a free passage from dublin , whereby they were relieved , blessed be god. thus the lord fought for them by winds and seas . pulling them about the streets by the hair of the head , dashing the childrens brains against the posts , saying , these are the pigs of the english sows . and also by land an army lying before the city , assaulted them in hopes to famish them : whereupon this noble captain , sir henry tichbourn , sallied out of the town , but with forty musquetiers , and as many horse , beat off four hundred of the enemies , killed above threescore of them , recovered fourscore cows and oxen , and two hundred sheep , burned four towns and brought home two of their colours . here take notice of their cowardise again attempted on a noble lady , by a letter sent from seven of the grand rebells , with her resolute and undunted answer to them as follows . the rebells letter to the lady offalia in her castle at geshel . to the right honourable and thrice vertuous lady , the lady digby , these give . honourable , we his majesty's loyal subjects being at the present employed in his highness service for the taking of this your castle , you are therefore to deliver unto us free possession of your said castle , promising faithfully , that your ladyship , together with the rest in the said castle restant shall have a reasonable composition ; otherwise upon yielding of the castle , we do assure you that we will burn the whole town , kill all the protestants , and spare neither man , woman nor child , upon taking the castle : consider ( madam ) of this our offer , and impute not the blame of your own folly unto us , think not that here we brag : your ladyship upon submission , shall have a safe convoy to secure you from the hands of your enemies , and to lead you where you please . a speedy reply is desired with all expedition , and thus we surcease : henry dempsy . charles dempsy . andrew fitz-patrick . conn dempsy . phelim dempsy . john vicars . james mac-donel . the lady off alia her answer to the rebells . for my cosin henry dempsy , and the rest . i received your letter , wherein you threaten to sack this my castle , by his majestys authority ; i am and ever have been a loyal subject , and a good neighbour amongst you , and therefore cannot but wonder at such an assault ; i thank you for your offer of a convoy , wherein i hold little safety , and therefore my resolution is , that being free from offending his majesty , or doing wrong to any of you , i will live and dye innocently , and will doe my best to defend my own , leaving the issue to god ; and though i have been , and still am , desirous to avoid the shedding of christian bloud , yet being provoked , your threats shall no whit dismay me . lettice offalia . these stories i relate that all true-hearted protestants may take heart , and likewise take notice that god is vindicating his own glory against these desperate atheists that began to insult , and to ask ( as we are credibly informed ) what is become of the god of the protestants , and likewise what spirit and courage god is able to put into the hearts of those that fight for him , and for his cause against his bloud-thirsty enemies . and therefore be not dismaid you protestants , 't is a great honour to fight under the banner of christ , they fight under the banner of anti-christ , the lord is with you while ye are with him . see the blasphemies and cruelties of these bloudy men : it is that their names ( as amalek ) may be blotted out from under heaven , for surely the day of recompence is comming , that god will make his arrows drunk in their bloud , they love bloud , and therefore god will give them bloud in great measure . as for instance , i shall relate you a bloudy story of one of those cruell beasts . the protestant troopers , about the beginning of febr. . marched out of dublin , as they used to do , to view the coasts , they espied a cruell rebel hewing and mangling a woman in so horrid a manner that it was impossible to know her , having acted his devilish part he triumphed over her dead corpse , and washed his hands in her bloud , whereupon the troopers apprehended this barbarous villain in the very act of cruelty , and brought him to dublin with his hands all bloudy , and was adjudged to be hanged immediately , he ascended the ladder , and would not stay till the executioner turned him off , but desperately leaped off and hanged himself . this was in the beginning of february , and was credibly reported by a citizen of dublin , who saw him thus hanged with his hands all bloudy . it is remarkable to take notice of the rise of this bloudy act , it was thus . a fryar and this villain was drinking together in a village , the fryar hearing a poor english woman there , he commanded this rebel to murther her , which he did , as you have read , attested by a gentleman of ireland , of good credit . thus these poor deluded wretches gull'd with their jesuits damnable doctrine , who assure them on their words , that the more cruel , the more meritorious . an article no where to be found , but in the devil's creed . would any man believe that these villains should take children and toss them with pitch-forks like dung into rivers ? one was an eye-witness ( who lost a great estate there , but since received relief from the parliament ) who saw a cruel wretch , throw a woman crying with tears one way , and her child with a pitch-fork another way . they cruelly murthered women great with child , and then left them in ditches , to the fury of their dogs , who learned to be cruel from their bloudy masters , for they eat the children out of the bowels of the mother . at lesgoole castle , in the county of fourmanagh , they burned fifty scots , men , women and children . sixteen scots more they barbarously hanged at cloynes in the county of monaghan . thirty scots they burned in tolagh . it is remarkable that they dealt thus cruelly with those noble scots , who have been renowned through the christian world , for their zeal against that antichristian rabble , that these rebells would wish they had but one neck , that they might cut them off at one blow , but the protestant cause shall stand in england and scotland , when they and their babel shall be cast into the bottomless pit. rory mack-quire at new-town , in the county of fourmanagh , above four hundred poor protestants fled into the church to shrowd themselves under its roof , for safety from the rage of those men of bloud , where they might have been famished , but the mercy of this merciless beast affords them quarter to go away with their cloaths to dublin , and vows he will not hurt them : before they got out of the town , the soldiers stript some and killed others like base perfidious wretches . the irish lieutenant pretending they came from the king , perfidiously come under favour , pretends to borrow the arms of the inhabitants , as they said , to quell the rebells , then break into their houses , and turn their weapons against themselves , made havock , taking their feather-beds , and throwing out their feathers , and in the ticks , put up what pretious things they could find in the house , and carried all away , and so turned them out of doors , the next company taking away their cloaths , and cloathing them with their rags . the next company thinking they may have money in those rags , take them also , search their mouths , and those parts which modesty will not admit of an expression : if they can find none , they set their skeins at their breasts , to try if they can extort any thing when the poor protestants are naked . blush , o sun ! to behold the inhumane cruelties and beastly usages of these unheard of cannibals . they enslaved the poor protestants under them , making them work like horses all day , digging and delving for them , and then shut them up all night , not knowing what wages , whether life or death should be allotted , and so every night lay trembling and praying that they might be delivered from their cruelties . some ministers they whipped , others they set in the stocks , and made others to go to mass against their wills , then told them , now that they had saved their souls , they would hang they bodies . a minister seeing his wife abused , and his children roasted , and desiring them to put him out of his extremity of anguish , which he suffered by seeing such cruelty committed on those so near him , they most inhumanely cut his tongue out of his head. and for a conclusion of this dreadfull tragedy , it is related from one of the last letters from ireland , that seventeen of those barbarous monsters came to a minister's house , where they violently fell on him and his wife , stript them naked , bound them back to back , then cut off the ministers privy members , afterward ravished his wife on his back , and then inhumanely cut their throats : transcendent cruelty , exceeding pagans and atheists . for the oppression of the poor , and for the sighing of needy : now will i arise , saith the lord , and set him at liberty from him that oppresseth him . psal . . . finis . the character of the protestants of ireland impartially set forth in a letter, in answer to seven queries ... : with remarks upon the great charge england is like to be at with those people, and the destruction of that kingdom by famine, if not prevented. halifax, george savile, marquis of, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the character of the protestants of ireland impartially set forth in a letter, in answer to seven queries ... : with remarks upon the great charge england is like to be at with those people, and the destruction of that kingdom by famine, if not prevented. halifax, george savile, marquis of, - . [ ], p. printed for dorman newman ..., london : . attributed to george halifax. cf. halkett & laing ( nd ed.). reproduction of original in yale university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- ireland. ireland -- economic conditions. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the character of the protestants of ireland , impartially set forth in a letter , in answer to seven queries ; their original , humour , interest , losses , present condition , apprehensions , and resolutions . with remarks upon the great charge england is like to be at with those people , and the destruction of that kingdom by famine , if not prevented . london , printed for dorman newman , at the king's arms in the poultrey , mdclxxxix . the character of the protestants in ireland , impartially set forth in a letter , &c. sir , that i have not sooner performed my promise , and your commands , has been the difficulty of your injunctions ; which were , that i should give a full account of these seven particulars : first , the original . secondly , the humour . thirdly , the interest . fourthly , the losses . fifthly , the present condition . sixthly , the apprehensions . and lastly , the resolutions for the future settlement of the gentlemen of ireland . since i undertook the work , i thought my self obliged to be as perfect in it , as some few weeks would admit ; but when i had spent some , and almost as many as i designed for the whole , i found my weeks must be turned into months , and my enquiry in london reach to bristol , and other parts of the kingdom ; for that i found such different accounts even in matter of fact , that i could not well depend upon any thing : and to say the truth , at my first onset i was much discouraged by the diversity of characters i received from them , both of things and themselves ; which after some time , i found might easily be reconciled , as you will find in the sequel of this discourse . but to detain you no longer , in setting forth my conduct in this irish travel , i shall come to your particulars : first , as to the original of those , we most improperly call british protestants , who are of all nations , and might be rather , with st. iames , the twelve tribes scattered through the earth . i have discoursed with dutch , french , germans , scotch , welsh , and with as many born in our foreign plantations , new-england , virginia , barbadoes , &c. and to complete this diversity among them , those of our own nation being of different counties , are so in their humours , as we know by experience among our selves . now these gentlemen of ireland being composed , or rather compact of such variety , i do not wonder , as most do , that they are so dis-joint in their affections and representations of each other . a common calamity is more equally considered by indifferent persons , than by them who lie under it ; for though it be common in the affliction , yet it is particular in the several attempts of each to get out of it ; and the frailty of our nature is apt to lead us beyond our charity to our neighbour , when we want it our selves ; a fault no ways to be extenuated , yet too common , and i fear too much the practice of some among these gentlemen : but i have digressed . these several nations and people i before mentioned , are such as they call new interest-men , and came into ireland by and since cromwel's conquest , after the rebellion of forty one. these men , though of such differing interests among themselves , yet are a joint body and separate from the other interest of the protestant party of that kingdom , which they call the old interest ; and they are the off-spring of the several soldiers and adventurers , since strongbow's going into that kingdom . these men , it seems , thought their interest infallible ; no questioning of their title , because it was the forfeitures of several rebellions in the time of popery , and of that in queen elizabeth's reign , when the irish call'd in the spaniards : but the rebellion of forty one they palliate with several concessions and articles made , though they were , when the irish saint ( the then duke of york ) stood their champion , found frivolous . but these gentlemen of the old interest , i i find like our welsh here , value themselves above the other they call cromwelists ; and on the other hand , the cromwelists look on them as mungreliz'd by the irish ; among whom , many of them have match'd , and therefore in cromwel's time not much trusted ; though now , i think , the new and old interest unite against the common enemy : i mean without the least respect of consanguinity or affinity , the irish papist being odious to them both . thus in short ( for i presume you expect not the genealogy of the protestants of ireland ) i have given you the present interest and place from whence they derive themselves . secondly , for the humour and disposition of the people , i find them in their religion much like us of england , of different persuasions , yet not in any proportion with us for dissenters : the north of ireland being generally scotch , have most presbyterians , but in other parts of the kingdom dissenters are thin ; insomuch that in some is counties not one dissenting meeting : and however they use one another in their characters , they shame us in one thing , that is , in giving respect to their clergy . they are of a generous temper , and even now in their wants , may be seen to have been a people of great hospitality , lived in great plenty , and therefore the more unfit to undergo want ; and if my observation be right , are apter to starve than complain , and too haughty to undertake that they call a mean way of earning their living . i have discoursed with some that were but farmers of ten or twenty pounds sterling a year , whom i questioned how it chanced they were not gone in the army for ireland ; their answer was , they could get no command , and they knew not how to live upon six-pence a day ; but if they could have of their own country to command them , ( for none else they think will fight , ) they would go over voluntiers . this spanish humour i find in them ; but that which nourished it , is that which the spaniard wants , plenty of provisions both for back and belly . such a tenant , as i mentioned before , of ten pounds a year , lives better than a free-holder in england of an hundred pounds a year estate ; keeps a couple of good geldings in his stable , good drink always in his celler , and better clad than our yeomen of kent . this may serve to shew the humour and disposition of the people , and the cause of it ; only this i must add , that i believe them a very stout and warlike people , which is occasioned by their being like the hungarians , in continual action ; the irish being upon the least occasion up in arms , and running out tories , which the english are in continual hazard of , and as furiously pursue . having heard much talk of these tories , i made particular enquiry into the nature and practice of that sett of men , which i shall give you a short account of , as they have stood since cromwel's conquest ; for no farther i shall look back in all my relation of ireland . these men , after the reducing of ireland , and the lord musgrave ( since earl of clancarty ) laying down arms , had no commission , and therefore called tories . they came not in upon musgrave's articles , because there were no terms for any guilty of murther , of which most of them that staid out tories were in cromwel's government , they were so hunted , and the irish that were under protection so punished for any robbery they committed in the parish where it was done , that they were soon destroyed : but upon every alteration in england , some ran out , as if they were immediately to recover the kingdom : and so they did upon king charles the second's restauration , expecting , as they then gave out , to be restored the sooner for being found in their defence against the english , who they then hoped would be judged the greater rebels ; so after , upon the dutch war , several got up , insomuch that the farmers of the excise had abatements for the ravage these made in the country hindering affairs . there was one redmond hanly , that kept out several years , though great attempts of the army continually made to take him ; and another in munster , called colonel poore , with many others , in all parts of the kingdom , who kept the english in continual action , and to me seems a reason for making them bold and good soldiers , and most serviceable against the irish , as having been their former masters , and conquerors : and trogus pompeius relates a story of a country , which being over-run with slaves , was not reduced , till laying aside other arms than those of chastisement , their masters reminded them of their servile fears , and so at last regained their empire over them , as their ancient masters , not competitors of the field . and i find many of oliver's soldiers alive , and free enough to go against the irish , if they had but english commanders of their own countrey ; they complaining much of some that are sent over , yet modestly expressed ; for i find them of a quiet and obedient disposition . thirdly , for their interest , i find them unanimous for their present majesties : and i have wondred in so great a number , as i have personally , and by proxy conversed with , that i should never find but four men , so much as scrupling our present happiness , and of them three clergy-men . the character , i first gave you of their original , is argument enough for their affection to our present government , since they are stripp'd of all by the late king , of whom they relate such things , as are not fit to come among humane , much less christian ears . if the english , or protestants of ireland are considered in their personal or real estates , their interest that way , i find to be thus : few of them had any thing in england , the temptation of buying land cheap , and rents better payed than in england , made them lay out all there , and consequently few monied men among them . those that did not purchase , laid out in improvements . plate i do not find they so much affected , as we in england ; yet few families without some ; jewels were less in use among them . those of personal estates had generally great stocks of cattel ; and land being cheap , the country for these late years was over-burthened with them . but that which is scarce to be credited in so plentiful a country , situate beyond any place in the christian world for trade , there should be no merchants : in all my enquiry , i cannot find one that may bear the character of a compleat merchant . they tell me , there were two or three in dublin of universal trade ; but growing rich , took honours , and purchased lands ; since them there appears nothing but factors , and home-bred-men , like our planters in the west-indies : and this is to me the reason , why ireland is so contemptible in its trade , that might otherwise be the most flourishing empire in europe , there being so few dealers resident in that kingdom . the interest of those fled from thence , is comprehended under those already named in stock and real estate ; and that brings me to your fourth head , the losses of the protestants of ireland . and here i find both you and i have been not only mistaken , but prejudicate . the evil characters of some , and too light behaviour of others , gives , i confess , too great occasion of censuring that people : but if ten righteous men would have prevented sodom's condemnation , many tens of ill men should not condemn a kingdom , where there is more hundreds deserving . fourthly , their losses , and deplorable condition , seems exceeding any modern account ; and the more unhappy , since 't is scarce perceived . we pitied the french fugitives more than these , that are our bone and our flesh ; and the reason seems to be , that every one of them was distinguished by garb and speech , but these from ireland are by neither , and so in the croud not discerned ; nor shall we hear them complain , for the reasons i have before mentioned : but to come to their losses . i need not tell you what the list given into the house of commons mentions , to which some have made exceptions , that the returns are favourable ; but that will not be believed by those , that discourse the gentlemen concerned in them ; a more derogating temper , i confess , i never saw among a people , not in the least inclinable to favour one another . i am loth to say , it is giving most of them the lye , to have honourable thoughts of their best men : but i would not make so general a reflexion , for i have met with some worthy and intelligent men among them ; and such as complain of some busie men , whose employments of agency and solliciting , gave them the opportunity and practice of characterizing men , in which they were too free , as well as faulty in possessing great men with : but to return . the losses of the nobility and gentry , were most in their real estates ; few of them had money , and not considerable in plate or iewels ; they that had any of the three , did in time send it over for england . that which i take to be as considerable , or more than the real estates , is the loss of personal estates in stock ; and that is vastly beyond our common estimation , and will , perhaps , be so in acceptation : but what i shall relate , i have such good authority for , that i question not the truth . it is usual in that kingdom for a tenant that pays but twenty pounds a year , to have from an hundred to two hundred head of black cattel on it ; and for others that pay not two hundred pounds a year rent , to make more than three hundred a year of their wool. i should exceed the bounds of a letter , to enumerate all on this head : but upon the whole , at a moderate computation , it is believed they have lost in stock , and other personal estates , to the value of more than eight millions sterling , allowing but an hundred pounds sterling for a family : now these men are more to be pitied than they who are out of their lands , for that will be found again , ( though they believe of little value ; ) but those that have lost their stocks , are utterly ruin'd without hopes of reparation ; and under this qualification , they compute more than eighty thousand families , one half of which are still in ireland , more to be lamented than those that are here . i mention nothing of the clergy's livings , nor men of civil employments , because they come under the head of free-holders being for life ; however it is worse with them than gentlemen of estates , in regard they can make no disposition to purchase bread , as those of lands may . fifthly , but now to your fifth query , what their present condition , and that , after what has before been related , must be bad , and i doubt worse than we imagine ; for they tell you , most of them came over when they could bring little with them , but the cloths on their backs ; they have been here some ten months , and most six months ; they acknowledge the charity of london great , but say little of the other parts of the kingdom ; the whole is said not to exceed thirty thousand pounds : and a greater gift than that , they say , was offered by them in ireland , viz. thirty thousand biefs to be given to the distressed of london , when burnt ; of this a reverend prelate of theirs hath some testimonial by him , his grace the arch-bishop of tuam , who is among them of universal esteem , and in which he is singular . now this publick charity is not , as we thought , dispersed among all gentry , as well as others , but only to the poor , such as had scarce stocks in the kingdom , but were poor mechanichs , husband-men , and labourers . some of the clergy have also support out of it ; and although they that are intrusted with the disposing this money , lengthen it out as much as possible , giving to most not above ten shillings a month ; yet they say about nineteen thousand pounds of the money is already gone , and yet all complain , as if there were not an equal distribution ; but i find little ground for it , only one or two men are a scandal to the rest ; and had they been left out , i believe the noise you heard in the country would not have reached so far . now all this while , the men of greatest quality , and , perhaps , of greatest want , are put to their shifts ; but they most of all , whose estates lay in stock , for that they can have no credit , there being no expectation for their recovery : when i think of these men , i must confess my heart aches , they are the most miserable men that have been among us , this age having lived plentifully , worth thousands , bred to nothing but rural matters , know not how to get bread by any other imployment , and so turned naked into the world , when they were going , by their age , out of it ; ( i wish many of them go not silently away for want of bread ; ) and yet under the charge this kingdom lies , maintaining the arms of three kingdom 's forces in holland , and a great navy at sea , it is not easie to find out an expedient to help them . i have been in discourse with some of them ; and putting the case to one , whether they could reasonably expect we should raise money for them by a tax , since by collection it comes to so little , and is indeed the worst way of raising money ; for that only the good man , not the rich , pays it any farther than he is charitable ; whereas a tax imposeth according to a man's ability . to this i was answered , that they did believe it reasonable : and more , that it was profitable for us to do it . i was surprized with the assertion , and desired to hear his reasons for it , which were as follows : first he affirms there were forty thousand families fled from ireland into england ; that they had one with another spent at least , twenty pound a family , which amounts to eight hundred thousand pounds sterling : this was so much added to the stock of england , and therefore deserved some return , since it was there all ; and had so much money been spent in holland , they would have considered a distressed people that had done it . he illustrated the discourse with mercantine observations , of which he was master , and i foreign too , and therefore can no more relate than understand . his notions seem'd reasonable , and all terminated in this , that england has had in specie , mony , and plate , more from them than ever was brought in clear , and resting in the kingdom in one year ; for that he accounted all theirs was lodg'd here , and took nothing out of the kingdom : and when i objected , that our lead , tin , woollen-manufacturies , and even the east-india commodities , brought us in five times the summ he insisted on : he answered , that as it slow ▪ d in , so like the tide it had its ebb out , otherwise england would not hold its treasure ; it would come to an immensity , if but half a million a year was added to england . we then come to that part of his assertion , that it is profitable for england to raise money for them ; and that he would prove thus : first , that england had been for many years a gainer by their trade , contrary to the common opinion : and this point , i confess , he handled beyond my expectation ; and it must be better heads ▪ than mine that can answer him . first , he laid down , that ireland took more of our manufactories , and native commodities , than virginia , our darling plantation ; and that if we pleased , we might raise as great a revenue by ireland , as we do out of our tobacco . then that we made above two millions sterling a year of their wool ; that by the act of navigation we had barr'd them from the use of all foreign shipping , and that in effect we had prohibited them from trade to our foreign plantations ; by which , whatever the gain of their trade was , we had it by our shipping and plantation-commodities : that they were prohibited by our acts of parliament from bringing any of their commodities but what we stood in need of ; a thing ( as they set it out ) so severe , as never used but to an enemy . the native commodities never prohibited a country in amity ; the most is to lay heavy duties on them : but ireland in its chiefest commodities made a nusance . and to close all , he affirmed that ireland added to the trade of england ▪ three millions a year ▪ all this he thought worth their securing . that the gaining the kingdom would not do it , if the inhabitants that were used to the country , were not preserv'd and sent thither again : that many had already sought dwellings in foreign parts , and more were on the wing . this is as much as i can remember of our discourse , and i wanted one to oppose him ; for from me he carried his hypothesis . sixthly , as to your sixth query , what the general apprehensions of them are ? i cannot give you a single solution to that , since i find them differing so much among themselves : one party , and those that were the latest planters in that kingdom , i find generally resolv'd to return no more , but rather bend their thoughts for carolina , virginia , and new-england . these believe that ireland will not soon be reduced , and that it will never be at quiet ; for that the french lying so near it , and taking upon him the guardianship of the pretended prince of wales , will ever be infesting that kingdom ; and that the irish will be always ready to receive them : so that the quiet of ireland will depend upon the success of the french. a successful campaign with him , will raise a tory-camp in ireland ; for that , they say , they have experience by three several instances , in less than two years . first , upon the death of king charles the second , they got up in all parts of the kingdom , not having patience to see what their guardian-angel , the late king , would doe for them . that was scarce quieted with the assurance of his being a catholick majesty ; but upon monmouth's appearing ; they got up again ; that was soon after pretty well laid by the arrival of that good man the earl of clarendon , so they term him ; and then up they got again , upon the arrival of tyrconnel ; so they say the tories ever do upon the least change of government . these are the apprehensions of those they call new purchasers , that came for ireland since the act of settlement , which was made upon the restauration of charles the second . another set of them i find more resolute , and they are those they call cromwelians : these are such as were soldiers in that conquest , or the sons of them ; a rough sturdy people , and full of indignation against the irish , rendring them a bloody , but cowardly people , easily conquer'd , if fallen suriously upon . but the way now taken ( they say ) will put courage in the irish , who never saw themselves fear'd or treated like a formidable enemy before , the english being more troubled to find than overcome them ; and never considered odds , but thought them brave if they would engage them , being five to one : they instance the same in the few english that got together . now those they call iniskilling-men , which were not of that place , but most of connaught , the remains and off-spring of oliverians , that were under the former lord kingstone , and headed by the young lord his son , who , they say , inherits his father's courage ; and had he not been betrayed by lundy , would have done great things in ireland , as his men have done since , where less than twelve hundred half naked men , routed five thousand of the flower of the irish army , posted in a most inaccessible place . this ( they say ) was three to one greater odds than our army stands upon ; and believe if they had been sent over under their own old commanders , there would have been a good account of ireland by this time . this is the opinion they have of themselves , and yet fansie the king will use them at last , and believe his majesty would at first , but that they had enemies , who gave a false account of them . for the new interest-men , they are sure not a man but would venture his life for their majesties in any part of the world. but to come to that which hath more authority with it , and that is , they say , that when cromwel landed in ireland , the english and british had the chief of the kingdom , dublin , cork , toughall , kingsale , and all the north , where there was stock of cattel , and pretty store of pillage near the garisons . that cromwel made quick work , took drogheda , and several places of moment in few weeks after his landing ; so that before the spring , ( he landing in august , ) the whole kingdom was in a manner in protestants hands ; the irish pent up in garisons . and yet after all these advantages and opportunities of sowing corn , when the war was over in fifty one , the famine , and its usual attendent , the plague , swept away more than the sword had done in all the war of the irish , and many thousands of the english. in the city of dublin there died in one year two and twenty thousand . there is a worse prospect now of the same fate , for that the protestants have not an ear of corn in the kingdom ; nor have the irish much , scarce any winter-corn , for that at the season for sowing , they have been imbroil'd in arms. nor can there be any spring-corn considerable , for the same reason . from all which they infer , there must inevitably be a famine next year ; which will in the first place fall upon those protestants that escape this winter , many are perished already ; for that the irish keep the men prisoners , after having robb'd them of all they have , and leave the poor women and children starving in their houses . upon the whole , they conclude , that the kingdom will be in a manner dispeopled , let what will now happen ; and that those few , both of english and irish , who escape the destroying angel in war , famine , and plague , and live to see peace , will yet perish for want of bread ; the mony of the kingdom being already sent to france by the late king , and brass farthings left as half-crowns in the room of the silver ; so that they will have nothing to purchase food . they farther add , that after the last rebellion , the kingdom was suller of money than ever it was since ; that corn was much cheaper in england , than it is like to be now . that then they had great quantities of corn from france , now there can be none ; and after all these helps , ( which now they will want , ) yet great part of those left in fifty one perished by famine ; and wanting of people to bury the dead , infected the air , and brought the plague , the irish scarce covering their dead with earth . some objections i made to these desponding conjectures , which were chiefly two : first , that it was not to be imagined but the irish would keep some silver-money ; and that in robbing the english they must get some . to this i was answered , that the irish are seldom masters of money , their treasure being cattel ; that the course the late king took , was invincible to draw out every penny of silver they had ; for at the same time he proclaimed his brass coin to pay his army , and to pass betwixt man and man , it was provided , that all his revenue , as quit-rent , hearth-money , excise , customs , &c. should be paid in silver , so that as long as there was a penny among them , it came into the treasury . for their having money of the english's , or plate , i find they are so ingenious , most of them , as to confess , they believe the english left little money or plate behind them . my second objection was , that though there were no trade , yet in such a fertile countrey it was easie for the irish to get roots , hearbs , milk , flesh , and their great food , potatoes , which we see here in england , after once setting , are never to be got out of the ground , so that of them they can never want . to all which i was answered , that the irish ( for by the way it is granted , that the english will not be admitted , nor are able to doe any of these ) are great strangers to garden-stuff ; nor is there garden-seeds in the kingdom , the english always fetching them from england . milk , it is true , is one part of their summer's provision , but they presume they will have as great want of cattel , as corn , especially cows ; for which they give me a reason , that carries probability with it , though it be novel : they tell me , in ireland the very english give little or no fodder in winter to their black cattel , by which means their cows , which they call gowneys , that is , such as had not calves the last summer , being with calf the winter following , are best in flesh all the winter ; and being so , the hungry irish , in regard there is no command of them , being soldiers , and rambling where they please , fall upon these cows , and by that means they are without cattel to give them milk next summer ; and for demonstration they say , that after the last war a milch cow in ireland would yield eight pounds , when an ox as big again , might be bought for three . for their potatoes , they say , it is a mistake to think that after being once set they need no more labour ; they must be every year new dug , and dunged : and besides , these potatoes come not in till next winter , and these gentlemen here agree , as is already past , that they will be all starved next summer , and that such as do escape , will not be the english , for that they will first perish . the quantity of corn and beer that was brought into ireland in one year after the last war , is incredible , as they relate it . a person of good quality and fortune told me , he was then a merchant , and lived in england , but traded for ireland , that he sent great quantities of wheat and malt himself ; above ten thousand of our quarters in one year went to waterford ; that to all parts there went not less than one hundred thousand quarters in one year ; and if so much was wanting when there had been so much of the kingdom in pretestant hands , what will there be after an universal ravage and destruction , for so they conclude the condition of that kingdom ? i cannot omit the foot of a discourse i had with the most intelligent man i met among them ; it was this : ireland , as it stood at the death of charles ii. he believed had about two millions of souls ; a minute computation to that gentleman's , who in a pamphlet makes the british protestants half that number , who were never accounted a fifth part of the whole , the irish being thought near eight for one , but this gentleman , who made his computation two millions , supposes a dolefull account , that two thirds will , by flight , the sword , famine , and sickness , be taken off before ireland can be reduced , hoping it be done next summer , there will then not remain seven hundred thousand souls in the kingdom ; allow them but two bushels a mouth for a year , which is but about three farthings worth of bread a day , which allowance will starve more than feed ; yet at this rate , there must be one hundred and seventy five thousand quarters of bread-corn , to keep their distressed remains alive , besides the army , that must be better provided for . i was startled at this computation ; and when i went to make some objection , i was stopped with this , that if the deliverance of these poor creatures happen to be greater than what he expected , then the provision of corn must be greater ; and that for help in the kingdom , there was no expectation considerable : it was more than could be expected , if they could find of any sustenance to make up a living . i find their apprehensions very remote , as to the re-planting that kingdom , grounded upon their experience in oliver's time ; which is this , that the reducing of that kingdom happened to be just after the winding up of that fatal catastrophy of the civil wars of england and scotland , which obliged many thousands of the loyal party to shift their habitations , and that brought them for ireland : there were also numbers that came from new-england , and other foreign plantations , having friends and relations promoted in ireland . there was also such an absolute conquest , and power over the irish , that they were rather numbred among the beasts of the field , than thought on as a people in a possibility of disturbing the government . not five men in the kingdom restored to their estates , the most of them transplanted into a country they call connaught , surrounded with the sea , and a great river ; so that it was not possible to have greater security , and more incouragement than was at that time ; and yet after all this , for near five years after the conquest , wales , scotland , and england , for some provisions , were their markets ; and land was set , some years after the laying down of arms , for forty shillings a year , that in ten years after , was set for two hundreds pounds a year : so then , if with all the advantages that then attended ireland , it was yet so many years in rising to a bare living , how will it be now improved , when none of those advantages attend it , but just the contrary . they name particulars , which i shall not trouble you with , being easily understood . i have given you the sentiments of two sets of these people , i now come to a third ; for i find them of three distinct interests and affections one to the other : these last are of the old interest , and seem to be more affected to ireland , than either of the former , and think it the paradise of the earth ; would willingly engage their lives in that war , but desire to be excused from the bravery of the gentlemen before-mentioned . they have better hopes of ireland ; have , with their own , the remarks of their ancestors ; how frequent the rebellions of ireland have been , and yet the country soon made habitable again . they confess it looks worse now than ever ; and that the irish were never a formidable enemy before ; and therefore they fear the country will be waste before it be reduced . they have the same apprehensions with the former , of the french infesting the western and southern parts of the kingdom , and fear , above all , the pardoning the men of estates , which they say was ever the ruine of that kingdom : the irish grandees , first by bribes , and , in process of time , by marriage into english families , got such friends in the court of england , that whatever rebellion happened , they always had some of their great men to head it , and , in the whole , or part , pardon'd , when they had done the like they fear now : and if any one of the great clanns doth get his estate , he will be , upon any opportunity a head to new rebellions : but if they be quite extirpate , i mean the men of estates , then they fear nothing , but , in the end , to be the better for this war , which , they hope , will make a lasting settlement for that kingdom . i had almost forgot a remarkable difference in opinion i find between these gentlemen , and those of the new interest : they of the new believe nothing will contribute more to the enriching that kingdom , than the bringing in foreigners , dutch , french , and of any nation , that are of the reformed religion ; but those of the old interest , that are the off-spring of the first english that went for ireland , have differing sentiments , and say , they had rather have the slavish irish , than the rhedomontado french , or stubborn dutch , that they cannot govern ; and i find the old english of ireland have always been jealous of new comers , which makes a division among the people . seventhly , i now come to the seventh query , what the resolution of them in general is , and of that i can give no certain account , since they seem not fixed themselves ; some despairing , others in hopes , and the rest resolute , to take their fortunes there : but by the nearest computation i can make , the greatest numbers are in condition neither to go , nor stay , having nothing here , and have lost all there . these are men , whose estates lay all in stock . it would hardly be credited , how much these farmers exceed ours in their stock ; it being common for men there of not a penny free-hold , to have five hundred head of black cattel , and a thousand sheep . many of two and three thousand pounds worth of stock , all which being lost , and they being bred to no other imployment , are in a helpless condition , their misfortune such as i never read any thing like it in story , exceeding the cruelty of the most unchristian government . they were no ways engaged against the late king ; no not so much as pretenders to any of the irish estates , but many of them tenants to the irish , pretended ( as some of them tell me ) to be zealous for the late king , in hopes , by that means , to keep their stock , but all would not do : every thing they had swept away ; and even those that were protected , and stay'd there , in obedience to his proclamation , were all alike used . now what government under the copes of heaven did ever exert such authority , that obedience under it should be no security . i had like to have wish'd those gentlemen who , under pretence of conscience , advocate his cause that doth all this , were under his government : but god forbid there should be more martyrs , or sacrifices to moloch ; for they cannot be called martyrs , that suffer without refusing any so much as pretended law. those gentlemen that had real estates , and are here in england , i find most of them in want of money , as much as those that had all in personal estates , having spent all they brought with them , which could not be much , by their own computation , of having spent eight hundred thousand pounds in this kingdom , which is twenty pounds a family , for forty thousand families ( they say ) are in england ; but i take their computation of expence to be modest , and much short of what such numbers must have spent in six and nine months , as most of them have been here . i have no more to add , having given you as impartial an account to all your queries as possible , both of the people , their humors , and present condition ; i beg your pardoning my vanity , if i say , that i believe , you have it in this , with more indifferency , than it can be had from any of themselves : out of them all i have gathered this relation , which i presume none of them will arraign . i know you will expect my opinion , and remarks upon the whole of my observations , which are more than i could commit to writing ; and this is a greater difficulty than all the rest , which is no more than matter of fact : but this of making critical observations , is a work of judgment , to which i have but a slender pretence ; however my thoughts , such as they are , you have as follows . for the people , you have their character in the first paragraph of their original : they are , by all the account that ever i meet with , from those that have been among them in ireland , the most hospitable people in the world , and that humour carries them above their condition in their expence ; they generally complain of the strait hands of england , especially in the country . what will become of them , is past my understanding , they seem too many for england to maintain ; yet at the same time , i see no other way to preserve them from starving . it is true , we have been yet at no charge with those of best quality , and , for ought i see , in greatest want : i wish the pride of some of them , and the narrowness of our hearts , have not already sent some into another world , that rather pine away than beg ; i have heard of one , a man of five hundred a year , that did so . i am loth to censure men in affliction ; yet why those of the north , whose estates are all free and quiet , don't return , is unaccountable : i think them enemies to their country-men , that have yet no estates to go unto ; for that it is natural for us to believe , they are not in want , who will not go to their own estates ; and some may have the same thoughts of such as cannot . it would be well for these poor gentlemen that are in want , if these men were distinguished ; for while they are in england , the other will be the less considered . i confess , it was at first a surprize to me , that men who talk of hundreds , and thousands a year , in the north of ireland , should think themselves entituled to the charity of the parliament ; but enquiring into the matter , i found these gentlemen were some of them livers here before this deprivation , and that for their pleasures . others ( i may say most of them ) are making interest for employments , and to be privy counsellors ; how agreeable this is , for men to neglect their common interest ; leave their brethren there in misery ; and now they might help , and encourage them by their return , stay here to enjoy their pleasure , and make themselves great men , you may judge . they put a hard task on the king , and people of england , to conquer their country for them , if they will not at least sit down in it , as fast as it is recovered ; so that the king's army may pursue their victories , and not stay to keep the country , as they get it ; they to whom the land belongs may sure do that , or else the king must raise another army . there is no comparison to be made with cromwel's conquest , and this ; he found three protestant armies in the kingdom , all the north in their hands , and most of the chief cities and ports in the kingdom : the enemy a shabby miserable people , with very few arms , and less ammunition , never appeared in the field , but like tories ; so as the gentlement of ireland say themselves , their trouble was to find them : but now it is not so ; they have a numerous army , their pretended king in the head of them , and all the kingdom in their hands , but the north , that his majesty's forces have recovered back ; so that i doubt they go too fast , that think we might have regained ireland last summer . i most lament the poor protestants that are in the irish hands , by what i can understand , they must inevitably perish this winter , for that they have nothing of their own : and what can be expected from such barbarous enemies as the irish , who in the last rebellion , murdered two hundred thousand persons , using all manner of exquisite tortures , and now have the more accomplished way of the french , their masters , to starve the hereticks . there seems no prospect for the return of any of the people of ireland untill next summer , except those of the north go to their estates ; if they do , we shall still have three fourths left on our hands ; and if they at a moderate computation could not live these six months past for six hundred thousand pounds , how will they for the future ? if they live but with the allowance of prisoners , fifty thousand pounds per month will not defray the charge : and this is not all ; suppose we keep them alive untill next summer , and then they are restored to ireland , there they must have bread , and considering the want of our usual granary , france , and our great expence for naval provisions , and that corn is already rising , i cannot see how england can spare any , scotland can give but a small help ; so then our expectation must be from the east-sea , and considering that all europe is in arms , the expence of corn will be greater than in the memory of man , which will raise the price so , that one year's provision of grain , allowing but one third of the people of ireland to be alive the next year , may reasonably be supposed to cost a million sterling ; all which must come out of the treasury of england , or those people will perish by famine . this you may think ( as i doubt not most do ) a remote prediction , and may as well not be , as come to pass , i could wish it were so ; but methinks , it is a poor confutation , only to say , it will not be , and yet give not so much as probability for the contrary , when for my assertion there is plain demonstration , and former experience . but you will then say , what will be the end of all this , and where the remedy ? if it were in my province , i could answer in point the several ways that are open for it , which they at the helm no doubt have before them . to comply with your desire , and since all i have said is but matter of discourse , not enquiries into government , much less dictates to it , i shall give you my thoughts in two particulars . first , that this course taken by our army in ireland , in that we call delay , is the best expedient to preserve that kingdom from being depopulated , i mean of the common irish ; for it seems of consequence to preserve them , and they will ( if former experience has any weight ) soon become demeanable to the english government if their heads are removed from them . now had our army , as soon as they landed , attacked these people , there would have been in probability great destruction of them ; and those that were left , thereby made desperate , and told by their leaders , nothing but destruction would attend them , if they did not fight it out ; and nothing makes a coward stout like necessity : if death attend on all parts , his only hope is the death of his enemy , and that makes him fight : now this hazard is prevented , by giving them time to consider their danger , and offering them terms of peace , and enjoyment of all their properties : i still mean the common people ; for the landed men , i find by all hands , are never to be restored to their estates : but the commonalty are of absolute use in the kingdom ; and they are , as the mantle thrown off tells us , followers of their lands ; whoever commands the one , hath the other . and i have heard the gentlemen of ireland say , that their irish tenants would in their common discourse say , that if the english had an army to protect them , swearing the common oath , by their souls , they would keep their cabins , and not fight to get land for other men : they must be slaves , let who will have it , and worse used by the irish than english landlords . and however it is generally said , that these poor people go voluntarily into their army ; the most judicious of the irish gentlemen i meet with , say , it is a force upon the greatest part of them ; and that it is so , i believe may be the reason of duke schomberg's taking the methods , which vulgar heads condemn ; but in the end , may be found of great advantage to that kingdom : for that it is more than probable , great part of the late king's army , will from their winter-quarters run home to their cabins from a summers , this year's service having given them enough of the discipline of war. for by the way , i find the irish marry very young , so that of their infantry , there is not one of ten a single man , from whence i make this remark , that the reason which is usually given for the irish , not fighting so well in their own country , as in foreign parts , is not all concluded in knowing where to run upon a rout , but it seems as much reason , that they run to their wives . upon the whole , it then seems to me of weight , that the irish have this winter given them to run away in : and though i am no prophet , yet do predict we shall have a slender account next spring of the irish army ; and it seems undeniable , that this way of bringing in the irish , will preserve that kingdom , both in its provisions and people ; for that the irish will by this means preserve all they can , since they will have hopes to enjoy them under their old masters , the english. secondly , that which will make the settlement of that kingdom easie , and speedy , may be the present return of those that fled from it ; they talk of many thousands in england , and , no doubt , are men of courage , and fit for action ; and although i cannot see any need of enlarging his majesties troups there , yet these gentlemen would be of great use in that kingdom , both to plant , and secure the countrey , as it falls into his majesty's hands ; they tell me near half the kingdom is so already , as to the acres , though the chief towns are not : all ulster , and a great part of connaught may be quietly possessed by his majesties loyal subjects . now if they were there , all the foregoing fears were at an end , and that of the great charge those gentlemen would be to england , if they live upon the charity of the kingdom . i have heard several of them that expect the benevolence of the parliament say , that if they had but a quarter of what they have spent since they came into england , to carry them back , they would not tarry a day longer . the house of commons ( they say ) are now upon addressing their majesties in their behalf for sixty thousand pounds for a year ; if that were made an hundred thousand pounds , and paid them in one entire summ , by what i can perceive , they would give us no farther trouble : if they have spent eight times the summ here , we may afford it ; and as remote as some think that kingdom looks , i have the faith to believe we shall see that work done in time , to visit monsieur next summer with greatest part of that army . i am , sir , yours , &c. advice to english protestants being a sermon preached november the fifth, / by a country-conformist. country-conformist. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- great britain -- sermons. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion advice to english protestants , being a sermon preached november the fifth , . by a country-conformist . london ; printed by j. d. for awnsham churchill . . a sermon preached on the fifth of november , . micah . v. . o my people , remember now what balak king of moab consulted , and what balaam the son of beor answered him from shittim unto gilgal , that ye may know the righteousness of the lord. god hath very greatly signalized this day , making it the time wherein he hath twice most wonderfully display'd his glorious attributes , in saving the inhabitants of this land from the most formidable evils and dangers , the most inveterate and inplacable enemies of their religion , and all their interests could design them unto . so that he hath forcibly commended to all english protestants , the solemn observation of this day , by two of the most miraculous demonstrations he hath ever vouchsafed unto any people , of the special care he had of , and the peculiar regard he had unto their welfare and happiness . we have been wont , on this day , to commemorate the great deliverance god wrought for our ancestors , when the papists intended , by blowing up with gun-powder their king , lords , and commons , to make way for their thorow executing of all that malice , wrath , revenge , and fury , they had conceived against all the protestants , within the territories belonging to the english crown . but god hath now done very much to endear this day a great deal the more unto us . he hath added a new miracle of mercy , beginning on this day the last year , another deliverance directly and immediately relating to our selves , which in most respects doth equal the former , and on many accounts doth very much transcend it . yet this latter deliverance must not obliterate the memory of the former : but the consideration of them both together , should mightily inlarge our hearts in admiration and praise , and powerfully engage us to a serious , faithful , and diligent improving what god hath done for us to that purpose , which the text acquaints us is our duty , viz. that we may know the righteousness of the lord. in the first verses of this chapter , the prophet gives us an account , that god had a controversy with his people , because of their unbecoming and undutiful carriages , after that he had wrought great deliverances for them ; they had not considered his works aright , nor behaved themselves after their deliverances , and under their enjoying of peace , liberty , and prosperous occurrences , as it was their duty . but by returning to their old sins , and by their perverse carriages they had kindled his wrath , and provoked his displeasure afresh against themselves . so that he upbraids them with their forgetfulness and ingratitude , and appeals to themselves , whether his way of treating them was such , as did deserve so much neglect as they did manifest ; and whether the common principles of ingenuity , could justify or excuse their superstitious or contemptuous demeanour towards him , after that he had done such great things for them ? and may not we fear too justly , that besides all our unworthy behaviour formerly , we have not demeaned our selves , since our late . deliverance , with that circumspection , care , and dutifulness , god hath indispensably obliged us unto , by appearing in so miraculous a manner to effect so seasonable a deliverance for us ? have not many of us , since we were freed from our late fears , reassumed to our selves our old fretful , narrow , repining , cankered spirits ? do not too many of us murmur ? are we not dissatisfied and discontented with our freedom and deliverance ? have we not exchanged our former real fears , for suspicions and jealousies , which have no foundation at all , but in our own whymsical and unreasonable phanci●s ? if the israelites were altogether unexcusable , when they thought of returning to egypt , and hankered after the cucumbers , and the m●l●ns , and the leeks , and the onions , and the garlick they were wont to eat there ; what must we be , if we murmur now , and cherish any inclination to the state we were lately in , or the persons who so lately frighted us ? the israelites knew very well , that the armed body of their oppressors was actually drowned in the sea , they found that they were really entred into a wide , desolate , barren wilderness , where there did not grow euen any such sorry food as egypt did afford them . but the armed force we were afraid of , is not yet sunk as lead in the mighty waters , not are we led forth into desolate places , where we can expect no provision , on necessary accommodations : we are in our own country , injoying all the good things in abundance , we were afraid , a year ago , would in a little time be wrested from us ▪ you have your lives , your lands , your laws , your liberties ; and you might have them better secured unto you than ever they were , if you had but a mind to it , if you had but publick spirits , if you did but understand where your truest interest lies , if you would but renounce your miserable , yet doted-on infatuation . you have the free and undisturbed use of your bibles , of the gospel and ordinances of jesus christ ▪ o that we had all hearts to prize and be duly thankful for these mercies , and to use and improve them as good christians ought to do ! but alas ! do we not give too many intimations , that we are not pleased , because god hath not governed himself in his late gracious dispensation , by our little scanty measures ? are we not laying all the obstacles and impediments we can in the way , to hinder this deliverance from growing up into an universal blessing to the whole protestant interest throughout the world ? have not multitudes given too notorious proof of their being men of very narrow and uncommendable spirits , in that they have depreciated themselves , relinquishing their former ( at least pretended ) characters , and exceedingly diminished the usual and true value of their estates , that hereby they might reserve to their private use , some certain sums of mony which should have increas'd their soveraign's revenue , and whereby the publick interest and benefit would have been hugely advanc'd ? have we not shewn too much inclination and readiness to resign up our selves to the same courses and practices , which we loudly acknowledged some months ago , to have been egregious mistakes and errors ? do not these and the like instances testify against us ? and may not god expostulate with us , as he did with israel in the two verses before my text ? o my people , what have i done unto thee , and wherein have i wearied thee ? for i brought thee up out of the land of egypt , and redeemed thee out of the house of servants , and i sent before thee moses , aaron , and miriam . may not god expostulate with us in this same manner ? what hurt have i done you ? had you no occasion of the deliverance i have wrought for you ? did you not with earnestness desire deliverance ? did you not groan , and very audibly express your fears ? did you not make a great and loud clamour of tyranny , popery , slavery ? was there any thing you pretended to desire with so much passion , as deliverance ? what wrong have i done you now in granting you deliverance ? wherein are you impaired ? in what respects is your condition made worse by what i have done ? have i not effected your deliverance for you ? have i not done much to secure your choicest mercies and blessings to you ? have i not , as it were , sent before you , and given you a moses , aaron , and miriam , to conduct and govern you , and be pledges of my gracious presence with you ? why are you so mutinous , so impatient and discontented ? why do you not concur with so gracious a providence as this you have been treated with ? why do you not comply with the design of such rich and tender mercy ? pray be a little considerate ; look back to former times , remember what i have done for you . recollect your selves ; mind what your estate was the last year , and consider how much better it is now . weigh the great things i have done for you , how i have blasted the projects , consultations , and enterprizes which were on foot against you : and then consider , what kind of deportment will become you . o my people , remember now what balak king of moab consulted , and what balaam the son of beor answered him from shittim unto gilgal , that ye may know the righteousness of the lord. in these words we may take notice of three things . first ; the relation god doth acknowledg and own these israelites ( whom he here exhorts , and with whom he did in the former verses expostulate ) had unto himself . o my people . though they had done much to provoke his displeasure against them , he doth not entirely reject them , he doth not renounce his relation unto them , but acknowledgeth they are his people ; he speaks to them with much tenderness of affection , and intimates unto them , that he hath still a greater regard to them , and concern for their good , than he hath for other people . and therefore if they would but reflect on matters , and return to themselves , and to their duty , he would make it appear , that whatever thoughts their adversaries may have towards them , he hath thoughts of mercy towards them , and will give them an expected end. god had chosen them from amongst other people to bear his name , and they were his people by covenant and profession . he had committed to them his oracles , and they were acquainted with the religion and worship which he had authorized . it is a great mercy and priviledg for a people to be owned by the lord for his people . happy is that people whose god is the lord. whom he hath chosen for his own inheritance . this is a prevailing plea and argument in prayer . we are thine . thou never bearest rule over them : they were not called by thy name . it is a ground of hope , that god will be mindful of , and merciful unto them . fear not , o jacob my servant , and jesurun whom i have chosen ; for i will pour water upon him ▪ that is thirsty , and floods upon the dry ground ; i will pour my spirit upon thy seed , and my blessing upon thy off-spring . it is an assurance , that under the darkest providences such a people can be exercised with , god will but correct in measure , and that he will not utterly destroy . i will visit their transgression with the rod , and their iniquity with stripes ; nevertheless , my loving-kindness will i not utterly take from him , nor suffer my faithfulness to fail . god hath singled us out to be his people ; he hath brought his truth , and word , and ordinances , amongst us , with a mighty hand and stretched-out arm , and he hath often appeared for our defence , and hath manifested his owning of us to be his people many times , and on various occasions , to the extraordinary disappointment , and great confusion of our adversaries . he hath done thus of late to a very wonderful degree ; so that we have some ground to hope , that notwithstanding there are such great multitudes amongst us , who by their untractableness , and horrible abuse of mercies , may provoke god to bring very great judgments upon our land , yet he will not take his loving-kindness utterly from us , nor suffer his faithfulness to fail . in what manner he will scour our land , and what course he will take with those who are obstinately refractory , and do sturdily refuse to be reclaimed by any of those methods he hath hitherto used with us , i cannot positively affirm . but there is certainly a remnant , a generation amongst us ; who do love and fear god , who do acknowledg and own , and honour him , in his late marvellous appearances , for whom god hath a regard . so that however , the continued and reiterated wickednesses of many , may pull down dreadful and astonishing instances of god's displeasure upon the land , yet he will not proceed to make an utter end of us , as long as he doth own us for his people . when his corrections and judgments have done their full work , and accomplished their business on the inhabitants of this nation , then will our god return to us in love , and make his name more glorious in mercy amongst us , than it hath yet been . god doth still continue the tokens of his gracious presence with us , we have his word , and his ordinances amongst us . and when it shall please him to make these apparently effectual in all parts of the land , for the real conversion of multitudes of people , and the building up of people in grace and holiness , then may we expect that our joy and our happiness shall break forth as the light , and be made firm and unalterable . secondly ; what the people of god are here exhorted unto . and that is , to remember what balak king of moab consulted , and what balaam the son of beor answered him from shittim unto gilgal . they must reflect on , and call to mind ( so as to be duly affected with ) the contrivances which had been managed against them , and how wonderfully and effectually god had blasted and defeated all the consultations and enterprizes their adversaries intended should have been so fatal unto them . balak had a very secret and cursed design against israel , he consulted to ruin and destroy them absolutely . god obstructs him in his purpose , and very strangely over-rules him , who was intended to be an instrument for their hurt , to bless them ; and to declare to balak , that all contrivances and consultations against them would be useless ; for god did own them , and would most certainly make them very prosperous . if you peruse the d , d and th chapters of the book of numbers , you will find a full account of what balak consulted against them , and what balaam did answer from shittim unto gilgal . in short , balak consulted to have them brought under a curse , and that he might have his will on them . balaam answers him , it cannot be , for god hath blessed them , and it is not possible to reverse his blessing . they are a peculiar people to the lord , and he doth own them for his , there is no inchantment , nor divination that can take hold on them , they must and they will prosper . he tells balak , god will make the israelites masters of his country , so that they shall possess it , and pass through it , and go over jordan , and come to gilgal , and enter with great success upon the lands which pertained to the princes on the other side the water . they have god on their side , and they will prosper , and there are no consultations , no stratagems , no oppositions which can stand before and obstruct them from arriving at all the felicity god hath appointed them unto . these things they were to remember , they were to call them to mind , and consider them throughly , weighing all their circumstances , till their souls were duly affected with the dangers they were in , and how wonderfully the mercy and power of god were manifested on their behalfs . thirdly ; for what end and purpose they who profess themselves the people of god , should thus remember the deliverances he hath wrought for them : and that is , that they might know the righteousness of the lord ; that they may be truly sensible of the discoveries god hath made of his righteousness therein . what mercy and goodness he hath manifested in helping and saving them . how evidently his truth and faithfulness do appear in the accomplishing of those promises he hath made for his peoples support and security : what other of the divine attributes are evidenced in such works of god , upon a due consideration of their circumstances . and that we may get our minds perswaded that the justice of god is such , that he will punish even with utter extirpation , those who do slight , and will take no notice of , but do abuse such great deliverances . in a word , the expression doth import thus much : that when god hath wrought any extraordinary deliverance for a people professing his true faith and worship , they ought seriously and often to call that deliverance to mind , and remember it so , that they may be effectually influenced thereby to apply themselves to such courses , as have the plainest and surest tendency to secure unto them the continuance of the mercies they do enjoy , and to ripen their deliverance which is begun , that it may grow up unto perfection . these israelites had demeaned themselves unsuitably to what they were obliged unto by the deliverances god had granted them , so that god had a controversy with them ; now he calls them to consider what he had done for them , referring them to a deliverance which he had wrought for the israelites a long time before that ; so upon their considering that aright , they might learn to rectify their mistakes , and betake themselves to such courses as would contribute much to secure to them the favour , and continued protection , and blessing of heaven : for their happiness was not so established , but if they did carry themselves unworthily , they might lose what they did at present enjoy , and they might relapse into as great dangers as any of those from which they had been rescued . now from hence we may be instructed what doth concern us at present : and that is , first , to remember the deliverances god hath wrought for us . secondly , to apply our selves in good earnest to those courses , which are most proper to secure unto us the continuance of our present mercies , and to carry our present deliverance to its just perfection . in discoursing of these two points , i shall , first , very briefly acquaint you what deliverance we are now to call to mind . and , secondly , shew you what we are to do , that our present deliverance may arrive to its full growth ; both extend its benign influence to the whole protestant interest , and be a lasting blessing both to our selves and our posterity . first , i am briefly to minde you what deliverances we are now to remember . god hath been pleased to follow us with a long succession of deliverances , ever since he expelled the thick darkness of popery out of our country , and introduced the first beginnings of a reformation in religion according to scripture . for the adversaries of the true religion have , ever since they lost their main footing in this land , been very industrious and indefatigable , to make themselves masters again , of all that the goodness of god , and the wisdom of our pious and prudent ancestors did dispossess them of : but hitherto god hath strangely infatuated them in their councils , and miraculously defeated them in those enterprizes against us , which they seemed to manage with the greatest dexterity , and from which they did not doubt but they should receive the most plenary satisfaction . this day doth mind us of two very eminent deliverances god hath wrought for us . and these are the only deliverances i shall expresly take notice of at this time . the former of them was effected in the days of our predecessors . the enemies of our faith , and of all our interests , had contrived to have committed a most cursed and barbarous villany on our king , lords and commons , and afterwards on all other protestants , this very day , in the year . and they were so near effecting their design , that they wanted but a piece of a night and a few hours in the morning , to accomplish the principal part of what they intended . i need not be particular in relating what our adversaries had projected , the steps they had taken , the way and manner how they were discovered , and the protestants delivered ; you have often heard these things reported . let us seriously consider with our selves , in what condition these nations would have been , both as to religion , and every thing else that is valuable , if this plot had taken effect . and in what likelihood our adversaries were of accomplishing their own purposes . their plot was laid and managed with the most contrived secrecy ; there was no knowledg of it in order to a human prevention : it was brought just to the point of execution . and was there ever any design laid , which should have been so formidable and full of dread and consternation in the execution of it , as this must have been , if it had not been prevented ? if the papists had then succeeded , what must the consequences have been ? what treatment and usage must protestants then have expected ? none more gentle than would suit with the tempers and principles of those who could deliberately devise , and with thoughtfulness perpetrate so horrid , so bloody , so cruel a project as this was . well , god disappointed the hopes of the papists at this time , and miraculously preserved those who were thus appointed to die . surely this deliverance , if rightly apprehended and weighed by english protestants , should powerfully engage them to a very observant and dutiful behaviour towards god. but this is not the only deliverance we are now to remember . this day doth mind us of another , singular and admirable in all its circumstances , and which made its entrance amongst us , this day the last year . i need not say much concerning this deliverance , you all know the main particulars of it ; your own senses can be your monitors . would god we had all hearts to make an improvement of it answerably to what we can every one inform our selves concerning it . in what estate did you apprehend your selves to be , before god was pleased to grant you this deliverance ? did you not think your religion was in danger ? did not you think your claims to your lands and liberties ( as matters then stood ) were very precarious ? what were your fears then ? what were your complaints ? what were your desires ? what were your thoughts , and your discourses then of arbitrary power ? did not those who have great estates often think with themselves , what little pittances of land would be left them , when their church and abby-lands should be appropriated to those uses the papists formerly applied them unto ? nay , were you not sometimes perplexed with fears , that the rest of your lands must be ceased to make amends for the long alienation of the other ? were you not in doubt , that if help did not speedily arrive , your estates , your goods , your lives would be claim'd as forfeited , because the owners of them were hereticks ? did you not really believe that such designs were on foot , that if french forces should come over before you had help , your dangers would be altogether remediless ; that your ruin and destruction would be irreversible ? were not these your real apprehensions and fears ? have you not often solemnly declared so much your selves ? how then should you now value and improve this deliverance ? if you had not such fears and thoughts , why did you make such clamours ? how can you be reconciled to the practices you applied your selves unto ? how could you reconcile your selves then to the courses you took ? god hath now wonderfully delivered us from what some felt , and from what we all feared . he hath accomplished our deliverance in a very miraculous manner , making the winds , the seas , and the more inconstant minds of most of all sorts of people , to concur to help on our deliverance . there is no occasion of my making a large relation of this deliverance . what i am speaking of , was not done in a corner , nor in a time your memories cannot reach unto . you can easily inform your selves about it , you can instruct one another concerning it . you may easily have recourse to particular accounts which are published . yet there is one thing which i would just hint unto you , relating to this deliverance , which if we have not a regard unto , we cannot possibly set a just estimate upon it : and it is a consideration of that nature , which as it hath a tendency to shame and humble us , so to demonstrate , that our present deliverance is remarkably distinguished from , and made more considerable than any of the other deliverances god hath been pleased to work for this land. it may be an unpleasing intimation to some people , but i dare not forbear to mention it , now i am discoursing on this subject . dawbing with untempered mortar , hath greatly indangered both church and state already . people must not be soothed up in their sins and impenitence : it is high time for us all to be humbled . we cannot praise god aright , and give him the glory due for this deliverance , till we throughly debase our selves before him . now that which i would desire you all to take notice of , with reference unto our present deliverence is this , that we our selves had a main hand in bringing our selves into that dangerous estate , out of which god hath delivered us : we advanced notions , and countenanced practices , which did exceedingly serve and please our popish adversaries ; and opened a way for them to enter confidently on many of those methods which we found to be very uneasy , and of dangerous consequence ; and of which we thought it was very fit to complain . god hath several times tendered us deliverance , but some of his offers we have lampoon'd ; with reference unto others of them , we have done worse . it is certain the papists have , since we can remember , formed a great many designs against us , but they went not on very prosperously with any of them , till we refused to be convinced by miracle ; and instead of believing their plots , and endeavouring to prevent their success , did give them our assistance , and contrived more effectually against our own interests than they could . now this is the wonder of our deliverance , that god ▪ should save us , when we had industriously pull'd ruin upon our selves , and had shut our eyes so fast , for fear we should perceive our enemies designs , and had help'd them with all our might , to forward their purpose . our predecessors were sometimes on the brink of ruin ; but that was their misfortune , not their fault : they did not hoodwinck themselves , out of a narrow peevish suspicion , that their adversaries disappointment would prove too general a good. nor is it so much to be wondered at , that providence should interpose extraordinarily to prevent the utter destruction of an harmless innocent people , who are only devoted to ruin , by the craft and malice of a sort of creatures , in whose composition the principal ingredients are falshood and cruelty . but notwithstanding our own faultiness , and our being so far accessary to our own trouble and danger , god hath saved us . he hath proceeded so far , as to fasten a very happy deliverance on us ; i pray god it may not appear , that he hath done it against many of our wills. this present deliverance should be remembred by us , and considered particularly as thus circumstanced . if we reflect on the estate we were in a twelve-month ago , and then consider in what a happy alteration we found our selves a few weeks after , we may be justly surprized : and if we are under either a truly religious , or rational influence , we must be necessitated to acknowledg , that the lord hath done great things for us . but my business is not to attempt a description of this great work of god , whereon he hath so visibly imprinted the fairest characters of his own transcendent perfections . a silent awful administration seems best to suit with the astonishing lustre and brightness of those divine excellencies which appear there . the most significative and emphatical expressions we can use , in speaking of this glorious work , will but lessen and diminish its greatness . we can no more provide words , which will exactly instruct people in the peculiarities , and distinguishing properties of this great salvation , than we can provide colours which will fully represent unto them the meridian brightness . our souls and affections will be most powerfully wrought on , and touch'd , by a due and serious contemplation , and view of this miracle of power and goodness , just as god himself hath set it before us . our great care should now be , that we make a good use and improvement of what god hath already done for us . he hath now put an opportunity into our hands : if we mistake now , and fail of obtaining what is the desire and hope of all good men , the fixing of the protestant interest , and the setling of our civil affairs on such bottoms , as may render them not subject to prophane and arbitrary violations , the fault will be wholly our own . we have abused many deliverances already : god is now trying us once more . it concerns us to take care we do not abuse this deliverance , lest our god should resolve to leave off making experiments on us for our good , and should entirely resign us up to them , who have long earnestly desired to have us under their tutorage . it is our duty now , to apply our selves to those courses , which have the plainest and most direct tendency , to preserve and promote our happiness . therefore i will proceed , secondly , to acquaint you what we should do to secure to our selves the mercies we do enjoy , and that the present deliverance may grow up to its just perfection . and , first , we should humble our selves in good earnest before the lord for our past sins , and especially for the horrible abominations which have so exceedingly prevail'd in this land. god hath been pleased to use various methods with us , but we have hitherto refused to be reclaimed : our iniquities and transgressions have equalled all his dispensations towards us , and this not only for number , but they have born a proportion in their malignity , to what hath been singular , and more eminently remarkable in all his providences . our sins were a while since multiplied and encreased to a prodigious degree ; we committed those sins with an high hand , in a daring confident manner , which our ancestors would have blush'd at the thoughts of , and which civilized persons in other countries would have been asham'd to have heard mentioned . the infection of our sins was spread over all the land , our guilt was become general , and we appeared ripe for vengeance . clouds did immediately arise , storms did threaten us , our dangers became apparent , we began generally to have black apprehensions , and we feared that a more fatal stroke would fall on us than we had ever yet suffered under . this was a time for a serious and general humiliation : but we may easily remember how defective we were in this point . it will become us therefore not to betake our selves to the true and thorow performance of this duty . and if we would every one make a strict and impartial scrutiny into our own hearts , and consciences , and lives , and finding out our own sins in particular , with their several aggravations , would acknowledg them unto god with brokenness of heart and godly sorrow , earnestly intreat for pardon , and implore divine aid for the future , there would a very happy alteration soon appear amongst us : we should then be admirably prepared for all those blessed fruits , this pregnant instance of divine mercy we at present enjoy , and do at this time commemorate , would assuredly draw after it , to a people so disposed . besides , our doing thus every one by himself , it may be of great use for those of every order amongst us , to consider what have been the most predominant sins amongst the generality of that order , and to bewail those in a special manner ; and to search out such remedies as are most proper for the healing those breaches which these have made in our church and state. all orders of people have transgressed , and in every order there have been peculiar offences ; which have contributed much to the inflaming of god's wrath , and heightning of that guilt under which our church and state have groaned . nobles , magistrates , gentry , commonalty , and those of every degree and order in the church , should labour to be acquainted with the plague of their own hearts , and to bewail the wickednesses which have more especially prevailed amongst those of their own quality and rank . all sins are hurtful , but the sins of those who are in publick offices , which are of a gross and heinous nature , and have a special relation to their offices , are extreamly dangerous . these are wounds in the church and state , of which great care must be taken , or else they will prove of very dreadful consequence . is there no balm in gilead ? is there no physician there ? why then is not the health of the daughter of thy people recovered ? we should all likewise endeavour to be duly affected with the great guilt the nation lies under in general . what a general neglect , and even contempt of the laws and ordinances of god , are we chargeable with ? have not all sorts of horrible wickednesses abounded amongst us ? have they not past abroad every where without any check and controul ? i say , have they not met in most places with very much countenance and incouragement , even from those who should have reprimanded and punish'd them , and who were inclined to reflect with severity on other practices , which the scriptures give no ill character of ? have we not all great cause to mourn , that gross injustice , unmercifulness , oppression , insatiableness , whoredom , drunkenness , and such kind of vices and immoralities , have gone bare-faced amongst us , and been gloried in ? have not the generality amongst us , given up themselves to their sports , and pleasures , and vanities , when the judgments of god have been visibly amongst us ? how many new ways have been devised of late , to sin against god ? what temptations and provocations to excess have been invented and applauded ? have not multitudes arrived to an impudent contempt of god's threatnings , and to make a sport at those who have warned them from the holy scriptures , of the righteous judgments of the lord ? and to ridicule all serious application to the great essentials of religion , and concern for the truth and spirituality of god's worship and service ? it cannot , with any regard to truth and modesty , be denied , that these things have had too much sway and influence in this land. and these and the like sins do portend very ill to a nation where they do prevail , and obtain allowance . therefore we should humble our selves deeply on these accounts , that our land may be preserved from the fearful consequences such wickednesses do ordinarily draw after them . and now the more publick , solemn , and general our humiliation shall be , the better will the remedy be proportioned to our disease , and the better will our deportment suit with that state into which god hath now brought us . for god hath not , by giving us this deliverance , discharged us from the duty of true humiliation and sound repentance : but he hath rather the more indispensably obliged us unto it ; having now removed those obstacles out of our way , which we might lately pretend did obstruct the publick performance of it . and if god hath done so much for us , before we did address our selves to it with a due solemnity ; what may we expect he will do for us , after that we have testified aright our lothing of our selves , and our detestation of all those courses whereby we had provoked his displeasure ? yea , we shall praise him the better , and more acceptably for all his works of grace and mercy towards us , by how much the deeper sense we have of our own unworthiness , and by how much the lower we fall in our abasing our selves before him because of our many and unexcusable provocations . o lord god of israel , thou are righteous , for we remain yet escaped , as it is this day ; behold ; we are before thee in our trespasset , for we cannot stand before thee ; because of this . secondly ; we should take a particular care that we do not apostatize , and return to our old sins . and more particularly those sorts of sins which have a singular malignity in them , and do tend directly , either to prejudice the common interests of protestantism , or to disorder the civil state. these things brought us lately into that deplorable state , in which we must have absolutely sunk and perish'd , if help had not been sent us in a very miraculous manner , and in a very seasonable juncture . and what can we expect , if we return to our former sins , but that god will discover his anger against us , to the rendering of our estate seven times worse , and seven times worse , than ever it hath yet been ? if we should have this present deliverance grow up to maturity , so that our enemies may never so much as hope it will be to any purpose for them , to contrive against , and attempt us again , let us forbear , and have those sins and practices which have hitherto weakned and confounded us , made god our enemy , and inspired our adversaries with counsel , resolution and courage . our enemies have no knowledg , nor discretion , nor strength , they can use to any purpose against us , but what they are beholden to our sins and wickednesses for . if we return to our former sinful courses , our adversaries will soon frame plots ( and it is to be feared with success ) against our peace and safety . may our former , and especially our late experiences , furnish us with such iustruction and wisdom , as may be as lasting as our lives , and of perpetual advantage to those who shall succeed us . seeing god hath now spoken peace unto us , let us see that we turn not again to folly. is it possible to affront god more insolently , than by apostatizing to our old sins ? what ! shall we evidence to the world , that we look on this great deliverance as good for nothing , but to render us more untractable and incorrigible ? will ye steal , murder , and commit adultery , and swear falsly , and burn incense unto baal , and walk after other gods to your hurt , whom ye know not , and come and stand before me in this house , which is called by my name , and say , we are delivered to do all these abominations ? more particularly we should take care that we do not return . first , to any of those instances whereby the power of godliness , and the most essential interest of religion have been prejudiced . let us now abhor all those methods whereby peoples instruction and edification in religion have been obstructed ; and whereby a passage hath been opened for prophaneness , to have an abundant entrance into our land , and an opportunity hath been given it to diffuse it self , and make a successful progress thorow all parts of our country . instead of using any means to hinder and discourage the frequent , constant , and sound preaching of the word of god , may those who are intrusted with this work , be every-where obliged to attend unto it with greater diligence . may care be taken in all places for the effectual suppression of all prophanation of the lord's day , and of the common and ordinary abuse of his holy and reverend name ; as also of those more bulky blasphemies , imprecations , and oaths , which have been in too frequent use amongst us . it concerns us also to take care , that we do not relapse into any of those horrible debaucheries , and infamous excesses , nor into any of those arts and contrivances to betray people into intemperance , which have past so openly , and with too much applause , through most places , especially of concourse , in this nation . these and the like instances do exceedingly prostitute the sacredness of our profession , and many ways expose the peace , the safety , the honour of our government . and we should likewise take heed that we do not any more exchange that spiritual devotion , and reasonable worship we owe unto our god , for empty formality , some pompous rites , and a few bodily gestures . secondly ; to our church-bigotry . we have at the same time advanced notions , which make the church of christ much narrower than it really is , and set up a more extensive authority in it , than ever christ established there : we have so embarrass'd the notion of the church , and what concerns its administration and government ; it would be worthy of the best and maturest thoughts of the most understanding and experienced christians to find out a way to clear matters well , and extricate us out of those labyrinths wherein we have industriously bewildred our selves . may we now come to entertain notions of a church , truly consistent with that peace , affection , brotherly-kindness and love , with which every one who is a member of the church of christ , should be indued . may no party amongst us arrogate too much , but be contented with such authority and power as christ hath given to his church . will not things indifferent remain just so , when bigots have done all they can to perswade the world of the contrary ? let us now inlarge our judgments , as far as we can , ( provided we leave not the truth behind us , nor take in error and falshood ) that we may come as near together in opinion as is possible . and as for those instances , about which we shall still have different apprehensions , let us dissent like christians , bearing with one another , and on neither hand assume infallibility ; seeing the managing of our differences hitherto , with undue heats , hath proved of ill consequence ; let us now maintain and discover , in the midst of our dissents , an affection one for another , truly pacifying and christian . thirdly ; to our court-sycophantry . this is an unhinging of the government , and an advancing of notions and practices which have a tendency to overturn and destroy our settlement ; that we may ingratiate our selves with some who do not deserve the most excellent characters . how much prejudice have two precarious ju● divinum's done this kingdom ? the one to inslave mens souls and consciences ; the other to inslave their persons , and destroy their civil rights . thirdly ; we should ascribe with thankfulness and joy , the honour of this great deliverance unto god , and faithfully pay unto that great and blessed instrument he did imploy in the effecting of it , all that real gratitude , chearful homage , and just subjection which is due unto him. it is god who was the author of this great deliverance : whatever counsels were taken , and whatever provision was made in order to our succor , our deliverance could not have been effected either in the manner , or in the time , wherein it was brought about , if god himself had not wonderfully appeared , and wrought mightily on the spirits and minds of people on every side . what a numerous multitude of stupendious occurrences do croud into our thoughts , as soon as ever we begin to observe and trace this miracle of kindness from its first publick appearance to that huge advance it made in the two or three first months ! here we should give our freest thoughts their full scope , to observe all the discoveries we meet with of the divine excellencies , and endeavour to get our souls raised to the highest degrees of sacred admiration and love , that our praises may , as near as possible , be as boundless , as god hath been in the effusions of his bounty and goodness . the hand of god is so eminently discovered in this deliverance , it should awaken and bring those to their wits and senses again , who had sunk themselves into the deepest unmindfulness of a divine being . we must be more obdurate and sottish than the magical priests of egypt were , if we do not acknowledg that here was indeed the finger of god. the power , wisdom and goodness of god do appear so conspicuous in this instance , we may even question whether he did ever display them altogether in so illustrious and glorious a manner to any people as he hath now done unto us . when did he ever confer on such a nation ( considering both our guilt and our danger ) such an unbounded goodness , introduced with such bright and shining discoveries of a wisdom and power as unlimited , as the grace and mercy for which they prepared the way ? are , we not now under the most powerful and obliging dispensations of mercy and love , enhaunced by the attendance of every thing which is proper to operate on , and influence the reasonable nature ? with what grateful resentments should our souls be now possessed ? how should our mouths be now filled with praises and acknowledgments ? this is god's doing . it is his right-hand which hath saved us . if he had refused and denied his blessing and conduct , all that was attempted for our relief would have proved vain and abortive , yea , would have made our condition more fatal , our yoke and bondage more insupportable . not unto us , not unto us , o lord , but unto thy name be all the glory . it was thy right-hand , and thy arm , and the light of thy countenance which saved us , because thou hadst a favour unto us . let us therefore resolve we will extol and bless him every day , we will praise his name for ever and ever . the offering of due gratitude and praise unto god for this deliverance , will mightily dispose us to express and pay unto our present soveraigns the exactest homage , and most dutiful obedience . when our hearts are possessed with an affectionate and tender sense of the good god hath done by them , both to the protestant interest in general , and in particular unto this nation , when we perceive in what love and mercy he hath established them over us , and by what a series of miracles he hath brought us under their protection and government , we shall readily acknowledg that we are indispensably obliged to discover and pay unto them our gratitude , submission ▪ and obedience in all those instances which do become good christians , and true english subjects . when i hear of the unwillingness that any do shew to pay their just tribute to whom it is due , and of the tricks which some do use to defraud their soveraigns of their right , i am apt to suspect that these people did never give god hearty thanks for what he hath done for our church and nation by their means . i am astonish'd ! i am fill'd with indignation and horror ! when i consider how english-men and protestants are degenerated ; when i hear that any who come under the former denominations , do grudg to pay the full sums of mony which are legally exacted . what would you have been willing to have parted with twelve months ago to have been assured of the security , peace , liberty , and other blessings you now enjoy ? were you wont to play such tricks , and to be so sparing of your mony in former times , even when so many hundreds of pounds were paid every week to maintain the grandeur of a french minion , and when designs were carrying on against all your interests ? do you think the french protestants , if they had your estates , and were under your circumstances , would think much to part with ten times more than is required of you , to secure their religion and liberty ? had you suffered as they have done , did you really know what they know , and did true grace prevail in your hearts , you would rather be troubled that under the present juncture of affairs , your taxes are no greater . we have no taxes laid upon us now to maintain exorbitances , and keep up the grandeur of lust . there is nothing required of us , but what is absolutely necessary to secure our whole estates unto us , and preserve the protestant religion , and advance the publick good. would you be willing that irish and french papists should come and make themselves masters of your estates , and turn you , and your wives , and your children , and families out of doors ; nay to do worse with you than this does amount unto ? and can you expect to be preserved from their incroachments and violences , if armies and fleets be not made use of against them , and for their suppression ? and can fleets and armies be maintained without expences , yea without greater expences than we are yet acquainted with ? repent heartily and speedily for what is past . and let it now appear that english protestants do scorn to starve a good cause , that they are indeed the most noble and publick spirited subjects in the world. do you know what ravage , havock , and devastations the french papists do make in other countries , firing and burning villages and whole towns , and leaving nothing but ashes and rubbish behind them ? how much of their estates would irish protestants have parted with , that their country werein so peaceble and good a condition as ours is ? will you answer , you are not under such circumstances ? 't is true ; but be thankful that you are not ; bless god heartily for the deliverance this day minds you of , and chearfully part with whatsoever is expedient to preserve you in the good estate you are in at present , and secure you from the outrages other protestants have trial of . learn to understand , and faithfully perform your duty to your . soveraign , and do something more than ordinary now to wipe off that foul blemish so lately contracted on english-men . let something be done speedily , that it become not an indelible reproach to our nation , that our estates were unmeasurably under-valued to defraud our prince . but that is not all , for sparing the name this practice deserves under the former consideration , our playing such pranks is an unpardonable childishness ; for we herein cheat and deceive our selves : and blessed be god , that we have such a prince , that we cannot possibly wrong him , but we must trebly damage our selves . tho you are not sensible of this at present , yet time will make the truth of it sensibly evident . lord ! what shall be done to purge away the horrible guilt contracted on this land , if the late assessors have throughout the nation performed their oaths no better than they have in some countries ? our king ventured his life and his fortunes , not in word and empty profession , but in truth and reality , for our good ; and shall we be averse to part with a little mony to settle and secure our selves in that good estate , into which , by the blessing of god , he hath brought us ? is this your gratitude , your duty , your loyalty to your soveraign ? not to say your love to your selves , and your concern for the publick ? well! but however matters have gone hitherto , let us carry our selves better for the future . let us now begin to quit our selves like men. may we of this generation retrieve yet the ancient honour of our country . let us from this time endeavour to the utmost , that we may demonstrate a courage for the truth , and a gratitude and faithfulness to our prince , which may , as near as possible , bear a proportion with the worth of the one , and the merits of the other . fourthly ; we should improve this great deliverance all we can to the advantage of the protestant religion and interest . it behoves us now to have a zeal for our religion in some measure answerable to its own excellency , and the demonstrations god hath so lately given of his concern for it . how should we , now we are freed from the dangers we were in , be touched with a penetrating sense of the miseries , desolations , and sufferings of our protestant brethren in other countries ? how willing and ready should we be to contribute all we can to their relief , help , and deliverance ? are we so obdurate , so miserly , that neither our own mercies , nor our brethrens necessities , nor the extraordinary works of god , shall prevail with us to be charitable and beneficent ? what have we our estates , lands , and possessions continued , and confirmed a-new unto us for , but that we may liberally impart the same unto those , and for the procuring of their deliverance , who have lost all for the sake of that religion , which is so much maligned and persecuted in the world ? if you were in their estate , would you not think them worse than heathens , nay worse than papists , if they did quietly inherit hundreds and thousands by the year , and should refuse to contribute liberally and freely to assist the warlike preparations which should be necessary to rescue you out of such an unjust and barbarous thraldom ? what account will you give to god of the mony and estates you are intrusted with , if through your niggardliness and stingyness , the deliverance of his persecuted church is obstructed ? dare you spend great sums of mony , yearly , monthly , weekly , on sumptuous tables , and clothes , at games , and needless , ( to say no worse ) exercises ? dare you lay out your estates on horses , hawks , dogs , &c. whilst glorious enterprizes for the bringing down and subduing of barbarous persecutors , and for the rescuing of the suffering members of christ , from under the wickedest tyranny that was ever heard of , do languish , and are in danger of miscarrying for want of incouragement and support ? shall any of us think of scraping together plentiful fortunes for our children , and contrive to add house to house , and field to field , whilst such great numbers of god's most faithful servants are in the extreamest poverty , and treated with the most savage barbarity ? do you mind great things for your selves ? mind them not , whilst such great supplies are wanting for the relief and help of your protestant brethren . seeing god hath delivered us , let us chearfully impart whatsoever is needful towards the carrying on of those enterprizes with success which are now in hand , for the settling of the whole protestant church on a good basis , and in a safe and secure estate . when we were in danger so lately , did not others venture their mony , and their persons too to save and preserve us ? and shall not we imitate them , seeing what they did was of such happy consequence to our selves ? did you ever know any who fared the worse at long-run , by being noble and generous , and venturing to the utmost in sincerity , for god's cause , his truth , and persecuted church ? do not the papists do all they can , in all parts , to promote their false religion , and to weaken and overthrow the church of god ? do they spare mony ? will they not mortgage their estates , and sell their lands , and use all manner of ways to maintain , and uphold , and help their own party ? and shall not protestants have as publick spirits as they have ? we may take more comfort than they can , if we lay out all that we have in the world , to procure deliverance for the church of god ; for they serve a very bad master . let this deliverance god hath wrought for us , have this good effect on us , to make us ready and willing to do all we can , that our suffering-brethren may have help and deliverance . you that are poor , and have no mony , who are incapable of taxes , you can pray , and importune god for them : attend to that business carefully . yea , let us all be careful constantly to represent their case with earnestness unto that god who hath delivered us . how long , o lord , holy , and true , dost thou not judg and avenge our blood on them that dwell on the earth ? more particularly , we should take care every one of us to improve this deliverance , to the rendering of us more true and serviceable to the protestant interest in this kingdom . to which end we should improve it , st . to make us more careful to be thorowly instructed in the grounds and principles , and the several truths and parts of the protestant religion , and to get our souls truly affected with the importance and consequence , the goodness and excellency of every one of them . the papists themselves are necessitated to acknowledg we have no positive articles of faith but what are warranted by the word of god , and that our worship and administrations are all for the substance of them authorized by the word of god. let us therefore carefully search and study the holy scriptures , and see that the word of god do dwell in us richly , that we may be able to give a reason of the hope that is in us . ly . to have such an abhorrence of popery setled in our souls , as may be in some measure proportioned to its falseness , immorality , and cruelty . . it s falseness . there is not any thing offers a more rude affront unto god , in every thing that is most dear and tender unto him , than popery doth . it proceeds to that height of blasphemy , as to make him an authorizer and approver of the most shameful and nonsensical idolatries which were ever devised . it represents him as imposing upon men the most contradictious nonsense that was ever invented ; yea , as teaching and instituting those very instances which do most obviously , and in express terms , contradict his own plainest doctrines , and most positive institutions . all this is evident , in their doctrine of worshipping the host , transubstantiation , worshipping images , withholding the cup , in the sacrament of the lord's supper from the people , denying the people the use of the scriptures , and praying in an unknown language , &c. . it s immorality . it finds out ways to reconcile the most horrid debaucheries , with the easy hopes of heaven . its doctrines of purgatory , absolutions , penances , indulgences , &c. do incourage those who will entertain them , to all manner of loosnesses . it provides to embolden people in every vice , beyond all the restraints of shame here , and of fear as to hereafter . . it s cruelty . this is its very nature and genius . it was bred and nourish'd , and has swoln it self to that mighty bulk wherein it now appears in the world , by being drench'd in blood. what massacres hath it committed ? how many throats have been cut , how many people have been forced to bleed to death , that its insatiable thirst might have such draughts as would a little qualify it ? what barbarous and inhumane devices hath it found out to torture the best christians ? how abundantly hath it exerted its rage in all the methods of cruelty and violence in this kingdom ? in what manner hath it of late , yea , doth it at present display its mischievous , cruel , merciless , and uncompassionate nature in france ? ly . to get your minds thorowly purged from all unjust prejudices , and perswaded of the means you have a right to make use of , to defend your religion , if any forcible and illegal methods should be used against it . i do not justify any violence , and immoderate severity towards any , on the account of differences in religion . i look on that as an inhumane and antichristian wickedness . i heartily wish , even with reference unto papists , that they may find such courteous and gentle usage , that our meekness and kindness towards them , after all provocations , may effectally convince them , that our religion is truly divine , and that theirs must needs be of a quite contrary original , which engages them to such rude and barbarous behaviours towards protestants , whenever they get an advantage over them . but let them know withal , that if they will not live peaceably , but will still be renewing their wicked attempts against us , we do understand the right we have to defend our own cause , and bring the unjust invadors of our rights and religion to condign punishment . and that we are resolved to approve our selves as valiant and couragious in maintaining the rights of the protestant religion in common , having the government on our side , as we should have been obliged to have approved our selves patient and void of all opposition , if the government had been against us . fifthly . we should all do our utmost , according to the capacities and places we are in , to promote a general reformation : that such a course of practice may every-where prevail , as doth best suit with the nature and tendency of that faith we profess , and may be most expressive of resentments which do in some measure correspond with the late demonstration god hath given of his concern for our holy religion . and if we do so , we need not doubt but god will heighten the felicity he hath now introduced amongst us to that degree , their majesties shall have all the satisfaction which can spring from a numerous body of most obedient and faithful subjects , and we shall inherit all the blessings heaven can promise , under the government and happy influence of princes so peculiarly designed to make a sinking and unworthy people , glorious . hath not god obliged us , in the most solemn manner , by delivering us out of the hands of our most formidable enemies , to observe his statutes , and keep his laws , and serve him in holiness and righteousness all our days ? and if we refuse to do thus , what can we in reason expect , but that our sun shall set before noon , and that our deliverance , like our goodness , shall pass away , as the morning cloud , and early dew ? if we be not now reformed in our lives ; what can the event of present matters be , but that we shall walk in obscurity , and our plagues become such , as will make us a terror , a scorn , and a by-word to all who shall hear what god hath done for us ? god turneth rivers into a wilderness , and water-springs into dry ground ; and a fruitful land into barrenness , for the wickedness of them that dwell therein . god doth now plainly offer us things great and good , beyond all expression : our greatest and only danger is from our selves , lest by continuing to do evil , we make all his gracious purposes abortive . at what instant i shall speak concerning a nation , and concerning a kingdom , to build and to plant it ; if it do evil in my sight , that it obey not my voice , then i will repent of the good wherewith i said i would benefit them . if we now refuse to remember this deliverance , so as to know the righteousness of the lord , and shall , by our continuing in our evil courses , stop the current of mercy , when so abundantly flowing in upon us , what can we expect , but that god will glorify his justice , by inflicting on us to the uttermost , all the curses which are due to such aggravated ingratitude and disobedience ? hath not this been god's wonted method with people , when they have arrived to such a prodigious obstinacy in their sins , they would not be reclaimed by his most remarkable appearances for their help ? they forgat god their saviour , which had done great things in egypt : wondrous works in the land of ham , and terrible things by the red-sea . therefore he said that he would destroy them . therefore was the wrath of the lord kindled against his people , insomuch that he abhorred his own inheritance . and he gave them into the hand of the heathen , and they that hated them , ruled over them . their enemies also oppressed them , and they were brought into subjection under their hand . see jer. . , . deut. . , . it is righteousness that exalteth a nation ; but sin is a reproach to any people . great disorders and irregularities have prevailed amongst us ; and we may easily revive the memory of what they had just brought upon us . it is to be hoped , that those disorders which related to publick offices , and great societies , will be taken into consideration , by those who can provide the most proper and effectual remedies . may we never have occasion to complain , that judgment is turned away backward , that justice standeth afar off ; that truth is fallen in the streets , and equity cannot enter : that truth faileth , and he that departeth from evil , maketh himself a prey . when our counsellors , judges , and magistrates , are able men , such as fear god ; men of truth , hating covetousness ; such as have a zeal for the purity and interest of religion , who from a real sense of duty , shall imploy all their authority to suppress ungodliness and vice , and incourage piety and vertue ; to loose the bands of wickedness ; undo the heavy burthens , let the oppressed go free , and break every yoke ; then will judgment run down as waters , and righteousness as a mighty stream . and the influence of these from their higher orb , like the bright and warm beams of the sun , will contribute much to the clearing and purging of our air , and the reducing what is out of order in the lower regions , into a comely , decent , and prosperous posture : then will the lord comfort us ; he will comfort all our waste places , he will make our wilderness like eden , and our desart like the garden of the lord ; joy and gladness shall be found every-where amongst us , thanksgiving , and the voice of melody . may those to whom it pertains to make an inspection into the state of our church , contribute what understanding and good men ought to do , that what is amiss there , may be rectified , and exuberances may be lopped off . that those in the ministry , whose abilities are not inconsiderable , may be obliged to imploy their talents diligently for the benefit of those they are more immediately related unto . and that places of good consideration may not any longer be confined to the scanty allowances of the cheapest curats . and that if any who have no tolerable sufficiency for the sacred function , have by any indirect methods crept into the office , some due care may be taken touching an affair of such consequence . my heart bleeds within me ( saith arch-bishop abbot , in one of his lectures upon jonah ) to think of the miserable condition of the precious souls of many people , who have such ministers as joh. aventinus speaks of , ( if they were not in the ministry ) would not be thought sit hog-herds to keep swine . but besides that publick reformation both in church and state , ( the providing for , and ordering of which , doth pertain to those who move in the highest orb ) there is much of reformation necessary to be attended to , by people considered in a much narrower capacity . more particularly , . those who are governors of families , should take care to begin and promote reformation in their own families : for if wickedness and impiety be countenanced and cherished in most single families , the whole society will be but a body which consists of corrupt and putrid members , what-ever appearance there may be of a better spirit , in some of the publick instruments of government ; and the errors of the first concoction will be very difficulty corrected afterwards . let those therefore who have families under their care , faithfully apply themselves to banish all disorders out of their houses , and take care that swearing , intemperance , neglect of god's worship , contempt of religion , and whatsoever savours of prophaneness , have no countenance there . let such be careful that those under their government be well instructed in the principles of the protestant religion , and the precepts , and rules of good living , and that they be inured to a pious and vertuous course of life . let them see that the holy scriptures be read , and the worship of god daily celebrated with their whole housholds ; and that neither their children , nor servants , be tolerated in the prophanation of the lord's day , or neglect of the ordinary worship and service of god. let governors of families follow david's example and resolution , as set down in psalm . . every particular person should now be diligent to amend and reform himself ; if every one would be careful to amend one , our land would soon be in a flourishing estate : our peace , our safety , our happiness , our strength , our glory , would increase with the lustre and honour of our profession , by the brightness , truth , and power of our graces and vertues . those particular persons who shall refuse to remember this great deliverance , so as to engage themselves to a personal reformation , may expect that however gracious it shall please the lord to be unto our land , for the sake of those who make a due and faithful improvement of it , yet god will not be unmindful of their perverse and undutiful behaviour . because all these men who have seen my glory , and my miracles which i did in egypt , and in the wilderness , and have tempted me now these ten times , and have not hearkned to my voice : surely they shall not see the land which i swear unto their fathers , neither shall any of them that provoked me , see it ; but my servant caleb , because he had another spirit with him , and hath followed me fully , him will i bring into the land , whereinto he went , and his seed shall possess it . let us now every one renounce our lusts , cease to do evil , and learn to do well . let us take care that our moral vertues be impregnated into christian graces , and that we be vigorous in doing every thing that is universally commendable and praise-worthy . let us lay aside our narrow designs , and love every grace and vertue for its own intrinsic beauty , and exercise our selves in it with the greater diligence , because it hath such a tendency to befriend the publick . let us every one addict our selves in sincerity and with earnestness to render unto god that true and spiritual worship he requires , and to fill up all our relations from the highest to the lowest , with the duties god hath assigned , and with such deportments as will most become and beautify the same . let us now approve our selves temperate , chaste and sober , humble , meek , and self-denying . let us every one now live godly , righteously , and soberly , according to all the instances our god prescribes , and our land will presently be blessed with all the blessings of peace , and with all the blessings of plenty too . our oxen will be strong to labour ; there shall be no breaking in , nor going out , there shall be no complaining in our streets ; but we shall be in as happy a case as a people can be , whose god is the lord ; psal . . , . sixthly ; we should live in love and peace . love and peace are the cement , the support , the bond and ornament of all human society , next to a religious aweful sense of the divine being , and our dependance on him , which are the original springs and principal cherishers of these heavenly dispositions . these are so necessary to the being and welfare of every state , kingdom , and body politick , that as soon as these do cease , and those venemous qualities do prevail , which always abound proportionably to peoples decay in these , nothing but disorders , tumults and confusions , do succeed . when peace and love are wanting in any state , such fatal wounds and breaches do immediately follow , that the most subtile artifices of the wittiest architects in government do prove but like to improper plaisters laid upon festered sores , which make them rankle the more , and at last throw the patient into the most torturing , convulsive and mortal paroxisms ; mat. . . all that nature and reason can invite others to take notice of , as fit to alarm and engage them to nourish a pacisick and friendly temper , do more obviously , and with greater force sollicite and importune us at this time to surrender our selves up to its kindest and most beneficent influence . yea , we are under those stronger and peculiar engagements to love and follow after peace , and cherish an amicable and brotherly affection towards one another , the best religion in the world doth prompt us to take notice of . we are under as many and as powerful obligations to live in love and peace , as can be deduced from the nature and institutions of the christian religion , the doctrines and example of the son of god when visibly present in our nature , from the numerous reiterated precepts , exhortations and counsels of all his apostles after his ascent into heaven . and how many incentives to love and peace may we easily perceive , if we do but view the happy effects of the christian temper where-ever it hath prevailed ? at first , the multitude of them who believed were of one heart , and of one soul ; and might we who profess the same religion , and are under the same obligations with them , arrive at the same pitch , our happiness would be as firm and unalterable as our faith is . the sad effects our late animosities did produce should retrieve us to our senses and wits , and dispose us to such a friendliness amongst our selves , as may not be any more broke or ruffled . did we not struggle to that degree against our fellow-protestants , and fellow-subjects ▪ that if a wonderful arm had not interposed for our mutual support , our own heels must certainly and irreversibly have been tripped up ? were we not so sedulous to keep others out of trusts , we were like to have been turned out , and dispossessed of all our selves ? if we receive not instruction from such a teacher , as our own late experience , what will be concluded concerning us , but either that our perverseness renders us more than brutish , or that we are so impoverish'd in our intellectuals , that to be begg'd is the best we do deserve ? seventhly , we should frequently offer up our solemn and servent prayers unto almighty god to perfect what he hath begun for us . if god do determine now to perfect our deliverance , i do not doubt , but he will pour out upon the inhabitants of this land , the spirit of grace and of supplication , and mightily incline us to seek and cry to him with earnestness to carry on his own work unto perfection . this is his usual method : and he hath now given us a solemn invitation to betake our selves to this course . when god declared what great things he purposed to do for the israelites , it is added , thus saith the lord god , i will yet for this be inquired of by the house of israel , to do it for them . see jer. . , to the th verse . may we all so remember what god hath done for us , that we may indeed know the righteousness of the lord , and so apply our selves to do what concerns us in our several capacities and places , that god may not behold iniquity , nor see perverseness in us ; and then the lord our god will be with us , and the shout of a king among us ; then will there be no inchantment , nor no divination against us ; but according to this time it shall be said of us , what hath god wrought ? the end . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e psal . . . & . . isa . . , isa . . , psal . . , . jer. . . ezra . . psal . . . jer. . . . psal . . . psal . . . psal . . , . rev. . . ps . . , . jer. . , . psal . ● . , &c. vers . , &c. prov. . . isa . . , . isa . . . numb . . , , . ezek. . . numb . . . ver. . the way to peace amongst all protestants: being a letter of reconciliation sent by bp. ridley to bp. hooper, with some observations upon it. licensed, july the . . johnson, samuel, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing j a estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : , : ) the way to peace amongst all protestants: being a letter of reconciliation sent by bp. ridley to bp. hooper, with some observations upon it. licensed, july the . . johnson, samuel, - . ridley, nicholas, ?- . hooper, john, d. . [ ], p. printed for richard baldwin, london : . the bulk of the text is by samuel johnson. sometimes also attributed to nicholas ridley. with a final advertisement leaf. identified as wing r on umi microfilm (early english books, - ) reel . reproductions of the original in the henry e. huntington library and art gallery. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- early works to . peace -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - tcp staff (michigan) sampled and proofread - tcp staff (michigan) text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the way to peace amongst all protestants : being a letter of reconciliation sent by bp. ridley to bp. hooper . with some observations upon it . licensed , july the . london : printed for richard baldwin , . books lately printed for rich. baldwin . pvrgatory prov'd by miracles : collected out of roman-catholick authors . with some remarkable histories relating to british , english , and irish saints . with a preface concerning the miracles . d. the tryal of philip stansfield , son to sir iames stansfield of new-milns , for the murther of his father , and other crimes libell'd against him , feb. . . s. the revolter ; a tragi-comedy : acted between the hind and panther , and religio laici , &c. d. an historical relation of several great and learned romanists who did embrace the protestant religion , with the reasons of ●heir change , delivered in their own words , collected chiefly from the most eminent historians of the roman persuasion : to which is added , a catalogue of several great persons of the roman catholick religion who hath all along oppos'ed the tenents of the church of rome . d. a seasonable discourse , shewing the unreasonableness and mischiefs of impositions in matters of religion , recommended to serious consideration . by andrew marvell esq late member of parliament . d. reflections upon the new test , and the reply thereto with a letter of sir francis walsingham's , concerning the penal laws made in the reign of queen elizabeth . d. a letter of advice to a young lady , being motives and directions to establish her in the protestant religion : written by a person of honour , and made publick for the use of that sex. d. a seasonable collection of plain texts of scripture ( in words at length , against several points in the romish religion ) for the use of english protestants : d. they may be able to do good to many . farewell in the lord my most dear brother , and if there be any more in prison with you for christ's cause , i beseech you , as you may , salute them in my name . to whose prayers i do most humbly and heartily commend my self and my fellow prisoners and captives in the lord , and yet once again and for ever in christ my most dear brother farewell . n. ridley . some observations upon the foregoing letter . there cannot be a more blessed work than to reconcile protestants with protestants . and a man would think it should be one of the easiest , because we are able to say to them as moses did to the two contending israelites , sirs , ye are brethren , why do ye wrong one to another ? the meekest man in all the earth took another course with the egyptian ; but as for brethren , he endeavoured all he could to set them at one again . this is the only design of this paper in laying before you the example of two protestant bishops , who wisely found out the way to put an happy period to their unhappy differences : which are the very same as have been since taken up by protestants again , af●er those two good men had laid them down . in the struglings of ridley and hooper there were two nations strugling in the womb , the two great parties of the conformists and nonconformists : for those two persons differed about the self-same matters as we do now ; the establish'd ceremonies , the dress of religion , certain by-matters and circumstances of religion , which hooper the nonconformist could not comply with , and ridley the conformist , because they were according to law , insisted upon and would not abate . so that in their old differences , we find exactly our present distemper : and therefore in their cure , why should we not also find our own remedy ? it is an approved remedy ; it cured men who thought one another superstitious and imposing on one side , and stubborn and intolerably willful on the other side , and yet they came afterwards to believe one another to be , as they really were , upright men on both sides . we have the receipt in these few , but very weighty words . but now my dear brother , forasmuch as i understand by your works , which i have but superficially seen , that we throughly agree and wholly consent together in those things which are the grounds and substantial points of our religion , against the which the world so furiously rageth in these our days , howsoever in time past in certain by-matters and circumstances of religion , your wisdom and my simplicity , i grant , hath a little jarred , each of us following the abundance of his own sense and iudgment : now i say , b● you assured , that even with my whole heart ( god is my witness ) in the bowels of christ , i love you in the truth , and for the truths-sake , which abideth in us , and as i am perswaded , shall by the grace of god , abide in us evermore . . the first consideration which arises from these words , is this , that the agreement there is amongst protestants in the main matters of religion , should drown and extinguish all lesser differences . the substance of religion which we all hold ought in reason to have more power to unite us , than all the by-matters and circumstances in the world to divide us . we have all but one rule of faith and life , one standard of religious worship and practice , which is one and the same english bible ; and why should we not then all be of one heart and one soul ? we all believe that there is one god , in opposition to polytheism . we believe that this god is to be worshipped in spirit and in truth , in contradiction to idolatry ; without absurdly changing the glory of the incorruptible god into the similitude of a corruptible man , or worshipping our maker in form of bread. we all believe in the father , son , and holy ghost , in whose names we are baptized . we are all taught of god to hope for everlasting happiness through the merits of our only redeemer , mediatour , and advocate iesus christ the righteous , who is the author of eternal salvation to all those that obey him . we are all assured by many infallible proofs , that he is gone to heaven , to prepare a place for all his true disciples and followers ; and that the heavens must contain him till the r●stitution of all things : and that therefore he is not in any tabernacles or boxes here below . we all know assuredly , that in every nation he that feareth god and worketh righteousness , is accepted of him ; and that the church of god is not now limited or confined to the iewish , or to any other nation , but is truly catholick and universal . we all believe the two future states of heaven and hell , for the just and for the unjust ; and neither our books nor we know of any other , nor indeed of any other sorts of men ; nor do any of us believe one word concerning the profitableness of singing for a soul. in a word , since we are so unanimous in these and many other the most important truths , shall we fall out about ceremonies , about postures and gestures , about the hatt and the knee , about dignifiing and distinguishing titles , about garbs or garments , about modes and fashions , and things which are very far from the heart , and many removes from the essence of religion ; nay things which are shadows and meer nothings when compared with the substantial matters , wherein we are agreed ? nay further , i am bold to say we are all agreed in these inferiour matters of difference , and do not know it : for instance , we are all agreed , that kneeling at the sacrament is no part of our saviour's institution ; that kneeling at the most solemn prayer that can be , is a fitting posture ; that kneeling to the sacrament in imitation of or compliance with the popish worship of the host , is absolutely unlawful : and yet we squabble , and will not hear one another out , nor understand one anothers meanings ; but scuffle in the dark , when we are all friends , and all of a side . in short , all the distance that is betwixt english protestants , is occasioned by little mistakes and misapprehensions about very little matters , and still they are so much of one mind even as to the matters in difference , that if the conformists thought the ceremonies popish , they would immediately turn nonconformists ; and if the nonconformists did not app●ehend them to be popish , they would never have scrupled them . so that they both of them plainly mean the same thing . hooper scrupled the ceremonies under the notion of popish ceremonies , and under the same notion ridley would have hated and rejected them . ridley and the other bishops said in defence of these ceremonies , that they were small matters , and that the fault was in the abuse of the things and not in the things themselves , and that hooper ought not to be so stubborn in so light a matter , and that his willfulness therein was not to be suffered . and would not hooper himself have passed the same censure upon his own refusal , if he had had just the same thoughts and opinion of the ceremonies ? but he thought , that a thing in it self indiffe●ent , but having been abused to superstitious purposes , could never after be lookt upon as indiff●rent and innocent ; but it must of necessity pass under that notion which common and corrupt usage had put upon it , and that it was spoyled and had utterly lost its former indifferency . for which reason these rites and ceremonies were offensive to his conscience , as the king 's grant of dispensation to him , by the advice of the privy council , expresses it ; but cranmer and ridley and the other bishops were so far determined by the laws , that the king's dispensation , granted to hooper upon that occasion , did not take place . nor indeed was it in their power to admit of it . for being these ceremonies were enacted by law , and fastened to the freehold , and made part of the establishment by the universal consent of the nation , nothing but the same consent could take them away again . now therefore the nicety of the difference betwixt them lay in this , whether ceremonies which were once indifferent and had been abused , might be so purged and freed from those abuses , as to become indifferent and fit to be used again . and this is a matter so hard to be decided , that it must be weighed in gold scales , where the very least moment , or even a man's breath on the one side or the other , is sufficient to incline the ballance . for it is with indifferent ceremonies and usages , as it is with words that are indifferent . the word ballad was once an innocent and inoffensive word , and signified as the word song now does ; but the word has been abused and applied to the meanest and most rascally sort of poetry , and has for a long time been taken in the worser sense . suppose therefore that some men desirous to speak as their fore-fathers did , who called the book of canticles the ballad of ballads , as reverently as we now call it the song of songs , should say , that if authority require that this word be used in its first and best sense , why then we may very lawfully and reverently use it in that sense again : because though the word has been abused and ill applied , yet the fault is in the abuse of the word , and not in the word it self . and further , that no man ought to refuse to read that book upon this trifling account , because he dislikes the title of it : especially when a publick law has declared , that the self-same is meant by this title , as if the dissenter had had the wording of it himself to his own mind , and had called it the hymn of hymns . this is the substance of what cranmer and ridley said . on the other hand , hooper's opinion in this supposed case was , that though our fore-fathers had used that word very religiously and reverently , yet it had since been so corrupted and abused , and had contracted so profane a signification , as no authority could wholly deface , nor could so inoffensively resto●e the word to be used in religious matters any more , but that sober men would always hav● a prejudice against it . this was hooper's very sense . he looked upon the reformed ceremonies as still retaining a popish tang. but tho a law could not cure his prejudices , yet that , and the higher considerations of doing service in the church of god , did quite over-rule them : and he wisely complied with those ceremonies , which if he had been left to his choice he would rather have forborn . obj. but now it may here be objected and said , that when the clergy of the church of england saw that good men and great men , and the glorious martyrs of jesus christ , such as hooper was , were offended with these ceremonies , they should have used their utmost endeavours to have gotten them discharged by law as they were imposed by law , and not have left them to remain as a standing offence , and a perpetual stumbling-block , to all others of hooper's mind . answ. this i confess would be an objection very much to the prejudice of the church of england , could it not be truly said , that the clergy did heartily endeavour to procure this ease to scrupulous consciences , though without success . for all the eminent bishops of england in queen elizabeth's time , sandys , iewel , horn , grindall , &c. nay dr. cox himself bishop of ely , who was the unhappy occasion of all the troubles at franckfort , did all of them labour in this point , and could not prevail with the queen to consent to it : as appears by a heap of their letters , written to bullinger at zurick , which is still extant . which being the remains of those great men , and so noble a monument of the church of england's moderation , is very well worth the going thither to see it . but to conclude , make your best and your worst of ceremonies , they are in ridle●'s words , but circumstances and by-matters ; they are of as little concern to religion as those meats which occasioned differences in the apostles times ; and they will not bear the charges of falling out about them , either on the one side or on the other . . especially in the second place , when protestants have somewhat else to do : or as ridley's words are , when the world so furiously rageth against the grounds and substantial points of our religion , in these our days . is it a time for us to trouble our heads with trivial matters , when the sum and substance of our religion is in danger , and lies at stake ? for have we not lately seen the papists laying the axe to the root of the tree , and the weekly representer in particular for several weeks successively ridiculing and making sport with our bible , which is the whole religion of protestants ? does he not say that we have as many bibles as heads , that is to say , that the bible it self , without their infallible blind guides to interpret it , is wholly useless to us , and every man may as well frame a several religion of his own head , without any bible at all ? truly if it be so useless and so mischievous a book as that author has represented it , it is not enough to put a stop to the printing of it , but it ought also to be prohibited . do they not daily make scandalous attempts and efforts against the trinity of divine persons , father , son , and holy ghost , in whose names we are baptized ; only because we will not also believe in a breaden god almighty ? in a word , do they not endeavour to wrest all scripture out of our hands , because we will not receive their false and forged traditions with the same reverenc● ? our present business therefore is to lay a dead hold upon our bibles , and to maintain the grounds and substantial points of our religion , and to suffer circumstances and by-matters to take their chance . nay , we ought to be in a readiness to compound for our bibles , and rather to throw all ceremonies over-board with our own hands , than to endanger the protestant religion which is infinitely more valuable . and though i know not of any one ceremony injoyned in the church of england , which is not both lawful and primitive , and of an elder date than popery ; yet because the slovenly papists have spit in them , and by corrupting and abusing them have endeavoured to make them their own , i hope the wisedom of the nation may hereafter suffer them to be so ; especially since all wise protestants know very well , that we can live without them . and we ought the rather to be of this mind , because . in the third place , we see to what terms of abatement and accommodation that blessed martyr ridley has descended in these following words . howsoever in time past in certain by-matters and circumstances of religion your wisdom and my simplicity i grant hath a little jarred , each of us following the abundance of his own sense and iudgement . ridley had sincerely followed his own great judgement in this dispute ; but because that judgement had jarred with the sense of as hearty a protestant as himself , therefore you see how he undervalues and disparages it . we take it for granted that hooper was in the wrong and ridley was in the right , especially because a law had interposed in that behalf ; and yet here it seems , that the two contending parties were hooper's wisdom and ridley's simplicity . a little of these good mens inward humility , self-denial , and mutual condescension would heal our breaches and compose our differences much better , than the most strict outward uniformity could . for as the levelling project , to make all mens estates equal , was only a project for a day , for on the morrow all their estates would have been unequal again ; whereas contentment is that standing leveller , which makes every man always as rich as another : in like manner a perfect uniformity in these circumstances and by-matters , if it were possible to be attained , would not last long ; because , as our church in the preface to the common-prayer has wisely observed , rites and ceremonies are in their own nature alterable and changeable according to the variety of times and occasions , whereby they are expedient at one time and inexpedient at another , for which reason even the same persons , and those the most constant & the farthest from newfangledness , cannot be always alike satisfied with them , much more they will be sure to be liked and disliked by several persons according to their several apprehensions , who must needs differ about them ; but on the other hand , a mutual forbearance , allowance , and condescension in these by-matters , would supply the place of a perfect uniformity to the worlds end . i must confess , that ridley says these diminishing things of himself in the absence of the law , and after those statutes which enacted these ceremonies were repealed , and swallowed up by popery : for which cause it cannot be expected , that the church of england-clergy should make such condescensions at this time as ridley did , and acknowledge their simplicity in adhering to the laws . for laws while they are in being have as much reverence due to them , as is owing to the wisdom of the whole community by which they were made , and nothing else but our preingagements to god himself can excuse us from the observance of them : and therefore it cannot be required by the dissenters , in order to that good understanding , which i here endeavour and humbly beg there may be amongst protestants , that we should arraign five and twenty statute laws at once under the infamous name of draconica ; especially when by one of the draconica , the whole church of england , and under the covert of the church of england all the dissenters in england , hold their bibles● no ; every wise and considerate protestant , though he be not a nonconformist , would rather lie under all the penalties of non-conformity , than go about to weaken or undermine the authority of the laws which secure to all protestants their lives , and a much greater thing than their lives , i mean the bible , which i say again is the whole religion of all protestants . as for by-matters , they may very well be left where the law for ages immemorial has lodged all the concerns of the english church , which is in a lawful english parliament ; whose necessary power in that behalf appears by the very writ , both of their summons , and of their due election : and in the mean time , notwithstanding our different apprehensions about them , let us love one another . and , which brings me to the next point , ly . let us mutually express our selves in the following words of the blessed martyr . now i say be you assured , that even with my whole heart , god is my witness , in the bowels of iesus christ i love you in the truth , and for the truth's-sake which abideth in us , and as i am perswaded shall by the grace of god abide in us for evermore . men that love the truth for god's sake will love other men for the truth 's sake which they all profess . and i am satisfied that this was the reason which moved hooper to seek first to ridley , and to prevent him with two kind letters , before his present answer was written . for when hooper saw ridley stand up as a champion for the protestant religion , ( whom perhaps formerly in their unhappy differences he mistook to be popishly affected , or not far enough removed from popery , and too zealous for the raggs of rome ) then he writes , then he sends to him , then he consults him as an oracle . and i have often thought , that it must needs produce the same effect in all the sincere and hearty protestants amongst the dissenters at this time , when they see the clergy of the church of england , of whom they have had jealous thoughts lest they were too much popishly inclined , now approving themselves the defenders and champions of the protestant cause : which they have maintained with that clearness and strength , that i doubt not but the downfall of rome will hereafter be dated from the time of their writing . blessed be god , ( must the dissenters needs say , ) that we are so happily disappointed , and that the clergy are not the men we took them to be , but as hearty protestants as our selves ; and from this day forward we will own , and love them as such . the priests and jesuits and their assistants have not indeed been wanting to revive and heighten the dissenters old jealousies in this kind , by several late pamphlets , pretending a wonderful agreement betwixt the church of england and the church of rome , and that new popery , as they are pleased to call it , is as bad as the old , or the daughter as bad as the mother ; but this is transubstantiation-work and goes on but heavily , for men will not be outfaced out of their senses . and therefore they have almost dropt the cry of popery , to set up a louder one of persecution , and to lay all the miseries which the nonconformists have suffered to our charge . but if any body take my right hand and therewith bruise and batter my left , is my right hand therefore become a persecutor ? is it not really persecuted as well as the other ? and has it not a fellow feeling and a share of the misery ? and suppose my left hand were so over-ruled and managed against the right , would it not be the same thing ? and would not the design be the same ; to mischief , and maim , and disable both hands ? and after all , would it not be the addition of a scorn to this misery , to accuse or blame either of my hands in this case for hurting its fellow ? to conclude , there is a charm in the very naming of hooper and ridley to reconcile nonconformists and conformists together ; for their differences were alike , their misunderstandings of one ●nother were alike , and the papists in queen maries time loved those two protestants and used them just alike . for they were both of them so long and miserably tormented in the flames , that they were forced to mingle with their prayers to god these doleful outcries to the people . for god's love ( good people ) let me have more fire , says hooper . for christ's sake let the fire come unto me , says ridley our enemies made no difference betwixt those that are for ceremonies and those that are not ; and why should we ? let us rather bless god for the concurring testimony which these good men , though of different perswasions in by-matters , have both given to the protestant religion ; and let us exceedingly value and prize the free use of our bibles , which was the purchase of theirs and of the other martyrs blood : according to what latimer said when he and ridley were both of them at the stake ; be of good comfort master ridley , and play the man : we shall this day light such a candle by god's grace in england , as ( i trust ) shall never be put out . and we ought to unite and hold close together , that we may shield and cover this light from the open mouths and impetuous blasts of those , who seek to extinguish it , and to leave us and our posterity in the old egyptian darkness . . for this is the end and the very use and advantage we are to make of our reconciliation , and of our mutual love and agreement , as we see by the following words of this blessed martyr . and because the world ( as i perceive brother ) ceaseth not to play his pageant , and busily conspireth against christ our saviour with all possible force and power , exalting high things against the knowledge of god : let us joyn hands together in christ , and if we cannot overthrow , yet to our power as much as in us lyeth let us shake those high altitudes , not with carnal but with spiritual weapons . the world conspires , as bishop ridley's word is , against christ our saviour ; regulars and seculars , jesuits and dominicans , pope's-men , council-men and blackloists , and the rest of that colluvies and gallimawfrey of sects of which the church of rome is made up , do lay aside all the differences of their several factions , and are confederate against god's true religion : and though none of them are agreed in other things , yet they are all for extirpating the pestilent northern heresie , and they all march steadily to the same end . and shall not we all then unite in our utmost endeavours to support that true faith , which they call heresie ? shall we not be as ready to give one another the right hand of fellowship , and to joyn hands together in christ and for him , when we see how unanimou● they are in banding together against him ? this is the common concern of us all . for every man has a soul to be saved , one as well as another ; every man has an equal share in the bible ; every mans stake is the same , and they have all a like interest in their religion ; and therefore all the protestants of england ought to be as one man in the maintenance and support of their religion : and every single man in his several capacity , and according to his power , ought to be as zealous for it , as if he alone were to support it ; and he should say to our saviour , and hold to that saying , though all men forsake thee , yet will no● i. by this means under god we shall preserve our religion , and transmit it to our posterity at a far cheaper rate , than ridley and hooper and the rest of the blessed martyrs conveyed it down to us . by this means we shall disengage our selves from all needless disputes about meats and drinks and such like things , in which the kingdom of god does not consist , and from those skirmishings which have deteined us too much upon the frontiers of religion , without cultivating and reaping the fruits of th● holy land , in that measure as we ought ●● have done . by this means our private a●●● mosities and groundless quarrels will cea●● when we all engage in the lord 's quar●●● as bishop ridley calls in it this letter . i● word , by this means we shall be freed fro● divisions , and those unhappy diversio●● which have been purposely given us , to hi●●der us from exercising the power of god●●●ness ; both in reforming our own liv●● and in putting a stop to that deluge of i●●piety , which has been let into the natio● in order to make way for popery : and t● shall have an opportunity to imploy o● united endeavours in promoting the g●●spel , to the high honour of god , and t● the edifying of his church , and to the sa●●vation of our souls . as for the contents of the latter part 〈◊〉 this letter , they are of so nice and difficu●● application , that a man may be soon thoug●● to say either too much or too little of the● for which reason i shall wholly forbear , a●● leave them to the reader as they are , th●● he may make his own observations . finis . an edict of the french king prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv, his grandfather, given at nantes, full of most gracious concessions to protestants : to which is added, the french king's letter to the elector of brandenburg, containing several passages relating to the foregoing edict : as also, a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion ... : together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to, and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg ... / translated out of french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an edict of the french king prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv, his grandfather, given at nantes, full of most gracious concessions to protestants : to which is added, the french king's letter to the elector of brandenburg, containing several passages relating to the foregoing edict : as also, a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion ... : together with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to, and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg ... / translated out of french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. friedrich wilhelm, elector of brandenburg, - . louis xiv, king of france, - . the second edition corrected, p. printed by g.m., [london] : . revocation of the edict of nantes, dated october , . place of publication from bm. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry -- iv, -- king of france, - . france. -- edit de nantes. protestants -- france -- early works to . freedom of religion -- france -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an edict of the french king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . wherein he recalls , and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv. his grandfather , given at nantes ; full of most gracious concessions to protestants . to which is added , the french king's letter to the elector of brandenburg , containing several passages relating to the foregoing edict . as also , a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion , for to make them abjure and apostatize . together , with the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to . and a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg , in favour of those of the reformed religion , who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions . translated out of french. the second edition corrected , with additions . printed by g. m. anno dom. . an edict of the king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . lewes , by the grace of god , king of france and of navarre , to all present and to come , greeting . king henry the great , our grand-father of glorious memory , desiring to prevent , that the peace which he had procured for his subjects , after the great losses they had sustained , by the long continuance of civil and foreign wars , might not be disturbed by occasion of the pretended reformed religion , as it had been during the reign of the kings , his predecessors ; had , by his edict given at nantes , in the month of april , . regulated the conduct which was to be observed , with respect to those of the said religion , the places where they might publickly exercise the same , appointed extraordinary judges , to administer justice to them : and lastly , also , by several distinct articles , provided for every thing , which he judged needful for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in his kingdom , and to diminish the aversion which was between those of the one and other religion : and this , to the end that he might be in a better condition for the taking some effectual course ( which he was resolved to do ) to re-unite those again to the church , who upon so slight occasions had with-drawn themselves from it . and forasmuch as this intention of the king , our said grand-father , could not be effected , by reason of his suddain and precipitated death ; and that the execution of the fore-said edict was interrupted during the minority of the late king , our most honoured lord and father , of glorious memory , by reason of some new enterprizes of those of the pretended reformed religion , whereby they gave occasion for their being deprived of several advantages , which had been granted to them , by the afore-said edict : notwithstanding , the king , our said late lord and father , according to his wonted clemency , granted them another edict at nismes , in the month of july , . by means of which the peace and quiet of the kingdom being now again re established , the said late king , being animated with the same spirit and zeal for religion , as the king our said grand-father was , resolved to make good use of this tranquility , by endeavouring to put this pious design in execution ; but wars abroad , coming on a few years after , so that from the year . to the truce which was concluded with the princes of europe , in . the kingdom having been only for some short intervals , altogether free from troubles , it was not possible to do any other thing for the advantage of religion , save only to diminish the number of places permitted for the exercise of the pretended reformed religion , as well by the interdiction of those which were found erected , in prejudice to the disposal made in the said edict , as by suppressing the mixt chambers of judicature , which were composed of an equal number of papists and protestants ; the erecting of which was only done by provision , and to serve the present exigency . whereas therefore , at length , it hath pleased god to grant , that our subjects enjoying a perfect peace , and we our selves being no longer taken up with the cares of protecting them against our enemies , are now in a condition to make good use of the said truce , which we have on purpose facilitated , in order to the applying our selves enirely to the searching out of means , which might successfully effect and accomplish the design of the kings , our said grand-father and father , and which also hath been * our intention ever since we came to the crown ; we see , at present , ( not without a just acknowledgment of what we owe to god on that account ) that our endeavours have attained the end we propos'd to our selves , forasmuch as the greater and better part of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , have already embraced the catholick ; and since , by means thereof , the execution of the edict of nantes , and of all other ordinances in favour of the said pretended reformed religion , is become useless , we judge that we can do nothing better towards the entire effacing of the memory of those troubles , confusions , and mischief , which the progress of that false religion hath been the cause of in our kingdom , and which have given occasion to the said edict , and to so many other edicts and declarations which went before it , or were made since with reference thereto , than by a total revocation of the said edict of nantes , and the particular articles and concessions granted therein , and whatsoever else hath been enacted since , in favour of the said religion . i. we make known , that we , for these and other reasons us thereto moving , and of our certain knowledge , full power and authority royal , have by the present perpetual and irrevocable edict , suppressed and annulled , do suppress and annull the edict of the king , our said grand father , given at nantes , in april in its whole extent , together with the particular articles ratified the second of may , next following , and letters patent granted thereupon ; as likewise , the edict given at nismes , in july . declaring them null and void , as if they had never been enacted ; together with all the concessions granted in them , as well as other declarations , edicts and arrests , to those of the pretended reformed religion , of what nature soever they may be , which shall all continue as if they never had been . and in pursuance hereof , we will , and it is our pleasure , that all the churches of those of the pretended reformed religion , scituate in our kingdom , countries , lands , and dominions belonging to us , be forthwith demolished . ii. we forbid our subjects of the pretended reformed religion , to assemble themselves , for time to come , in order to the exercise of their religion in any place or house , under what pretext soever , whether the said places have been granted by the crown , or permitted by the judges of particular places ; any arrests of our council , for authorizing and establishing of the said places for exercise , notwithstanding . iii. we likewise prohibit all lords , of what condition soever they may be , to have any publick exercise in their houses and fiefs , of what quality soever the said fiefs may be , upon penalty to all our said subjects , who shall have the said exercises performed in their houses or otherwise , of confiscation of body and goods . iv. we do strictly charge and command all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , who are not willing to be converted , and to embrace the catholick apostolick and roman religion , to depart out of our kingdom and countries under our obedience , . days after the publication hereof , so as not to continue there beyond the said term , or within the same , to preach , exhort , or perform any other ministerial function , upon pain of being sent to the galleys . v. our will and pleasure is , that those ministers who shall be converted , do continue to enjoy during their lives , and their widows after their decease , as long as they continue so , the same exemptions from payments and quartering of souldiers , which they did enjoy during the time of their exercise of the ministerial function . moreover , we will cause to be paid to the said ministers , during their lives , a pension , which by a third part shall exceed the appointed allowance to them as ministers ; the half of which pension shall be continued to their wives , after their decease , as long as they shall continue in the state of widow-hood . vi. and in case any of the said ministers shall be willing to become advocates , or to take the degree of doctors in law , we will and understand that they be dispensed with , as to the three years of study , which are prescribed by our declarations , as requisite , in order to the taking of the said degree ; and that , after they have pass'd the ordinary examinations , they be forthwith received as doctors , paying only the moiety of those dues , which are usually paid upon that account in every university . vii . we prohibit any particular schools for instructing the children of those of the pretended reformed religion ; and in general , all other things whatsoever , which may import a concession , of what kind soever , in favour of the said religion . viii . and as to the children which shall for the future be born of those of the said pretended reformed religion , our will and pleasure is , that hence forward they be babtized by the curates of our parishes ; strictly charging their respective fathers and mothers to take care they be sent to church in order thereto , upon forfeiture of . livres or more , as it shall happen . furthermore , our will is , that the said children be afterwards educated and brought up in the catholick apostolick and roman religion , and give an express charge to all our justices , to take care the same be performed accordingly . ix . and for a mark of our clemency towards those of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , who have retired themselves out of our kingdom , countries , and territories , before the publication of this our present edict , our will and meaning is , that in case they return thither again , within the time of four months , from the time of the publication hereof , they may , and it shall be lawful for them , to re-enter upon the possession of their goods and estates , and enjoy the same in like manner , as they might have done , in case they had always continued upon the place . and on the contrary , that the goods of all those , who within the said time of four months , shall not return into our kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , which they have forsaken , remain and be confiscated in pursuance of our declaration of the th . of august last . x. we most expresly and strictly forbid all our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , them , their wives or children , to depart out of our said kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , or to transport thence their goods or effects , upon penalty of the gally , for men , and of confiscation of body and goods for women . xi . our will and meaning is , that the declaration made against those who shall relapse , be executed upon them according to their form and tenor. morever , those of the said pretended reformed religion , in the mean time , till it shall please god to enlighten them , as well as others , may abide in the several respective cities and places of our kingdoms , countries , and territories under our obedience , and there continue their commerce , and enjoy their goods and estates , without being any way molested upon account of the said pretended reformed religion ; upon condition nevertheless , as forementioned , that they do not use any publick religious exercise , nor assemble themselves upon the account of prayer or worship of the said religion , of what kind soever the same may be , upon forfeiture above specified of body and goods . accordingly , we will and command our trusty and beloved counsellors , the people holding our courts of aids at paris , bayliffs , chief justices , provosts , and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their lieutenants , that they cause to be read , published , and registred , this our present edict in their courts and jurisdictions , even in vacation time , and the same keep punctually , without contrevening or suffering the same to be contrevened ; for such is our will and pleasure . and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable , we have caused our seal to be put to the same . given at fountainbleau , in the month of october , in the year of grace , and of of our reign the xliii . signed lewes . visa . this signifies the lord chancellors perusal . le tellier . sealed with the great seal of green-wax , upon a red and green string of silk . registred and published , the kings attorney general requiring it ; in order to their being executed according to form and tenor ; and the copies being examined and compared , sent to the several courts of justice , bailywicks , and sheriffs courts of each district , to be there entred and registred in like manner ; and charge given to the deputies of the said attorney general , to take care to see the same executed , and put in force ; and to certifie the court thereof . at paris , in the court of vacations , t he th . of octob. . signed de la baune . a letter of the french king to the elector of brandenburg , sept. . . brother , i would not have discoursed the matter you write to me about , on the behalf of my subjects of the pretended reformed religion , with any other prince , besides your self : but to shew you the particular esteem i have for you , i shall begin with telling you , that some persons , disaffected to my service , have spread seditious pamphlets among strangers ; as if the acts and edicts that were pass'd in favour of my said subjects of the pretended reformed religion , by the kings my predecessors , and confirmed by my self , were not kept and executed in my dominions ; which would have been contrary to my intentions : for i take care that they be maintained in all the priviledges , which have been granted them , and be as kindly us'd as my other subjects . to this i am engaged both by my royal word , and in acknowledgment of the proofs they have given me of their loyalty , during the late troubles , in which they took up arms for my service , and did vigorously oppose , and successfully overthrow the ill designs which a rebellious party were contriving within my own dominions , against my authority royal. i pray god , &c. brother , &c. a short account of the violent proceedings , and unheard-of cruelties , which have been exercised upon those of montauban , and which continue to be put in practice in other places , against those of the reformed religion in france , for to make them renounce their religion . on saturday the / th . of august , . the intendant of the upper guienne , who resides at montauban , having summoned the principal protestants of the said city to come before him , represented unto them , that they could not be ignorant , that the absolute will and pleasure of the king was , to tolerate but one religion in his kingdom , viz. the roman catholick religion ; and therefore , wished them readily to comply with the same : and in order thereto , advised them to . assemble themselves , and consider what resolution they would take . to this proposal some answer'd , that there was no need of their assembling themselves upon that account ; forasmuch as every one of them in particular , were to try and examine themselves , and be always in a readiness to give a reason of the faith which was in them . the next day the intendant again commanded them to meet together in the town-house , which , he ordered , should be left free for them from noon , till six of the clock in the evening : where meeting accordingly , they unanimously resolved , as they had lived , so to persist till death in their religion : which resolution of theirs , there were some deputed by them to declare to the intendant ; who presenting themselves before him , he who was appointed spokesman , began to address himself to the intendant in these words : my lord , we are not unacquainied , how we are menaced with the greatest violence : — hold there , said the intendant ( interrupting him ) no violence . after this the protestant continued ; but whatever force or violence may be put upon us , — here the intendant interrupting him again , said , i forbid you to use any such words : upon which second interruption , he contented himself to assure him in few words , that they were all resolved to live and dye in their religion . the day after , the battallion of la fere , consisting of . companies , entred the city , and were followed by many more . the protestants all this while dreaming of no other design they had against them , but that of ruining their estates , and impoverishing them , had already taken some measures how to bear the said tryal ; they had made a common purse , for the relief of such who should be most burthen'd with quartering ; and were come to a resolution to possess what they had , in common : but , alas ! how far these poor souls were mistaken in their accounts , and how different the treatment they received from the dragoons was , from what they had expected , i shall now relate to you . first therefore , in order to their executing the design and project they had formed against them , they made the souldiers take up their quarters in one certain place of the city ; but withal , appointed several corp de guards to cut off the communication which one part of the city might have with the other , and possess'd themselves of the gates , that none might make their escape . things being thus ordered , the troopers , souldiers , and dragoons began to practise all manner of hostilities , and cruelties , where-with the devil can inspire the most inhumane and reprobate minds : they marr'd and defac'd their houshold-stuff , broke their looking-glasses , and other like utensils and ornaments ; they let the wine run about their cellars , cast abroad and spoyl'd their corn , and other alimentary provisions : and as for those things which they could not break and dash to pieces , as the furniture of beds , hangings , tapistry , linnen , wearing apparrel , plate , and things of the like nature ; these they carried to the market-place , where the jesuits bought them of the souldiers , and encouraged the roman catholicks to do the like . they did not stick to sell the very houses of such , who were most resolute and constant in their profession . it is supposed , according to a moderate calculation , that in the time of four or five days , the protestants of that city were the poorer by a million of money , than they were before the entring of these missionaries . there were souldiers , who demanded four hundred crowns apiece of their hosts for spending-money ; and many protestants were forced to pay down ten pistols to each souldier ; upon the same account . in the mean time , the outrages they committed upon their persons were most detestable and barbarous ; i shall only here set down some few , of which i have been particularly inform'd . a certain taylor called bearnois , was bound and drag'd by the souldiers to the corp de guard , where they boxed and buffetted him all night , all which blows and indignities he suffered with the greatest constancy imaginable . the troopers who quartered with monsieur solignac made his dining room a stable for their horses , tho the furniture of it was valued at livres , and forc'd him to turn the broach till his arm was near burnt , by their continual casting of wood upon the fire . a passenger as he went through the said city saw some souldiers beating a poor man even to death , for to force him to go to mass , whilst the constant martyr to his last breath , cryed , he would never do it , and only requested they would dispatch and make an end of him . the barons of caussade and de la motte , whose constancy and piety might have inspired courage and resolution to the rest of the citizens , were sent away to cahors . monsieur d'alliez , one of the prime gentlemen of montauban , being a venerable old man , sound so ill treatment at their hands , as it 's thought he will scarcely escape with life . monsieur de garrison , who was one of the most considerable men of that city , and an intimate friend of the intendant , went and cast himself at his feet , imploring his protection , and conjuring him to rid him of his souldiers , that he might have no force put upon his conscience ; adding , that in recompence of the favour he beg'd of him , he would willingly give him all he had , which was to the value of about a million of livres ; but by all his entreaties and proffers , he could not in the least prevail with the intendant ; who gave order , that for a terror to the meaner sort , he should be worse used than the rest , by dragging him along the streets . the method they most commonly made use of , for to make them abjure their religion , and which could not be the product of any thing but hell , was this ; some of the most strong and vigorous souldiers , took their hosts , or other persons of the house , and walk'd them up and down in some chamber , continually tickling them and tossing them like a ball from one to another , without giving them the least intermission , and keeping them in this condition for three days and nights together , without meat , drink , or sleep : when they were so wearied , and fainting , that they could no longer stand upon their legs , they laid them on a bed , continuing as before to tickle and torment them ; after some time , when they thought them somewhat recovered , they made them rise , and walked them up and down as before , sometimes tickling , and other times lashing them with rods , to keep them from sleeping . as soon as one party of these barbarous tormenters were tyred and wearled out , they were relieved by others of their companions , who coming fresh to the work , with greater vigour and violence reiterated the same course . by this infernal invention ( which they had formerly made use of , with success , in bearn and other places ) many went distracted , and others became mopish and stupid , and remain so . those who made their escape , were fain to abandon their estates , yea , their wives , children , and aged relations , to the mercy of these barbarous , and more than savage troops . the same cruelties were acted at negreplisse , a city near to montauban ; where these bloody emissaries committed unparallel'd outrages . isaac favin , a citizen of that place , was hung up by his arm-pits , and tormented a whole night , by pinching and tearing off his flesh with pincers ; tho by all this they were not able to shake his constancy , in the least . the wife of one rouffion , a joyner , being violently dragg'd by the souldiers along the streets , for to force her to hear mass , dyed of this cruel and inhumane treatment , as soon as she reach'd the church porch . amongst other their devilish inventions , this was one : they made a great fire round about a boy of about ten years of age ; who continually , with hands and eyes lifted up to heaven , cryed , my god , help me ; and when they saw the lad resolved to dye so , rather than renounce his religion , they snatch'd him from the fire , when he was at the very point of being burnt . the cities of caussade , realville , st. anthonin , and other towns and places in the upper , guienne , met with the same entertainment , as well as bergerac , and many other places of perigord , and of the lower guienne ; which had a like share of these cruel and inhumane usages . the forementioned troops marched at last to castres , to commit the same insolencies and barbarities there also : and it is not to be doubted , but that they will continue , and carry on the same course of cruelties , where ever they go ; if god , in pity and compassion to his people , do not restrain them . it is to be feared , ( for it seems but too probable ) that this dreadful persecution , in conjunction with those artifices the papists make use of to disguise their religion , and to perswade protestants , that they shall be suffered to worship god as formerly , will make many to comply with them , or at least make their mouths give their hearts the lye , in hopes of being by this means put into a condition to make their escapes , and returning to that profession , which their weakness hath made them deny . but , alas ! this is not all ; for those poor wretches , whom by these devilish ways of theirs , they have made to blaspheme and abjure their religion , as if this were not enough , must now become the persecutors and tormentors of their own wives and children , for to oblige and force them to renounce also ; for they are threatned , that if within three days time they do not make their whole family recant in like manner , those rough apostles ( the dragoons ) shall be fain to take further pains with them , in order to the perfecting of their conversion . and who after all this can have the least doubt , but that these unhappy dragoons are the very emissaries of hell , whose very last efforts and death struglings these seem to be ? this relation hath given a short view of some of those sufferings , the reformed have undergone , but not of all : it is certain , that in divers places they have tryed to wear out their patience , and overcome their constancy by applying red hot irons to the hands and feet of men , and to the breasts of women . at nantes they hung up several women and maids by their feet , and others by their arm-pits , and that stark-naked , thus exposing them to publick view , which assuredly is the most cruel and exquisite suffering can befall that sex ; because in this case their shamefac'dness and modesty is most sensibly touched , which is the most tender part of their soul. they have bound mothers that gave suck unto posts , and let their little infants lye languishing in their sight , without being suffered to suckle them for several days , and all this while left them crying , moaning , and gasping for life , and even dying for hunger and thirst , that by this means they might vanquish the constancy of their tender-hearted mothers , swearing to them they would never permit they should give them suck till they promised to renounce their profession of the gospel . they have taken children of four or five years of age , and kept them from meat and drink for some time , and when they have been ready to faint away and give the ghost , they have brought them before their parents , and horribly asseverated , that except they would turn , they must prepare themselves to see their children languish and dye in their presence . some they have bound before a great fire , and being half roasted , have after let them go : they beat men and women outragiously ; they drag them along the streets , and torment them day and night . the ordinary way they took , was to give them no●est ; for the souldiers do continually relieve one another for to drag , beat , torment and toss up and down these miserable wretches , without intermission . if it happen that any by their patience and constancy do stand it out , and triumph over all the rage and fury of those dragoons , they go to their commander and acquaint him , they have done all they could , but yet without the desired success ; who in a barbarous and surly tone , answers them ; you must return upon them , and do worse than you have done ; the king commands it ; either they must turn , or i must burst and perish in the attempt . these are the pleasant flowry paths , by which the papists allure protestants to return to the bosome of their church . but some it may be will object ; you make a great noise about a small matter , all protestants have not been exposed to these cruelties , but only some few obstinate persons : well , i will suppose so , but yet the horror of those torments inflicted on some , hath so fill'd the imagination of these miserable wretches , that the very thoughts of them hath made them comply ; it is indeed a weakness of which we are ashamed for their sakes , and from whence we hope god will raise them again , in his due time ; yet thus much we may alledge for their excuse , that never was any persecution , upon pretence of religion , carried on to that pitch , and with that politick malice and cruelty that this hath been ; and therefore , of all those which ever the church of christ groan'd under , none can be compar'd with it , true indeed it is , that in former ages it hath been common to burn the faithful under the name of hereticks ; but how few were there exposed to that cruel kind of death , in comparison of those who escaped the executioners hands ? but , behold here a great people at once oppress'd , destroy'd , and ruin'd by a vast army of prodigious butchers , and few or none escaping . former , yea late times have given us some instances of massacres ; but these were only violent tempests , and suddain hurricanes , which lasted but a night , or , at the most , a few days , and they who suffered in them were soon out of their pains , and the far greater number escaped the dint of them : but how much more dreadful is the present condition of the protestants in france ? and to the end we may take a true view and right measures of it , let us consider , that nothing can be conceived more terrible , than a state of war ; but what war to be compared with this ? they see a whole army of butcherly canibals entring their houses , battering , breaking , burning , and destroying whatever comes to hand ; swearing , cursing , and blaspheming like devils ; beating to excess ; offering all manner of indignities and violence ; diverting themselves , and striving to out-vie each other in inventing new methods of pain and torment ; not to be appeased with money , or good chear ; foaming and roaring like ravenous raging lyons ; and presenting death , at every moment ; and that which is worse than all this , driving people to distraction , and senseless stupidity , by those devilish inventions we have given you an instance of , in the relation of montauban . moreover , this persecution hath one characteristical note more ; which , without any exaggeration , will give it the precedence in history for cruelty , above all those which the church of god ever suffered under nero , maximinus , or dioclesian ; which is , the severe prohibition of departing the kingdom , upon pain of confiscation of goods , of the gally , of the lash , and perpetual imprisonment . all the sea-ports are kept with that exactness , as if it were to hinder the escape of traytors , and common enemies : all the prisons of sea-port-towns are cramm'd with these miserable fugitives , men , women , boys , and girls ; who there are condemned to the worst of punishments , for having had a desire to save themselves from this dreadful persecution , and deluging calamity . this is the thing which is unparallel'd , and of which we find no instance : this is thaat superlative excefs of cruelty , which we shall not find in the list of all the violent and bloody proceedings of the duke of alva : he massacred , he beheaded , he cutchered ; but at least , he did not prohibit those that could , to make their escape . in the last hungarian persecution , nothing was required of the protestants , but only that their ministers should banish themselves , and abandon and renounce the conduct of their flocks ; and because they were unwilling to obey these orders , therefore it is they have groan'd under so long , and so terrible a persecution , as they have done . but this hungarian persecution is not to be compared with that we are speaking of ; for the fury of that tempest discharged it self upon the ministers only ; no armies were imploy'd , to force the people to change their religion , by a thousand several ways of torment ; much less did it ever enter the thoughts of the emperour's councel , to shut up all the protestants in hungary ; in order to the destroying of all those who would not abjure their religion ; which yet is the very condition of so many wretched persons in france , who beg it as the highest favour at the hands of their merciless enemies , to have leave to go and beg their bread in a foreign country ; being willing to leave their goods , and all other outward conveniencies , behind them , for to lead a poor , miserable , languishing life in any place , where only they may be suffered to dye in their religion . and is it not from all this most apparent , that those monsters , who have inspired the king with these designs , have refin'd the mystery of persecuting to the utmost , and advanc'd it to its highest pitch of perfection ? o great god! who from thy heavenly throne do'st behold all the outrages done to thy people , haste thee to help us ! great god , whose compassions are infinite , suffer thy self to be touched with our extream desolation ! if men be insensible of the calamities we suffer , if they be deaf to our cries , not regarding our groans and supplications ; yet let thy bowels , o lord , be moved , and affect thee in our behalf . glorious god , for whose names sake we suffer all these things , who knowest our innocence and weakness , as well as the fury and rage of our adversaries , the small support and help we find in the world ; behold , we perish , if thy pity doth not rouze thee up for our relief . it is thou art our rock , our god , our father , our deliverer : we do not place our confidence in any , but thee alone : let us not be confounded , because we put our trust in thee . haste thee to our help ; make no long tarrying , o lord , our god , and our redeemer ! a letter sent from bourdeaux , giving an account of the persecution of those of the protestant religion in france . sir , what you have heard concerning the persecution of those that are of our religion , in the land of bearne , guienne , and perigord , is but too true : and i can assure you ; that they who have given you that account , have been so far from amplifying the matter , that they have only acquainted you with some few particulars ; yet am i not much surprized at the difficulty you find to perswade your self , that the things of which your friends inform you , are true : in cases of this nature , so amazingly unexpected , we are apt often to distrust our own eyes ; and i profess to you , that though all places round about us echo the report of our ruine and destruction , yet i can scarcely perswade my self it is so indeed , because i cannot comprehend it . it is no matter of surprize , or amazement , to see the church of christ afflicted upon earth , forasmuch as she is a stranger here , at well as her captain , lord and husband , the holy and ever-blessed jesus was ; and must , like him , by the same way of cross and suffering , return to her own country , which is above . it is no matter of astonishment , to find her from time to time suffering the worst of usage , and most cruel persecutions ; all ages have seen her exposed to such tryals as these , which are so necessary for the testing of her faith , and so fit a matter of her future glory . neither is it any great wonder , if , amidst these sore tryals , vast numbers of those who made profession of the gospel , do now renounce and forsake it : we know that all have not faith ; and it is more than probable , that they who do not follow christ , but because they thrive by it , and for the loaves , will cease to be of his retinue , when he is about to oblige them to bear his cross , and deny themselves . but that which seems inconceivable to me , is , that our enemies should pitch upon such strange ways and methods to destroy us , as they have done , and that , in so doing they should meet with a success so prodigious and doleful . i shall as briefly as i can endeavour to give you an account of so much as i have understood of it . all those thundring declarations , and destructive arrests , which continually were sued for , and obtain'd against us , and which were executed with the extremity of rigour , were scarce able to move any one of us . the forbidding of our publick exercises , the demolishing of our churches , and the severe injunction that not so much as two or three of us should dare to assemble , in order to any thing of divine worship , had no other effect upon the far greater part of us , than to inflame our zeal , instead of abating it ; obliging us to pray to god with greater fervor and devotion in our closets , and to meditate of his word with greater application and attention . and neither the great wants , to which we were reduced by being depriv'd of our offices and imploys , and all other means of living , and by those insupportable charges with which they strove to over-whelm us , as well by taxes , as the quartering of souldiers ( both which were as heavy as could be laid upon us ) nor the continual trouble we were put to by criminal or other matters of law ; which at the suit of one or other were still laid to our charge , tho upon the most frivolous and unjust pretences imaginable ; i say , all these were not able to wear out our patience , which was hardned against all calamities : insomuch as the design of forcing us to abandon the truth of the gospel , would infallibly have been ship-wrack'd , if no other means had been taken in hand for this purpose . but , alas ! our enemies were too ingenious , to be bauk'd so ; and had taken our ruine too much to heart , not to study for means effectual and proper to bring about their desires : they call'd to mind what prodigious success a new kind of persecution had had of late years in poctou , aunix , and xaintonge , which the intendants of those places had bethought themselves of ; and they made no difficulty to have recourse to the same , as to a means infallible , and not to be doubted of . i must tell you , sir , that we had not the least thought that ever such violent methods as these , would have been pitched upon , as the means of our conversion : we were always of opinion , that none but dennuieux's , and marillacs , could be fit instruments for such like enterprizes ; neither could we ever have imagin'd , that generals of armies , who account it a shame and reproach to attack and take some paultry town or village , should ever debase themselves to besiege old men , women , and children in their own houses ; or that ever souldiers , who think themselves ennobled by their swords , should degrade themselves so far , as to take up the trade of butchers and hangmen , by tormenting poor innocents , and inflicting all sorts of punishments upon them . moreover , we were the less in expectation of any such thing , because at the self-same time they treated us in this manner , they would needs perswade us , that the king's councel had disapproved the design : and indeed , it seem'd very probable to us , that all reasons , whether taken from humanity , piety , or interest , would have made them disavow and condemn a project so inhumane and barbarous : yet now , by experience , we find it but too true , that our enemies are so far from rejecting the said design , that they carry it on with an unparallel'd zeal and application , without giving themselves any further trouble to effectuate their desires , than that of doing these two things . the first of which was , to lull us asleep , and to take away from us all matter of suspition of the mischief they were hatching against us ; which they did by permitting some of our publick exercises of religion , by giving way to our building of some churches , by settling ministers in divers places to baptize our children , and by publishing several arrests and declarations , which did intimate to us , that we had reason to hope we should yet subsist for some years : such was that declaration , by which all ministers were ordered to change their churches every three years . the other was , to secure all the sea-ports of the kingdom , so as none might make their escape , which was done by renewing the antient prohibitions of departing the kingdom without leave , but with the addition of far more severe penalties . after these precautions thus taken , they thought themselves no longer oblig'd to keep any measures , but immediately lift up the hand , to give the last blow for our ruine . the intendants had order to represent to us , that the king was resolved to suffer no other religion in his kingdom besides his own , and to command us all in his name , readily to embrace the same , without allowing us any longer respite to consider what we had to do , than a few days , nay hours ; threatning us , that if we continued obstinate , they would force us to it by the extremity of rigour ; and presently executing these their menaces , by filling our houses with souldiers , to whom we were to be lest for a prey ; and who , not content with entirely ruining of us , should besides exercise upon our persons all the violence and cruelty they could possibly devise : and all this to overcome our constancy and perseverance . four months are now past and gone , since they began to make use of this strange and horrible way of converting people , worthy of , and well becoming its inventors . the country of bearne was first set upon , as being one of the most considerable out-parts of the kingdom , to the end that this mischievous enterprize gaining strength in its passage , might soon after over-whelm , and as it were deluge all the other provinces in the same sea of the uttermost calamity . monsieur foucaut the intendant , went himself in person to all the places where we were in any numbers , and commanded all the inhabitants that were of the protestant religion , under the penalty of great amercements , to assemble themselves in those places he appointed to them ; where being accordingly met together , he charged them in the kings name to change their religion , allowing them only a day or two to dispose themselves for it : he told them , that great numbers of souldiers were at hand , to compel those that should rfuse to yield a ready obedience ; and this threatning of his being immediately followed by the effect , as lightning is by thunder , he fill'd the houses of all those who abode constant in their resolution to live and dye faithful to their lord and master , jesus chrst , with souldiers ; and commands those insolent troops ( flesh'd with blood and slaughter ) to give them the worst treatment they could possibly devise . i shall not undertake , sir , to give you a particular account of those excesses , and outrages , these enraged brutals comitted in executing the orders they were charged with ; the relation would prove too tedious and doleful : it shall suffice me to tell you , that they did not forget any thing that was inhumane , barbarous , or cruel , without having regard to any condition sex or age ; they pull'd down and demolished their houses ; they spoil'd , dash'd to pieces , and burnt their best moveables and houshold stuff ; they bruised and beat to death venerable old men ; they dragg'd honourable matrons to mass , without the least pitty or respect ; they bound and fetter'd innocent persons , as if they had been the most infamous and profligate villains ; they hung them up by their feet , till they saw them ready to give up the ghost ; they took red hot fire-shovels , and held them close to their bare heads , and actually apply'd them to other parts of their bodies ; they immur'd them within four walls , where they let them perish for hunger and thirst : and the constancy wherewith they suffer'd all these torments , having had no other effect , but that of augmenting the rage of these furies , they never ceased inventing new ways of pain and torture , till their inhumanity at length had got the victory , and triumphed over the patience and faith of these miserable wretches . insomuch , that of all those many numerous assemblies , we had in that province , as that of pau , d'arthes , de novarre , &c. there are scarcely left a small number , who either continue constant in despite of all these cruelties , or else have made their escape into spain , holland , england , or elsewhere , leaving their goods and families for a prey to these merciless and cruel men. success having thus far answered their expectation , they resolved to lose no time ; but vigorously prosecuting their work , they immediately turned their thoughts and arms towards montauban ; where the intendant having summoned the citizens to appear before him , speaks them much of the same language , as was used to those of bearne ; whereunto they having returned about the same answer , he orders . men to enter the city , and makes them take up their quarters , as at bearne , only in the houses of protestants ; with express command to treat them in like manner , as they had done those of bearne : and these inhumane wretches were so diligent and active in executing these pittiless orders , that of , or . souls , of which that church did consist , not above , or . families are escaped ; who , in a doleful and forlorn condition , wander up and down the woods , and hide themselves in thickets . the ruine of this important place , drew after it the desolation of all the churches about it : which were all enveloped in the same common calamity , as those of realment , bourniquel , negreplisse , &c. yet was not the condition of the churches in the upper guienne more sad and calamitous , than that of those of the lower guienne , and of perigord ; which this horrible deluge hath likewise overwhelm'd . monsieur bouflers , and the intendant , having shared the country between them ; monsieur de bouflers taking for his part agenois , tonnein , clerac , with the adjoyning places ; and the intendant having taken upon him to reduce fleis , monravel , genssac , cartillon , coutras , libourne , &c. the troops which they commanded , in the mean time , carrying desolation to all the places they passed through , filling them with mourning and despair , and scattering terror and amazement amongst all those to whom they approached . there were at the same time . companies at saint foy , . at nerac , and as many in proportion in all other parts : so that , all places being fill'd with these troops , accustom'd to licentiousness and pillage , there is not any one of the said places , where they have not left most dreadful marks of their rage and cruelty ; having at last , by means of their exquisite tortures , made all those of our religion submit themselves to the communion of rome . but forasmuch as bergerac was most signally famous for the long tryals it had most gloriously endured , and that our enemies were very sensible of what advantage it would be , to the carrying on of their design , to make themselves masters there also , at any price whatsoever ; they accordingly fail'd not to attempt the same with more resolution and obstinacy , than any of the forementioned places . this little town had already , for three years together , with admirable patience and constancy , endured a thousand ill treatments , and exactions from souldiers , who had pick'd them to the very bones : for besides that , it was almost a continual passage for souldiers ; there were no less than . troops of horse had their winter-quarters there ; who yet in all that time had only gain'd three converts , and they such too as were maintain'd by the alms of the church . but to return : the design being form'd to reduce this city , two troops of horse are immediately ordered thither , to observe the inhabitants , and soon after companies of foot enter the town : monsieur bouflers and the intendant of the province , with the bishops of agen and perigueux , and some other persons of quality , render themselves there at the same time , and send for . of the chiefest citizens to appear before them ; telling them , that the kings express will and pleasure was , they should all go to mass ; and that in case of disobedience , they had order to compel them to it : to which the citizens unanimously answered , that their estates were at the dispose of his majesty , but that god alone was lord of their consciences ; and that they were resolved to suffer to the utmost , rather than do any thing contrary to the motions of it . whereupon they were told , that if they were so resolved , they had nought else to do but to prepare themselves to receive the punishment their obstinacy and disobedience did deserve ; and immediately . companies more , of infantry and cavalry , enter the city ( which , together with the companies beforementioned , were all quartered with protestants ) with express command not to spare any thing they had , and to exercise all manner of violence upon the persons of those that entertain'd them , until they should have extorted a promise from them , to do whatsoever was commanded them . these orders then being thus executed , according to the desires of those who had given them , and these miserable victims of a barbarous military fury , being reduc'd to the most deplorable and desolate condition ; they are again sent for to the town house , and once more pressed to change their religion ; and they answering with tears in their eyes , and with all the respect , humility , and submission imaginable , that the matter required of them , was the only thing they could not do , the extreamest rigour and severity is denounc'd against them ; and they presently made good their words , by sending . more companies into the city , which made up the full number of an hundred ; who encouraging themselves from their numbers , and flying like enraged wolves upon these innocent sheep , did rend and worry them in such a manner , as the sole relation cannot but strike with horror and amazement . whole companies were ordered to quarter with one citizen ; and persons whose whole estate did not amount to . livres , were taxed at the rate of . livres a day : when their money is gone , they sell their houshold-stuff , and sell that for two pence , which hath cost livres ; they bind and fetter father , mother , wife and children : four souldiers continually stand at the door , to hinder any from coming-in to succour or comfort them : they keep them in this condition , two , three , four , five , and six days , without either meat , drink , or sleep : on one hand the child cries , with the languishing accent of one ready to dye , ah my father ! ah my mother ! what shall i do ' i must dye , i can endure no longer : the wife on the other hand cries ; alas ! my heart fails me , i faint , i dye ! whilst their cruel tormentors are so far from being touch'd with compassion , that from thence they take occasion to press them afresh , and to renew their torments , frighting them with their hellish menaces , accompanied with most execrable oaths and curses ; crying , dog , bougre , what , wilt not thou be converted ? wilt not thou be obedient ? dog , bougre , thou must be converted , we are sent on purpose to convert thee : and the clergy , who are witnesses of all these cruelties , ( with which they feast their eyes ) and of all their infamous and abominable words , ( which ought to cover them with horror and confusion ) make only a matter of sport and laughter of it . thus these miserable wretches , being neither suffered to live or to dye , ( for when they see them fainting away , they force them to take so much as to keep body and soul together ) and seeing no other way for them to be delivered out of this hell , in which they are continually tormented , are fain at last to stoop under the unsupportable burthen of these extremities : so that , excepting only a few who saved themselves by a timely flight , preferring their religion before all temporal possessions , all the rest have been constrained to go to mass . neither is the country any more exempt from these calamities , than towns and cities ; nor those of the nobility and gentry , than citizens . they send whole companies of souldiers into gentlemens houses , who treat them in the most outragious and violent manner conceivable ; insomuch that not a soul can hope to escape , except it may be some few , who like the believers of old , wander in desarts , and lodge in dens and caves of the earth . furthermore , i can assure you , that never was any greater consternation , than that which we are in here at present ; the army , we hear is come very near us , and the intendant is just now arrived in this city ; the greater part of the most considerable merchants are either already gone , or casting about how best to make their escape , abandoning their houses and estates to their enemies ; and there are not wanting some cowardly spirits , who , to avoid the mischief they are preparing for us , have already promised to do whatsoever is required of them . in a word , nothing is seen or heard in these parts but consternation , weeping and lamentation ; there being scarce a person of our religion , who hath not his heart pierced with the bitterest sorrows , and whose countenance hath not the lively picture of death imprinted on it : and surely , if our enemies triumph in all this , their triumph cannot likely be of any long continuance . i confess , i cannot perswade my self to entertain so good an opinion of them , as to think that ever they will be ashamed of these their doings , so diametrically opposite to the spirit of the gospel ; for i know the gospel , in their accounts , passeth for a fable : but this i dare averr , that this method of theirs will infallibly lay waste the kingdome , which , according to all appearance , is never like to recover of it ; and so in time , they themselves will be made as sensible of these miseries , as others now are . commerce is already in a manner wholly extinct , and there will need little less than a miracle to recover it to its former state. what protestant merchants will henceforward be willing to engage themselves in trade , either with persons without faith ; and who have so cowardly betray'd their religion and conscience , or with the outragious and barbarous persecuters of the religion , which they profess ? and who by these courses declare openly and frankly , that it is their principle , not to think themselves oblig'd to keep their word with hereticks ? and who are those , of what religion soever , that will negotiate with a state exhausted by taxes and subsidies , by persecutions , by barrenness and dearth of several years continuance ; full of a despairing people , and which infallibly will e're long be full of those that are proscrib'd , and be bathing in its own blood. and these miserable wretches , who have been deceived by those who have told them , that it would never be impos'd upon them to abjure their religion , and who are stupified by the extremity of their sufferings , and the terror of their bloody and cruel enemies , are wrapt up in so deep an astonishment , as doth not permit them to be fully sensible of their fall : but as soon as they shall recover themselves , and remember , that they could not embrace the communion of rome , with absolutely renouncing the holy religion they professed ; and when they shall make a full reflection upon the unhappy change they have been forced to make , then their consciences being awakened , and continually reproaching their faint-heartedness , will rend them with sorrow and remorse , and inflict torments upon them , equal to those the damned endure in hell ; and will make them endeavour to be delivered from this anguish , and to find rest in the constant profession of that truth , which they have unhappily betray'd . and on the other side ; their enemies will be loath to take the lye at this time of the day ; and therefore will endeavour , through fear of punishments , to oblige them to stay in that abyss of horror , into which they have precipitated them : but because all the sufferings they can possibly threaten them with , will be no ways considerable , when compared with those tortures their consciences have already inflicted upon them , and where-with they threaten them in case of a relapse , they will be constrained to drag them to the place of execution , or else seek to rid themselves of them all at once , by a general massacre , which many good souls have so long desired . i hope , sir , you will not be wanting in your most earnest prayers to beg of god , that he would be pleased to take pity of these miserable wretches ; and make the heart of our soveraign to relent towards us ; that he would convert those , who in their blindness think they do him service , by putting us to death ; that he would cause his voice to be heard by them from heaven , as to st. paul ; saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? and make the rest the examples of his exemplary justice : finally , that he would grant , that all those who have denied him , being touched with a true repentance , may , with st. peter , go out , and weep bitterly . i am , sir , yours , &c. an extract of a letter , containing some more instances of the cruel and barbarous vsage of the protestants in france . but this , sir , is not the thing which troubles me most , at this time ; there 's another cause of my grief , which is but too just , and even pierceth my heart with sorrow ; and that is , the cruel persecution , which the poor protestants of france do suffer , amongst whom i have so many near and dear relations : the torments they are put to , are almost incredible ; and the heavenly courage , wherewith some of them are strengthned by their great captain and leader , to undergo them , is no less amazing and wonderful : i shall give for instance one or two of these champions , that by them you may judge of the rest . a young woman was brought before the council , in order to oblige her to abjure the truth of the gospel ; which she boldly and manfully refusing , was commanded back again to prison ; where they shaved her head , and sing'd off the hair of her privities ; and having stript her stark-naked , in this manner led her through the streets of the city ; where many a blow was given her , and stones flung at her . after this , they set her up to the neck in a tub full of water ; where after she had been for a while , they took her out , and put upon her a shift dipt in wine , which as it dry'd , and stuck to her sore and bruised body , they snatch'd off again ; and then had another ready , dipt in wine , to clap upon her : this they repeated six several times ; and when by this inhumane usage , her body was become very raw and tender , they demanded of her , whether she did not now find her self disposed to embrace the catholick faith ? for so they are pleased to term their religion : but she , being strengthned by the spirit and love of him , for whose names sake she suffered all these extremities , undaunted answer'd ; that she had before declared her resolution to them , which she would never alter ; and that , though they had her body in their power , she was resolved not to yield her soul to them ; but keep it pure and undefiled for her heavenly lover ; as knowing , that a little while would put an end to all her sufferings , and give a beginning to her enjoyment of everlasting bliss : which words of hers , adding fuel of their rage , who now despaired of making her a convert , they took and fastned her by her feet , to something that served the turn of a gibbet , and there let her hang in that ignominious posture , with her head downwards , till she expired . the other person i would instance in , and whom i pity the more , because ( for ought i know ) he may yet survive , and still continue under the tormentor's hands , is an old man ; who having , for a great while , been kept close prisoner ( upon the same account as the former ) in a deep dungeon , where his companions were darkness and horror , and filthy creeping things , was brought before his judges , with vermin and snails crawling upon his mouldred garment ; who seeing him in that loathsom condition , said to him : how now old man , does not your heart begin to relent ? and are not you willing to abjure your heresie ? to which he answer'd : as for heresie , i profess none ; but if by that word you mean my religion , you may assure your selves , that as i have thus long lived , so , i hope , and am resolved by the grace of god , to dye in it : with which answer they being little pleased , but furiously incensed , bespoke him in a rougher tone : do'st thou not see , that the worms are about to devour thee ? well , fince thou art so resolved , we will send thee back again , to the loathsom place from whence thou camest , that they may make an end of thee , and consume thy obdurate heart : to which he reply'd , with the words of the holy patient job ; novi postquam vermes confoderint ( corpus ) istud , in carne mea me vissurum esse deum . i know that after worms have eaten this body , that in my flesh i shall see god. and having so said , he was sent back to his loathsom dark abode ; where if he be still , i pray god to give him patience and strength to hold out to the end , that so he may obtain the crown of life . i should be too tedious , in giving you all the particulars of their cruelty , and of the sufferings of the protestants ; yet i cannot well forbear acquainting you with what lately i am most credibly inform'd of ; which take as follows : some dragoons , who were quartered with a person , who they could by no means oblige to renounce his religion ; upon a time , when they had well fill'd themselves with wine , and broke their glasses at every health they drank ; and so fill'd the floor , where they were , with the fragments ; and by often walking over , and treading upon them , reduced them to lesser pieces and fractions : and being now in a merry humour , they must needs go to dance ; and told their host , that he must be one of the company ; but withal , that he must first pull off his stockings and shoes , that he might move the more nimbly : in a word , they forc'd him to dance with them bare-footed , upon the sharp points of glass ; which when they had continued so long as they were able to keep him on his legs , they laid him down on a bed ; and a while after stript him stark naked , and rolled his body from one end of the room to the other , upon the sharp glass , as beforementioned ; which having done , till his skin was stuck full of the said little fragments , they returned him again to his bed , and sent for a chyrurgeon , to take out all the said pieces of glass out of his body ; which , you may easily conceive , could not be done without frequent incisions , and horrible and most extream pain . another person being likewise troubled with the unwelcome company of these dragoons , and having suffered extreamly at their hands , without the expected success of his conversion ; one of them on a time looking earnestly upon him , told him , that he disfigured himself , with letting his beard grow so long : but he answering , that they were the cause of it , who would not let him stir out of door , for to go to the barber : the dragoon reply'd i can do that for you as well as the barber ; and with that told him , he must needs try his skill upon him : and so fell to work ; but instead of shaving him , flea'd all the skin off his face . one of his companions coming-in at the cry of this poor sufferer , and seeing what he had done , seemingly blam'd him for it , and said , he was a bunglar ; and then to his host , come , your hair wants cutting too ; and you shall see , i will do it much better than he hath shav'd you : and thereupon begins , in a most cruel manner , to pluck the hair , skin , and all , off his head , and flea'd that as the other had done his chin. thus making a sport and merriment of the extream suffering of these miserable wretches . by these inhumane , and more than barbarous means it is , that they endeavour to overcome the most resolved patience , and to drive people to despair and faint-heartedness , by their devilish inventions . they refuse to give them death , which they desire ; and only keep them alive to torment them , so long till they have vanquish'd their perseverance ; for the names of martyrs , and rebels , are equally odious to their enemies ; who tell them , that the king will have obedient subjects , but neither martyrs nor rebels ; and that they have received orders to convert them , but not to kill them . sir , i beg your pardon , for having so long entertain'd you with these more than tragical passages ; and that you would not be wanting to recommend the condition of these poor , destitute , afflicted , and tortured persons , to the bowels of compassion of our heavenly father , that he would be pleased not to suffer them to be tempted above what he shall give them grace to bear : which is the hearty prayer of , your faithful friend , t. g. since the first publishing of this , some further particulars ( representing the horror of this persecution ) are come to hand ; which take as follow : they have put persons into monasteries , in little narrow holes , where thy could not stretch their bodies at length ; there feeding them with bread and water , and whipping them every day , till they did recant : they plunged others into wells , and there kept them till they promised to do what was desired of them : they stript some naked , and stuck their bodies full of pins : they tyed fathers and husbands to the bed-posts , forcing their wives and daughters before their eyes : in some places the ravishing of women was openly and generally permitted : they pluck'd off the nails and toes of others : they burnt their feet , and blew up men and women with bellows , till they were ready to burst . in a word , they exercised all manner of cruelties they could invent , and in so doing , spared neither sex , age nor quality . the profession of the catholick , apostolick , and roman faith , which the revolting protestants in france are to subscribe and swear to . in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , amen . i believe and confess with a firm faith , all and every thing and things contained in the creed , which is used by the holy church of rome , viz. i receive and embrace most sincerely the apostolick and ecclesiastical traditions , and other observances of the said church . in like manner , i receive the scriptures , but in the same sence as the said mother church hath , and doth now understand and expound the same ; for whom and to whom it only doth belong to judge of the interpretation of the sacred scriptures : and i will never take them , nor understand them otherwise , than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . i profess , that there be truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law , instituted by our lord jesus christ , and necessary for the salvation of mankind , altho' not equally needful for every one , viz. baptism , confirmation , the eucharist , penance , extream unction , orders and marriage ; and that they do confer grace ; and that baptism and orders may not be reiterated , without sacriledge : i receive and admit also the ceremonies received and approved by the catholick church , in the solemn administration of the forementioned sacraments . i receive and embrace all and every thing , and things , which have been determined concerning original sin and justification by the holy council of trent . i likewise profess , that in the mass there is offered up to god , a true , proper , and propitiatory sacrifice for the living and dead ; and that in the holy sacrament of the eucharist , there is truly , really , and substantially , the body and blood , together with the soul and divinity of the lord jesus christ ; and that in it there is made a change of the whole substance of the bread into his body , and of whole substance of the wine into his blood , which change the catholick church calls transubstantiation . i confess also , that under one only of these two elements , whole christ , and the true sacrament is received . i constantly believe and affirm , that there is a purgatory ; and that the souls there detained , are relieved by the suffrages of the faithful . in like manner , i believe that the saints reigning in glory with jesus christ , are to be worshipped and invocated by us , and that they offer up prayers to god for us , and that their reliques ought to be honoured . moreover , i do most stedfastly avow , that the images of jesus christ , of the blessed virgin , the mother of god , and of other saints , ought to be kept and retained , and that due honour and veneration must be yielded unto them . also i do affirm , that the power of indulgence was left to the church by christ jesus , and that the use thereof is very beneficial to christians . i do acknowledge the holy catholick , apostolick , and roman church , to be the mother and mistress of all other churches ; and i profess and swear true obedience to the pope of rome , successor of the blessed st. peter , prince of the apostles , and vicar of jesus christ . in like manner , i own and profess , without doubting , all other things left defined and declared by the holy canons and general councils , especially by the most holy council of trent ; and withal , i do condemn , reject , and hold for accursed , all things that are contrary thereto ; and all those heresies which have been condemned , rejected , and accursed by the church . and then swearing upon the book of the gospel , the party recanting must say : i promise , vow , and swear , and most constantly profess , by gods assistance , to keep entirely and inviolably , unto death , this self-same catholick and apostolick faith , out of which no person can be saved ; and this i do most truly and willingly profess , and that i will to the utmost of my power endeavour that it may be maintain'd and upheld as far as any ways belong to my charge ; so help me god , and the holy virgin. the certificate which the party recanting is to leave with the priest , when he makes his abjuration . i n. n. of the parish of n. do certifie all whom it may concern , that having acknowledged the falseness of the pretended reformed , and the truth of the catholick religion , of my own free will , without any compulsion , i have accordingly made profession of the said catholick roman religion in the church of n. in the hands of n. n. in testimony of the truth whereof , i have signed this act in the presence of the witnesses whose names are under written , this — day of the month of the — year of the reign of our soveraign lord the king , and of our redemption — a declaration of the elector of brandenburg , in favour of the french protestants , who shall settle themselves in any of his dominions . we frederick william , by the grace of god , marquess of brandenburg , arch-chamberlain , and prince elector of the holy empire ; duke of prussia , magdeburg , juilliers , cleves , bergen , stettin , pomerania ; of the cassubes , vandals , and silesia ; of crosne , and jagerndorff ; burg-grave of noremberg ; prince of halberstadt , minde , and camin ; earl of hohenzollern , of the mark and ravensberg ; lord of ravenstein , lawneburg , and butow , do declare and make known to all to whom these presents shall come : that whereas the persecutions and rigorous proceedings which have been carried on for some time in france , against those of the reformed religion , have forced many families to leave that kingdom , and to seek for a settlement elsewhere , in strange and foreign countries ; we have been willing , being touched with that just compassion , we are bound to have for those who suffer for the gospel , and the purity of that faith we profess , together with them , by this present declaration , signed with our own hand , to offer , to the said protestants , a sure and free retreat in all the countries and provinces under our dominion ; and withal , to declare the several rights , immunities , and priviledges , which we are willing they shall enjoy there , in order to the relieving and easing them , in some measure , of the burthen of those calamities , wherewith it hath pleased the divine providence to afflict so considerable a part of his church . i. to the end , that all those who shall resolve to settle themselves in any of our dominions , may with the more ease and convenience transport themselves thither , we have given order to our envoy extraordinary with the states-general of the vnited provinces , sieur diest , and to our commissary in the city of amsterdam , sieur romswinkel , at our charge , to furnish all those of the said religion ( who shall address themselves unto them ) with what vessels and provisions they shall stand in need of , for the transportation of themselves , their goods and families , from holland to the city of hamburg : where then our councellor and resident for the circle of the lower saxony , sieur baerick , shall furnish them with all conveniencies they may stand in need of , to convey them further , to whatsoever city or province they shall think fit to pitch upon , for the place of their abode . ii. those who shall come from the parts of france about sedan , as from champagne , lorain , burgundy , or from any of the southern provinces of that kingdom , and who think it not convenient to pass through holland , may betake themselves to the city of frankfort upon maine ; and there address themselves to sieur merain , our councellor and agent in the said city , or in the city of cologne to sieur lely , our agent , to whom we have also given command to furnish them with money , pasports , and boats , in order to the carrying them down the river rhine , to our dutchy of cleves and mark : or in case they shall desire to go further up in our dominions , our said ministers and officers shall furnish them with address , and conveniencies , for to arrive at those several respective places . iii. and forasmuch as the said our provinces are stored with all sorts of conveniencies , and commodities , not only for the necessity of living , but also for manufactures , commerce , and trade by sea , and by land ; those who are willing to settle themselves in any of our said provinces , may choose such place , as they please , in the country of cleve , mark , ravensberg and minde , or in those of magdeburg , halberstadt , brandenburg , pomerania , and prussia . and forasmuch as we conceive , that in our electoral marquisate , the cities of stendel , werbe , ka●kenow , brandenburg , and frankfort ; and in the country of magdeburg , the cities of magdenburg , halle , and calbe ; and in prussia , the city of konigsberg will be most commodious , as well for the great abundance of all necessaries of life , which may be had there at cheap rates , as for the convenience of trade and traffick ; we have given charge , that as soon as any of the said french protestants shall arrive in any of the said cities , they shall be kindly received and agreed with about all those things , which shall be thought needful for their settlement . and for the rest , leaving them at their full liberty to dispose of themselves in whatsoever city or province they shall judge most commodious , and best suiting with their occasions . iv. all the goods , houshold-stuff , merchandize , and commodities , which they shall bring along with them , shall not be liable to any custom of impost ; but shall be wholly exempt from all charges and impositions , of what name or nature soever they may be . v. and in case that in any of the cities , towns , or villages , where the said persons of the reformed religion do intend to settle themselves , there be found any ruinous and decay'd houses , or such as stand empty , and which the proprietors are not in a condition to repair , we will cause the same to be assigned to them , the said french protestants , as their propriety , and to their heirs forever ; and shall content the present proprietors , according to the value of the said houses ; and shall wholly free the same from all charges , to which the same might stand engaged , whether by mortgage , debts , or any other way whatsoever . furthermore , our will is , that they be furnished with timber , quick lime , stones , bricks , and other materials they may stand in need of , for the repairing of whatsoever is decay'd or ruinous in any of the said houses ; which shall , for six years , be exempt from all sorts of impositions , free quarter , and all other charges whatsoever : neither shall the said french , during the said time of six years , be lyable to any payments whatsoever , but what are chargeable upon things of daily consumption . vi. in cities or elsewhere , where convenient places shall be found for to build houses , those of the reformed religion , who shall make their retreat into our dominions , shall be fully authorized and impowered to take possession of the same , for themselves and their heirs after them , together with all the gardens , fields , and pasture grounds belonging to the same , without being oblig'd to pay any of the dues and charges , with which the said places , or their dependance may be incumbred . moreover , for the facilitating their building in any of the said places , we will cause them to be furnished with all the materials they shall stand in need of ; and will over and above allow them ten years of exemption , during which they shall not be lyable to any other charges or payments , besides the dues charged upon things of daily spending . and furthermore , forasmuch as our intent is , to make their settlement in our dominions the most easie and commodious for them that may be ; we have given command to our magistrates and other officers in the said provinces , to make enquiry , in every city , for houses that are to be lett , into which it shall be free for the said french to enter , and take up their lodging as soon as they shall arrive ; and do promise to pay for them and their families for four years , the rent of the said houses , provided that they engage themselves , within the said term , to build in such places as shall be assigned to them , in manner , and upon condition as aforesaid . vii . as soon as they shall have taken up their habitation in any city or town of our dominions , they shall immediately be made free of the place , as also of that particular corporation , which by their trade or profession they belong to ; and shall enjoy the self-same rights and priviledges , which the citizens , burgesses , and freemen of the said places or corporations do enjoy , and that without being obliged to pay any thing for the said freedome , and without being lyable to the law of escheatage , or any other of what nature soever they may be , which in other countries are in force against strangers ; but shall be look'd upon , and treated upon all accounts , in the same manner , as our own natural subjects . viii . all those whose are willing to undertake and establish any manufactures , whether of cloth , stuffs , hats , or any other whatsoever , shall not only be furnished with all the priviledges , patents , and franchises , which they can wish for , or desire ; but moreover we will take care that they be assisted with moneys , and such other provisions and necessaries as shall be thought fit to promote and make their undertaking successful . ix . to country-men and others , who are willing to settle themselves in the countrey , we will cause a certain extent of ground to be allotted for them to till and cultivate , and give orders for their being assisted and furnished with all things necessary for their subsistence , at the beginning of their settlement ; in like manner as we have done to a considerable number of swiss-families , who are come to dwell in our dominions . x. and as for any business of law , or matter of difference which may arise amongst those of the reformed religion , we do grant and allow that in those cities where any considerable number of french-families shall be settled , they be authorized to choose one from amongst themselves , who shall have full power to decide the said differences in a friendly way , without any formality of law whatsoever : and incase any differences shall arise between the germans and the said french , that then the said differences shall be decided joyntly by the magistrate of the place , and by the person whom the french shall have chosen for that purpose , from amongst themselves . and the same shall be done when the differences of frenchmen , amongst themselves , cannot be accommodated in the forementioned friendly way , by the person thereto by them elected . xi . in every city , where any numbers of french shall settle themselves , we will maintain a minister , and appoint a convenient place for the publick exercise of religion in the french tongue , according to the custome , and with the same ceremonies which are in use amongst the reformed in france . xii . and forasmuch as such of the nobility of france , who , heretofore , have put themselves under our protection , and entred into our service , do actually enjoy the same honours , dignities , and immunities with those of the countrey ; and that there are many found amongst them , who have been raised to the chief places and charges of our court , and command over our forces ; we are ready and willing to continue the same favour to those of the said nobility , who for time to come shall settle themselves in our dominions , by bestowing upon them the several charges , honours and dignities , they shall be found fitted for . and in case they shall purchase any mannors or lordships , they shall possess the same with all the rights , prerogatives , and immunities , which the nobility of our own dominions do of right enjoy . xiii . all these priviledges and advantages forementioned shall not only be extended to those french of the reformed religion , who shall arrive in our dominions ( in order to their settling there ) after the date of this declaration ; but also to those , who before the date hereof , have settled themselves in our countries , provided they have been forced to leave france upon account of their religion ; they of the romish profession being wholly excluded from any part or share therein . xiv . in every one of our provinces , dutchies , and principalities , we shall appoint and establish certain commissioners , to whom the french of the reformed religion , may have recourse , and address themselves upon all occasions of need ; and this not only at the beginning of their settlement , but also afterwards . and all governours and magistrates of our provinces and territories , shall have order by vertue of these presents , as well as by other particular commands , we shall from time to time issue forth , to take the said persons of the reformed religion into their protection , and to maintain them in all the priviledges here before mentioned , and not suffer the least hurt or injury to be done unto them , but rather all manner of favour , aide and assistance . given at postdam , octob. . . signed , frederick william . kind reader , forasmuch as in the edict of the french king , the perpetual and irrevocable edict of nantes is recall'd and abolished ; i thought fit ( because the whole edict would be too long to be inserted here ) to give you some passages of the prefatory part of it , whereby it may appear what stress was laid on it by henry the iv. ( called the great ) grandfather to the present french king , and how much he judged the exact maintaining of it would conduce to the settlement , peace , and prosperity of his kingdom . — now it hath pleased god to give us a beginning of enjoying some rest , we think , we cannot employ our selves better , than to apply to that which may tend to the service and glory of his holy name , and to provide that he may be adored and prayed to by all our subjects ; and if 〈…〉 at h not yet pleased him to permit it to be in one and the same form of religion , that it may at the least be with one and the same intention , and with such rules , that may prevent amongst them all troubles and tumults ; and that we and this kingdom may always conserve the glorious title of most christian , and by the same means take away the cause of mischief and trouble , which may happen from the actions of religion , which of all others are most prevalent and penetrating . for this cause , acknowledging this affair to be of the greatest importance , and worthy of the best consideration , after having considered the complaints of our catholick subjects , and having also permitted to our subjects of the reformed religion , to assemble themselves by deputies for framing their complaints , and making a collection of all their remonstrances , and having thereupon conferred divers times with them , we have upon the whole judged it necessary , to give to all our said subjects one general law , clear , plain , and absolute , by which they shall be regulated in all differences , which have heretofore risen among them , or which may rise hereafter , and wherewith both the one and the other may be contented ; having had no other regard in this deliberation , than solely the zeal we have to the service of god , praying that he would henceforward grant to all our subjects a durable and established peace : and we implore and expect from his divine bounty the same protection and favour he hath always bestowed upon this kingdom from our birth , & that he would give our said subjects the grace to understand , that in observation of this our ordinance , consisteth ( next to their duty toward god and us ) the principal foundation of their vnion concord , tranquility , rest , & the re-establishment of this state in its first splendor . opulency & strength ; as on our p●●● we promise that all the parts of it shall be exactly observed , without suffering any contravention . and for these causes , having with the advice of the princes of our blood , other princes and officers of our crown , and other great and eminent persons of our council of state , well and diligently weighed and considered all this affair ; we have by this edict or statute , perpetual and irrevocable , said , declared , & ordained , &c. finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e ☞ ☜ an apology for the protestants of france, in reference to the persecutions they are under at this day in six letters. apologie pour les protestans. english. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing a a estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an apology for the protestants of france, in reference to the persecutions they are under at this day in six letters. apologie pour les protestans. english. l'estrange, roger, sir, - . [ ], - , p. printed for john holford ..., london : . includes bibliographical references. translated from the french by sir roger l'estrange. original published (amsterdam, ) with title: apologie pour les protestans. reproduction of original in huntington library. (from t.p.) the first, treats of the priviledges they have by the edict of nantes -- the second, gives an account of some part of the injuries and outrages they do them, whereby to force them to change their religion --the third, proves that their religion inspires no other principle into them, but an unmoveable loyalty to their prince -- the fourth, justifies their innocence against the unjust charge of monsieur maimbourg -- the fifth, defends them in relation to those troubles that fell out in lewis xiii reign, and the affair of rochel -- the last, shews that the papists, by the principles of their religion, are guilty of all the crimes, they wrongfully lay to the protestants, in reference to kings. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- france. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an apology for the protestants of france , in reference to the persecutions they are under at this day ; in six letters : the first , treats of the priviledges they have by the edict of nantes . the second , gives an account of some part of the injuries and outrages they do them , whereby to force them to change their religion . the third , proves that their religion inspires no other principle into them , but an unmoveable loyalty to their prince . the fourth , iustifies their innocence against the unjust charge of monsieur maimbourg . the fifth , defends them in relation to those troubles that fell out in lewis xiii . reign , and the affair of rochel . the last , shews that the papists , by the principles of their religion , are guilty of all the crimes , they wrongfully lay to the protestants , in reference to kings . london , printed for iohn holford , at the crown , in the pall-mall , . to the reader . several accidents have till now hindred the compleating the number of these letters ; thô such as make not to our present purpose to relate . only it is fit i should let you know , that by the mouth of august last , mentioned in the third letter , is to be understood august , in the year . but if you would know why i publish these letters : know , that the implacable hatred the persecutours of the french protestants do pursue these poor people with , who have taken sanctuary under the protection of our good king ; has made it absolutely necessary . for when by all imaginable ways of cruelty , they have forced them to a resolution of abandoning their country and all they have ; they not only make it the utmost penalty on this side life , so much as to attempt a departure , but after they are escaped , endeavour to prevent their subsisting any where else , especially in england . amongst some they are represented as enemies to our religion established : thô they desire to be esteemed as brethren , by professing the same faith and submitting to the same discipline . to others they are made appear as a mixt multitude , part protestant part papist : whereas the strict examination of their testimonials by the churches here of their own nation , makes the suggestion impossible . but that nothing may be wanting to add affliction to the misery of these poor fugitives , and render them at the same time worse than unprofitable to their brethren : it is suggested to the common people , that they come to take the bread out of their mouths , by over-stocking those populous manufactures , which seem already rather to be overcharged , and by surfeiting the land with people . which objection , if we consider strictly according to interest , comes not up to any weight or consideration . for many of the manufactures they bring over , are such as we had not before , and by consequence of the greatest and most unexceptionable benefit to us . others , tho not wholly new , yet bring so great improvement to those we had already of the same kind : that they do in a manner create a new manufacture . there are likewise that give help to a full trade that wanted hands before to supply it . and now if any are so unfortunate , as to bring over such as we are more than fill'd with already : i would beg , that as men ▪ we would consider the common laws of humanity , and let necessity take place of inconvenience ; and as christians , to have especial regard to those that are of the houshold of faith. now that we should be over-peopled , i think there is no danger ; when no considering man but will allow that our nation wants more than a million of people , and that no country is rich but in proportion to its number . but be the politick consideration what it will ; never was there greater objects of christian charity and compassion , than these poor people . . if we look upon the privileges of mankind , we shall find them here infringed to the scandal of our being . men not only forced to renounce their thoughts , and say the contrary to what at the same time they declare themsevels to believe ; but having by violence holy water cast upon them , and dragged at a horse-tail to mass , they shall be pronounced roman catholicks , and made to suffer as relapse , if they dare renounce what they never consented to . they are neither permitted to live at home , nor to go abroad . the holy and religious duty ( as the papists account it ) of confession is prostituted to oppression , and polluted with the intermixture of secular concerns . for the confessors now in france conjure their penitents , upon pain of damnation not to conceal any debt they owe to a protestant , and when revealed , immediately they attach it in the debtors hands , under the same penalty . . if we consider them as they are protestants of france , never had people greater privileges , better settled , nor upon juster grounds ; of which the first letter will abundantly convince any reasonable person . and yet it will appear by the second letter , that no people were ever reduced to a more miserable estate , and lived . but that which ought to move an englishman in all diversities of his passion at once is , not only that they are of our communion , but that we are in a manner punished in them . for a great inducement to this inhumane usage , not only seems to be , but is really owned by papists to be from the rage they have conceived against us for preventing their bloody and hellish designs by the exemplary punishment of some popish traytors . nay , if they durst for shame speak out , i am sure they would tell us , that since they could not execute their malice upon english protestants , they are resolved to wreak their revenge upon the french and scourge them for our sakes . the three next letters make good by invincible proofs the innocence of these poor sufferers , together with their affection and loyalty to their soverains . and the last shews plainly that the papists themselves are the real enemies to all crowned heads . you will find that i use no authority for the justification of the french protestants , but what i have taken out of popish authours , who cannot be suspected of partiality . since the finishing of my last letter , i met with an ingenuous acknowledement of the gunpowder-treason-plot by a jesuite . who tho he seems to speak with some abhorrence of the fact , and would excuse garnet , and others of his society ; does however acknowledge the thing in so plain a manner , as makes all his excuses frivolous . you will find the story in a book entitled historia missionis anglicanae soc. jesu , authore henrico moro lib. . n. xix . printed at st. omers anno. . the present state of the protestants in france . letter i. you are not at all mistaken ; i can now easily satisfie you in what you desire to know concerning the protestants of france . one that is a friend to us both , who is lately come thence , hath fully acquainted me with the condition they are in . i saw him the day after his arrival , and found him ordering his books , and loose papers , which were just opened . after our first salute , i ask'd him what they were . they are , said he , french books ; and those printed sheets , are the new edicts , declarations , and acts which the king of france hath lately publish'd against the protestants of his kingdom . i am very happy , said i , in lighting on you at the opening of your papers . i was extremely impatient of knowing , with some certainty , what it was drove so many of them from their native country ; and i perceive , by the care you have taken to collect all the pieces which concern them , that i could not have met any one who might better satisfie my curiosity . they come hither in troops almost every day , and the greatest part of them with no other goods , but their children . the king , according to his accustomed goodness , hath had pity on them , so far as to provide means whereby they may be able to gain their lively-hood ; and amongst other things , he hath ordered a general collection for them throughout the kingdom . we were all resolved to answer the charitable intentions of our gracious prince , and were beginning to contribute freely . but to tell you the truth , we were extremely cooled by certain rumors . it is confess'd , that their king is very earnest to make them embrace his religion : but they assure us , that he uses none but very reasonable means , and that they who come hither with such outcries , are a sort of people not gifted with much patience , who easily forsake their native country , being dissatisfied , that their merit , as they conceive , is not sufficiently rewarded . besides , they are represented to us very much suspected in the point of their obedience and loyalty . if we may believe many here , they have been very factious and rebellious ; such as in all times have struck at the higher powers both in church and state ; which , you must needs see , would not be much for our purpose in these present conjunctures . in truth , this is intolerable , ( cry'd our friend ) i cannot endure that the innocence of these poor people should be run down at this rate : i perceive father la chaise is not content to persecute them in their own country with the utmost cruelty , but trys all ways to shut up the bowels of their brethren in foreign parts : he endeavours to ruine , and to famish them every where ; in england as well as france : a hatred so cruel , and , if i may so say , murderous , agrees not so well with the gospel of the meek iesus , whose companion father la chaise styles himself . for , he came not to destroy men , but to save them . let this jesuite alone , said i , and his emissaries , i do not doubt but he hath too much to do in all the affairs of protestants . but tell me ingenuously , do they give just cause to them of france , to quit their country as they do , and are they persons whom the state and the church may trust ? you your self shall be judge , said he , and that you may be fully inform'd of the cause , i will give you a particular account of the state of these poor people . but before i speak of the evils they have suffered , it is sit you should know , what it is that they have right to hope for from their king , and from their countrymen ; you will then be more affected with the usage they find . you cannot but have heard of the edict of nantes . here it is , said he , ( taking up one of the books that lay upon the table . ) it is a law which henry the fourth confirmed to establish their condition , and to secure their lives and privileges , and that they might have liberty freely to profess their religion . it is called the edict of nantes , because it was concluded of at nantes whilst the king was there . it contains articles , general , and particular . you may read it at your leisure , if you please : i will only observe some of them to you at present . look , i pray , ( said he ) on the sixth general , and the first particular article . liberty of conscience , without let , or molestation is there most expresly promised , not only to them who made profession of the protestant religion , at the establishment of the edict , but , ( which is principally to be observed ) to all those who should imbrace and profess it afterwards . for the article saith , that liberty of conscience is granted for all those who are , or who shall be of the said religion , whether natives or others . the seventh general article grants to all protestants the right of having divine service , preaching , and full exercise of their religion , in all their houses who have soveraign iustice : that is to say , who have the privilege of appointing a judge , who hath the power of judging in capital causes , upon occasion . there are a great many noble houses in france which have this privilege . that seventh article allows all protestants who have such houses , to have divine service and preaching there , not only for themselves , their own family and tenants , but also for all persons who have a mind to go thither . the following article allows even the same exercise of the protestant religion in noble houses which have not the right of soveraign justice , but which only hold in fee-simple . it is true , it doth not allow them to admit into their assemblies above thirty persons besides their own family . the ninth article is of far greater importance : it allows the protestants to have , and to continue the exercise of their religion in all those places where it had been publickly used in the years , and . the tenth article goes farther yet , and orders that that exercise be established in all places where it ought to have been by the edict of , if it had not been ; or to be re-established in all those places if it had been taken away : and that edict of , granted by henry the third , declares , that the exercise of the protestant religion should be continued in all places where it had been in the month of september that same year ; and moreover , that there should be a place in each bailywick , or other corporation of the like nature , where the exercise of that religion should be established , tho it had never been there before . these are those places which since have been called , with reference to the exercise of religion , the first places of the bailywick . it follows then from this tenth article of the edict of nantes , that besides the cities and towns in which the exercise of that religion ought to be continued , because they had it in the years , and , it ought to be over and above in all those places where it had been in the month of september in the year , and in a convenient place of each bailywick , &c. altho it had not been there in that month. the eleventh article grants also this exercise in each bailywick , in a second place where it had not been either in the month of september , , or in the years , or . this is that which is called the second place of the bailywick , in distinction to that other place of the same nature , which is granted by virtue of the edict of . when henry the fourth sent commissaries into the several provinces to see his edict put in execution , there was scarce found any considerable city or town where the commissaries did not acknowledge that the exercise of the protestant religion had no need to be confirm'd , or re-established , because it had been used there in some one of the three years above-mentioned : in so much , that there were whole provinces which had no need of those two places , granted out o● pure favour , i mean , the two places of each bailywick ; all the cities , and all the towns of those provinces claiming that exercise by a better title . this is it which made the bishop of rodes , ( monsieur perifix ) afterwards archbishop of paris , in his history of the life of henry the fourth , to say , that that prince by his edict of nantes granted to the protestants liberty of preaching almost every where . but he granted them farther , the means and full power of breeding up , and teaching their children . read , as to that , the thirty seventh particular article . it declares , that they shall have publick schools and colleges in those cities and places where they ought to have the publick exercise of their religion . the edict having secured , as you see , the exercise of the protestant religion , secures also the condition of them who should profess it , to the end that they might , without any molestation , each one according to his quality , follow those trades , employments and offices which are the ordinary means of mens livelyhood . indeed , the thing of it self speaks this . for it is plain that they do not grant in good earnest the free exercise of a religion , who debar the persons that profess it the use of means necessary for their subsistence . nevertheless for their greater security , henry the fourth hath declared to all europe by his edict , that he would not that there should be any difference , as to that point , between his protestant and his papist subjects . the thirty seventh general article , as to that is express . this it is : we declare all them who do or shall make profession of the pretended reformed religion , capable of holding and exercising all conditions , offices , honours , and publick charges whatsoever , royalties , seigneuries , or any charge in the cities of our kingdom , countries , territories , or seigneuries under our authority . the fifty fourth article declares , that they shall be admitted officers in the courts of parliaments , great council , chamber of accounts , court of aids , and the offices of the general treasurers of france ; and amongst the other officers of the revenues of the crown . the seventy fourth article puts them in the same state with their fellow subjects , as to all publick exactions , willing that they should be charged no higher than others . those of the said religion pretendedly reformed ( saith the article ) may not hereafter be overcharged or oppressed with any imposition ordinary or extraordinary , more than the catholicks : and to the end that justice might be done and administred impartially , as the edict explains it self , the th . st to the th articles set up chambers of the edict in the parliaments of paris and roan , where the protestant counsellors ought to assist as judges : and chambers miparties in the parliaments of guienne , languedoc and dauphine , consisting each of two presidents , the one protestant , the other papist , and of twelve counsellors , an equal number of each religion , to judge without appeal , ( exclusive to all other courts ) all differences of any importance which the protestants might have with their fellow subjects as well in criminal , as in civil matters . in short , this great edict forgets nothing which might make the protestants of france to live in peace , and honor : it hath not fail'd even to explain it self , as to the vexations which might be created them , by taking away or seducing their children . for , read the eighteenth general article . it forbids all papists of what quality or condition soever they may be , to take them away by force , or by perswasion against the will of their parents : as if it had foreseen that this would be one of the ways which their persecutors would use , to vex and ruine them . but the th . article goes farther yet : that wills , that even after their death , fathers shall be masters of the education of their children , and consequently of their religion ; so long as their children shall continue under guardians , which is by the laws of france till the th year of their age : it shall be lawful for fathers , who profess the said religion , to provide for them such persons for their education , as they think fit , and to substitute one or more , by will , codicil , or other declaration made before publick notaries , or written and sign'd with their own hand . you perceive then plainly , continued our friend , that by this edict king henry the fourth made the condition of the protestants equal almost in all things to that of his other subjects . they had reason then to hope that they should be allowed to exercise their religion , to breed up and instruct their children in it , without any disturbance ; and that they should have as free admission to all arts , trades , offices and employments as any of their fellow subjects . this is very clear , said i , and i am much obliged to you for explaining to me what this famous edict of nantes is , which i had heard so much discourse of . but they who have no affection for the protestants tell us , that it is a law which was extorted by violence ; and consequently , is not to be kept . i will not stand now ( said our friend ) to examine whether that consequence be good ; you cannot but perceive that it is dangerous . but i dare assure you that the principle from whence it is drawn ; namely , that the edict was extorted by violence is very false . i would not have you take my word for it . but i will produce an unexceptionable witness . it is the archbishop of paris ; he who writ the life of honry the fourth . that one witness is worth a thousand ; for he was a declared enemy of the protestants . according to him : the general peace was made , the ligue extinguish'd ; and all persons in france had laid down their arms , when this edict was granted in favour of them . it is ridiculous now , to say , that it was extorted by violence , there being then no party in all the kingdom in a condition to make the least attempt with impunity . moreover , that prelate could not forbear owning expresly what it was mov'd the king to grant them that edict : it was the sense of the great obligations he had to them . see the book it self ; read the passage . the great obligations which he had to them would not permit him to drive them into despair ; and therefore to preserve them a just ballance , he granted them an edict larger than any before . they called it the edict of nantes , &c. indeed the obligations he had to them were not small . they had testified an inviolable loyalty to him in all his troubles . they had spent freely their lives and fortunes to defend his rights , and his life against the princes of lorrain , who made so many attempts to keep him from the throne of his ancestors , and to usurp his place . had it not been for their valour , and their loyalty , the crown had gone into the hands of strangers ; and ( since we must speak out ) had it not been for them , the blood of the bourbons would not this day have been possessed of the throne . the edict of nantes then , was the effect and the recompence of the great obligations which king henry the fourth had to his loyal protestants , and not as is slanderously reported , the fruit of any violence , gained by force , and granted against the hair . but farther , the law of nature and common policy might challenge such an edict for them as well as gratitude . it is true , that soveraign magistrates are appointed by god to preserve the publick peace , and by consequence , to cut off , or prevent , as much as in them lies , whatever may disturb it : it is true also that new establishments in matters of religion may cause great troubles in a state , and that there are religions which have maxims so pernicious , that when magistrates are of a different opinion , or but so much as tolerate such a one , their lives and their kingdoms are never in safety . but henry the fourth found the protestant religion wholly establish'd in the kingdom when he came to the crown : besides , he who had so long profess'd it , knew perfectly well that it had none of those dreadful maxims , which makes princes and states jealous ; that on the contrary , in it , loyalty and obedience of subjects to soveraigns of what religion , and what humor soever , was to them an article of faith , and an obligation of conscience . he knew that protestants , by their religion were peaceable men , who sought but to serve god according to his word , and were always ready to spend the last drop of their blood for the service and the honor of their king. but he knew also that the zeal of the romish clergy always animated the popish common people against them , and that they would be sure to fall upon them , unless he took them into his protection . the law of nature then did not permit him to abandon to the rage of the multitude so many innocent persons ; and common policy warned him to preserve so many faithful subjects for the state , so capable of supporting it on occasion , as he had so freshly experienc'd . it being certain , that had it not been for them , the pope and the ligue had ruin'd the whole kingdom ; but it was not possible , either to defend them from the fury of the people , or to preserve them for the service of the state , if he had granted in favour of them any thing less than the edict of nantes : so that this edict in truth was to be ascribed to common equity and prudence no less than gratitude . but , said i to my friend , do you believe that the grandson of henry the fourth is bound to make good what his grandfather did ? i do not doubt it at all ( answered he ) otherwise there would be nothing secure or certain in civil society ; and wo be to all governments if there be no foundation of publick trust. . for if ever law deserv'd to be regarded by the successors of a prince , it is this . it was establish'd by a hero , who had recovered the crown for his posterity , by his sword : and this establishment was not made but after mature and long deliberations , in the calm of a prosound peace , obtained and cemented by many and signal victories . that hero hath declar'd expresly in the preface of the edict , that he establish'd it in the nature of an irrevocable and perpetual law ; willing , that it should be firm and inviolable ; as he also saith himself in the th . article . accordingly he made all the formalities to be observed in its establishment , which are necessary for the passing of a fundamental law in a state. for he made the observation of it under the quality of an irrevocable law , to be sworn to by all the governors and lieutenant-generals of his provinces , by the bailiffs , mayors , and other ordinary judges , and principal inhabitants of the cities , of each religion , by the majors , sheriffs , consuls and jurates , by the parliaments , chambers of accounts , court of aids , with order to have it publish'd and registred in all the said courts . this is expresly set down in the d . and d . articles . was there ever any thing more authentick ? . the same reasons which caused the establishment , remain still , and plead for its continuance . . the family of bourbon preserved in the throne . . the law of nature and common policy . . the two successors of henry the fourth look'd not upon themselves as unconcern'd in this edict . their word , and their royal authority are engaged for its observation no less than the word and royal authority of its illustrious author . lewis the thirteenth confirm'd it as soon as he came to the crown by his declaration of the d . of may , , ordering , that the edict of nantes should be observed in every point and article . these are the very words . read them ( said he ) shewing me a book in folio , called , the great conference of the royal ordinances and edicts . i read there in the first book , title , of the second part of the volume , not only the article he mention'd , but also the citation of nine several declarations publish'd at several times by the same king , on the same subject . lewis the fourteenth , who now reigns , ( says our friend ) hath likewise assured all europe by his authentick edicts and declarations , that he would maintain the edict of nantes according to the desire of his grandfather , who had made it an irrevocable law. he himself acknowledges and confirms it himself anew ; by his edict of iune , , where he forbids papists to change their religion . there it is ; pray take the pains to read it . lewis by the grace of god , king of france and navarre , to all persons to whom these presents come , greeting . the late henry the fourth ; our grandfather , of glorious memory , granted by his edict given at nantes in the month of april , , to all his subjects of the religion pretended reformed , who then lived in his kingdom , or who afterwards should come and settle in it , liberty of professing their religion , and at the same time provided whatsoever he judged necessary for affording those of the said religion pretended reformed means of living in our kingdom , in the exercise of their religion , without being molested in it by our catholick subjects : which the late king , our most honored lord and father , and we since have authorised and confirmed on other occasions , by divers declarations and acts. but this prince is not content to tell what he hath formerly done , in confirmation of the edict of nantes ; read some lines a little lower , and you will see that he repeats again his former ingagements . we declare , that confirming as much as is , or may be needful , the edict of nantes , and other declarations and acts given in pursuit of it , &c. that is to say : that by this new edict he signs once more the edict of nantes , and for a more authentick confirmation of that important law , he ratifies together with it , and seals with his royal seal all the declarations which had already confirmed it . if all this is not sufficient to render his word sacred and inviolable , there is nothing in the world can do it : all things are lawful , and it is to no purpose to talk of any obligation , or of any bond in humane society . they cannot make void , or break the clauses of an edict so well deserv'd by the protestants , so just and so wise in it self , so solemnly establish'd , so religiously sworn to , and so often , and so authentically confirm'd by three kings , without shaking all the foundations of publick security , without violating , in that act , the law of nations , and silling the world with fatal principles , which by ruining all mutual faith among men , render divisions in states incurable ; and consequently immortal . dear sir , said i , i am much pleased with what you have inform'd me . o how i shall dash them out of countenance , who hereafter shall compare the condition of our papists in england with that of the protestants in france . there is no sort of good usage but what is due to these in their own country ; of which they have deserved so well by preserving that family which now reigns there . what have they not a right to hope for under the protection of an edict so authentick ? but our papists in england have they ever deserved a like protection ? hath there ever been pass'd any act of parliament in favour of them , like to this edict ? on the contrary , have not there been pass'd against them ? and not one , but upon the provocation of some sedition , or open rebellion . you need but review the fundamental laws of the land now in force against the pope , against the jesuits , seminary priests , and in general against all the papists . there is decreed justly against them all the contrary that by the edict of nantes is promised to the protestants . you are much in the right ( said our friend ) when you use the word justly on this occasion : princes and protestant magistrates cannot look upon , nor by consequence , treat papists otherwise than as declared an● mortal enemies of th●ir persons , and of their states . they may disguise themselves as they please : 〈◊〉 in truth , every papist is a man who takes the pope to be the soveraign head of the universal church , and believes that on that very account , there is no prince , nor king , nor emperor who is not subject to his censures , even to excommunication . now who knows not that it is a general maxim of that religion , that they ought to treat all excommunicated persons , as common pests ? upon this all subjects are dispensed with from their oaths of allegiance to their princes , kingdoms are laid under interdicts ; and they are no way obliged to keep faith with hereticks . this is the original and damnable cause of the many conspiracies that have been made against the sacred lives of our kings : and if you will search our histories , you will find none of the forementioned acts ever passed but upon some previous provocation given by the papists insolence , or rebellions : of the massacres in france and ireland , wherein they of rome have so triumph'd , and of the general consternation into which so lately our nation was cast . they would fain perswade us , that these pernicious maxims are peculiar to the jesuits and some monks : but a little treatise , called , the disserence between the church and court of rome , proves undeniably , that it is the judgment of all true papists . i could produce other invincible authority , if this point were here to be proved . there cannot then be too great caution against such persons : whatever they pretend , they do not design simply the exercise of that belief which their conscience dictates to them , they grasp at the power , and aspire at dominion : they design , whatever it cost them , to have their church reign once more here in england ▪ there is nothing they dare not attempt , nothing they are not ready to act , that they may compass it . they are implacable enemies who wait but for an opportunity to cut our throats : and we must needs be very senseless and stupid , if after so many proofs as they have given us of their desperate malice , we should repeal those laws which tie up their hands . you are much in the right , i replyed , but let us leave them for the present , and return to our protestants of france . you have shewed me their rights , now let me understand their grievances . i am willing to do it , said he ; but it is a little late : and if you please , being somewhat weary with my journey , we will defer it till to morrow . i will expect you here in my chamber at the same hour you came to day . i told him with all my heart . and as our conversation ended there , i think it not amiss to end my letter also , intending in another to let you know the present condition of those poor people . i am your , &c , letter ii. i did not fail to wait on my friend at the appointed hour . sit down ( said he ) as soon as he saw me in the chamber , and let us lose no time in needless ceremony : i was just putting my papers in order , by which i would desire you to judge of the protestants complaints , and the reasons that have made them leave their country : but since you are here , take them as they come to hand . the first is a verbal process of the extraordinary assembly of the archbishops and bishops held in the province of the arch-bishop of paris , in the months of march and may , this . it is a piece which justifies a truth , that the world will hardly believe : namely , that whereas the protestants by virtue of the edict had the exercise of their religion almost every where , they have it now scarce any where . see the proof in the tenth page of that verbal process , where one of the agents , general of the clergy of france , alledgeth as so many publick testimonies of the piety of their king , an almost infinite number of churches demolish'd , and the exercise of the religion pretended reformed suppress'd . i leave you to imagine what a consternation such a terrible blow must have put those poor people into ; not to mention their grief to see those holy places beaten down , whose very stones they took pleasure in ; instead of having the heavenly mannah shower down at the doors of their tabernacles , at this present they are forc'd to go or miles through the worst of ways , in the winter , to hear the word of god , and to have their children baptized . but let us go on to a second piece . here is a declaration hath lain heavy upon them , in reference to an infinite number of living temples , who are ●ar otherwise to be lamented for , by reason of the rigor they are us'd with , than the temples of stone that are demolish'd . it is of the thirteenth of march , . pray read it . it forbids all popish clergy-men , whatever desire they have , to turn protestants ; and even all those protestants , who have forsaken their religion out of lightness , or infirmity ; to return to it again , upon better knowledge of the truth , press'd to it by their consciences , and desiring to give glory to god. this dreadful edict , will not suffer , that any of them shall satisfie their consciences , in so important an affair , under any less penalty , than that of the amende honorable , perpetual banishment , and consiscation of their goods . i beseech you ( said i ) what doth the declaration intend , by making amende honorable ? you have reason to ask , replyed he , it is that you ought not to be ignorant of . know then , that for them to make amende honorable is to go into some publick place , in their shirt , a torch in their hand , a rope about their neck , followed by the hangman , in this equipage ( which is that of the most infamous criminals ) to ask pardon of god , the king , and justice for what they have done : that is to say , on this occasion , for having dar'd to rep●nt of sinning against god , for having forsaken a religion which they believ'd heretical and idolatrous , and consequently , the infallible way to eternal damnation ; and for being willing thence-forward to profess the protestant religion , in which only they are perswaded they can be saved . this is , dear friend , what they in●lict upon all popish ecclesiasticks to whom god vouchsafes grace to discern the true religion , and upon all protestants , who having been such wretches as to forsake it , are a●terwards so happy as to be convinc'd of their sin ; and to repent . they call the first apostates , and the other relaps . but names do not change the nature of things : the misery is , that all this is executed with the utmost rigor . the prisons of poictiers , and those of other places are at this present filled with this sort of pretended relapsed persons ; and it is not permitted to any one to relieve them . what possibility is there then for such as are in like circumstances , and whose number every day increases , to continue in france ? but the mischief is much increas'd since this declaration . what was particular to ecclesiasticks and relapse protestants , is now become universal to all roman catholicks . i shewed you the piece yesterday . it is that very edict of iune , , wherein they pretend to confirm the edict of nantes . a blessed confirmation ! the edict of nantes , as i have shewed you , allows the liberty of conscience to all them who were then protestants , and to all such as would be afterwards , inhabitants , or others . but ▪ what doth this new edict declare ! our will and pleasure is , that our subjects , of what quality , condition , age or sex soever , now making profession of the catholick apostolick roman religion , may never forsake it , to go over to the pretended reformed religion , for what cause , reason , pretence or consideration soever . we will that they who shall act contrary to this our pleasure , shall be condemned to make amende honorable , to perpetual banishment out of our kingdom , and all their goods to be confiscated . we forbid all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , hereafter to receive any catholick to make profession of the pretended reformed religion , and we forbid them and the elders of ●heir consistories to su●fer in their churches or assemblies any such , under penalty to the ministers of being deprived for ever of exercising any function of their ministry in our kingdom , and of suppression for ever of the exercise of the said religion in that place where any one catholick shall be received to make profession of the said pretended reformed religion . lord ! what a horrible proceeding is this ! ( cryed i , as soon as my friend had read it ) do they call this confirming of edicts in france ? what a violence is this to the consciences of ministers and elders , to command them to shut the doors of the church of jesus christ to all their neighbours who come thither for admission : ( and to have this done ) by them who are called by god to open the door to all the world ? is not this to force them to violate the most essential and sacred duty of christian charity ? in truth , if there were nothing else but this ; i do not see how they can stay there much longer with a safe conscience . they must swallow worse potions than these ( said my friend ) you shall see presently quite other preparations . what ( replyed i ) have they the heart to use thus cruelly those poor churches within whose walls any roman catholick changes his religion ? don't doubt it ( said he ) they make no conscience at all to exceed their commission , whensoever they are enjoyn'd to execute any penalty . i will give you an example , which will amaze you there is a great town in poitou called la motthe , where the protestants have a church consisting of between three and four thousand communicants : a young maid of about seventeen years old , who from a protestant had turned papist , had stole her self into the congregation upon a communion-day ▪ now you must observe , that the protestant churches are full on those days . for they would believe themselves very much to blame , if they lost any opportunity of partaking at the lord's supper . nevertheless , without considering how easie it was for that young maid not to be discovered by the consistory in such a crowd , and tho those poor people were not at all within the letter of that rigorous edict , they have made them undergo all the penalty . the exercise of their religion is wholly suppress'd there , and their minister not allowed to preach in france . this is very cruel ( said i to our friend ) and tho it were true that those ministers and those elders were guilty upon such an account , why should the whole flock be punished ? those poor sheep what have they done ? that is very usual for those gentlemen ( answered he : ) i have a hundred stories to instance in . i cannot forbear telling you one , which many of their own devotees were scandalized at . s. hippolyte is a place in where all the inhabitants are protestants , except the curate , and it may be , two or three poor wretches , who are not natives of the place neither . a fancy took the curate to put a trick upon the protestants ; for this he chose a sunday ; and the very moment that they came out of the church , he came and presented himself before them with his sacrament , as they were almost all come out . you must know that the church is on the farther side of a bridge , which must be pass'd over , going and coming . several of them were upon the bridge , others had pass'd it , and part were yet on the other side ; when the curate appear'd , all of them , who could possibly , got away and hid themselves : but neither the place , nor the great haste of the curate would permit all of them to do so . he went up directly to one of the company , whom he had born an ill will to for some time : he bids him kneel : and the other answering that his conscience would not suffer him to do it ; he gave him a cuff on the ear. he that was struck grumbled ; and so did two or three who were about him . the curate went on his way , threatning hard . next day there were informations made on both sides : the curate in his , not complaining of any person but him he had struck , and two or three others who had grumbled at it . the friends of the curate perceiving that he had done the wrong , propos'd an accommodation . it was by misfortune consented to . prosecution ceased on each side , and it was believed that there was an end of that business : there was not a word spoken of it in above a year . but the intendant of languedoc revived it last winter , when they thought of nothing less ; and of a matter particular to two or three , made it a general concern of the whole congregation . he cites them before the presidial of nismes , to whom he joyn'd himself . he condemns them to demolish their church in a months time . those poor people go and cast themselves at the feet of the court ; but to no purpose . the king's council hears and confirms this strange order of the intendant , and the church is rac'd to the ground . the council which gave this sentence was the first in which the dauphine was present . the report of such an order being spred among the courtiers , and all being amaz'd that heard it , a certain person took the liberty to tell the dauphin , that for the first time he had been at the council , he had assisted to a great injustice . what say you to that ? said a duke and peer , to the dauphin , who had made no reply to the former . i say , answered the dauphin , that he may be much in the right . i told our friend , i had enough of this . you must not be weary , said he , this is but the beginning of sorrows . let 's go on to the rest . here is , said he , a little book which comes just now to my hand , in it are stitch'd up together , three acts concerning schools . the first is of the ninth of november , . it forbids all protestant schoolmasters to teach any thing in their schools , but to read and write , and arithmetick . the second , which is of the th . of december , , ordains , that the protestants shall have but one only school in any place where they have the publick exercise of their religion ; and but one master in that school . the third is of the ninth of iuly , this present . look upon them ( said he ) and give me your opinion . it seems ( said i ) that the first contains nothing which the protestants may complain of , at least , if that which i read there be true , namely , that by the edict of nantes it is expresly ordain'd , that in the schools of those of the pretended reformed religion , there shall not any thing be taught , but to read , write , and cast account . for according to this , the edict of is entirely conformable to that other edict which is the law. you are in the right , said i , but they who fram'd the act , have deceived you , and have made no scruple to ground it upon a matter of fact entirely false . for the article which speaks of schools , doth not mention the least word of that restriction , which the act assures us to be there expressed , namely , of teaching only to read , write , and cast account . see the article length : it is the th particular . those of the said religion may not keep publick schools , unless in cities and places where the publick exercise of their religion is allowed , and the provisions which have heretofore been granted them for the erection or maintenance of colleges , shall be authenticated where occasion shall require , and have their full and entire effect . where is that express order ? it is expresly ordered to teach only to read , write , and cast account ; upon which the act is grounded . is it possible ( said i ) that they should have no sense of the horrid shame which must arise upon conviction of forgery in a matter of fact of this nature ? they never stick at so small a matter as that ( said he ) in the design they have of rooting out the protestants . those who are in france dare not open their mouths to discover such kind of falsities ; and strangers , whom they carry ●air with , will not so far concern themselves as ever to suspect there should be falshood in a matter of fact so easie to be made out ; and which they make to be so positively af●irm'd by so great a king. so that they do not fear at all the shame you speak of . after all , they are but pious frauds , at which , they of the popes communion never blush . and what say you ( continued be ) to that other act which reduces all schools to one , in each city and town where the protestants have the publick exercise of their religion , and that which requires that there should be only one master in that school . i replyed that it was an excellent way to restore ignorance , the mother of the roman faith and devotion . in truth , says he , the care of one master cannot go far . besides there is a protestant church which alone hath two thousand children of age to be taught . those poor people have done all they could to obtain of the council , that at least there might be two schools in each place , one for boys , and the other for girls . but it was to little purpose that they pleaded good manners for it , which such a mixture of both sexes visibly was offensive to . they were deaf to all their prayers and to all their remonstrances . but this is not all yet . in the execution of this rigorous act , they have taken away ●rom them that little which was left them . for the judges of the places will not suffer that any schoolmaster teach , unless they have first of all approved of him , and receiv'd him in all their forms . as therefore their approbation is a matter full of invincible di●●iculties ; above all , when they are to give it to a man of merit , and who may do good , it is come to pass by means of these two acts , that all the little schools of the protestants are shut up . from the little schools they have proceeded to colleges . you see by the act of the last of iuly , which suppresses for ever that of sedan . they have taken away also the college of châtillon sur loin . so that , hereafter the protestants in france are to lie under worse than egyptian darkness . i leave you now to judge whether they are to blame to seek for light in some goshen . in truth , said i , this is very hard . but if they who inspire into the king such strange acts , have no respect for henry the great and his edicts , at least they ought to be more tender of the glory of their own illustrious prince , and not to expose him , as they do , to be ranked with that emperor against whom the holy fathers have cryed so loudly . is it possible they can be ignorant that this method o● extinguishing the protestant religion is exactly the same that iulian took to extinguish the christian religion ? i do not think ( said our friend ) that they can be ignorant of a truth so well known ; especially since one of their eminent writers hath publish'd the history of the life of s. basil the great , and of s. gregory nazianzen . there they might have read in more than one place , that it was likewise one of the secrets of that emperor , to ruine the christians by keeping them from all improvement in learning , and to prohibit their colleges and schools ; and which the father 's judg'd to be most subtle policy . but their zeal transports them above the most odious comparisons . they stick not to give occasion for them every moment . i will shew you an example which will astonish you , i have here light upon the paper . they are now come to take the measures of that barbarous and inhumane king who us'd midwives of his own religion to destroy the race of the people of god in egypt . for by that declaration of the th of february , , it is ordered , that the wives of protestants shall not be brought to bed but by midwives or chyrurgeons who are papists . this they make to be observ'd with the utmost rigor , so far that they put a poor woman in prison for being present at the labour of her sister , whose delivery was so quick and fortunate , that there was neither time nor need to call a midwife . that , you may in few words understand of what consequence this is to our poor brethren , i need but acquaint you , that the king of france in his edict of the month of iune , , where he forbids papists to change their religion , acknowledges himself , what experience doth but too plainly justifie , namely , that the roman catholicks have always had an aversion , not only against the protestant religion , but against all those that profess it , and an aversion which hath been improv'd by the publication of edicts , declarations and acts. that is to say , that whatever pretence the roman catholicks make to the contrary , they have always been , and still are enemies of the protestants ; and that the protestants ought to look to be treated by the catholicks as enemies . after this what can they judge of the design , and consequences of a declaration , which puts the lives of their wives and children into those very hands which the king , who makes the declaration , acknowledges to be hands of enemies ? but farther , the declaration it self discovers , that one of its intentions was , to make the children of protestants to be baptized by midwives , or by popish chyrurgions . and what mischief do they not open a way for by that ? the protestants will hold that baptism void , which hath been administred by such hands , they will not fail to make it be administred anew , by their pastors . this shall pass for a capital crime in the pastors and fathers , and they shall be punished as sacrilegious persons who trample on the religion in authority , the religion of the king : for the most odious representations are still made use of . nay , said i , by this they will likewise claim a right , from the baptism's being administred by papists , to make themselves masters of the education of their children . you are in the right ( said he ) and that article ought not to be forgotten . it is just , will they say , that they should be brought up in the church which hath consecrated them to god , by baptism , at least , that they should be bred up there , till they are of age to chuse for themselves : and when they are of age , they will say then , that it is just they should , as well as others , be liable to the same edict which forbids catholicks to change their religion . is not this enough already to make one forsake such a kingdom ? a christian for less than this would surely flie to the utmost parts of the world. but to proceed , here is that terrible decree which fills up the measure , as to what concerns the poor children . it comes to my hand very seasonably . it is the declaration of the th . of iune last . this ordains that all the children of protestants shall be admitted to abjure the religion of their fathers , and become papists as soon as they shall be seven years old : it declares , that after such an abjuration , it shall be at the choice of the children , either to return home to their fathers , and there to be maintain'd , or to oblige their fathers and mothers to pay for their board , and maintenance , where ever they please to live . it adds extreme penalties to be laid on them , who breed up their children in foreign parts , before they are sixteen years old . but i pray read over the whole edict . upon that i took the de●●aration from our friends hand , read it , and returning it to him again , could not forbear declaring , that i did not now wonder any more that the protestants of france were in so great a consternation . they are much in the right ( said i ) discretion and conscience oblige them to depart out of a country , in which there is no security for the salvation of their dear children . they are of too great a value to be so hazarded . what is more easie , for them who have all the power , than to induce such young children to change their religion ? there is no need for this , to shew them all the kingdoms of the world and their glory . a baby , a picture , a little cake will do the business ; or if there want somewhat more , a rod will not fail to complete this worthy conver●ion . in the mean while , what a condition are their wretched fathers in , besides the most inexpressible grief of seeing what is most dear to them in the world seduc'd out of the service and house of god ; they shall likewise have this addition of anguish of having their own children for their persecutors . for , knowing , as i do , the spirit of that religion , i doubt not but they will all prove rebellious and unnatural , and renounce all that love and natural respect which is due to them , whom they owe their lives to . they 'll give law to their parents , they will oblige them to make them great allowances , which they will dispose of as they list ; and if their fathers pay them not precisely at the time appointed , i am sure , no rigors shall be forgotten in the prosecution . no certainly , said our friend , and i could give you an hundred instances , if there were need . even before this merciless declaration was made , the goods of parents were seis'd upon , exposed to sale , to pay for the maintenance of their children , who had been inveigled from them , and been made papists . if they dealt with them so then before the declaration , what will they not do when they see themselves supported and armed with royal authority ? but there is no need i should insist farther on the dreadful consequences of this declaration . it hath been lately printed in our language , and notes made upon it , wherein nothing hath been forgotten . the book is written impartially : tho i can scarce believe what is express'd in the title page , that it was written in french ; however , some gallicisms are put in to make you believe it : but the protestants of that nation are not us'd to such bold expr●ssions upon such kind of subjects : and i doubt much whether they could do it . if they have reason to fear for the birth , and for the tender years of their children , they have no less for themselves . here is a proof of it . it is the declaration of the th . of november , : by which it is ordained , that whenever they are sick , they shall suffer themselves to be visited by the papist magistrates . thus , having made their lives burdensome to them , they take a thousand ways to torment them in their beds , as soon as any disease hath seised them . it is not henceforth permitted to them either to be sick , or die in peace . under colour of this declaration they are persecuted , and all means are tryed to shake their faith , under the pretence of being ask'd what religion they will die in . first a judge presents himself with the awe of his presence , accompanied by one of the king's sollicitors and two papist witnesses . they begin their work by driving all protestants , who are with the sick man , out of his chamber : father , mother , wife , husband , children , none are excepted . after that , they do with the sick person as they list : they draw up a verbal process , or such as they like . lies with them are but pious frauds . whatsoever the sick man answers , he hath still abjur'd , if these gentlemen please to make a conversion of it ; and there is no possibility of disproving it . the verbal process is drawn up in good form. if the sick man recovers , and refuses to go to mass , immediately he is subject to all the penalties of a relapse . if he dies and chances to be the father of a family , they take away all his children , to breed them up in the popish religion ; and his estate , to preserve it , as they pretend , for the children of a catholick father . can any one who hath any care of his own salvation , or any affection for his children , live expos'd to such dreadful inconveniences , if god offers any means to avoid them ? i am afraid i tire you with the recital of so many calamities . fear not that , answered i , i am resolv'd to know all . you do not consider what you say , replyed he , i should need whole weeks to tell you all . imagine all the suprises , all the indirect practices , all the base tricks of insinuation , and little quirks of law are put in ure : together with all manner of violence , to accomplish the work. neither do those enemies of the protestants always neglect the oracles of the scripture . it says , i will smite the shepherd , and the sheep of the flock shall be scattered . these gentlemen then , that they may the more easily scatter the sheep , smite , every where , the shepherd , and constrain them to fly . they imprison one , for having by the word of god confirm'd some of his flock , whom the popish doctors would pervert : another , for being converted to the protestant religion in his youth , long before any law was made against pretended apostates . they hire forlorn wretches to go to the sermons of the protestant ministers , and to depose before a magistrate , that the ministers said , that the church of rome was idolatrous , or that the faithful are persecuted , that they spake ill of the virgin mary , or of the king. upon this , without being heard , ( and tho it be offered to be made out by the deposition of an infinity almost of persons of credit , that the testimonies of these two or three wretches are absolutely false ) orders are issued out for the seising the bodies of the ministers . they are clap'd in jayl as soon as taken : they are condemn'd to pay excessive fines : they force them to make the amende honorable , they banish them the kingdom . the intendant of rochefort suppress'd one there , upon the most extravagant deposition that was ever taken . the deponent having , been at the sermon of that minister , said , that there was nothing to be found fault with in his words , but that he perceiv'd his thoughts were not innocent . if there are any amongst them so happy as to consound so the false witnesses , that the judges are asham'd to use all those rigors ; none of the charges of imprisonment , or of the suit are ever recovered against any one . a minister who may have sixty or seventy pounds a year , and seven or eight in family to maintain , must be condemn'd with all his innocence to pay all these great costs . i could , upon this head , tell you a hundred stories , but that it would be too tedious . i have met both at paris and in other provinces many of these persecuted ministers , who acquainted me with their adventures , germany , holland and switzerland are full of them , and i am told , there are some of them here in england . their absence from their flocks is but too good a proof how hot the persecution is against them . and so let 's go on . you may remember that the edict of nantes judg'd it necessary for the preservation of the estates , and credit of the protestants , and for the safety of their lives , to erect tribunals where supreme justice might be administred by judges of the one , and of the other religion . but all these tribunals are suppress'd : namely , the chambers of the edict of paris , and of rouen . it is some years since the chambres miparties were suppress'd by the delaration of iuly , : so that here is their fortunes , their credit , their lives , all at the mercy of their sworn enemies . for you have not forgot that the king of france acknowledges , in one of his declarations , that the papists have always hated the persons of the protestants . judge then if it be safe for them to stay longer in such a kingdom . but there is no method proper to ruine them , which is not made use of , that if one fails , another may be sure to take . synods and conferences are absolutely necessary , for the admission of their ministers , for the correction of scandals , for the preservation of peace in their congregations , for the subsistence of their colleges , and for the support and exercise of their discipline . at first they kept them with all sort of liberty . under lewis the thirteenth , they thought fit to forbid them to hold any synod , unless some protestant commissary , who was to be named by the court , were present . this was observed till the year , when a declaration was publish'd , requiring that there should be a papist commissary in their synods . that is to say , sir , said i , interrupting our friend , they will pry into their hearts , and perfectly know where their strength or their weakness lies . if there were nothing but that in it , replyed our friend , that declaration would not allarm them so much as it doth . for there is nothing done in their assemblies , which they are not willing all the world should know . they defie their most mortal enemies to prove the contrary . can there be a more undeniable proof of this , than the practice of the protestant commissary , who sends to the court a copy well attested of all the results of the deliberations which are made , while the synod or conference is held ? what do they fear then , replyed i , from the presence of a papist commissary ? because they know that the end of the court cannot be to discover their secrets , since they have none ; therefore it is that they justly fear , that this papist commissary hath been set over them , to create them trouble in the most innocent affairs , to hinder those deliberations which are most necessary for the due preservation of their flocks , to silence those ministers among them whom he shall perceive to be of greatest ability , and of credit , to dishearten one by threatnings , to corrupt another by promises , to sow dissention and division among them , and to employ all means possibly to ruine them . these are the just fears which have hindred them till this present , from assembling any synods with this so destructive a condition , hoping continually that , it may be , god would touch the heart of their king. but perceiving no favourable change , and not being able to subsist without holding their synods , i learn'd , as i came out of france , that these poor people are resolv'd to run these hazards , and that their synods are upon assembling in several places . may god vouchsafe to preside in the midst of them by his grace , and remove far from them all the evils ●hey have cause to fear . it may be , by their good examples , and their religious behaviour they may convert them , who are set over them for a snare , as it happened to their fathers in the last age also . then was contrived the placing of papist commissaries , to spie out their liberty . but these commissaries were so taken with the modesty , the piety , the charity , the decency of order , and the devout prayers of the first reformers , that they gave glory to god , and embrac'd the religion which they had persecuted , the jesuites nevertheless have thought all these evils of which i have spoken , too slack and gentle . that they may not be at any more trouble , they will do the business once for all . they have contrived to starve all the protestants : and to effect this , they have made all the means of gaining a livelyhood , to be taken from them , by the acts of the council of state , of the sixth of november , , and the th . of iune , . . they have turn'd out of all jurisdictions and seignuries ( which are almost infinite in france ) all protestants who had been admitted officers in those jurisdictions . all stewards , bailifss , sollicitors , officers of the exchequer , registers , notaries , clerks , serjeants and ushers that were protestants , of all sorts , throughout the whole kingdom , are cashiered by virtue of these acts ; they have reduc'd to beggary thousands of families , which had no other subsistence , but by these employments . . look upon those two pieces , which they procured also , for the same intent . the title of the one is , the order of the council royal of the finances ( or treasury ) of the th . of june , . the other is , an order of the council of state of the th . of august of the same year . by the means of these two pieces , the jesuites have made the protestants to be kept out of all the affairs of the finances , customs , which they call traites forains , of aids , gabelles , taxes of all sorts of commissions , to which the edict of nantes ordered , that they should be admitted indifferently with the papists . this second hath taken away the bread of a vast number of families more . . they every day make the protestant captains and officers ( who have serv'd so worthily by land and sea ) to be turn'd out of their commands . those brave men after they have spent their estates to advance their masters honor , and ventured their lives a thousand times for his glory ; see themselves shamefully , as so many cowards , cashiered , without any exception for them who having signaliz'd and distinguish'd themselves by particular actions , had deserv'd extraordinary pensions . because they will not be less faithful to god , than they have been to their king : they are resolved disgrace and beggary shall be the reward of their service . by this , they take away from all the protestant nobility the means of maintaining themselves in that rank in which god by their birth hath placed them . . as to the merchants , look what the jesuits have thought upon to ruine them . they have obtain'd an order of council of state , of the th . of november , , which grants to all protestants who change their religion , the term and forbearance of three years for the payment of the principal of their debts , with prohibition to all their creditors to bring any action against them , during that time , upon pain of non-suit , noli prosequi , and all charges , damages , costs and interests . i perceive very well , ( said i to our friend ) that this puts those who revolt in a way to secure and withdraw their goods ; and to enjoy in peace the fruits of their turning bankrupts . but i do not see how this tends to the ruine of those merchants in general , who persevere in the protestant religion . that is ( said he , smiling ) because you have not so subtle a wit , nor are so quick-sighted as the jesuits . you know very well that merchants subsist by their credit : if their credit be low , they must fall ; there is no more trading for them , their business is done . now do you not perceive , that the credit of all protestant merchants is ruined by this order , which puts them in a way of turning bankrupts as they please , with all indemnity ; and of inriching themselves with those goods they have been trusted with ? who do you think after this will be so silly as to take their word ? who can tell , with any certainty , whether they with whom they deal , are persons who will continue in the protestant religion ? is there any thing more common than such changes in religion now adays ? it 's enough ( said i ) i was mistaken , i perceive now very well that the ruine of the protestant merchants is unavoidable . go on to the other professions . for i see they are resolved that no protestant shall get bread among them . you are in the right ( said he ) you have seen it in many of them , i 'll shew it you now in the rest . . all papists who drive any trade , or exercise any art , are forbid ●o take any protestant apprentice . i have seen the order , but have it not now by me . by this you see that all young men of the protestant religion ( who have not means of their own ) are reduced to this extremity , either of starving in france , or turning papists , or forsaking that kingdom . for the same order forbids any protestant who drives or professes any trade , to have under them any apprenti●e ▪ either papist or protestant , that so they may not be able to do work enough to maintain their families . . the grand master and grand prêvot have given notice , by virtue of letters under the signet , to all protestants who had privileges , whereby they had right to keep shops , as chyrurgions , apothecaries , watchmakers , and other tradesmen , to forbear using their privileges any longer , and to shut up their shops , which hath been punctually executed . . they have establish'd societies of physicians at rochelle , and in other places , where , as i am assured from good hands , there were none ever before . none but papists will be received into those societies . by this , the jesuits have found out the way , at one stroke to hinder the practice of all the protestant physicians ; however able and experienc'd they may be . in so much that the lives of all sick protestants are by this means put into the hands of their enemies . . in short , there is scarce now any place in all france where they may get their livelyhood . they are every where molested and hindered from exercising in quiet any trade or art which they have learn'd . to dispatch them quite ; they require of them not only that they shall continue to bear all the burdens of the government , altho they take from them the means of doing it : but also that they bear double to what they did ; that is to say , they use a rigor far greater , than what was practised upon the people of god , when they were commanded to deliver the same tale of bricks , and yet had not straw given them as formerly . in effect , at the same time that they will not allow them , of the protestant religion , to get a penny : they exact of them to pay the king double , nay , treble , to what they paid before . monsieur de marillac , intendant of poitou , hath an order of council which gives him alone the power of the imposition of the tax in that great province . he discharges the papists , who are at ease , and overcharges the poor protestants with their proportion , who before that fainted under their own proper burden ; and could bear no more . i will tell you farther on this occasion , that the jesuits have obtain'd an order of the king , by which all protestants who change religion , are exempted for two years , from all quartering of soldiers , and all contributions of moneys which are levied on that account , which also tends to the utter ruine of them who continue firm in the protestant religion . for they throw all the burden upon them , of which the others are eas'd . from thence in part it is , that all the houses of those poor people are filled with soldiers , who live there as in an enemy's country . i do not know if the zeal of the jesuits will rest here : for they want yet the satisfaction of keeping s. bartholomew's day , as they kept it in the former age. it is true , what is allowed them is not far from it . for which is the better of the two , to stab with one blow , or to make men die by little and little , of hunger and misery ? as to the blow ( said i to our friend ) i do not understand you . pray , if you please , explain your self , what do you mean by keeping s. bartholomew's day ? monsieur de perisix , that archbishop of paris , who hath writ the life of henry the fourth ( answered he ) shall tell you for me . there 's the book , the place may be easily found . here it is ● six days after , which wa● s. bartholomew 's day , all the huguenots who came to the ( wedding ) feast , had their throats cut , amongst others , the admiral , twenty persons of the best quality , twelve hundred gentlemen , about four thousand soldiers and citizens : afterwards through all the cities of the kingdom , after the example of paris , near a hundred thousand were massacred . an execrable action ! such as never was , and i hope to god never will be the like . you know then well , continued our friend , directing his speech to me , you know well now what it is to keep s. bartholomew's day , and i believe that what i said is no riddle to you . the jesuits and their friends set a great value on themselves in the world , because they forbear cutting the protestants throats , as they did then . but , merciless as you are , do you ere the less take away their lives ! you say you do not kill them , but do you not make them pine to death with hunger and vexation ? he who gives slow poison is he less a poisoner , than he who gives what is violent and quick , since both of them destroy the life at last ? pardon this short transport ( said our friend ) in good earnest i cannot restrain my indignation , when i see them use the utmost of cruelty , and yet would be looked on as patterns of all moderation and meekness . let me impart to you three letters which two of our friends who are yet in france have written to me since i came from paris . i received the two first at calis , before i got into the pacquet boat ; the last was delivered me last night after you went away from any chamber . you will there see with what gentleness they proceed in those countries . he thereupon read to me his letters , and i have since took copies of them , and send them here inclosed . a copy of the first letter . we are just upon the point of seeing that reformation which hath cost so much labour and pains , and so much blood , come to nothing in france . to know the condition of the protestants in the several provinces of this kingdom , you need but read what the first christians suffered under the reigns of the emperors nero , domitian , trajan , maximin , dioclesian and such like . there are four troops of horse in poitou who live at free quarter , upon all of the protestant religion without any exception . when they have pillaged the houses of them who will not go to mass , they tie them to their horse tails , and drag them thither by force . the intendant whom they have sent thither , who is their most bitter enemy , hath his witnesses ready suborned , who accuse whom they please , of what crimes they please , and after that cast the poor men into dark dungeons , beat them with cudgels , and then pass sentence of death to terrifie them ; and afterwards under-hand , send others to try them by fair means , to promise them that their mourning shall be turn'd into joy , if they will but go to mass. those whom god gives the grace to resist , die in the dungeon , through unspeakable anguish . three gentlemen of quality who went about to confirm some of the poor people in their village , that began to waver , were presently clapt up , flax put about their necks , then set on fire , and so they were scorch'd , till they said they would renounce their religion . there would be no end if i should relate all that is done . this you may be assured of , that the people of israel were never so oppress'd by the egyptians , as the protestants are by their own country-men . a copy of the second letter . to make good my promise of giving you an exact account of the continuance of the persecution which is rais'd against the protestants in france , i shall acquaint you that they of poitiers are threat'ned with being made a garrison this winter . i say they , the protestants : for none but they must quarter any of them . monsieur de marillac gives himself up wholly to the making of proselytes . the deputies of poitiers are now here to make complaint of the violences they still labour under . they offer , by a petition which they have presented , at the cost of their lives , if they are found guilty of any falshood , or if they do not make out what they say . they set forth , that by the orders of monsieur marillac , the protestant are dealt with as declared enemies ; that their goods and their houses are plundered ; their persons assaulted ; that the soldiers are employed as executioners of these outrages . that they are quartered upon the protestants only , that besides the excessive expence they put them to , they exact money of them with dreadful oaths and execrations . they knock them down , they drag women by the hair of the head , and ropes about their necks , they have put them to the torture with screws , by clapping their fingers into a vice , and so squeezing them by degrees , they have bound aged men , eighty years old , and beaten them , and have misused , before their eyes , their children , who came to comfort them : they hinder handicrafts men from working ; they take from labourers what they use for their livelyhood ; they set their goods openly to sale , and they clap their swords and pistols to their breasts , who are not frighted with their other usages : they drag them in sheets into their churches , they throw holy water in their faces , and then say they are catholicks , and shall be proceeded against as relapsed , if they live otherwise . it is not permitted to these miserable persons to complain ; those who would have attempted it have been seised on , and the prisons are full of them . they are detained there without any process being made against them , and even without so much as having their names entred in the iayl-books . if any gentleman speak to monsieur marillac , he answers them , that they should meddle with their own business , that otherwise he will lay them fast . this is a taste of what they are doing here . a copy of the third letter . being very busie , it shall suffice at this time to send you a copy of a letter ; which i just now received from saintes , concerning the protestants of this kingdom ; sir j. p. our common friend writ it me . he is now making his tour of france . i intreated treated him to inform himself as well as he could how they treated the poor people in those places he was to pass through , that he might give me a full account . this is the letter , dated the last of august , old style . i am now going out of aulnix , where i meet with nothing but objects of compassion . the intendant of rochefort , which is monsieur du muins , lays all waste there . it is the same person concerning whom at the segnelay's we were told so many pleasant stories last winter at s. germain . do not you remember that they talked much of a certain picard , who owed all his fortune to his wife , and whom the marquis de segnelay treats always as the worst of men ? that 's the man , he is born to do mischief as much as ever man was , and his employment hath increas'd bis insolence beyond measure . to this he hath added , to the protestants grief , all the barbarous zeal of ignorance . and if the king would let him do it , he would soon act over again the tragedy of s. bartholomew . about ten days since he went to a great town in aunix , called surgeres , accompanied with his provost , and about forty archers . he began his feats with a proclamation that all the huguenots should change their religion , and upon their refusal he quartered his troop upon those poor people : he made them to live there at discretion , as in an enemies country ; he made their goods to be thrown into the streets , and their beds under the horses feet . by his order the vessels of wine and brandy were staved , and their horse heels wash'd with it ; their corn was sold , or rather given away , for a fourth part of what it was worth , and the same was done to all the tradesmens goods : men , women and children were put to the torture , were dragged by force to the popish churches ; and so great cruelty was used towards them that the greatest part not being able longer to indure the extremity of the pain , renounced their religion . by the same means they forced them to give it under their hands , that they had abjured without constraint , and of their own free choice . the goods of those who found means to escape , are sentenced to be sold , and to be pillaged . proud of so noble an expedition , our good man returns to rochefort , the place of his ordinary abode , forbids all the prot●s●ants , who are there pretty numerous , to remove any of their g●ods out of the town , under penalty of confiscation of what should be seised , and corporal punishment over and above ; and he commands them all to change their religion in five days . this was done by sound of trumpet , that no one might pretend ignorance . the term expires to morrow . after this he marched to moze ( it is another great town in aunix ) where there is a very fair church of the protestants , and a very able minister , there he set out the same prohibitions , and the same commands that he had at rochefort . upon this a very worthy person of the place , and elder of the church , named mr. jarry , addressed to him with a most humble remonstrance ; and this cruel and barbarous man made him presently to be clapt up in irons . a●ter this he quartered his men upon those of the protestant religion , where he exerciseth the same violence which he did at surgeres . nevertheless hitherto no one hath made shipwrack of his conscience in this place . they suffer all this cruel persecution with an admirable constancy . god of his mercy support them to the end . all the rest of aunix is in extreme consternation . there are likewise prohibitions made at rochelle , against the shipping of any goods . in so much that all they who slie away run a great hazard of carrying away their lives only for a prey . adieu . i will end mine as sir j. p. doth his : all your friends — do you intend to conclude there , said i to our friend ? i have a mind to do so ( replyed he ) tho i have a thousand insolences and outrages more yet to acquaint you with . but it is late ; and i have produced but too much to justifie the french protestants who forsake their country , from any suspicion of impatience or wantonness . you see now what are the reasonable means that are used to convert them . those goodly means which have been employed are , to despise the most sacred edict that was ever made by men ; to count as nothing promises repeated a hundred times , most solemnly by authentick declarations ; to reduce people to utmost beggary ; to make them die of hunger , in my opinion , a more cruel death than that by fire or sword , which in a moment ends life and miseries together ; to lay upon them all sorts of afflictions , to take away their churches , their ministers , their goods , their children , their liberty of being born , of living , or of dying in peace , to drive them from their employments , their honors , their houses , their native country ; to knock them on the head , to drag them to the mass with ropes about their necks , to imprison them , to cast them into dungeons , to give them the question , put them to the rack , make them die in the midst of torments , and that too without so much as any formality of justice . this is that they call reasonable means , gentle and innocent means : for these are the terms which the archbishop of claudiopol●s useth , at the head of all the deputies of the clergy of france , in the remonstrance they made to their king , the last year when they took leave of his majesty . i must needs read you the passage : here is the remonstrance , and the very words of that archbishop : those gentle and innocent means which you make use of , sir , with so much success to bring the hereticks into the bosom of the church , are becoming the bounty and goodness of your majesty , and conformable at the same time to the mind of the divine pastor , who always retains bowels of mercy for these strayed sheep : he wills , that they should be brought back , and not hunted away , because he desires their salvation , and regrets their loss . how far is this conduct from the rigor wherewith the catholicks are treated in those neighbouring kingdoms which are infected with heresie . your majesty makes it appear , what difference there is between reason and passion , between the meekness of truth , and the rage of imposture , between the zeal of the house of god , and the fury of babylon . in good truth , cryed i to our friend , after the reading of this passage : this is insufferable , and i cannot forbear taking my turn to be a little in passion . methinks they should blush to death , who call those cruelties , which have been executed upon innocent sheep , meekness ; and that rigor , and the fury of babylon which we have inflicted upon tigers , who thirsted after our blood , and had sworn the destruction of church and state. they plague and torment to death more than a million of peaceable persons , who desire only the freedom of serving god according to his word , and the laws of the land , who cannot be accused of the least shadow of conspiracy , and who by preserving that illustrious blood which now reigns there , have done to france services deserv'd , together with the edict of pacification , the love , and the hearty thanks of all true french men. and we have put to death in a legal manner , it may be twenty wretched persons ( the most of which had forfeited their lives to the law , for being found here ) convinced by divers witnesses , who were the greatest part papists , of having attempted against the sacred li●e of our king , and the lives of millions of his faithful subjects . surely they would have had us let them done their work , let them have rooted out that northern heresie , which they were , as they assure us by their own letters , in so great , and so near hopes of accomplishing . but we had not forgot the massacre of ireland , wherein , by the confession of one of their own doctors , who knew it very well , more than a hundred and fifty thousand of our brethren , in the midst of a profound peace , without any provocation , by a most sudden and barbarous rebellion , had their throats cut by that sort of catholicks , whose fate they so much bewail . altho your transport be very just , and i am very well pleased with it , said our friend to me , i must needs interrupt you ; to bring you back again to our poor protestants . what say you to their condition ? i say ( answered i ) that there can be nothing more worthy compassion ; and that we must entirely forget all that we owe to the communion of saints , if we open not our hearts , and receive them as our true brethren . i will be sure to publish in all places what you have informed me , and will stir up all persons to express in their favour all the duties of hospitality and christian charity . to the end ( said he to me ) you may do it with a better heart , at our next meeting , i will fully justifie them against all those malicious reports which are given out against their loyalty and their obedience to the higher powers . let us take for that all to morrow seven-night , as you please , said i , so we took leave one of another : and thus you have an end of a long letter , assuring you , that i ever shall be , sir , yours . finis . the third letter . the french protestants are no antimonarchists . sir , since you know the reason why this my third letter comes so late , i will not take up your time in excusing my long silence . our friend being now recovered from his indisposition , which was the main stop hitherto , we agreed upon a day , when i came to his chamber at the hour appointed . i cannot tell , sais he , whether , before we enter upon this matter , to justifie our french protestants in point of fidelity towards their superiours , i should not impart to you several letters , which have since come to my hands , wherein i have an account of several fresh persecutions since august last . i told him , no : for besides that what you related to me at our second meeting is more than enough to convince the greatest infidel , that the mischiefs are at the height in that kingdom , and that there is no security of conscience for the protestants who stay there ; besides all this , our streets are full of instances of the new troubles they give them . there is no man but knows what was the event of the marquiss venour's deputation , wherein he gave a list of the cruelties used in poictou against our poor protestants : he was forced to fly from his estate and country . every body has heard how many gentlemen of good condition , and several ministers , have been imprisoned for no other fault but their zeal for a religion they believe to be the only true and safe one , the exercise of which is likewise tolerated by one of the fundamental laws of the kingdom , as you have already so well made out . in short , we are assured by a thousand credible witnesses , as likewise by the sight of several proclamations , that they ruine all the protestants that are taxable in france , by a secret they have found out to tax the people at will , and then make one or more responsible for all the rest ; that they are barbarously cruel upon the least complaint of any thing , that falls from them in the height of their misfortunes ; that they demolish their best established temples , upon the least pretence ; and that besides all this , they condemn them to the galleys , if they offer to quit the realm , to serve god according to a good conscience in any other countrey , with a fine of a thousand crowns for the first fault , and corporal punishment for the rest , upon their friends that shall any way countenance , directly or indirectly , their departure out of the realm . i have read the proclamation , and you may read it , says our friend , when you please , for it lies there upon my table . the strangest thing in it is , that they glory of their pretended conversions in poitou and elsewhere , as if they had been carried on with all the gentleness and christian temper imaginable , when all europe knows they have used no other but carnal means , and since i am provoked to say it , the devil's weapons , the allurement of riches , promises of worldly advantages , threats , force , and a thousand unheard of cruelties , whereby they have brought the poor people to this hard choice , either to turn papist , or perish by hunger and ill usage . and many times we see their consciences will not suffer them to continue in that communion they have been thus forced into ; for they come over by flocks , and the prisons in france are full of these pretended relaps . but because you know all this already , i proceed now , says he , to the justification of our poor persecuted brethren . i am very well satisfied that this groundless accusation , as if they were seditious firebrands , and enemies to monarchs and monarchy , has given them no prejudice with you . if accusation were enough to render guilty of this crime , moses and christ , the old and new people of god had certainly lost their cause . the enemy of truth has ever made this his charge against the innocence of gods children . moses was accused for seducing the people ; elias , for troubling israel ; ieremiah , that he did not pray for the prosperity of this people , but their mischief ; the people of god , that they designed to revolt from the king of persia ; iesus christ himself , that he perverted the people , and forbad to pay tribute to caesar ; and his apostles , that they were common pests , movers of sedition , and that turned the world upside down . you have read turtullians apologetick , and arnobius against the gentiles . you see there , how the most innocent of the primitive christians , and the meekest of men , were charged with the same crime . our protestants of france have no reason to expect other measure than that of their saviour and the saints departed , since it is the same religion they strive for : and by the grace of god we shall with as much ease acquit them of all those imputations laid to their charge . there is certainly no stronger proof of what the opinions of a church are , than the publick declarations her self has made of her principles , by open professions or confessions of faith ; these are authentick pieces , composed with the approbation of the whole body , and published on purpose to declare to the world what in sincerity such a church believes in matters of religion . the protestant church of france has not been wanting in this particular , but has composed and published a confession of faith that all the world might be sure what really are her thoughts and belief : and certainly , without the highest injustice , we cannot reject what she has thus made protestation of . then i told our friend , you need not enlarge upon this point , for no man of sense will dispute this principle with you . let us come to the question . i shall soon dispatch it , says he ; i will read to you the two last articles of our protestants confession of faith. we believe , that god will have the world governed by laws and policies , to the end there may be a restraint upon the inordinate appetites of men ; and for this end , that he has appointed kingdoms , commonwealths , and all other sorts of government , hereditary or otherwise , and whatever appertains to the dispensation of justice , and that he himself will be acknowledged the author of it . for this cause he has put the sword in●o the magistrates hand , to punish faults committed , not only against the second table , but likewise against the first . we ought therefore , for god's sake , not only to submit to the government of superiors , but also to honour them , and hold them in such regard , as esteeming them his lieutenants and officers , whom he has constituted to exercise a lawful and sacred trust. we hold it therefore our duty to obey their laws and statutes , to pay tributes , imposts , and other duties , and to bear the yoke of subjection with a cheerful and good will , be they infidels , provided the sovereign empire of god be kept entire . thus we detest those that would reject authority , put all things in common , and overthrow the course of justice . here you see the confession of the protestants of france , where you find they make it a part of their religion and faith to believe that it is god who appoints kingdoms , hereditary , and others ; that we ought to honour princes , and hold them in all reverence , as the lieutenants and officers of god , to obey them , to pay them tribute , to submit to them with a good will , though they happen to be of another religion than ours ; and they reject with horror all those that reject the powers . can any thing be said stronger , or with greater exactness ? moreover these protestants of france have a liturgy , a form of common-prayers , as well as our church of england , there it is that in the presence of god , and speaking to god , they do confirm by a publick act of worship all that they say of kings and potentates in their confession of faith. after they have said to god , we have thy precept to pray for those whom thou hast set over us , superiors and governors , they add , we beseech thee therefore , o heavenly father , for all kings and princes , thy servants , to whom thou hast committed the dispensation of iustice , and particularly for the king , &c. if ever we ought to believe mens words , no doubt it is when they speak to god in the act and fervor of their devotion : if a man be not wicked to the last degree , or an athiest , he will then at least speak the thoughts of his heart . and upon such an account it is that the protestants of france own , in conformity to their confession of faith , that it is god who has set rulers over them , to govern ; that all princes are the servants of god ; that the justice they dispence to men , is that of god himself , of which god has committed to them the administration or rule . and upon that score it is they pray to god for their own king , and for all other princes , that he would give them his holy spirit , and all graces requisite to well governing . is this the stile of a seditious people , enemies to monarchs and monarchy ? since therefore the confession of faith , and form of common-prayer , speaks the mind of the whole body of the french protestants , it will be needless to quote the sermons and writings of their particular ministers ; yet because i observe , to my great grief , there are many here cry down the incomparable calvin , as if , in this point of obedience to monarchs , he were not very sound , i must needs read to you what he has said upon that subject in his excellent institution : it is in his fourth book , chap. . where , after he has shewed , sect. & of this chapter , the duty of subjects towards princes and magistrates , which he makes consist in having a profound reverence for them , to observe their commands with a perfect submission , to pay such taxes and rates as they put upon them , to offer up prayers and thansgivings to god for their prosperity ; and when he has there proved by scripture , that we cannot resist the magistrate without resisting god , who is prepared to defend them , he considers , sect. . that there are many who fancy we owe not this respect and obedience , but to good princes , and so may despise the wicked , and shake off the yoke of tyrants . this maxim he confutes , as a most pernicious error , in the following sections , of which i shall here give you a taste . the word of god obliges us to submit , not only to the authority of princes that use us well , but in general to the dominion of all those , after whatever fashion , that exercise sovereign power , though they perform nothing less than the duty of a prince . for however the lord assures us , that magistrates are the bounty of his grace , set up for the conservation of men , and that therefore he sets them bounds , within which they ought to keep , yet he declares at the same time , that whatever they prove , they hold their power of him ; that they who seek the publick good in their sovereign administration , are the lively images of his goodness ; that they which rule with violence and oppression , were raised by him to the throne for a scourge to a sinful people ; but that the one and the other are equally invested with that sacredness of majesty which he has stamped upon the forehead of all lawful authorities . i shall insist upon this point , which the spirit of the multitude does not so easily conceive , to wit , that this admirable and divine authority , that the lord by his word confers upon the ministers of his justice , remains no l●ss with a man that is never so wicked or unworthy of all honour , if once he be raised to the sovereign power ; so that his subjects ought no less to reverence him , in regard of allegiance due to sovereigns , than if he were a good king. first , i would have it carefully observed , the special providence of god in bestowing crowns , and setting up kings , of which we are so often told in scripture . it is god , says daniel , that removeth kings , and setteth up kings . and speaking elsewhere to nebuchadnezz●r , thou shalt be , says he to him , wet with the dew of heaven , till thou know that the most high ruleth in the kingdom of men , and giveth it to whomsoever he will. we know well enough what a kind of king this n●buchadnezzar was , who took ierusalem . he was an usurper , and an accomplished villain . nevertheless the lord assures us in ezekiel , that he had given him egypt as a reward for the service he had done him , in the mischief he did to tyre . and daniel says to the same king , the god of heaven has given thee a kingdom power , and strength , and glory , and wheresoever th● children of men dwell , the beasts of the field , and the fowls of the heaven , has he given into thine hand , and hath made thee ruler over them all . he says also to belshazzar , this king's son , the most high god gave nebuchadnezzar , thy father , a kingdom , and majesty , and glory , and honour , and for the majesty that he gave him , all people , nations , and languages trembled and feared before him . whenever we find god has set up any man to be king , let us call to mind the heavenly oracles , which appoint us to honour and fear the king , and then we shall not fail to bear respect , even in the persons of tyrants , to this mighty character wherewith god has been pleased to honour them , samuel , telling the people of israel what they were to suffer from their kings , uses these words , this will be the manner or right of the king that shall reign over you ; he will take your sons , and will appoint them for himself , for his chariots , and to be his horse-men , and some shall run before his chariots . and he will take your daughters to be confectionaries , and to be cooks , and to be bakers . and he will take your fields , , and your vineyards , and your olive-yards even the best of them , and give them to his servants . and he will take the tenth of your seed , and of your vineyards , and give to his officers , and to his servants . and he will take your men-servants and your maid-servants , and your goodliest young-men , and your asses and put them to his work. he will take the tenth of your sheep , and ye shall be his servants . doubtless kings have no right to deal thus , those that the law so carefully directs to moderation and temperance : but samuel calls this the right of the king over the people , because the people are under an indispensable obligation to submit , and are not allowed to resist , as if the prophet had explain'd himself after this manner , the mismanagement of kings shall come to this height , and you shall have no right to oppose it , your part must be to take their commands , and to obey them . calvin , after this , produces a long passage out of ieremiah , where great punishments are denounced against all those that would not submit to the government of nebuch●dnezzar , who originally was but an usurper as wel as a tyrant . and he concludes , that we ought to reject these seditious thoughts , that a king ought to be handled as he deserves , and that there is no reason we should behave our selves as subjects towards him , if he carries not himself like a king towards us . after which , he most substantially answers the objections which unquiet spirits are used to make against this doctrine . and now i leave it to reasonable men to judge , whether it be not the greatest injustice to this excellent person , to declare to the world , that he was an enemy to kings . they that followed him , have after his example , all taken the same side upon this subject . no doubt you have read what their great salmasius has writ in defence of our blessed martyr king charles the first . their famous amyraldus likewise took occasion from the martyrdom of our good king , to print an excellent discourse of the power of kings ; where , by the strongest arguments , taken out of the word of god , he proves beyond dispute , that the majesty and person of sovereign princes ought at all times to be sacred to all their subjects . we have likewise , to the same purpose , the letter of their learned bochart , to doctor morley , then chaplain to his majesty , and now most deservedly bishop of winchester . you may see there how this excellent person defends the rights of all crowned heads ; he takes in there , in the compass of a few pages , the strongest things that can be said . the force of all this , is , that the performance of these protestants has exactly answered their confession of faith , the prayers of their liturgy , and what their doctors have taught , as often as there was occasion for it . they have been always the first in assisting their kings , when there was need , with their lives and fortunes . every body knows how many mischiefs the queen , catharine de medicis did them . yet when the guises had seized the person of charles the ninth , who had nothing but tears to oppose their violence , as mezeray well observes ; and that the queen , finding her self under the same streights with the young king , had called for help upon the prince of condè and his friends : the protestants came in from all parts , and ventured all they had to set their majesties at liberty . it is a remarkable story . mezeray does all he can to di●guise the matter : but so known a truth could not but extort this confession from him . the queen writ two letters the same day to the prince , full of pitty and good words , recommending to him the safety of the kingdom , beseeching him to take compassion of the innocent tears of his king , who was held captive by his own subjects ; and that he would generously attempt his rescue , a●suring him , that he should be maintained in whatever he should do . the same historian confesses in his chronological abridgement , that by these letters , the queen who was then regent , gave to the prince who was then a protestant , a just ground to take up arms : which he did , so soon as he received the order . then flew in like lightning to the assistance of the king and queen , the same protestants , that with so much rigour and violence had been persecuted by them . he sent presently , says m●zeray , to the reformed churches ; especially to those upon the river loire , to bourges , poitiers , and others more remote , ordering them immediately to seize all the passes : and that for his part , he was resolved to expose his person , and all that was in his power , to make good the kings commands , and revenge the injury done to his majesty . you have here , sir , the true cause of these prote●●ants first taking up arms : and , as you see , it was upon a glorious account . for it was , in short , to succour their king , whom stranger-princes ( who aimed at his crown , as it appeared at last ) held captive . besides , all here was lawful . they take not up arms , but by order of the regent , who promises the head of the protestants , that he should be justified in all he did . and she made her word good to him , however , the great credit his enemies had , and the queens inconstancy , had for some time run down the credit of this glorious action with the people . for the king gave an authentick testimony of the innocence and loyalty of the prince and his friends upon this occasion . it is by the sol●mn edict of . where the king says , that the sincere and true intent of our said cousin the prince of conde may not be doubted , we have said and declared , and do say and declare , that we esteem this our said cousin , as our good kinsman , faithful subject and servant ; as likewise we hold all those lords , knights , gentlemen , and other inhabitants of towns , communalties , boroughs , and other places of our kingdoms and countries of our dominion , that have followed , assisted , aided , and accompanied him in this present war , and during the said tumults , in what part or place soever of our kingdom , for our good and loyal subjects and servants ; believing and esteeming what was done before this by our s●id subjects , as well in regard of the taking up of arms , as the articles of justice agreed among them , and the judgments and executions of the same , was done with a good intent , and for our service . henry the third was their mortal enemy : he was the chief author of that detestible massacre , where by the confession of the bishop of rhodes himself , near a hundred thousand protestants had their throats cut . and yet all this did not hinder them from coming in to his assistance ; so soon as ever they saw his crown and life in danger . they forgot that he had been their pers●cutor , and remembred only that he was their king. and all europe knows , that without their aid he had been lost . he was shut up in tours , hard pressed by the army of the ligue , which consisted , as every one knows , all of roman catholicks . already three parts in four of his party , and those of the bravest , as mezeray assures us , were slain , and the duke of mayenne , general of this army of parricides , had made himself master of the suburb , when the protestant recruits came . this brave captain , says mezeray , ( speaking of chastillon ) lodged his men in the isle , in despite of their continual firing upon him from every part of the suburb , and made them work so hard , that they had covered themselves in less than two hours . the liguers , so soon as they had discovered them , and knew him by his face , did well to cry , to your quarters white scarfs , this is none of your quarrel : brave chastillon , we have no design against thee , retreat , it is against him that murdred thy father , let us but alone , and we will revenge his death ; adding several reproaches against the king , more insolent , than commonly upon such occasion souldiers use to do . chastillon answered , that he they spake so ill of , was their king ; that it was for women to rail , and that he would see the next day whether they were as good at fighting as they were at scolding . but the duke of mayenne fearing to stand the shock of the protestant troops , considering , as mezeray says , that it might not be safe to encounter with old souldiers that had been used to blows , he quits all his advantages and marches silently away at three a clock in the morning . thus was tours relieved , and henry the third saved by the same protestants , to whom he had done so much mischief . and by this the protestants preserved the crown to the family of bourbon , f●om which it had been gone past recovery , if tours had been taken . for indeed , they that laid the siege , and intended to dethrone their king , were heads of that powerful faction which , ( as the bishop of rhodes testifies ) would have broken the succession of the royal line . and the general of the army was own brother to the duke of guise , who , as the same bishop tells us , designed the crown for himself . as for king henry the fourth , grand-father to our king , as well as to the present king of france , there is no man that understands the least of those histories , but knows it was his faithful protestants that preserved him for the throne , and set the crown upon his head. the bishop of rhodes acknowledges , that this great prince had been bred up from his birth among the huguenot party , and that they were his best support . and indeed , they expended their blood more than once to save his , against the rage of the ligue , and the ambition of the lorain princes , who would have usurped his right . so soon as ever henry the third , his predecessor , assassinated by the fryar iaques clement , was dead : they did not do , as papists that were then in his army . for whereas these for the most part fell into cabals , and gave him a thousand troubles by their seditious resolutions , which tended either to exclude him from the succession , or tear the government in pieces : the protestants kept steady : they immediately owned him for their king. the huguenot nobility , with the forces they had brought ( which were all protestants ) swore allegiance to him presently . they are the very words of the bishop of rhodes . and when unhappily , which cannot be enough lamented , he forsook their religion , fearing the papists should choose another king in his stead ; their fidelity failed them not for all that , they maintained his cause with the same zeal , whil'st divers ●apists continued to keep his garrisons from him , and armed several assassins to take away his life . peter barriere , says mezeray , had designed to kill the king , because he heard some of the clergy say , that it would be an exploit worthy eternal praise , and that would carry a man straight to heaven . when he was come to lions with this resolution , the same popish historian adds , he communicated it to the archbishops vicar general , to a capucin fr●ar , and to two other priests , who all approved of it , and encouraged him to do it . mezeray tells us afterwards , that barriere having a little demurred upon the kings having forsaken the protestant religion , christopher d' aubry , curat of s. andrè des arces , and varade rector of the jesuits , heartened him by their advice to pursue his hellish design of stabbing the king. you know the story of iohn chastel , one of the jesuits scholars , to the same purpose , how he wounded the king in the mouth with the stab of a knife , which he intended for his throat . it is well known what share the jesuits had in this attempt : this young desperate confessed , that he heard them say , that it was lawful to kill the king. there were found in their colledge several pieces full of invectives , and most pernicious propositions against the honor and life of henry the third , and henry the fourth his successor then reigning . the famous act of parliament at paris has eternized the memory of this execrable attempt . it ordains , that all the priests and scholars of the colledge of clermont , and all others that stiled themselves of the society of j●sus , should quit the kingdom in fifteen days , as corrupters of youth , disturbers of the publick peace , and enemies to the king and kingdom . which was done accordingly . and it is fit i should tell you upon this , how cardinal d'ossat bemoaned their loss , by reason of the apparent advantage the poor protestants had by it : you may see it in the eighth letter of his first book ; these are his words : it must needs give a prince converted to the catholick religion , whom we should have comforted and confirmed by all means possible , great offence and prejudice against catholicks : when they that boast themselves the pillars of the catholick religion , have thus endeavoured to get him murdered . whereas if there had been any pretence for assassinates , it should have been the hereticks that should have procured it and seen it done , because he had quitted and forsaken them , and they had reason to apprehend him : and yet they have attempted no such thing either against him , or any of the five kings his predecessors , whatever slaughter their majesties made amongst them . you have here at once an authentick witness of the exact loyalty of the protestants of france to their soveraign , how viol●nt soever the soveraign might have been : and a dreadful warning for all princes to consider the spirit of popery , perpetually engaged in murder , and ready to spill the most sacred blood , if they think it runs cross to their interest , the death of this great prince henry the fourth , is a precedent enough to make the heart of any prince ake , that is so unhappy as to have in his dominion , or near his person , these sort of common pests . it was to much purpose to profess the romish religion , while these monsters , out of a suspicion perhaps that his heart was not roman enough , never rested till they had pierced it by the hand of that abominable villain ravilliac , who had been a monk , as the bishop of rhodes assures us . and what he says of the hardiness of this wicked fellow , to suffer all without speaking a word ▪ plainly shews us who were those devils and furies that inspired him with such cursed thoughts . he was taken in the very fact , says the bishop of rhodes , ( after he has given an account of the crime of ravilliac ) being interrogated several times by the commissioners of parliament , condemned , the courts met , and by sentence torn between four horses in the place of execution , after they had tormented him with hot burning pincers in the breast , arms and thighs , without discove●ing the least fear or grief in the midst of so great torment : which confirmed the mistrust they had , that certain emiss●ries , under pretence of zeal , had instructed and charmed him by false assurances , that he should die a martyr if he kill'd him , whom they made believe to be a sworn enemy of the church . but i should not make an end this day , if i were to take notice of all the stories of the malice and fury of the papists against such princes , as have not had the happiness to please them , and give you all the proofs of the affection and untainted loyalty of the protestants for their kings , how little secure soever they have been to them . however , said i to our friend , do not conclude before you have quitted the subjects from that suspicion , which the proceedings of the present king of france has ●aised every where of the innocence of this poor people . for according to the manner he has treated them within his kingdom , he must needs look upon them rather as his enemies than his subjects : must there not have been some failure on th●ir part , and that they have entred into some conspiracy , or are revolted , to deserve such hard usage ? i must confess , says h● , it would make one suspect some such thing by that course is taken with them : for who could ever think , that so great and wise a prince would deal with loyal subjects , as if he had to do with traytors ? and yet , which is the prodigious part of the history of lewis the fourteenth , there is nothing more certain , than that these very protestants , to whom they have done so much mischief , have always observed exactly their duty towards their king. one may safely say , by their behaviour , they have loved him as their eyes : their loyalty has been yearly tryed , during the minority of this king. all the world knows it : neither could any thing ever corrupt or shake it . by their care and address , all the towns , where they had any interest at that time , as montauban , nimes , rochel , declared for their king , and disposed not only the provinces that belonged to them , but those adjoyning likewise . god knows what had become then of the crown , had it not been for the warm sermons of those ministers , whose mouths are now stopt , and the courage of those very protestants they now persecute with so much violence : whil'st the popish prelates and great lords drank publickly the health of lewis the fifteenth , these poor persecuted people were with sword in hand exposing themselves to the utmost dangers to preserve the kingdom to lewis the fourteenth . it is matter of fact , which the king knows . he has born them witness more than once , that their loyalty upon this account , had contributed in the highest degree to the security of his crown . and it is fit upon this occasion i should impart to you a wonderful piece : it is a letter of this kings , writ to his electoral high●ess the marquess of brandenburg . my friend that gav● me this l●tter , copyed it from the original , which was seen by a thousand ho●orable witnesses , that may be produced in time and place . it may not be impossible , but that i may shew you the original . this was the letter , brother , i should not enter into discourse with any other prince besides your selfe , concerning what you write to me in behalf of my subjects of the pretended reformed religion . but that you may see what a particular respect i have for you , i will freely tell you , that some ill affected people to my service , have published seditious libels in forreign countreys , as if the edicts and declarations which the kings my predecessors have made in favour of my said subjects of the pretended reformed religion , and which i my self have confirmed to them , were not punctually observed in all my estates , which i never intended . for i would have them enjoy all their priviledges which were granted them . and i take care that they be suffered to live upon equal terms , and without distinction , among the rest of my subjects : i am obliged to it by the word of a king , and from the acknowledgment i owe upon fresh proofs they have given me of their loyalty in my service , during the late troubles , when they took up arms , and vigorously and successfully opposed the wicked designs against my government , of a rebellious party at home . i pray god , &c. from st. germain , octob. . . such happy beginnings were followed with suitable success . the protestants have been remarkable upon an hundred occasions since , both by sea and land : they were always observed to be the first when they were to fight for their king and countrey . all the world knows to whom they owe their victories in portugal , over the spaniards , which was so highly advantagious for france ; and the defeat of the famous de ruyter , who after so long and great a reputation , was at last overcome by a french protestant . i will conclude with an observation which they assure me this king made himself , that neither in that great number of conspirators , who had laid so dangerous a plot against him , some years since , nor amongst that monstrous croud of poisoners , that have alarmed all france , and destroyed so many considerable families , was there found one single protestant . after all this , to persecute them as they do , and proclaim them to be firebrands and disturbers of the publick peace , enemies of monarchs and monarchy ; is it not to punish those that deserve reward ? is it not by a shameful aspersion , no less ridiculous than fowl , to contrive the oppression of persecuted innocence ? you are in the right , said i , but yet pray do not forget to answer some objections which are made every day to blast or render suspicious the loyalty of these poor people . first , they accuse them for concealing dangerous poison under these words , in their confession of faith , so long as the sovereign power of god be kept inviolable . we hold , that we ought to obey their laws and ordinances , pay tribute , imposts , and other duties , and bear the yoke with a cheerful and good will , although they were infidels , provided the sovereign power of god be kept inviolable . whence they infer , that they hold it for an article of faith , that subjects may take arms against ●heir lawful prince , whenever they fancy that what he commands is not suitable to the principles of their pretended reformation . that is a gloss , replies our friend , that spoils the text , and a new aspersion , these protestants have given no ground for : nay they foresaw , and have confuted it before-hand , in resolving , as they have done , that subjects ought to bear the yoak of their subjection with a cheerful and good will , though their princes were infidels . for this plainly intimates , that although our kings were enemies to our religion , we are always obliged to submit to their orders . and if you would know what then is the meaning of this exception , provided the sovereign power of god remain inviolable , i answer , it means no more than what st. peter and st. iohn intended when they said to the great council of the jews , whether it be right in the sight of god , to hearken unto you more than unto god , judge ye : or what all the apostles meant when they said to the said council , we ought to obey god rather than man : than what st. ch●ysostome intended when he told his auditors , when we say , give unto caesar the things that are caesar's , we only mean such duties as are not against piety and religion , because whatever harms faith and virtue , is not c●sar's , but the devil's tribute . or to bring an authority of greater weight to those of the popish persuasion , this exception imports no more than what we find in the canon of the papal decree : if the master command those things that are not repugnant to the holy scriptures , let the servant obey his master ; if he command the contrary , let him rather obey the lord of the spirit than him of the flesh. if what the emperor command you be lawful , execute his commands ; if it be not , answer , we ought to obey god rather than man. in a word , the french protestants mean no more by this their exception , than what all mankind ought to think in this matter , if they have the fear of god before their eyes , viz. that as god is king of kings , and by consequence , to whom our princes and we owe an indispensible obedience , without any reserve , we must never admit of a dispute between the one and the other , to obey the orders of the prince , when they are contrary to those of god. provided the soveraignty of god be kept inviolable , that is , to the end we diminish not the soveraign power of god , but that god be always owned for the king of all kings : it is absolutely necessary , that in such a contrariety between his orders and that of the prince , we prefer his without any manner of hesitation . to do otherwise , would be to place the prince in god's stead , and so make an idol of him . this is all the protestants would say . but then i asked our friend , what would they have the subjects do upon such occasions , especially if princes proceed to violence and punishing , thereby to make themselves be obeyed with preference to god ? methinks , says he , they explain themselves clearly enough , when they say , we ought to bear the yoke of subjection with a chearful and good will , though our princes were infidels . for an infidel prince signifies here , a prince that in his laws and in his practice is opposite to the appointments of god : is an ene●y , and so , a persecutor of the true religion , whenever he has a fair opportunity , and is so disposed . to say then , as do the protestants in their confession of faith , that although princes were infidels , we ought to bear the yoke of subjection : is it not to declare it to be the duty of subjects to suffer quietly whatever their prince pleases to inflict upon them ? indeed they do not mean , that we should exec●te the commands of princes , when they are contrary to the commands of god : but on the other side , they are not for casting off their allegiance , upon pretence that their prince does not herein do his duty , and is unjustly s●vere to them . whence it is plain from the doctrine of the french protestants , that christian subjects upon these unhappy occasions , ought to continue alike faithful to their god and to their prince : to their god , in being careful to observe his statutes in the midst of all the threats and outrages of men : to their prince , by suffering with all humility and christian patience , whatever is imposed upon them , either to torture their conscience , or force them to renounce their holy religion . their worthy calvin makes it evident , that this was his opinion , when from what the scripture ordains , to honor and ●ear the king , he concludes , that christians are obliged to reverence , even in the person of a tyrant , the mighty character with which it hath pleased god to honor crowned heads . for a tyrant is an unjust and cruel prince , who thirsts after the blood of his people , and is always invading their goods , or life , or good name . therefore when calvin teaches , that christians ought to pay respect , even in the person of these sort of princes , this mighty character with which it hath pleased god to honor kings : it shews plainly , that in his judgment whatever wrong or oppression a prince commits upon his subjects , they remain always under an indispensible obligation of being subject to his scepter , so far from ever having a right to take up arms to depose him , or to set force against force . it is the same which m●ses amyraldus , that famous protestant of saumur , proves at large in his discourse of the power of kings , upon the occasion of those unhappy troubles , which had so fatal an end , and so reproachful to the nation . he m●kes it appear by undeniable proofs , that nothing can be more pernicious to mankind , more against the word of god , nor more opposite to the practice of jesus christ , that of his apostles , the behaviour of the primitive christians , and the very genius of christianity than to assert a right for subjects to take up arms against their king upon any pretence or ground whatever . and it will not be amiss , that i thereupon read to you a passage or two out of the letter of the learned bochart , minister of caën , to doctor morley bishop of winchester , if one had any right to arraign a king , says he , why not saul , who had twice revolted from god , who had slain with the edge of the sword a whole town of the priests of the lord , who had taken away davids wife by force and given her to another , and sought his innocent life , after so many eminent services done the state by this young prince : and who could pretend more to it than david , who was appointed by god , anointed and consecrated to the government of israel ? yet david , who was a prophet , and a man after gods own heart , was of another mind , as we are assured by holy writ . saul seeking him in the desarts , went alone into a ca● where david lay hid , who finding him in such a condition , might as ●asily have killed him as macrinus did carcalla , . nay , one would think he ought not to have omitted so fair an occasion of ridding himself of his enemy , especially when he was in a manner constrained to it by his own souldiers , who minded him of the prophetick promise god had made him , to deliver his enemy into his hand : but he calmly disswades them by a sober reply , to attempt nothing against saul : the lord forbid , says he , that i should do this thing to my master the lords anointed , to stretch forth my hand against him , seeing he is the anointed of the lord , that is to say , a man that god has set apart for so sacred and divine a charge , if he make ill use of it , as did saul and such like : nevertheless , as he is a king , he ought to be exempt from all civil punishment , and left to the judgment of the last day . in another place this learned person lays down for a maxim , that against the oppression of a king there is no humane remedy . he maintains likewise , that when kings abuse their power , and treat ill their subjects , all ought to be remitted to gods iudgment-seat , and in the mean time to have recourse to our tears and prayers , which are , saith he , the weapons of a true christian. thus the author of the books called , [ les derniers , efforts de pinnocence assligè , the last attempts of persecuted innocence ] who is a french protestant , very well known to the world , and my particular friend , takes it for a religious principle , and that which bears the charact●r of the ancient christian moral , that the king is master of the exteriour part of religion : that if he will suffer none but his own , if we cannot conform , we ought to die without resistance : because the true religion is not to employ the arm of flesh to establish it in a flourishing condition : that princes become very guilty , when they oppose by force the setling of the true religion , but they are to answer to none but god for it . this is sir , says our friend , the true sense of the french protestants , in this important affai● ▪ i could make it out by a thousand more witnesses of credit , if it were needful . and i am well assured , that after so many pregnant testimonies , there is no reasonable person can be offended at their confession of faith : therefore let us go to your other objections . i would with all my heart , said i , but that it is so late . and besides , i would be glad to make my objections stronger , by running over a new book , which the enemies of the french protestants make a great noise with in england , and put it into the hands of all our people of quality , to prejudice them against these poor protestants . it is the history of calvinism , by monsieur maimbourg , a secularised jesuit . if you will take my word , let us put it off till this day sevennight . be it so , says our friend , and so we parted : this shall be also the end of my letter : i am , sir , yours , &c. the fourth letter . the protestant loyalty vindicated against maimbourg . sir , i failed not to be at our friends chamber at the time appointed : well , says he , so soon as we were sat down , what do you say of our secularized jesuit and his book ? i told him , his book smelt strong of a libel . and as for him , he is a man so full of equivocation , that he will hardly ever forget his former profession . he would fain have us believe , that his design is to make a satyr against the french protestants , whom he charges at random with many crimes : and yet when he comes to cast up his reckoning , one would swear he set pen to paper for no other end but to write in their praise , and to let after-ages know , that the huguenots or calvinists , as he is pleased to call them , were far honester men and better christians , than their enemies the papists : for what is it he omits for the advantage of those , he himself acknowledges to be true protestants ? lewis de bourbon , prince of condè , had a strength of parts , a constancy and greatness of mind , worthy his high quality of prince of the blood. he had the courage of a hero , and as much wit as valour . he had a largeness of soul and of understanding , equal to the greatest men of former ages , and ought to be reckoned amongst the chiefest men of the royal house of bourbon , had he not spoiled so many rare qualities , which made him one of the most beloved men in the world , by unfortunately dying a huguenot . the lady de roye , his mother-in-law , and eleonor de roye his wife , were both very wise women , couragious , and of great vertue : but both these likewise , the most zealous and resolute huguenots of their time . cardinal odet , the elder of the three brothers of coligny , was one of the handsomest men in france , and who got the greatest love and esteem of any man at court for his wit and learning , for his prudence and ability in the management of affairs , for his sweet and obliging deportment , and for his magnificence and wonderful generosity . he had certainly been one of the greatest and most accomplished prelates of the kingdom : had he not disgraced his coat and character by heresie , in becoming a calvinist . the chancellor michael de l'hospital , was a man of extraordinary merit . it is not to be denyed , but that he was one of the most considerable men of his time , in all curious and substantial knowledge , and in all the perfections of moral virtues . but after all this , we neither can nor ought to conceal what eclipsed the beauty of so many ra●e endowments , which was , that he openly countenanced calvinism . ia●es du bosc of esmendreville , second president in the court of aids of the parliament of roüen , a man of high birth , and great worth , disgraced all his good qualities by an obstinate adherence to the huguenot party . francis de la noüe , surnamed bras de fer , was one of the bravest men of his time , as he has evinced by a thousand noble exploits : he was not only equal to the stoutest , but to the wisest and most knowing commanders of old . iasper de coligny , admiral of france , a man of method , wit and courage , quick and watchful , bold , a good souldie● and great captain , was almost the only person that was a good huguenot amongst all the people of quality on his side . now we must know what monsieur maimbourgh means by a good huguenot : he explains himself very clearly in that passage where he commends the queen of nuvar , mother to henry the fourth : these are the words , she was a princess , that besides the perfections of her body , had so great a soul , so much courage and wit , that she had deserved the glorious title of the heroess of her time , had not heresie , which though at first she was hardly brought too , yet at last she cleaved to with an unmoveable resolution , been so great a blot in her scotcheon . however , we must allow her to have been a good huguenot , living up , in all appearance , to the greatest piety and regularity : for as to the other great persons of this sect , except the admiral , they only carryed the name of calvinists , not very well knowing what they were themselves ; and to speak truly , the court was then very corrupt , where there was little difference between catholick and huguenot , but that the one went not to mass , nor the other to a sermon ; as to any thing else , they agreed v●ry well the one with the other , for the most part , having no religion at all , either in devotion or the fear of god , which this queen iean d' albret bewails in one of her letters . whence it appears , that according to monsieur maimbourg , to be a good huguenot , is to lead a virtuous life , contrary to that of a deb●uched court , to be very devout in the fear of god , and to grieve for the corruption of the age. this is the notion he gives us of the true french protestants , whom he calls , the good huguenots . he is very far from giving so advantageous a character to those zealous catholicks , whom he makes the bulwark of his church against the pretended heresie of the protestants . he affects the contemptuous compellation of little king , when he speaks of francis the second , of whom he says in another place , that he had conceived so great a prejudice against the huguenots , that he bound himself under a solemn oath to drive them all out of the kingdom . the reign of the little king francis. the little king francis being dead , &c. at the death of the little king francis , &c. and what doth he not say of the queen , katharine de medicis , the other scourge of the calvinian heresie ? he has represented her as the most wicked of all women : as he says , she had principles that favour'd little of christianity : she was an ambitious queen , who by a wicked policy would govern at any rate , even to the sacrificing religion it self . she did not deal faithfully with the huguenots , when she made the peace with them . her only design was , to deceive them . it was she that put the king upon that barbarous resolution , which was executed upon that bloody and accursed day of st. bartholomew . he sets out charles the ninth , as a son worthy of such a mother . this prince was of an impetuous humour , cholerick , revengeful , and very cruel , which proceeded from his dark melancholy temper , and from his wicked education . he was so good a proficient in what his mother taught him , who was a woman the best skilled of any in her time in the art of dissimulation , and deceiving people , that he made it appear , he had outdone her in her own craft . what was it he did not do for two years together to deceive the poor admiral ? he expressed the greatest value and love for him imaginable : embraced him , kissed him , called him his father . and yet so soon as ever they advised him to dispatch him out of hand . he stood up in the greatest rage , and swore by god , ( according to his wicked custom ) ay , i will have him dispatched ; nay , i will have all the huguenots destroyed , that not a man remain to reproach me hereafter with his death . they hung the body of the admiral by the heels upon the gibbet of mount-faucon , lighting a fire underneath to make him a more frightful spectacle . it was so miserable a sight , that charles the king would needs see his enemy thus dead : which certainly was an act altogether unworthy , i will not say of a king , but of a man of any birth : to such a degree had this spirit of hatred , revenge and cruelty , which he had learn'd of his mother , prevailed upon him . as for henry the third , another mortal enemy to the protestants , monsieur maimbourg sets him out as the falsest and most unnatural of mankind . the sieur aubery du maurier , says he , tells us in the preface of his memoirs , that he has heard his father say , that he had it from the mouth of monsieur de vellievre , that at the same time he shewed large instructions to oblige him earnestly to intercede for the life of mary queen of scots , he had private ones quite contrary from the hand of henry the third , to advise queen elizabeth to put to death that common enemy to their persons and kingdoms . and could there be a stranger cruelty , than what he makes this prince guilty of , when as yet he was only duke d'anjou ? the prince of condè , after he had defended himself a long time most bravely at the battle of iarnac , was forced at last to yield up himself : two gentlemen received his sword with all manner of respect . but the baron of montesquiou , captain of monsier's swiss guards , being come up whil'st this was doing , and finding by them that it was the prince of condè , kill him , kill him , says he , and with a great oath , discharged his pistol at his head , and shot him dead at the stump of a tree , where he leant . it was an action doubtless no ways to be excused , especially in a french man , who ought to have had respect and spared the royal blood , had it been in the heat of the battle , much more in cold blood. they say , this was done by the express command of the duke d'anjou . he says of the duke of montpensier , an irreconcilable enemy to the huguenots , that he would give them no quarter ; that he always talked of hanging them ; that all he took prisoners , he put to death presently without mercy ; that he said to that brave and wise la noüe , ( who came to surrender himself prisoner of war ) my friend , you are a huguenot , your sentence is passed , prepare for death : that the day of the massacre , this bigotted catholick went through the streets with the marshal de tavannes , encouraging the people , that were but too forward of themselves , and provoking them to fall upon every body , and spare none . he makes the cardinal of lorrain , that great champion for popery , to be author of a sordid and cruel proceeding . he says of the duke of guise , whom the catholicks looked upon as the invincible defender of their faith , that indeed he did service to the religion , but that he likewise made it serve his turn ; and to invest him with that almost regal power , which in the end prov'd so fatal to him . now a subject that makes religion a step to mount him into his princes throne , and take away his crown , can he be otherwise esteemed than as a prophane and wicked man ? speaking of the ligue , which as he says , had for the chief actors philip the second , queen katharine , and the duke of guise , the great supporters of the pope , that it had like to have destroyed church and state at once , and that the greatest part of those that ran headlong in with that heat and passion , and chiefly the people , the clergy , and the fryars , were but the stales of such as made up this cabal , where ambition , revenge and interest , took more place than religion , which was used but for a shew to cheat the world. at last he represents the court of charles the ninth , which had been that of francis the second , and was afterwards that of henry the third , as a pack of miscreants and atheists . the court , says he , was at that time very corrupt , where there was no difference hardly between a catholick and a huguenot , but that the one went not to mass , nor the other to sermon : as for any thing else , they agreed well enough , for as much as the one and the other , at least generally speaking , had no religion at all , profane , without the fear of god. and yet it was from this court , as from a deadly spring , that flowed all the persecutions which the protestants suffered under the reigns of three of their kings . and monsieur maimbourg is very pleasant ; when he makes it up of huguenots as well as papists . all the world knows , that the huguenots were banished from the court of charles the ninth , so that all he says of this court , can light upon none but the papists , who alone were admitted at that time . you are in the right , says our friend , and it will do well , to finish the draught , monsieur maimbourg has given us of this court , that i read to you what the bishop of rhodes writes of it in his history of henry the fourth , there never was one more vitious and corrupt , wickedness , atheism , magick , the most enormous uncleanness , the fowlest treacheries , perfidiousness , poysoning and murder , predominated to the highest pitch . but i beseech you , sir , says he , tell me what you would infer from these words of monsieur maimbourg , that gives such encomium's to the same protestants , whom he would seem at the same time to cry down with all his might : and makes such heavy reflections upon those same roman catholicks , whom he makes the pillars of his church , and the greatest enemies to the protestant rel●gion . i make no doubt , replyed i , but i draw the same consequences from hence as ●ou do : that monsieur maimbo●rg plainly shews by this , that he ought no● to be believed , when elsewhere he charges so many faults upon th● first protestants of france , and imputes all the great exploits to their enemies the papists : and that the true protestants , or the good huguenots , being so pious , and having the fear of god before their eyes , for which he comm●nds them , could not be the causes of disorders ; though very likely their adversaries might have been , whom the historian represents as the most wicked , ambitious , ungodly and cruel of men . by this he likewise convinces us , that his book ought not to be regarded , and that we ought not to look upon his accusations against that which he calls calvinism , otherwise then as railing and aspersions invented at will to make way for his better reception at court , or some other by end that is not worth enquiring after . it is that which prejudices his book with all ingenious persons , and renders it unworthy the least consideration . yet since the enemies of the french protestants make such a noise with it , let me intreat you , sir , to clear the matters of fact to me , which he produces with so much confidence , to raise a jealousie in princes upon these poor men , as if they were the authors of those troubles and disorders in the last age , which came within a very little of ruining france . first , he charges their religion with being a mortal enemy to monarchy . i confess , you have made the contrary appear beyond dispute in our former conference . but he lays his charge upon matters of fact , whereof i have not knowledge enough to clear the objections . one shall hardly see , says he , more dreadful conspiracies , than those which the huguenots have made against our kings : for instance , that cruel business of amboise and that of meaux ; not to mention their terrible rebellions which have cost france so much blood ; and the unhappy intelligences they have held with the enemy , to withdraw themselves from their allegiance , and set up openly for a commonwealth , as they have done more than once . i beg of you to give me all the light you can to deliver innocence from so black an aspersion . with all my heart , says our friend ; and besides , when i have taken off this reproach , i promise to make it as clear as the sun at noon-day , that they are father maimbourgs catholicks , who are guilty of all these desperate conspiracies against the persons of kings , which he so unjustly and fasly lays to the protestants . his first proof of the dreadful conspiracies of the huguenots against that of their kings , is the business of amboise and meaux . but before i enter into particulars , i set against him an unexceptionable witness , who openly declares , that the huguenots entred not into any conspiracy against their kings in either of those places : my witness is one of the same religion with monsieur maimbourg , and what is more , a cardinal , and one so knowing and of so extraordinary worth , that monsieur sainte-marthe is not afraid to stile him , the flower of the colledge of cardinals , the light of france , and the new star of his age : sacrati ordinis aureum florem , ocellum nostrae galliae , sui denique seculi novum sidus . he had over and above this advantage of monsieur maimbourg , that he lived in the time of the businesses of amboise and of meaux . he was above twenty years old at the time of the ●irst : and he was too exact and too knowing , not to have throughly examined the causes and motives of two occurrences , that made such a noise all over europe . you shall hear what he says in his eighth letter of the ●irst book , upon the occasion of an attempt against the life of henry the fourth . you had it already : but i cannot forbear reading it again to you , for it deserves to be writ in letters of gold upon the front of all the french kings palaces . to a prince turned catholick , who should have been encouraged and confirmed by all means possible , it was to give him great offence and distaste at the catholicks , when they that call themselves the support of the catholick religion , should go about to have him assassinated ; that , which if there were any pretence for , the hereticks ought to have procured , or done it themselves , because he had quitted and forsaken them , and they had therefore reason to fear him ; and yet they attempted no such thing , either against him , or any of the five kings his predecessors , whatever butchery they had made among them . these remarkable words , and yet they attempted no such thing , either against him , or any of the five kings his predecessors , are a manifest confutation of all that monsieur maimbourg's libel sets forth against the loyalty of the french protestants , from the beginning of the reformation , which was under francis the first , to the reign of henry the fourth . the businesses of amboise and of meaux happened , the one under francis the second , the other under charles the ninth , two of the five kings , predecessors to henry the fourth , of whom cardinal d'ossa● speaks . assuring us therefore , as he does , that the protestants never attempted any thing against the life of these five kings , he positively denies what monsieur maimbourg asserts , that in 〈◊〉 two affairs , the huguenots had entred into terrible conspiracies against their kings . now in the presence of god , which of these two ought we rather to give credit to , the cardinal , a man of an unspotted reputation , and who was an eye-witness of these two passages now in dispute , or monsieur maimbourg , who writ his libel sixscore years after the business of meaux , and whom the pope himself has turned out of the jesuites order for an untoward reason ? for every body knows it was for being detected of falsehood in his writings , that the pope put this high affront upon him . but to come to our present purpose , and to be short , we will stick to the account monsieur maimbourg himself gives of that he calls the business of amboise . this is that he says , that at a very close meeting at la fertè sous ioûare , they determined a high point of conscience , by the advice of divines , canonists , and lawyers , who all agreed , that * during the present state of affairs , men might take up arms to seize in any manner the duke of guise , and the cardinal of lorrain , his brother , to bring them to tryal , provided a prince of the blood , who is in this case a lawful magistrate , would head the party : that all this having been allowed of by a general consent , the prince of condé † resolved to head them , upon condition that they attempted nothing against the king and the royal family , nor against the state ▪ that to carry on this attempt under the authority of the prince , they chose la renaudie , a gentleman of perigord : that he contrived | a meeting of a considerable number of gentlemen and other deputies at nantes : that after he had discovered to this meeting what had been concluded at la fertè , he told them that the concealed head of this party was the prince of condè , who had made him his lieutenant ; that it was agreed that five hundred gentlemen , and a thousand foot , under thirty chosen captains , should upon the tenth of march meet from several quarters at blois , at which time the court was to be there , and pretending to present a petition to the king , should secure his apartment , that they might effect their designs upon the guises : that the guises having discovered this , immediately removed the court to amboise : that la renaudie , who was resolved to do that at amboise which he could not now do at blois , was betrayed by one he trusted : that by this means they apprehended most of his associates without much trouble : that they hanged a great many presently , without the form of a tryal : that they cast some into the river : that they hanged up the body of la renaudie , who was slain , and afterwards cut it into quarters : that the chief of his captains were beheaded , after they had all confessed : that three of their captains , who came last , and had attacked the castle , were cut to pieces . this was the end of that attempt . after this general account , monsieur maimbourg comes to the prince in particular , and this he says , as to the prince of condè , when the king reproached him for attempting against his person , and against the state , he justified himself like a great man , and suitable to his high courage ; for in presence of all the great ones at court , that were then by , and before the king , the queens , and royal family , he gave the lie to as many as should dare to say that he headed those that had attempted the king's sacred person , or his state , profering to lay aside the consideration of his being prince of the blood , and maintain that challenge in single combate ; but no body took him up . this he might do questionless with all justice , it being certain that he was resolved the first article of the consult at la fertè should be , that they should attempt nothing against the king's majesty , nor against the state. mezeray adds something here that is too remarkable to be passed by . the prince , after he had profered , to justifie his innocence against his accusers , by sword or lance , said , that he assured himself he should make them confess that they themselves were the persons who had sworn the subversion of the state and royal family . he had no sooner done speaking ( says this popish historian ) but the duke of guise , seeming not to take it to himself , addressed to him , and told him , that it was not to be endured so foul a charge should be laid upon so great a prince , and offered to be his second , if there could be any so audacious as to maintain these false accusations . it appears by what monsieur maimbourg sets down and asserts , that the design of that business of amboise was only to seize the duke of guise and the cardinal of lorrain , to bring them to their tryal ; that it was resolved at the undertaking of this business , that they would attempt nothing against the king , the royal family , or the state ; that indeed the prince of condè did not attempt any thing against the kings majesty or state in this business of amboise . when therefore monsieur maimbourg , so shamefully contradicting himself , dares say in another place , that you shall hardly meet with a more desperate conspiracy than that of the huguenots against their king in the business of amboise : what can he pass for less , in the sense of all honest men , than an infamous libeller ? against the testimony of his own conscience , against what himself had writ and avowed , does he lay a heavy accusation upon the innocent ; and all this in hopes to afflict the afflicted , and to shut up the bowels of their brethren in foreign parts , from taking compassion of the poor french protestants , who are so terribly persecuted in their own countrey . he would make all the world jealous of them , that they might no where find reception , but be reduced , wherever they go , to dye with hunger and affliction . you see what a worthy wight this author proves , that they make such a do about amongst persons of quality , to prejudice them against their poor brethren . for we must not think that the argument he makes in his recital , to perswade us , that to attack the guises was to fall upon the king , can excuse him from contradiction and calumny in this particular . they are not groundless proofs that will justifie an accusation of this weight , especially when it has been acknowledged that the persons accused designed neither against king nor state , but only against the guises . there never was any thing ( says he ) so heinous as this plot. for to seek to possess themselves of the king's appartment to seize his principal ministers , and kill them before his face , as captain mazeres , who with others , undertook the bloody execution , attests : is it not to set upon the king himself , and to seek to make themselves masters of his person and government . i shall not trouble my self to take off what he says of the confession of captain mazeres . mezeray observes expresly in his chronological abridgment , that the brave and wise castelno , when he was confronted , sufficiently reproved this captain : and the famous monsieur de thou has the same passage in his history . monsieur maimbourg himself acknowledges , that the result of this meeting was not to kill the guises , but only to apprehend them , that they might be brought to tryal by the ordinary course of justice . these are the very words of their resolution , as mezeray reports them : that whilst the king , by reason of the tenderness of his years , and the artifices of those that had shut him up to themselves could neither foresee nor prevent the danger his pers●● and government were in : they ought to seize upon the duke of guise , and the cardinal his brother , to bring them to iustice before the states . as to what monsieur maimbourg pretends , that to endeavour to secure the kings appartment by force , and in his presence to seize his principal ministers , is to seize the king himself , and endeavour to become master of his person and government . i say , his pretence is unjust and very rash , in regard of those extraordinary circumstances france was then under . . francis the second who then reigned , was very young , and monsieur maimbourg , who calls him so often the little king francis , gives him no very advantageous character . . the duke of guise and the cardinal of lorrain , who were strangers , having become masters of the person and government of this young prince , played the tyrant so , as to make the whole kingdom desp●rate ; and then they had put all the princes of the blood from having any thing to do with the government , the children of the hou●e , whose chiefest interest it was , to preserve king and state. . this illustrious prince of condè , whom mezeray represents to us of so sweet a temper and great a courage , sincere and loyal , an enemy to all tricks and cheats , and detesting to do an ill thing , and who for this reason cannot be suspected in this matter , had got the informations to be drawn by men of known & unblemished reputation concerning the behavior of the guises ; by which information he had made it appear , that they were guilty not only of many oppressions & violences , but had moreover a design to extinguish the royal line , that they might possess themselves of the crown , having already got into their hands the justice , the money , the garrisons , the souldiers , and the hearts of the common people . . indeed , the guises declared publickly , that provence and anjou belonged to them , and it was a thing commonly known , that they set men to work who were versed in history , to find out their genealogy in the line of charles the great , on purpose to challenge their right of succession against the descendants of hugh capet ; of which francis the second , then reigning , was one ; as is likewise lewis the fourteenth who now reigns . it was because the protestants opposed this design , and that the business of amboise , as well as other contests which they had afterwards with the guise faction , down to the reign of henry the fourth , were to no other end , but to preserve the crown to the posterity of hugh capet ; it was , i say , for this cause , that the protestants were called huguenots , from the name of hugh . mezeray observes very well , that this was always esteemed by them to be the original of this appellation : but they , says he , took this name for an honor , giving it another sense , as if they had been the preservers of the line of hugh capet , whom , they said , the guises intended to destroy , that they might restore the crown to the posterity of charlemayn , of whose issue they boast themselves to be . a great man of the popish religion has made it appear , that this is the only probable etimology of the name . so that far from the protestants of france taking it as a reproach , they ought to be proud of it , as a lasting work of their inviolable loyalty to their kings , and their glorious oppositions they made against the attempts of the guises , who aimed at the crown . . besides , that we have the word of such a prince as the most renowned prince of condè , who asserted it more than once in great assemblies ; the whole conduct of the duke of guise makes it evident , what detestable design this ambitious family had . when he had got francis the second into his hands , he took upon him , says mezeray , to equal himself with the princes of the blood , and to give orders in the military affairs , and the cardinal his brother to direct the treasury : whereas the ancient laws of the realm ( as the same historian has very well observed ) ordain , that the blood royal shall have the preference before 〈◊〉 , in matters of government . they had in a short time made a way for themselves to the soveraign power : as mezeray adds , ( speaking of the duke and the cardinal ) and possessed themselves of all charges and places of trust , the garrisons and the treasury , so ordering it , that all this passed either through their own hands , or through those of their creatures . when the king of navar came to court , his purvoyer could find no room for him in the castle ; and the duke of guise , who had taken up the next apartment to the king , told him plainly , that it should cost the life of him and ten thousand of his friends , before he would quit it : as much as to say , he would have the preference before the first prince of the blood ; and in truth he did trample upon him . the event shewed plainly afterwards , that the prince of condè and his friends understood very well , that the guises aimed at the crown . the duke procured full power to summon all the princes , great lords , captains , and others of all conditions , to give them his orders what they were to do , to raise men immediately as many as he should think fit : and generally to provide and order all things , either in ammunition or repairs of fortifications , in as ample manners as the king himself could do . so that he wanted nothing but the name of king. and mezeray is forced to acknowledge , that since the mayors of the palace , there had never been such an encroachment made by any french man upon the crown . he takes notice moreover , of the bitter resentments the french had of an edict so injurious to their king. when the queen-mother intreated him to go strait to the court , which was then at monceaux , and not pass through paris : he took no notice of her request , but made his entry in the capital city of france , by the gate of st. dennis , in the midst of the peoples acclamations , the provost of the merchants going before him : all ceremonies , says mezeray , which ought to be paid to the king alone . the dukes death , and the incessant opposition of the protestants , hindred him from going farther . but his son , who succeeded him in his ambition and in all his designs , made it appear upon the first occasion , how far the treacherous intentions of this family went. he shuts up his king in the louvre , on purpose to lay him aside . you have the story of it in mezeray's chronological abridgement , under the year . he put himself in the head of that powerful faction , which , as the bishop of rhodes assures us , designed to take away the succession of the royal family . the same bishops tells us , that this new duke of guise , had thoughts of making himself king , and that he endeavored it several ways . . the prince of condè , who was so well assured that the duke of guise , father to this man , had so foul a design , did questionless look upon him with another eye then maimbourg do's , who would make us believe , that he was in a very high degree master of all the excellent qualities which can contribute to make a great prince , without any fault that might ecclipse the splendor of so glorious perfections : and that he was a truly christian hero. at this rate , a profound dissimulation and horrid bloody treason are to be reckoned as nothing . the prince of condè profers to justifie his innocence against his accusers by combat , assuring himself to make them confess , that it was they themselves who had conspired the overthrow of the government and blood royal. this defiance was chiefly intended to the duke of guise . but this duke would not take it to himself : but deeply dissembling the matter , he commends the prince his generosity , and said , he was likewise ready to justifie his innocence , though privately he took care to have him apprehended . in good earnest , monsieur maimbourg's morals must be strangely depraved , since he is no longer a jesuit , not to find any fault in a prince guilty of so prosligate a dissimulation and notorious treachery . and does he think , if lewis the fourteenth ever comes to open his eyes , he will think himself obliged to those that would make such a man pass for a truly christian h●ro , who has done his utmost to disappoint him of the crown , by taking it from his ancestors , and endeavoring to cut off the illustrious race of the bourbon's ? if an ●nglishman should canonize cromwell , and place him among the hero's , can you imagine he should be well received at court , or that the king should repose any great confidence in his loyalty ? monsieur maimbourg must know , that the prince of condè , being what he was , could not look upon this pretended hero otherwise than as a monster . he was obliged , by the duty of his relation , his honor , loyalty , and all that was becoming a great mind , with all his might to set himself against those wicked designs , which he saw the duke of guise and the cardinal of lorrain had so plainly layed . would you have had him stood with his hands in his pockets , when he discovered so great danger , and suffer strangers to ruine the state , and take the crown away from his family with a high hand ? . these usurpers had laid their business so well , and were become so absolute masters of the person , the mind , the authority , and the whole power of the young king , that it was impossible to carry any address to the king , unless by their means : and to do any thing against them to bring them to justice , but , as one may say , in the kings presence , who was continually in their hands ; and by consequence , to redress a mischief that so absolutely required a remedy , without resolving upon some great and extraordinary attempt . either therefore the prince of condè must have done what he did , or else have suffered the throne to be usurped , and the royal family sacrificed , contrary to that duty he owed to france , to his king , to himself , and to his whole race . if monsieur maimbourg will have it , that the prince of condè should have let the guises go on , his king ought to look upon him as his mortal enemy : if he believes he did his duty , let him retract , and be ashamed of those unadvised words , that he would have taken the kings lodgings by force , as affairs then stood , to seize in his presence upon his chief ministers , was to attack the king himself , and to seek to make himself master of his person and government . in the condition matters were then , it was the only humane means left to rescue the young king from slavery , to give a stop to the outrages of a forain domineering power , or rather tyranny , and to preserve the crown to its right heirs . if god was not pleased , in his all-wise providence , to give so good success to the attempt as was hoped : it failed not nevertheless of doing some good . it gave a check to the wicked designs of the guises , and made them sensible , that whil'st they had to do with men of that courage , they should not purchase the kingdom at so cheap a rate as they thought for . besides , i must not conceal it from you , that the protestants were not the only men that lifted themselves under the prince of condè for this important service to their country , and to the royal family : several roman catholicks shared with them in the glory of this attempt . the famous mezeray has published it to all the world. so that monsieur maimbourg is 〈◊〉 out , when he would make it a quarrel upon religion . and much 〈◊〉 unjustly is he mistaken , when he offers to say , that at the business of amboise , the huguenots entred into a horrible conspiracy against their king. i am satisfied , says i to our friend , and i am confident every honest man , that knows as much as you have told me of this matter , will look upon this jesuits imputation with amazement and detestation . pray give me an account now of the business of meaux . the french protestants , rep●yed he , are no less innocent of conspiracy against their king in the business of meaux , than they were in that of amboise . the testimony of the eminent cardinal d'ossat , is an invincible defence to them in this affair , and puts them beyond the reach of calumny . but i suppose you would be throughly informed of this matter . i will do it in as few words as possibly i can : and i will take the account partly from monsieur maimbourg himselff ; partly from two other popish historians , who have much a greater esteem in the world than he , it is the famous president de thou , and mezeray . we will take it from the beginning . you have not forgot what i told you at our former meeting , when i gave you an account of the first war the prince of condè was forced to make for rescuing the king , at the earnest intreaty of the queen-mother , then regent . i shall not need to take off a thousand odious reflections , which monsieur maimbourg lays upon the french protestants in relation to this war. they are either the faults of some private persons , who having acted contrary to the principles of the reformed religion , were disowned by all sincere protestants ; or false suggestions , which the solemn edict of charles the ninth , in the year . has sufficiently confuted : the king there owning , as done for his service , all that the prince of condè and his friends had done in this first taking up of arms. this noted edict ordains , that the protestant religion should be publickly exercised in several parts of the kingdom , which the edict names ; it puts all the french protestants under the protection of their king , in what part of france soever they should make their abode ; it wills , that every one of them , when they come home , should be maintained and secured in their goods , honors , estates , charges , offices , &c. the prince and the protestants observed the articles of the treaty of peace most exactly . monsieur maimbourg tells us himself , that all the places which the huguenots held , submitted to the king. nay , we english have occasion to complain of their too great exactness in this point : for they were the hottest in taking havre de grace from us , which we had possessed our selves of , only to give them succor against their persecutors . all their great souldiers came against us to the siege of this town . the prince of condè lodged all the while in the trenches . all the french , says mezeray , went thither in great fury , especially the huguenots . but their adversaries dealt not so with them : they broke the edict every where in a shamful and barbarous manner . this illustrious queen of navar , that made france happy with henry the great , was the first that experienced how little sacred that protection was held , which had been so solemnly promised to the protestants . some great men , to curry-favor with philip king of spain , by some signal service entred into a conspiracy with him to seize the queen iane d' albret and her children in the town of pau in bearn , and carry them to the inquisition in spain . an attempt , says mezeray , which escaped punishment , for the qualities sake of those persons which were engaged in it . afterwards they put it into the kings head to take a progress through france , and in this unhappy progress it was , that the ruine of the protestants was agreed upon and sworn to , contrary to so solemn an edict . the queen was perpetually importuned by the pope , by all the catholick princes , and especially by her two sons-in-law , philip the second king of spain , and charles the third duke of lorrain , to perswade the king to take up a generous resolution , to prohibit the huguenots the exercise of their calvinism , &c. that is , to break his royal word , and to demonstrate by so pregnant a proof , that the church of rome does not think her self obliged to keep faith with hereticks : and consequently , that they whom she holds hereticks , ought never to take her word , no not when she expresses her self by the mouths of the greatest princes of the world , and by the most authentick records . monsieur maimbourg , without the least scruple or ceremony , calls these breaches of publick faith , a generous resolution . and as ill luck would have it , his predecessors knew but too well how to perswade catharine de medicis , and charles the ninth that so it was . the queen and the king , says he , who were at least staggered by these remonstrances , being under such a disposition , it was no wonder , if the huguenots were not very kindly used during this progress , though nothing was done directly against the pacification . they built another citadel at lyons in opposition to the huguenot party , who were yet the strongest in that place , and they ordered the slighting of those new fortifications in the places they held during the war. they forbid the exercise of their pretended religion ten leagues round such places as the court should pass , though it was allowed by the edict in certain towns within that compass , which they interpreted to be when the king was not there , or within ten leagues . they made a new edict at rouseillon , the counte de tournons house , by which they were forbidden , upon pain of death , to hold any meeting but in the presence of officers appointed by his majesty to attend there . and the magis●rates had order to force the apostate fryars and priests , who were turned huguenots that they might marry , to quit their wives upon pain of the gallies for the men , and perpetual imprisonment for the women . whenever the catholicks made any complaint against the huguenots , or the huguenots against the catholicks ; these had always more favour shewed them than the other , who were generally found in the fault right or wrong . the conference the queen had , as she passed by avignon with the vice-legat , which gave him wonderful satisfaction , pleased them not so well : so that they chose rather to be directed by that she had at bayonne with the duke d' alva . they did believe that a league was made between the two crowns , to drive the calvinists out of the dominions of both the kings , and the rather , because they knew that the queen was then contriving an interview between the pope and the catholick princes . according to monsieur maimbourg , it is no ways to act directly against the edict of peace , to hinder the exercise of the protestant religion in several towns where it was permitted by the edict , to impose conditions upon protestant congregations , enough to disturb that peace and repose the edict had promised them ; to deprive many of them of that freedom of conscience the same edict allowed them . nor to offer all those other injuries to the huguenots , which monsieur maimbourg himself tells us they did , though the edict had given assurance of quite the contrary . mezeray deals more sincerely : he ingenuously confesses , that they daily retrenched that liberty , which had been allowed them by the edict , in so much that it was in a manner reduced to nothing , and that they undermined the liberty of conscience they had promised them , by several expositions they put upon the edict . he gives many instances but one amongst the rest , which i am resolved to set down : it is this , the count de candale had contrived a league with his brother christopher bishop of aire , montluc , gabriel de chaumont , laytun , descars , mervilles his younger brother , and gaston marquess of trans , of the same house of foix , who was the author of this advice : the contents of which being published , he afterwards made open war against the huguenots . by this means he became guilty of high treason , neither could they excuse the action from being an attempt against the kings authority , and the faith of the edicts . but his zeal was not displeasing to the catholicks : besides , that regard was to be had to his quality , and to so many great men that were engaged in this affair : which is the reason why the king , to stop the huguenots mouths , owns by a declaration all that this count and his complices had done , as having had his order for it . this is that which monsieur maimbourg calls , to do nothing directly against the edict of peace . it is fit you should know what the same mezeray relates concerning the conferences of the queen at bayonne with the duke d' alva , one of the greatest enemies the true religion ever had . she had discourse every night with the duke d'alva : and the event has shewed since , that all these conferences drove at a secret alliance between the two kings , utterly to root out the protestants . the huguenots believed , the duke d'alva had advised the queen to invite them to some great assembly , and so to rid herself of them without mercy : that he had let fall these words , that a ioal of salmon was better worth , then all the frogs of a marsh : that from the time of the assembly of moulins , the queen had executed this design , had things happened as she expected . st. bartholomews day does not a little confirm this mistrust of the huguenots . but you shall hear what it was made the prince of condè take those resolutions monsieur maimbourg so exclaims against . the intention of destroying the huguenots , was , evident , because they daily retrenched them of that liberty , which was given them by the edicts , so that they had in a manner brought it to nothing : the people fell upon them in those places , where they were the weaker party ; where they were able to maintain their ground , the governor made use of the kings authority to oppress them ; they dismantled those towns that had shewed them any favour ; they built citadels in the same places ; no justice was to be obtained for them , either in parliament or council ; they murdered them without restrai●t , neither were they restored to their estates or offices . these complaints were brought two or three times to the prince of condè , and to coligny , who at two meetings , had given this answer both times , that thoy ought to endure all patiently , rather than to take up arms . but when one of the chief men at court , had given them certain notice that they were resolved to seize the prince and the admiral , to confine the first to perpetual imprisonment , and bring the other to the block : dandelot's advice , who was bolder than the rest , put them upon a resolution , not only of defending themselves , but likewise to attack their enemies by open force ; and for this end , to drive the cardinal of lorrain from the king's presence , and cut off the suisses . they were six thousand suisses they had raised , under pretence of hindring the duke alva's passage , but indeed to destroy the protestants , as monsieur maimbourg himself sufficiently hints , and as i shall plainly shew you from a remarkable passage of monsieur de thou : which passage shall likewise serve to confirm what mezeray has told us , that one of the chief men at court gave certain notice to the protestants , that they were resolved to seize the prince and the admiral : and to convince monsieur maimbourg of the greatest impudence , and at the same time of the highest injustice done to a prince , that was the hero of his age , see but how this jesuit relates to us the occasion and motive of that he calls , the business of meaux : the prince was always in hopes , that the queen would have procured for him to be lieutenant general over the whole kingdom : that she had promised to bring him to the point he aimed at , when the treaty of orleans was made . tho she was no ways inclined to put so great a charge in his hands , but said it only to fool him . she was resolved to set the duke of anjou upon him , who was the dearest to her of all her children : and she instructed him so well , that when the prince of condè came some days to the queens supper , monsieur , who watched for an opportunity to affront him , took him aside to a corner of the reom , where he treated him in a strange manner , so far as to tell him in a threatning way , laying his hand upon his sword , that if ever he thought of this place , contrary to that respect he ow'd him , that he would make him repent it , and make him as inconsiderable as he aspired to be great . after this , the prince touched to the quick , disputed no farther with himself what party to take , though he concealed his resentment at that time , to make his revenge the surer , of which from that moment he laid the design . and this was the true cause of the second troubles , which he cloaked with the pretence of religion ; which had the least share , if any at all , in that violent resolution which he took , and in that unhappy and abominable attempt at meaux . indeed he had already had two meetings with the colignies & chief of his friends , one at chastillon , and the other at valery , where nothing was as yet agreed upon . but presently after monsieur had used him thus , and that he found himself thus tricked by the queen , and all his credit at the court lost , he went , and had a third at chastillon : and there it was , that without discovering any thing more , than what had been said in the two former about the ligue , which they said was made to oppress and ruine their religion ; they resolved to take arms , not only to defend themselves , but likewise to assault , and to cut in pieces the suisses which the king had caused to be raised , and to make themselves masters of the whole kingdom , by seizing upon the sacred person of the king , the princes his brothers , and the queen . really this is intolerable . i could never have thought so private a person , as monsieur maimbourg , could have dared to blast by so impudently false a story , the memory of so great a prince , in the face of his highness the prince of condè now living , who no doubt shares in so foul a disgrace cast upon one of the most renowned of his ancestors . . mezeray gives monsieur maimbourg quite another reason of the second troubles : and to find out those that were the cause of them , there was no need that he should go to make of one of the sincerest princes the world ever had , a hypocrite and a wicked person that made a stale of religion , using it for a cover to his pernicious designs , and to a mad unbridled ambition and revenge . philip the second , king of spain , says mezeray , contrived a second civil war in france : the severe effects of which , had almost put it to its last gasp . see , from a papist writer , what was the true incentive of discord in these second troubles . surely then monsieur maimbourg has some secret malice against the house of bourbon , to impute , as he does , the crime of a blood-thirsty king , to the generous prince of condè . . but with what face dare he say , that they resolved , at the third meeting of the protestants to take arms , though at that time they discovered no more than what they had done at the two former , where , by the way , no such thing was concluded ? with what face dare he say this , who is told by mezeray , that in this last meeting , they determined to resist force by force , forasmuch as one of the chief men at court gave certain notice that they had resolved to seize the prince and the admiral ? in short , the learned president de thou , whom he quotes some times in his history , could have informed him of all that was needful to hinder him for ever doing so cruel an injustice to so excellent a prince . for he tells us in the beginning of his book , that the protestants met one and another time with the prince of condè , the admiral , and d' andelot , at valery first , and afterwards at chastillon upon loin ; that after having well discussed the matter pro and con , they at last unanimously agree to try all means before they came to the last remedy , that is , to take arms : but that after this , provocations growing higher , especially by reason of the suisses , which the king would not dismiss , though he was entreated to do it , and that the duke d' alva was now entred into the low-countries . there came letters from one of the great lords at court , who was a friend to the protestants , by which the prince was advised , that it was determined in a private councel that they intended to seize upon him and the admiral , to cramp the one in prison , and cut off the others head : that at the same time they would put two thousand swisses into paris , two thousand into orleans , and as many into poictiers : that then they would repeal the edict , and set out others for the extirpation of the protestants . for that reason it was , according to monsieur de thou , that they came to a resolution : and not as monsieur maimbourg reproaches them , without proof or ground , that they might seize the sacred person of the king , his brothers , and the queen , ( the guises , monsieur maimbourg's hero's , are only capable of such exploits : ) but to present their most humble petitions to the young king in such a posture , as might secure them from the rage of their irreconcileable enemies ; and to drive the cardinal of lorrain from the court , who had sworn the ruine of the princes of the blood , and sought the extirpation of the huguenots , for no other end , than because they opposed with all their might this detestable design , as mezeray very well observes . i fancy , it will not be amiss to read the passage to you . the duke of guise and the cardinal of lorrain looked upon the protestants as a hindrance to the establishment of their grandeur . they easily foresaw , if the a king should happen to dy of that sickness , which they apprehended very dangerous they should have no farther pretence to keep the authority longer in their hands , which then they held in his name , the b duke of orleans that was to succeed him , being a minor , and that therefore the princes of the blood had all the reason in the world to take it from them . they knew likewise very well the weakness of these princes , and thought they had strength enough to order them like the others , could they but hinder the gathering together of the factions of the c religionaries , who came to joyn them from all parts ; for which cause they made haste to disperse them , before they should be able to form themselves into a body , which would certainly prove very sturdy and formidable , and might serve as a retreat for all the rest . some thought , and indeed their private dealings , and those they confided in , made it appear , that they had attempted to draw them on their side ; nay they had a mind to declare themselves head of this party , if the princes of the blood should have got the better at the beginning ; but that the religionaries did always refuse to come in to them . it was , they say , one of the chief reasons why they set themselves upon their ruine . this cardinal thirsting after the blood of the huguenots , because they would not betray the interest of the blood-royal , and who was wonderfully desirous of troubles , as necessary for the setting a value upon his power , and placing his nephews in their fathers credit , became an unmoveable obstacle to the kingdoms peace . besides the prince knew that he was to fall into the hands of this merciless prelate , who had caused him to be condemned to have his head cut off under francis the second , and that the whole royal family was in danger , especially the house of bou-bon , if he made not haste to prevent it , in seizing upon his person , that he might † rid the court of him . therefore he takes horse , with about * four hundred of his friends , to make his way to fall at the kings feet , where he might offer his ‑ complaints of the severe persecutions the protestants lay under all over the kingdom , and to remove from his majesties presence this publick pest , who had ingrossed him to himself , and imposing upon his tender years , possessed him with resolutions so pernicious to the princes of his blood , and to his best subjects . the queen , upon the news of this , withdraws the king to meaux , a town of brie . by her order the marshal of montmorancy goes to while off the prince , till six thousand suisses should be got into meaux . the constable argued exceeding well for staying at meaux , forasmuch as there was not the least danger to the kings person . at first , says mezeray , the queen liked well of this advice , but within an hour after , her mind was altered , either through the inconstancy of her sex , or the cardinal of lorrain's dissuasions . they say that this prelate , being very desirous of troubles , as requisite to put a value upon his power , and to establish his nephews in their fathers credit , suggested as if montmorency held intelligence with the prince , that she and her children would be delivered into their hands ; representing to her likewise , that if this should not so fall out , yet she was to consider , that by staying at meaux , she would be confined and helpless under the imperious austerity of the constable , who set himself to keep their majesties in so inconsiderable a town for no other end than to have them at his own disposal at the same time , to encrease her suspicions , his emissaries spread a rumour about the court , that the constable and chancellor had sent a secret dispatch to the prince , and were to deliver him up one of the gates of the town . the queen , startled at the cardinal's suggestions , and it may be at those false reports , called the council a second time , in the apartment of the duke of nemours , who was strongly tyed up by interest with the house of guise : there it is resolved by the advice of this duke , that it was fit to carry the king to paris , and to be gone presently aft●● mid-night . it was to no purpose , that the chancellor layed before the queen the inconveniences that would happen upon this course , and cryed out , that they exposed the sacred person of the king to the utmost peril ; that they betrayed the publick interest for private ones ; that they cut off all means and hopes of accommodation ; and that the ambition of some , was engaging the kingdom to the necessity of entring into an implacable war. the cardinal 's evil counsel carryed it . the king went away in the midst of seven or eight hundred horse , flanked with the six thousand suisses . at peep of day they discovered the princes troops , who were not in all above four hundred horse . the kings troops seeing them in their way , and that they cut off their passage , made a halt to receive orders . in the mean time the prince , knowing that the king was there , advanced leisurely with his horse , and asked to speak to his majesty : but the young king would not vouchsafe to hear him , but kept himself all the while covered under the guard of his suisses . the prince , enraged , that they would not suffer him to lay his just complaints before the king , changed both his countenance and his purpose , says mezeray , and put himself in a posture to vent his fury upon the suisses , who stood here in his way , and whom he knew his enemies had appointed to destroy him and all the protestants : but what could four or five hundred men do against above seven thousand ? all ended in some slight skirmishes of words rather then blows , as appears from monsieur thou's history , who , no doubt , had better ground for what he said , then either mezeray or monsieur maimbourg , who makes here a great deal of noise about a very inconsiderable business . whatever it was , the constable thought fit to have the king conveyed speedily to paris through by-ways with a strong party , which brought him thither the same day without any hazard ; and all the rest of the army got thither the next day . this is the truth of the business of meaux , which monsieur maimbourg calls a terrible conspiracy of the prince of condè against the sacred person of his soveraign lord the king. he has the impudence to call those wicked arms , which were taken up for no other end , but to preserve to france the noble blood of the bourbons , which at this day does it so much honor , and which a conspiracy of cruel and unreasonable adversaries , were at the very point of spilling to the last drop , that they might afterwards usurp to themselves the right of the heirs of the house . is it , that monsieur maimbourg would have had all this noble house extinct , and that the guises , who pretend to come from charlemain , should have possessed the throne at this day ? in good truth , his king is much beholding to him . thus then it is , that he begins to observe what he promises in his advertisement , to serve † his gracious protector with more warmth , zeal and freedom , than ever . you must give me leave , says i , smiling , to give a check here to the carier of your victory : monsieur maimbourg is very unjust to attribute to the genius of the reformed religion of france , the outrages of subjects rebellion against their prince . you have , beyond dispute , shewed the contrary in our former conference , from their confession of faith , the prayers in their liturgy , and from what their most famous doctors have taught publickly : therefore when our jesuit ( for his change of habit does not hinder , but that we have still too much cause to call him by this name ) charges the protestant religion , to which unjustly he imputes heresie , with inspiring rebellions and outrages : he gives us a cast of his office , to put the sham upon us , well knowing what the j●suits religion is really guilty of in this point ; and to augment the displeasure of his king against the poor huguenots , the most faithful of his subjects . but setting aside this jesuitical pliableness and malice , tell me a little , do you think this action of the prince of condè very regular , to shew himself before the king , in arms , as if he would wrest from him by force that justice which was denyed him ? i will allow , that his enemies had sworn his ruine , and that of all the protestants of france , i cannot question it , after all those proofs which you have brought ; i will allow besides , that the six thousand suisses which environed the king , had never been raised nor kept up , but to be the executioners of this unjust and bloody design : should a subject endeavor to cut them off , even before his soveraigns eyes , who secured them by his royal authority ? was not this to invade that soveraign authority , which ought never to be touched by any subject ? in a word , this attempt of the prince , is it not point blanck contrary to the maxims of the protestant religion of france , as you have represented it to me , that we ought never to repel force by force , when it is our soveraign that does the wrong ? i am very glad , says our friend , that you have made this objection : it will give me occasion to say somthing that will help to clear all that they reproach the huguenots with till the reign of lewis the thirteenth . . all that pretend to be protestants , are not so . monsieur maimbourg himself is of the same opinion . and it is a shameful injustice to make the religion answerable for the miscarriages of those , that are a disgrace to it , and that make it appear , by leading a life quite contrary to its maxims and instructions , that they are not its followers but its enemies . this is the injustice monseiur maimbourg does to the protestant religion in every page of his libel . for example , he imputes to it the beastly and barbarous behavior of the baron des adrets , though he himself acknowle●ges , he was a man of no religion , far from being what he elsewhere calls a good huguenot , a man truly devoted to the principles of the protestant religion , who breathes nothing but piety towards god , and love and bounty towards his neighbor . he likewise imputes to it the exploit of certain seditious fellows , that coyned silver money with the princes stamp , and this inscription in latin , ludov. xiii rex franc. i cannot tell , whether what he says of this coyn , be true : i have not the book by me which he quotes . de thou and mezeray , who are otherwise so exact and curious , speak not a word of it . and considering the hatred that has always been against the huguenots , they would in all probability , have kept some of this coyn very carefully , to have stopt their mouths , as often as they should reproach the papists with the several attempts they had made against kings . however it be , if the story be true , they that caused such money to be coyned , are wicked wretches , and have most insolently transgressed the th and th articles of the confession of faith made by the reformed church of france : so that the true french protestants , are so far from owning them for their brethren , that they detest them as utter enemies to their holy religion . in general , all they that have failed in the respect which is due to potentates , having thereby acted contrary to the principles of the reformed religion , cannot be reckoned among the true protestants . it is therefore an idle thing to reproach us with the extravagancies and enterprises of such men . we have nothing to do with them . and if the prince of condè , was no otherwise a protestant , than as monsieur maimbourg would maliciously insinuate , if under a false pretence of religion , to deceive a simple people that put great confidence in him , he concealed a criminal revenge and ambition : the honest huguenots disown him ; and it would be an unconscionable thing to make them guilty of what this prince had committed , when at the same time he must have declared himself an enemy to their religion , by having violated , after such a manner , their confession of faith in so essential a point . but god forbid we should have so ill an opinion of this hero , as monsieur maimbourg would perswade us to ! mez●ray himself assures us , that the prince was sincere , an enemy to cheats and treacheries , and abhorred to do an ill thing . he was then , doubtless , what he desired that men should take him for , a true protestant , which is to say , a good christian. . but the best christians have their faults : wherefore there is no man that does not sometimes yield to the temptations offered him . and when w● know the temptations to be strong , as no doubt they are , which aristotle calls iust griefs , we are apt rather to pity than blame men , for the faults they have committed . i am well assured , monsieur maimbourg will not deny , but that the prince's integrity has been put to the severest tryal . for he confesses , that the queen broke her word with him in a matter of the highest consequence : and that the duke d' anjou had passed a cruel affront upon him , which touched him to the quick . besides , the prince knew upon very good grounds , that his enemies were about to seize his person a second time : it is true , they talked only of shutting him up in prison during life : but he could not forget , that they were not men to be satisfied with so little , when once they had got him in their hands . for when he was first in prison , they condemned him to lose his head by the hand of the common executioner : and then , it was manifest , they designed the death of the admiral , his great friend , and of a million of innocent persons more . suppose it therefore to be true , that at the sight of death , and of so many injuries and so great a spilling of blood , the prince's head was a little turned , and that being intent upon saving his own life and honor , and the lives and honor of so many brave men as were engaged with him , &c. he forgot that he could not , without a want of respect to his king , attack his ministers , how wicked or injust soever they might be ; supposing this to be true , ought he to be used after that insolent manner , as monsieur maimbourg treats him ? is he the only hero , the only true christian , that has discovered his infirmity under so heavy a temptation ? and when is it , that a fault is most excusable , if it be not , when a man is hurryed away by such violent storms ? . but i cannot endure , that so glorious an attempt should be blemished with the least imputation . the prince by his birth , and the great concern that engaged him in , was under a particular obligation to watch for the preservation of the crown and the blood royal : all the world must grant it . it is most certain , that the princes of the house of lorrain aimed at the crown , under a pretence that it belonged to them as the lawful successors of charlemain , and that they only waited a fit opportunity to possess themselves of it . experience shews plainly that he was not deceived , when henry the third , to escape the ambitious attempts of the duke of guise , nephew to the cardinal of lorrain , was forced to run from his palace and his capital city , where the duke had made every body against him , and where they shewed the suissers with which they intended to make him a monks crown , when they had taken away that of a king. the prince knows moreover , that the cardinal of lorrain , to compass his wicked design , was resolved to rid himself of all the princes of the blood , whatever it cost him . they had thoughts of stealing away the queen of navar , and her son , the first prince of the blood , to destroy them in a most cruel and shameful manner , by putting them into the spanish inquisition . they had raised six thousand suisses to seize his person , put the admiral to death , and to root out all the protestants , that is , the main supporters of the rights of capet's true line , against the false pretences of the mock-posterity of charlemain . the prince , who sees and knows all this , is he not obliged to set himself with all his might against this bloody conspiracy of strangers , who are about to shed the noblest blood of france , to supplant the heirs of the family , and usurp their place ? there is no question of it . but things were come to such a pass , that the prince could no longer set himself effectually against the wicked purposes of the house of guise , by the common methods of remonstrances and petitions to his majesty , and by the course of justice either in council or parliament : for the cardinal of lorrain and his party , swayed all in the parliament and council : they had all the power at court : there was no coming to the king , but by them : they were so got into this young prince , who was , at the most , but sixteen years of age , that he would hear nothing but what these people told him , and blindly took their advice in every thing . it was then absolutely necessary , either that the prince , against his duty of prince of the blood and a faithful subject , should suffer all the royal blood to be spilt , with that of all true french men , and that the crown should be usurped by strangers : or else that he should do something extraordinary , and put himself in a posture to overcome all the difficulties , which hindred him from undeceiving the king , making him to understand who were his real enemies , and bringing them to condign punishment : which could never be done , without the assistance at least of several of his friends , and cutting off the six thousand swisses , who were to seize his person and ruine all the honest party ; unless , in short , he would become a prey to the cardinal , when he should present himself before the king to request justice . i must confess , the protestant , that is , the christian religion , never allows a subject to take up arms against his soveraign , upon any pretence whatever . but a prince of the blood does not take up arms against his soveraign , when he takes them up to no other end , but to hinder strangers from laying hands upon the crown , and changing the succession . it is true indeed , that these strangers , taking the advantage of charles the ninth his tender years , were predominant in his court , and that it is an odd sort of a way for a subject to come armed before his king , and to seize upon his chief ministers before his face , and as it were tea● them out of his arms . but prudence directs us , of two evils always to avoid the greatest . and i do not think any one will dispute it in earnest but that to suffer a kingdom to be taken from its lawful heirs , and all the royal family to be oppressed by tyrants , who have ingrossed their king for no other end , but to destroy him , is an evil infinitely greater , than to come short , for some little time , of the laws of good manners , till the king and kingdom were safe . there are none , but such as would be glad to have the way left open , either to invade the throne or royal authority , whereby to work the overthrow of the state ; i say , there are none , but the ambitious and common pests , that have the impudence to perswade the king , that to fail in these rules of good manners , when it is upon the utmost necessity , and in prospect to save the crown , is to give a mischievous example , and encourage rebellion . extraordinary actions upon absolute necessity , as this attempt of the prince , never ought to be drawn into example for ordinary proceedings , which should always be directed by the laws and customs of the country . had the business succeeded , it had been easie for the prince and his friends to have excused to the king this indecent violence , and justified by the event of the sincerity of their intentions , in the same manner as by the event it proved , that when charles the seventh , whil'st he was dauphin took up arms , it was neither against the king his father , nor against the kingdom : which was the example that was brought to resolve the scruples of some of the prince's friends , who were afraid of the odious reflections which might be made upon the attempt at meaux , how necessary or innocent soever it might be in it self . and monsieur de thou , who gives us an account of this particular , tells us likewise , that the design the prince and his friends had in arming themselves , was to drive from the helm the enemies of the publick peace , to undeceive the young king , and to settle all things quiet in his kingdom . but i ought to read you the whole passage , since it is in my hand . objiciebatur , cardinalem semper regi ejusdem , &c. it was objected , that the cardinal always beset the king , and that the swisses were continually about him , whom if they should attack in these circumstances , they would not seem to assault the cardinal and the swisses , but the king himself . this must , no doubt , draw the utmost envy of all men upon them ; but the king , whose favour they should seek , would never forgive them . to this d' andelot , who was almost always for the warmest counsel , answered , that the intention of the protestants would be judged by the event : as formerly charles the seventh , when he was yet but dauphin , made it appear to all the world by the conclusion of the war , that he fought neither against his father nor his king. nor indeed could any one imagine , that a body made up of french , should conspire their kings ruine . for though we have an account of the conspiracies of some single persons , an universal revolt was never yet heard of : but if fortune should favour their first attempts , there would be an end of a fatal war , which being crush'd at the beginning , the enemies of our common repose might be removed from the government and the king , of whom , being better informed of things , a confirmation of the edicts might be obtained , and a firm peace setled in the kingdom . here is enough to convince all the world of the insolence and malice of monsieur maimbourg , in treating the renowned grandfather of the present prince of condè so rudely , in an attempt , which as it had nothing in it contrary either to the principles of christian religion or good politicks , was , doubtless , every way glorious , and deserves the highest commendations . the prince appeared in this a true hero : he comes to the succor of his king and country , and all the honest part of the kingdom , and with five or six hundred men he attempts to cut off the six thousand swisses , who were to be the tools and bulwork of a forain tyranny : he had not failed of success , had not the contrivances of the queen , who then favored the enemies of the state , disappointed him of the conquest . but god was not yet pleased to give repose to france . the king retreats from meaux to paris , against the advice of the wisest of his councel . and the prince , to hinder the utter ruine of a party , that was the only check to the wicked designs of the house of lorrain , found himself obliged to raise a small army to give battle at st. dennis , to besiege and to take several towns : but the deep respect he had for his king , made him and all his party lay down their arms , at a time when he was just ready to take the town of chartres , and to have reduced all the enemies of the state. so soon as ever they proposed any safety for his person , and for the security of his faithful protestants , who were the only true supports of the crown against the ambition of the guises ; he immediately quitted all his advantages , and accepted of the peace which was offered him . this was the substance of the articles , says mezeray , that they should fully and peaceably enjoy the edict of ianuary , without any qualification or restriction whatever . that they should be put and maintained under the kings protection , as to their estates , honor and priviledges . that the king would esteem the prince for his good kinsman , and his loyal subject and servant , and all those that followed him for good and loyal subjects . you see now what this business of meaux was , with the consequences of it , that monsieur maimbourg has made such ado about so as to make it pass with the affair of amboise , for horrible conspiracies which the huguenots have contrived against the kings of france . to hinder the princes of the house of guise from usurping the crown of the french kings , and taking it from lewis the fourteenth , in the person of his predecessors , and destroying the whole race of the bourbons , must pass according to this man , for contriving horrible conspiracies against the kings of france . thus it is that he courts his hero , and complements the present prince of condè . but what does he mean , said i to our friend , when he says moreover , not to speak of their cruel rebellions , that have cost france so much blood , and the mischievous intelligences they have held with the enemy to rid themselves of the monarchy , and with open face set up a commonwealth , as they have done more than once ? our friend answered me , that since he distinguishes this from the pretended conspiracies of amboise and meaux , he must by the rebellions and plots he imputes to these protestants , needs mean the other troubles that happened after these two first , to the reign of henry the great , and those that were revived in the beginning of the reign of lewis the th . indeed he accuses them upon this account , that contrary to the treaty they had made , the protestants refused to surrender to the king sancerre , montauban , milhaud , cahors , albi and castres , but especially rochel , the rebellion of which town , says he , openly maintained by the heads of the huguenot party , who were resolved to make it their chief place of strength was the true ground of the breach , because it would not admit the garrison , which the king would have put in there , but received several of the chief leaders of the huguenots , went on with the fortifications , and gave the court reason to believe , that the prince and the admiral were preparing for a war. upon which it was resolved , to surprise them , and carry them away . the marshal de tavannes , a great friend to the house of guise , and confident of queen catharine , undertook to do the thing , whil'st the prince was at his house called noyers , in bourgoyne . but the matter being discovered just as it was to be executed , the prince made his escape to rochel with his fami●y and the admiral : his friends , upon this news , came in to his aid from all parts ; whil'st the king repealed all the edicts made in favor of the protestants , and drew all his forces together . this is , in short , the account monsieur maimbourg gives , who , according to his custom , fails not to charge the huguenots with all the villanies that were committed in this third war , by profligate fellows on both sides . but the towns he complains of , knew very well at that time , what mezeray has since published to all europe , that the councel , which is to say , the cardinal of lorrain , and his creatures , had no other end in making this peace , but to remove the imminent danger the parisians would have been in upon the taking of chartres , and to disperse the great force the huguenots had got together , that they might oppress them , when scattered . the same historian tells us , that some of the court sent them word , that if they took not good caution they would be cheated ; and the admiral made it appear to them what the inconvencies would be . being a person of an excellent judgment , he plainly discovered that treaty to be nothing else , but a trick to amuse , and so surprise them . this ought , at least , to have perswaded these poor people to have gone warily to work in surrendring their garrisons , till they had seen how the guise party , that governed all , would observe the articles of this peace , which , as mezeray expresses it , exposed them to the mercy of their enemies , without other security than the word of an italian woman . it was not long , before the huguenots found by experience , that the intelligence they had received from court was but too true , and that the admirals opinion was ●ut too well grounded . immediately the parliament of toulouse beheaded rapin , a worthy gentleman , whom the king had sent thither to solicit the ratification of the edict of peace . monsieur de thou gives an account of it . whatever complaint the prince could make of so outragious a breach of the peace , the court , where the guises were predominant , made him not the least satisfaction . i leave you to judge then , whether the protestants had reason to believe they had dealt fairly with them , when they saw they had murdered a man , without being questioned for it , who was sent by his soveraign to solicit the verification of the edict of peace . they found themselves constrained therefore , for the safety of their own lives , and the lives of the princes of the blood , to shut up the gates of their strong places against those emissaries that came from their deadly enemies , who at the bottom had no other design in destroying the huguenots party , than thereby to make the way more easie for the destruction of the princes of capet's line , and open themselves a passage to the throne , or tyranny rather . doubtless , they ought to have stood more carefully upon their guard , forasmuch as they could not but know what mezeray , after monsieur de thou , assures us was acted so publickly ; to wit , that the popish preachers stirred up the people incessantly by their vehement declamations , saying , that if there was a necessity to make the peace , it was a sin to keep it ; that there could be no alliance betwixt christ and belial that there is no obligation to hold faith with hereticks , but that all christians ought to fall upon them as monsters and common pests ; that it was an acceptable sacrifice to god , to wash their hands in the blood of these unclean beasts . and for this , they quoted in their own sense , a decree of the councel of constance , imp●●●ing , that no faith was to be kept with them ; adding examples out of holy scripture , of those that were slain by the levites upon moses his order , of those that had worshipped the golden calf ▪ and of iehu , that slew all the priests of b●al , when he had got them together upon promise of safe conduct . monsieur de thou observes , that those preachers were j●suits . so that all the protestant princes and their loyal subjects , may well think , from the account these two popist historians give , what hazzard they run , when either they receive or su●●●r in their dominions ▪ these bloody spirits , enemies to publick faith ▪ and by consequence to mankind . but i must needs give you all that mezeray says upon this subject , in his chronological abridgement , which will wholly suppress the impudence of the jesuit maimbourg , in charging the protestants with the breach of this peace : these are his words ▪ they ●ailed not to cheat the hu●uenots both of their peace and liberty of conscience . they were then in greater danger than during the war. in th●●e 〈◊〉 time , there were more than two thousand killed in several parts , either † by their particular enemies , as renè lord of sipiere , son to claud of savoy count of tende , and thirty persons of his train , which gaspar de villeneuve marquess d'ars , murdered in fraius , or else by popular insurrections , as at amiens near a hundred , at auxerre a hundred and fifty , several at blois , bourges , issoudun , troyes , and twenty other places . the prince was at noyers in burgundy . there they caught a soldier measuring the graft and the wall in order to scale the place . when the project failed , the queen sent some troops into burgundy , to take him by force , whom they could not catch by craft . he sent teligny , and afterwards iaquelin de rohan his wives mother , to court , to beseech the queen mother to observe the peace & the edicts but it was not a thing longer to be hoped for , when he found , that whoever was of that opinion , he was called libertine and politician , and that the chancellor of the hospital , who advised to peace , was dismissed from court , and sent to his house of vignan , as suspected for a huguenot . the prince's mother-in-law was scarce gone from court , when he understood that the troops had private orders to block up noyers , and that if he continued there three or four days longer , he would not be able to get away . coligny perceiving plainly the trains that were laid for them , was come to tanlay castle , whence going to the prince , they both wen ftrom noyers with a party only of a hundred and fifty horse , under whose guard were , a sad sight , their wives and children , most of them in their nurses arms , or not out of their hanging-sleeves . the p●ince having escaped all danger by his expedition , got to rochel the th of september : soon after the queen of navar came thither likewise , with the prince her son ; and afte●●er , all the huguenot officers ▪ with the greatest part of their forces . now let all the world judge , whether it was the protestants of france that were authors of this third war , or not rather the guises , who thirsted after the blood of this innocent people , to clear the way to that of the royal family . i will prove hereafter , that rochel in particular was not so much in the wrong , for pleading her priviledges , to avoid the admitting those men , who came for no other end but to destroy her . monsieur maimbourg is scandalized at it , under pretence that the cardinal of lorrain , who did all at court , had invested them with regal authority , who came to take away their religion , liberty and lives . but a scandal very absurdly taken . there is no man but sees it plainly : and what i shall tell you hereafter , will make it more plain . i will not enter into the particulars of this unhappy war , where the prince of condè was killed in cold blood , after the battle of iarnac , and which concluded wit● a peace yet more unfortunate . they allowed , in this peace , several very great advantages to the protestants : but it was only to have an opportunity to cut their throats in the most treacherous and inhumane manner that was ever heard of . to say the truth , says monsieur maimbourg , as the queen made this treaty , it is very likely , that such a peace as this was never really meant on her side , who concealed her intentions , and did not grant so many things to the huguenots , otherwise than to make them lay down their arms , that she might fall upon such as she had a mind to be revenged of , the admiral especially , upon the first favorable occasion that should offer it self : which she thought she had met with at last , when she had prevailed with the king to take that horrid resolution , which was executed upon that bloody and accursed day of st. bartholomew . under pretence of marrying the prince of navar to the lady margaret , sister to charles the ninth , all the protestants , that were of any quality , were drawn to paris . the queen of navar was taken away in five days by a hot fever , occasioned , as many believed , by the art of the perfumer messer rené , a florentine , suspected for a skillful man at poysoning , as monsieur maimbourg himself acknowledges . at last to make the feast more solemn , they had the admiral murdered by an old retainer to the house of guise , called louviers monrevel , who shot him with a carabine : and they concluded it with this cruel butchery , which monsieur de perefixe , archbishop of paris , sums up in these words , in his history of henry the great . all the huguenots that came to the feast , had their throats cut ; amongst others , the admiral , twenty other lords of note , twelve hundred gentlemen , three or four thousand soldiers and citizens , and then through all the towns of the kingdom , after the pattern at paris , near a hundred thousand men a detestable action , such as never was before , nor never will be , by the help of god , the like . but all the popish world was of the archbishop of paris his mind , witness what mezeray says , the holy father , and all his court , expressed a mighty joy at it , and went in a solemn procession to the church of st. lewis , to give god thanks for so happy a riddance : where the cardinal of lorrain , who found not himself in such a transport of joy , had placed over the door a latin inscription after the ancient manner , giving the reason of this ceremony . they were not less rejoyced in spain , than at rome , where they preached up this action before king philip , under the title of the triumph of the church militant . it is true , that monsieur maimbourg , papist as he is , could not bring himself to second this joy of his high priest , and one of his hero's the cardinal of lorrain . but on the contrary , he has highly condemned so shameful a fact ; neither could he forbear to declame , in more than one place , against those barbarous people that did it . my reader , says he , ought not to expect from me an account of all that was done upon this unhappy day , which i wish , with all my heart , had been buryed in the sh●des of eternal oblivion . so soon as it rung the warning † bell at the palace , there were more than fifty thousand men armed running up and down the streets , like so many furies let loose , breaking open doors , crowding into the houses that were marked out , or that they themselves had observed , making the air sound with the hideous cries that were heard from the groans of men and women that were assassinated , and the oaths and blasphemies of those that murdered them , dispatch , kill , stab , knock them down , fling them out of the windows , made paris all that day , which was upon a sunday , and a feast , a bloody theater of cruelty , or rather an abominable butchery , by the slaughter of above six thousand persons , whose blood ran down the kennels , and their bodies , all gored with wounds , dragged into the river . this was what we might reasonably expect from the brutish and blind rage of a rabble , when they are let loose to do what they please with impunity . but that which we find in this altogether mis-becoming the french generosity , which ought to be the proper character of the nobility of the kingdom , especially those of the highest rank , was , that the marshal de tavannes , the chief contriver of this massacre , and the duke de montpensier , too warm a catholick , went up and down the streets encouraging the people , who were already but too much transported of themselves , and setting them on upon every body sparing none . the king himself , who saw out of his chamber-window the mangled bodies floating upon the water , was so far from being troubled at the sight , that he shot with a long gun , though to no p●rpose , cross the river , at those , who they had told him , were got into the faubourg st. germain to save themselves from the massacre , and cryed out as loud as he could stretch his voice , that they should pursue and kill them . however , he was afterwards extreamly trouble at it ; and to excuse himself from the imputation of so cruel an act , he caused letters to be writ the same day , to all the governors of the provinces , that all which was done at paris upon st. bartholomew's day , was the effect of an old quarrel that was b●tween the duke of guise and the admiral , which drew on such deadly consequences , it being impossible to hinder them during that rage the parisians were then stirred up to , by running into arms for the guises against the huguenots . however , this excuse passed but for a little while . they made the king sensible , that besides it would not be credited , it would expose his majesty to the contempt of his subjects , when they should see by this , that he had not authority enough over the guises to be obeyed by them , nor power and resolution to punish so great a fault . wherefore wholly changing his mind , he appointed the tuesday following to appear himself in parliament , where he declared , the same which he likewise caused to be writ to all the governors , that this massacre was committed by his order , though to his great grief , for prevention of a hellish conspiracy , which the admiral with the huguenots had entred into against his person , and against all the princes of the blood , thereby to possess himself of the soveraign power and of the regality , when they should at one blow have destroyed all the royal line . the premier president , christopher du thou , though in his heart he abhorred so foul an action , as that of st. bartholomew's day , and openly disclaimed against it all his life , does yet undertake , out of a flattery little becoming so great a magistrate , to commend it , as the effect of a singular prudence , and in his speech to extol the king , who to preserve the government , by suppressing those that would have overthrown it , understood so well how to practice that excellent rule of lewis the eleventh , who was used to say , he that knows not how to dissemble , knows nothing of the art of governing . and the better to prove this plot , which gained but little faith then , and that no body believes now , they proceeded against old briquemaud , marshal du camp to the princes army , against caragnes chancellor to the party , and against the dead admiral . they were all three hanged , the last in effigy , by something made up like him , with a tooth-pick in his mouth , as he was almost always used to have , and the two others in person , before the king and the queen , who would needs see the execution out of the town-house window . they thought by this likewise , to perswade the † princes , whom they had a mind to draw over from that party , by making them believe , that they had engaged with those , who were their greatest enemies , and the most profligate of all men . what do you think , says our friend , after he had read all this long story out of monsieur maimbourg ; what do you think of the enemies of the french protestants , and their dealings ? i assured him , i was extreamly surprised : and that out of respect to the quality of those that acted , i durst not tell him all i thought . but i heartily thank monsieur maimbourg , for letting the world know , that this pretended hellish conspiracy , charged upon the huguenots , to take away their good name , after they had taken away their lives , was but a shameful story , raised by a devilish malice to excuse a hellish action : and for so freely censuring the meaness of the premier president , christopher du thou , who was so base to commend that in publick , which he abhorred in private , and to countenance such a story , against the dictates of his own conscience . all the world may by this easily discern the spirit of popery : it is a spirit of murder and lying . it causes the shedding rivers of blood , and it invents lies to colour its murders , and to commit fresh ones , by which briguemaud and cavagnes were hanged . this is to say much in a few words , says our friend . and if monsieur maimbourg had been constantly so ingenuous , as he is upon this occasion , his book would be no libel , but a true and righteous defence of the protestants innocence . all those dreadful things which he there alledges against them , are the stamp of the same spirit , which vouches a conspiracy , to justifie the massacre . neither was it harder for him to be assured of that , than to satisfie himself , that this last report was a meer story . this story was , as he says himself , the first means his church thought fit to use for the conversion of the young king of navarre , who was afterwards henry the great , and the young prince of condè to the roman religion . they likewise believed , says he , that this , meaning the false rumour of a hellish conspiracy against all the royal line , would help towards the conversion of the princes , by making them believe , they were engaged with those that were their greatest enemies and the worst of men. an excellent way of converting truly ! and becoming the christian religion . i will now read to you , what account monsieur maimbourg gives of charles the ninth's proceedings in the accomplishment of this excellent work , after as christian a manner , as it had been begun . whilst they were massacring the huguenots in the louvre , and all over paris , the king sent for those princes into his closet , where , after he had in short given them the reason of this bloody proceeding , of which they themselves had seen some part , and which was yet in execution , he tells them with a stern countenance , imperious and threatning according to his custom , that being resolved no longer to suffer in his kingdom so wicked a religion , which teaches its followers to revolt , and even to conspire against the person of their sovereign , he expected they should presently renounce this cursed sect , and that they should embrace the faith which was always professed by the most christian kings , from whom they had the honor to be descended : and that if they refused to comply with him in this , he would use them just as they had seen them used , whose rebellion and impiety they had hitherto been directed by . to this the king of navarre answered , with all respect , that he was no ways obstinate , but was ready to submit to instruction , and sincerely to embrace the catholick religion when he should be convinced of the truth of it , which as yet he was ignorant of . the prince of condè answered , that his majesty , whose subject he was , might dispose of his life and fortune as he pleased ; but not of his religion , for which he was accountable to god alone , of whom he held it . this answer given to a fierce and hasty master , put him into so great a rage , that falling into hard words , calling him ever and anon , seditious mad-man , rebel , and son of a rebel : he swore by god , that if he did not comply , in that little time which he should give him , he would have his life . nay more , not being able to endure to see , that in spight of all their endeavors to convert him , this prince should still continue unmoveable : he drew his sword , and vowed he would destroy all the rest of the huguenots , that persisted in their heresie , beginning presently with the prince of condè . and it was with much ado , that the young queen prevailed with him to lay by his sword , casting herself at his feet to entreat him , with hands lifted up , and tears in her eyes , but to forbear a little while . he yielded , but at the same time , making the prince be brought before him , he cast two or three thundring looks at him , without saying any more than these three words to him in a threatning and frightful tone , mass , death , or the bastile : and so turning away , he dismissed him . this wrought so strongly upon the mind of the poor prince , and so terrified him , that he solemnly abjured calvinism in the presence of his uncle the cardinal of bourbon , as had done before him , the king of navarre , the lady catharine his sister , and the princess of condè . you see what were the motives , that converted the princes . and this detestable massacre was the introduction of the fourth war upon the protestants , as mezeray says . as to the fact , our jesuite , jesuite as he is , notwithstanding condemns it . neither has he the heart to charge the huguenots with these new troubles . the king raised several armies to extirpate those that had escaped the massacre . they layed the two so much talked of sieges of rochel and sanvane ; which were raised at the arrival of the polish embassadors , come to seek for the duke of anjou , elected king of that kingdom , whither he went. charles the ninth falls very ill . the prince of condé flies into germany , and returns again to the protestant communion . the king dies after a thousand remorses of conscience upon the account of st. bartholomew's massacre . for we are told , that oftentimes he fancied that he saw a sea of blood flowing before his eyes , and that they should hear him from time to time cry out , ah! my poor subjects , what have ye done to me ? they forced me to it . then though too late , he acknowledg'd , that it was not the protestants , as the jesuite maimbourg so maliciously reports , but the montmorency's and the guises , who had been the real authors of all the troubles . he had owned , says mezeray , that the houses of montmorency and guise were the true causes of the civil wars . the king of poland , who was afterwards called henry the third , returns into france , and succeeds charles the ninth . the protestants apply to him for peace , and at the same time , that atheism and blasphemy may be exemplarily punished , and that the ordinances against enormous and lewd whoring , which drew down the wrath of god upon france , might be execu●●● ●ut , says mezeray , this untoward reproof , made the huguenots mere ha●ed at court than did all their insurrections and heresies . they had no fruit 〈◊〉 their demands : they would not be hearkned to . the war was kept up every where . the duke of alanzon , presumptive heir to the crown , retired from court , and headed the protestants . " the king of navarre likewise withdrew four months after . their conjunction with the prince of condè , who had raised a considerable army , obliges the court at last to agree to peace , which they had so long desired . the edict was prepared and verified the th of may , . it allowed the protestants the free exercise of their religion , which from that time forwards , was to be called * the pretendded reformed religion . it allowed them church-yards , and made them capable of all offices both in the colledges , hospitals , &c. forbid farther enquiry after priests and fryars , that were married ; declared their children legitimate , and capable of succ●ssion , &c. expressed a deep resentment of the slaughters upon st. bartholomew's day : exempted the children of those , that had been killed , from the * duty of the militia , if they were gentlemen , and from taxes , if yeomen : repealed all the acts which had condemned the admiral , briquemaud , cavagnes , montgommery , montbrun , and others of the religion : owned the prince and d' amville for his good subjects , casimir for his allie and neighbor , and owned all they had done , as done for his service : gave to those of the religion , for their better security of justice , the * chambres my parties , in each parliament or court of justice , &c. but all this was only for a new decoy to catch the huguenots . mezeray observes , that so soon as they had got the duke of alanzon from them , they began afresh to contrive their ruine . and then it was , that terrible league broke out , which under pretence of extirpating the protestants , set the whole kingdom in a flame . all the historians agree , that it was the pernicious cause of all the wars , that were made against the huguenots , during the reign of henry the third , and that had like to have laid france waste . wherefore , to justifie the innocence of the protestants , during all these troubles , we need only observe the measures and designs of the league , which was the cause of them . i will keep to what monsieur maimbourg says . he is thus far ingenuous , this league , says he , had like to have overthrown both church and state. the most of those that went into it , or rather run headlong and blindfold with so much heat and passion , and especially the common people , the clergy and the fryars , were but stales to those that composed the cabal , where ambition , malice , and self-interest had more share , than religion , which in all probability was brought in for no other end , but to ch●at the world. these were the king of spain , queen catharine , and the duke of guise : who cast up their accounts together , though upon very different reasons , yet such as agreed all against the state : the duke , to make himself head of a party , which after the expiration of the * valois , might advance him to yet a higher pitch ; the queen , that she might have a pretence to bring in her grandchild henry , son to charles duke of lorrain , instead of the lawful successor to the crown ; the king of navarre , her son-in-law , whom she cared not for ; and the spaniard , to take advantage of the division the league would cause among the french , to make them ruine one another , and afterwards become their master . this league divided the catholicks , who took arms one against anther , the one to s●cure religion , as they said , the other to defend the royal authority , and the fundamental law of the land , which they designed to overthrow . it obliged the king , for prevention of the dangerous conspiraci●s of the leaguers , to come to a difficult extreme , and to join his forces with those of the huguenot party , to reduce the catholick rebels to their duty . it stirred up terrible commotions all over the kingdom . this cursed league was made in opposition to the royal authority , under the fair pretence of religion . it had a fowl beginning , though contrary to the common apprehension of those , who know not how to fift into the bottom of it . it s procedure was abominable , being neither more nor less , but almost a continued attempt against the government of a king , who was at least as good a catholick as they that headed the league . in conclusion , that the rise and design of the league extended to the subversion of the royal family . i shall not need to give an exact account here of all the steps the contrivers of this violent conspiracy took , since the holding of the estates at blois in the year . where , as the bishop of rhodes says , the king , henry the third , was forced to declare himself head of the league , whereby from a soveraign he became head of a faction , and enemy to a part of his subjects , down to the year . when they caused this unfortunate prince to be stabbed by iaques clement the fryar . it is enough to understand , that by the confession of monsieur maimbourg hims●lf , the duke of guise and his complices , did not put henry the third upon persecuting the protestants with that heat and violence , for any other end , but by the ruin● of the protestants to compass the subversion of the royal family . this was the bottom of all their designs ▪ all their aim was to take the crown from its lawful heirs . the first thing the guises and the queen mother proposed to themselves , when the duke of alenzon was dead , says the bishop of rhodes , was each to make sure of the crown , as if the succession had been at an end . this prelate says further , that the duke of guise his design was to secure the crown to himself . so soon as ever the league was co●● to a heighth and strengthened , they that had contrived it , made it 〈◊〉 that it was not only to s●cure religion for the future , but from 〈◊〉 moment to get themselves up to the throne ; and that thei● 〈◊〉 was not only upon the king of navarre , who was to succ●●d , 〈◊〉 upon henry the third , who then reigned . they had hired certain new divin●s , who undertook to maintain , " that a prince who does not his duty , ought to be deposed ; that nothing but a power well disposed , is of god ; else , when it is out of order , it is not authority , but invasion ; and that it is as ridiculous , to say such a one is king , who knows not how to govern , and is void of understanding , as to believe that a blind man may be a guide , or that a sensless statue may give motion to living men in short , the same bishop asse●ts in express terms , that the duke of guise , ' perpetually urged henry the third , to give him forces to accomplish the extirpation of the huguenots , in whose ruine he certainly expected to involve the king of navarre . it appears from all this , that the protestants could not omit defending themselves with all their might , in the wars which the league stirred up against them , without betraying their king , their country , the lawful heir of the crown , who headed them , and the whole line of the bourbons . i do not think there needs any more to take off all aspersions . neither can i imagine what the jes●ite maimbourg means , who understood all this so exactly well , to say of these worthy defenders of the crown , they became more obstinate and more insolent under henry the third . what! would he have had , all the protestants suffered their throats to be cut , he that maintains the design of those , who would have cut the protestants throats , to have been the subversion of the fundamental law of the land , the extinguishing of the royal family , and to have taken away the crown from his kings renowned grandfather ? in good earnest his king is much beholding to him , to call that obstinacy and insolence , which was the heroick attempts of those , who so often hazarded th●ir lives , to preserve that throne for for him which he enjoys with so great glory . you see easily then , says our friend ; that justly they can no more charge the french protestants with rebellion , than they can do with any plot against their king , down to the reign of henry the fourth , whom they delivered from the fury of the league , and seated in the throne in despite of all the obstructions of this powerful faction . therefore monsieur maimbourg is but an infamous detractor , when he charges them with rebellions , which cost france so much blood , and plots , which he accuses them to have layed with the enemies , to withdraw themselves from under the monarchy , by openly setting up for a commonwealth . the later part of this accusation is so absurd , that it deserves not to be considered . whom would this man perswade , that they who made no other war , but under the conduct of princes of the blood , who were so nearly concerned for the support of the monarchy , should ●v●r end●avor to set up a commonwealth ? besides , is there any likelihood , that so many protestants of the nobility , who hold all their honor of the monarchy , and had no other lustre , but as they were rays of the royal sun , should have renounced their glory and dependence upon the court , to lie obnoxious to the caprice of a seditious multitude under the obscurity of a commonwealth ? they took up arms about the beginning of henry the fourths reign , or indeed rather , they continued in arms : but it was only to compleat his conquests , and to settle him in the throne , by dispersing the remainder of the league , which held out as long as it could , from owning him king , even when he was turned roman catholick , and reconciled to the pope . so soon as all the troubles were appeased , and every one reduced to his duty , he setled the famous edict of nantes , under the title of perpetual and irrevocable , as i shewed you at our first meeting : which gave the protestants a full peace , during the remaining part of this prince's life . his life had been as long as glorious , in all appearance , but for the wicked knife of the vile ravillac , who had the confidence to spill this illustrious blood , in time of peace , which was so much reguarded in the heat of war. the disorders broke out again , after france had lost its wise pilot , and invincible protector . but because this conference has held us so long ; let us , if you please , defer what we have more to say in justification of the french protestants , till another time . only give me leave , before we part , to read to you a passage out of mezeray . he confutes in very few words , all monsieur maimbourg's calumnies , by which he would maliciously charge the protestant religion , with all the mischiefs in france , and all the rest of europe , during the reigns of francis the second , and charles the ninth , whereas this excellent historian , who has more sincerity than the jesuite , though of the same religion , lays them all to the abominable wickedness , the papists of these two courts were alone guilty of . these are his words charlee the ninth lived years wanting days . but he began not to reign , till after the siege of rochelle . his mother always kept the government in her own hand , with three or four of her confidents , who turned all upside down , to keep the authority to themselves . thence sprung the continual civil wars , pursued with so many fatal battles , pillages , and all sorts of waste . thence came the abuse of military discipline , the corruption of manners , the overthrowing of laws : in short , this barbarous day of st. bartholomew , and a thousand other mischiefs that perplexed his reign , had all their rise from hence . three great evils prevailed likewise in those days , which did most provoke the divine majesty , to wit , blasphemy , sorcery , and all sorts of villanies ; which having begun ever since the reign of henry the second , drew the vengeance of heaven upon this unhappy kingdom , and were the cause that god visited it with so many judgments one after another . after we had read this passage , we appointed a day to meet again , and so parted . i take my leave therefore , for this time , and remain , &c. the end of the fourth letter . the fifth letter . french protestants innocency , under lewis the thirteenth . sir , i was no sooner come to our friends chamber , and that we were sate down , but we fell to our business . i am very well satisfied , says i to him , in all that you have told me hitherto in behalf of the french protestants ; and i am convinced , that till the reign of their king lewis xiii . they cannot justly charge them with any plot or rebellion against their kings . if at any time they have taken up arms , it was always to secure the crown to their lawful prin●es , against the ambitious designs of the house of guise , and under the authority of the first princes of the blood , who had a natural right to oppose the usurpation these strangers would have made ; who , making an ill use of the simplicity , minority , and weakness of the kings francis the second , charles the ninth , and henry the third , had taken the scepter out of their hands , or at least would have deprived their rightful successors of it , had not the protestants given succour with their utmost force , the great prince of condè first , and afterwards the king of navarre . therefore to say the truth , they armed only in their kings quarrel , and especially to secure to france the illustrious house of bourbon , which sits on that throne at present . after all , it is clear , that hitherto they cannot question their loyalty , or their innocence , but through the heart of henry the great , by blasting his memory , and disgracing his crown and all his posterity . but i must confess to you , that i am to seek , how well to defend them against the reproaches for their several insurrections under the reign of lewis the thirteenth . for in the year they joined with the prince of conde against their king , which had like to have set the whole nation in a flame . in the year they sided with the queen-mother , who raised forces against the king her son. in the years and they gave the occasion , by the meeting they held at rochel , contrary to the king 's express command , of a most bloody war , in which many of their garisons were besieged , taken , and sacked . in the year they carried away their king's ships from blavet , they seized upon the island of oleron , they had divers battels . lastly , in the years and they gave fresh disturbances under the command of the duke of rohan , and rochel revolted from its allegiance to that degree of obstinacy , that nothing but the utmost extremity of famine could make them open their gates . these several insurrections , which are continually objected against them , gives occasion to their enemies to cry them down at court amongst the nobility , and indeed all over the nation , as a restless sort of people , active , and dangerous , whose religion inspires them with a spirit of sedition and back-sliding , pernicious to monarchs and monarchies . therefore pray instruct me what i may answer in their justification and defence . i know not , says our friend , whether you are in jest or earnest , but for my part i find nothing more easie than to satisfie any reasonable perso● in this point . . ●tis is a hundred and sixty years since there have been protestants in france . for by the confession of monsieur maimbourg himself , the reformation begun to be settled ever since the year . and all the world agrees , that from this year to the death of henry the second , who was killed with a lance by montgomery , in the year , which was about years after , the protestants continued all along exactly loyal an● in the deepest veneration for their kings . monsieur maimbourg indeed disputes the thirty years under the reigns of francis the second , charles the ninth , and henry the third , but i have confuted all his calumnies in this particular , and you have allowed the strength of my arguments for clearing the protestants during these three reigns ; so that here are years of allegiance and loyalty . neither have they any thing to say against them upon this account for the one and twenty years that henry the fourth reigned , or for the four first years of lewis the thirteenth , no more than for the years that passed between the year , at what time all the wars about religion ceased , and this present time , when they are persecuted with the utmost rigour . so that for a hundred and sixty years that the protestants have been in france , there are but fourteen in which they have any thing to object against them , that is , from their uniting with the prince of condè in the year to the general peace concluded in the month of iuly . and of these fourteen years , we must deduct seven , which are the years , , , , , , and . in which there were no civil wars . thus when all is cast up , and due deduction made , allow the worst that can be , there are but seven years which they can reproach them with . and suppose it true , that the protestants , during these seven years , should have forgot themselves so far as to have come short of their duty towards their sovereign ; is it just to infer from thence , that the principles they go by proceed from a spirit of sedition and rebellion ? is there any proportion between seven years misbehaviour and uneasiness , and above a hundred and fi●ty years duty and loyalty , such duty and loyalty , as have undergone the greatest proofs ? and since they have testified twenty times more zeal and constancy for the service of their kings , than they have shewed disobedience and opposition to their orders ; does not reason and justice plainly oblige us to conclude from thence , that they are animated by a spirit of loyalty and obedience ? it must be confessed , that their loyalty , which stood firm for more than fourscore years , was shaken to some degree for the space of seven years . but he that swounds away is not dead : the sun goes not out when it is ●clipsed ; and the loyalty of the protestants is so well recovered from its fainting fit , that it is more than half an age that we find it resisting all manner of provocations and ill usage , without yielding in the least . this long and constant perseverance of the protestants in their duty , is that we ought to have regard to , if we would be just in taking the true character of their spirit , and not the infirmity of a hasty and short-lived transport . this ought to be enough to satisfie all reasonable men : and yet it is not all that can be said in behalf of these poor persecuted people . . it is a great matter , sir , that they can with no justice impute those insurrections you spake of , to the whole body of the french protestants . for , first , there was an infinite number of them not in the least concerned . secondly , they that were the ring-leaders , were only protestants in name , but really men only of this world , ambitious or covetous , who only made use of religion for a mask to hide their wicked purposes , and for a pretence to ●ish in troubled waters . but if there happened to be any sincere protestants who were drawn in by these hypocrites to take up arms with them , as it is not to be doubted , they did it not in pursuit of the principles of their religion , which is point-blanck against such proceedings , but out of too great a fear of death , or something worse , through a usual infirmity of nature , from which the best of christians are not wholly exempt . the first need no defence ; the second deserve it not , and the third sort plead their fear ( the rather because just , as it were easie to prove ) as well as their repentance . as the first are they that held to the true principles of their religion , it is but reasonble that we should make our judgment of the french protestants from their behaviour . the second , as they did but act a part , and were impostors , there is no reason their extravagancies and rebellions should be charged upon the true protestants , who disown their fraternity : and because the third falled out of weakness , it is the duty of a christian compassion , and the sense of our own infirmities to forget and forgive their failures . i propose nothing in all this , but upon the most authentick authority that could be wished for upon such an occasion ; it is a declaration of lewis xiii . given at bourdeaux the th of november , . upon the joyning of the protestants with the prince of condè . many , says this king , speaking of the protestants of his kingdom , have taken up arms against us , to assist the commotion begun by our cousin the prince of condè ; amongst which , there are that use religion only for a better pretence to conceal their ambition and extream thirst of bettering themselves by the disturbance and ruine of the state ; and the rest have been cheated , and imposed upon by false suggestions and vain fears that the former sort have put into their heads , as if there were no avoiding persecution , but presently to take up arms with them in their own defence , making them believe , the better to work upon their easiness , that in the private article , upon the match with spain , it was agreed and covenanted to drive them out of the kingdom , or wholly to destroy them ; which they being too forward to believe , have run into this engagement , out of a conceit that they are forced to it in their own defence , which makes their fault pardonable , and worthy rather of pity than punishment . but these tricks have not prevailed or seduced the wiser and better sort , who profess the same religion purely out of conscience , as expecting to be saved by it , and not to promote a faction ; who , to a considerable number , as well lords , gentlemen , towns , corporations , as other private persons of all qualities , condemn and abhor the wickedness and rashness of their attempt , and have publickly declared by word of mouth , and writing , that it ought to be esteemed as neither more nor less than a down-right rebellion , &c. we have declared and ordained , and do declare and ordain , upon consideration , and in favour to the loyalty which has been observed towards us by an infinite number of our good subjects of the said religion , amongst which there are of the chiefest and best quality , who deserve a special proof of our good-will , that what has been committed by those of the same religion , who have taken up arms against us , or that have in any manner aided or assisted them , have likewise the favour of our edicts , and that they share in this grace as if they had always continued in their duty , &c. this same king would by no means have the least reproach lie upon those protestants , whose fault he had declared pardonable , though they had joined with the prince of condè . for when they came to consider ' all things for appeasing these first troubles , he owns them for his faithful subjects , and maintains all they had done , as done for his service . it is in article xvii . of the edict of blois , in the year . and by your leave i will read you the article that there may be no question of the good intention of our dearest cou●in the prince of condè , and of those that joyned with him , we declare , that we hold and esteem our said cousin the prince of condè to be our good kinsman and faithful subject and servant ; as likewise the other princes , duk●s , peers , o●ficers of our crown , lords , gentlemen , towns , communalties , and others , as well catholicks as those of the pretended reformed religion , of what quality or condition soever , that have assisted , joined , and united themselves with him , either before , or during the cessation of arms , understanding also thereby the deputies of the pr●tended reformed religion , lately assembled at nismes , and now at our city of rochel , to be our good and loyal subjects and servants : and having seen the declaration addressed to us by our said cousin the prince of condè , we believe and look upon what was done by him and the aforenamed , to have been done for a good end and purpose , and for our service . in all the following troubles , the same distinction is to be made . the whole body of protestants was never engaged in them ; the greater and more sober part always kept to their obedience and duty , in despite of all the injuries that were done them . they were contented to encounter god and their ●ing with tears and prayers , or if they were seen in arms , it was in the armies , and under the standards of their king , whil'st they that were not protestants , but in shew , made all the stirs , which they unjustly impute to the true protestants , of which , if any were drawn in by the insinuation of several disaffected persons , and through impatience of the unjust severities they were treated with , against the engagement of the edicts , to defend themselves by force of arms , their religion , which is from jesus christ , never allowed it in opposition to their superiors . but after all , it was but a small number of the protestants that gave in to those rough provocations they then lay under : in so doing , they departed from the principles of the protestant religion : their own brethren , an in●inite number of them , have condemned them for it , true christians are pardon'd daily for faults committed upon far more flight motives : the king himself , that then reigned , has determined , that the cause of their taking up arms , which was undoubtedly a very just grievance as well as a sudden terror , made their crime pardonable , and rather deserving pity than punishment . however , to lay the fault of particular men , upon the whole body , or the protestant religion it self , as their enemies do every day , is as if we should charge the whole church and romish religion with the faults of those papists , who to a very great number followed either the late prince of condè in the troubles of the year . or the queen-mother , mary de medicis in those of the year . or the present prince of conde in the civil wars during the minority of lewis xiv . i am confident the papists would cry out against it , as a great and foul injustice done to their church . and yet why do they continually use the protestants thus unreasonably ? i presume this may serve for a full justification , in reference to the spirit of rebellion imputed upon the account of what passed in the beginning of the reign of lewis xiii . they cannot wrong them more , than to make their religion answerable for the weakness of some of them , who were disapproved by the wisest among them , who have more reason to be considered , than a few , who acted contrary to the principles of the protestant religion , as they are contained in their confession of faith , established by their most eminent divines , as i shewed you at our third conference . so that i suppose , sir , it will be needl●ss to run through all the several troubles , which followed the first , down to the year , . this may answer the whole . yet methinks , said i , you should not have done , before you have said something particularly of rochel . it s rebellion and siege have made too great a noise in the world , and perchance that which happened about this town , is what has raised the greatest cry against the french protestants , as commonwealthsmen and traytors . therefore i shall no more question their loyalty , and you will enable me to defend them sufficiently under the reign of lewis xiii as well as under those that went before ; if you can set me right in the excuse of rochel . it will be no hard matter for me , says our friend , to satisfie you in this point . and we english are particularly oblig●d to make out the innocence of the protestants in this affair . if any be to blame , we are . for it was we that engaged them in this last war. but , god be thanked , they can charge us with nothing , to make it the clearer to you , we must take the business a little higher . rochel did belong to the kings of england , being a part of their dominion by the marriage of eleanor , countess of poitou , in the year . with henry ii. when he was yet but duke of normandy . but the king of france , lewis viii . assaulted and took it by force in the year . it fell again into the hands of our kings , who were the rightful lords of it , in the year . by the peace of bretegny , as part of the ransome for iohn king of france , who was taken prisoner at the battle of poitiers , by edward prince of wales . but in the year . the rochellers were so unhappy as to withdraw their allgiance from their natural lord our king edward iii. and to compleat their revolt , they put themselves under the pow●r of the french king. this occurrence ought to be observed , though i shall say nothing of it , but in mezeray's own words . this town , says he , having shaken off the english yoke , desired to come under the french , upon condition of prese●ving that liberty it had acquired by its own means . and therefore , it delivered it self up to the king , it made so good a bargain for it self , ( which was agreed by letters under the broad seal , and the seals of his peers ) that the castle should be demolished , and that there never should be any within or near the town , &c. the same historian touches upon this in another place . in consideration , says he , that rochel came voluntarily into france , the king , charles v. seeing that the townsmen having of themselves quitted the power they were under , to the great hazard of their lives , could either continue free , or give themselves up to whom they pleased , granted them all the priviledges they could d●●●re , as , that they might coin florins , mony of a mixt metal ; 〈◊〉 the castle should be demolished , and that no other should be built in their town . and by other letters he promises them , that their walls and forts should stand ; and that he would raise none upon them . he goes on with the other great immunities that were granted to rochel by this king , and by his successors , not sticking to declare ingenuously , that henry ii. and francis i. by sometimes placing their governors and garisons , had infringed their priviledges . he adds , ' that the rochellers looked upon this as a violation , and always waited for a more favourable occasion to restore themselves to their original right . by this you see that rochel did not deliver it self up to france , but upon conditions , and so were to continue their obedience no longer than the articles stipulated by the rochellers , and accepted by the king of france , were observed . it appears that one of these articles says expresly . that they were never to build castle or fort either in or about the town . notwithstanding contrary to this agreement , they raise a fort before rochel , in time of the war , which was in the years , ▪ . and though they promised by the articles of peace , which were afterwards agreed upon , that this fort should be slighted , yet it always continued : which was the cause of those troubles , that followed in the years , , . the rochellers being no longer obliged to keep touch with the king of france , because he had broke the treaty , by vertue of which alone , they became his subjects . the affairs of europe disposing the late king , our soveraign lord charles i. to interpose for a pacification : the rochellers , and such other protestants of france as had engaged in their quarrel , agreed to refer all their concerns to him . and he obtained it for them a second time , that this fort , which was so great an eye-sore to rochel , should be demolished ; for which he was guarantee by an authentick declaration , that his embassadors gave in writing . i will read it to you . we henry rich , baron of kensington , ●arl of holland , captain of the guards to the king of great britain , knight of the order of the garter , and counsellor of state ; and dudley carleton knight , counsellor of state , and vicechamberlain of his majesties houshold , embassadors extraordinary from his said majesty to the most christian king , to all present and to come , greeting . it so falling out that montmartin and manial , deputies-general of the reformed churches of france , and other particular deputies of the dukes of rohan and soubise , with those of several towns and provinces , who were engaged with them , have made their peace with the most christia● king ; by our advice and interposition it is agreed and consented to 〈◊〉 the said king their soveraign . and the deputies have released many things , which they esteemed very important for their security , and all conformable to their ●dicts and declarations , which they had express order to insist upon at the treaty of peace , and which they had resolutely persisted in , saving the obedience they owe and desire to pay their king and soveraign , and saving the respect and deference they would shew to the so express summons and demands of the most serene king of great britain our master , in whose name we have exhorted and advised them to condescend to the conditions offered and given in upon the abovenamed peace , in kindness , and for the good of this kingdom , and the satisfaction and aid of christendom in general . for these reasons we declare and certifie , that by the words they had before agreed upon with us , for the finishing of the said treaty , and which were produced in the presence , and by the command of his most christian majesty , by the lord chancellor , in order to the acceptance of the peace , importing , that by long services , and a continued obedience , they had reason to expect the kings favour , which they never could procure by any treaty , even of matters esteemed of greatest importance , for which in due time they might receive humble addresses with all humility and respect : there was a clearer explication on his majesties part , and his ministers reported to us by the commissioners for the peace ; persons of great quality , appointed and put in , with directions and power from his majesty and his ministers , the sense and meaning of which is , that they mean the fort lo●is before rochel , and thereby , to give assurance of the demolishing of it in convenient time , and in the mean while for the ●aking off those other matters , which rest by the aforesaid treaty of peace , to the prejudice of the liberty of the town of rochel ; without which assurance of demolishing and taking off the garisons , the aforesaid deputies have protested to us , that they had never consented to the continuation of the said fort , being directed and resolved to hold the right of its demolition , as they do by the present declaration , in confidence that the king of great britain will endeavour by his mediations , together with their most humble intreaties for shortning the time of the said demolition : for which we have given them all the words and promises of a king , they could wish for , after we had laid before them , that they ought and might rest satisfied therein . in confirmation of which , and what else we have above said , we have signed and sealed this present with our names and coats of arms , and made the same he countersigned by one of our secretaries . given at paris the eleventh of february . signed thus , holland , d. carleton . with the seals under each of their names . and below , by command of my lords , avgier . our king pressed the performance of so solemn a promise , for demolishing the fort louis , to little purpose : when they neither took notice of his sollicitations , nor the obligation to which his embassadors had tyed him up , to see this treaty of peace executed you may perceive it by the duke of buckingham's manifesto , who at last landed upon the isle of rè , with an army , to discharge the royal word of our soveraign . this is the manifestò . ; what share the kings of great britain have always taken in the concerns of the reformed churches of this kingdom , and with how much zeal and care they have laboured for their good , is notorious to all men , the experiences of which have been as frequent , as the occasions . the present king , my most honoured lord and master , comes nothing short of his predecessors in this point : had not the good and laudable purposes for their good , been perverted to their ruine , by those , that were most concerned in their true accomplishment . what advantages has he let slip ? what course has he not taken , by his alliance with france , to enable himself to procure more e●fectually and powerfully the restitution of the churches to their ancient liberty and splendor ? and what could be expected less , from so strict an alliance , and so many repeated promises from the mouth of a great prince , but effects truly noble , and suitable to his high quality ? but so far has his majesty been , after so many promises , and such strict ties of amity , from being able to obtain freedom and security for the churches , and restore france to peace , by reconciling those , that breath nothing but entire obedience to their king , under the liberty of the edicts : that on the contrary , they have made use of the interest he had in those of the religion to deceive them ; thereby not only to disingage him from them , but likewise to render him , if not hated , at least suspected , in diverting the means he had appointed for their good , to a quite contrary end . witness the english ships , intended not for the extirpation of those of the religion : but on the contrary , an absolute promise made not to employ them against that party : whi●h were nevertheless brought before rochel , and employed in the last sea-fight against them . what then could be hoped for from so powerful a prince , as the king my master , so grosly disappointed , but a resentment equal in proportion to the injuries received ? but he forbore beyond all patience . whilst he had hopes by other means to advantage the churches : he sought not to do it by force of arms , till he had been made the instrument and mediator of the last peace , upon very hard terms ; and such as never had been accepted of without his majesties intercession , who interposed his credit and mediation towards the churches to accept of it , even with threats , that he might save the honor of the most christian king , upon assurance on his side , not only of making good , but likewise of bettering the terms , for which he became surety on behalf of the churches . but what was the event of all this , but an abuse of his goodness ? and which his majesty looked upon as the chief remedy of all their miseries , has it not almost given the last blow to the ruine of the churches ? it missed very narrowly , by keeping up the fort before ro●●el , the slighting of which was promised , by the outrages of the soldiers and garisons , and of the said fort and islands , as well upon the inhabitants of the said town , as upon strangers , who instead of being wholly withdrawn , were daily increased , and other forts built , and by the stay of the commissioners in the said town beyond the time agreed , to make cabals there , and by means of the divisions they stirred up among the inhabitants , to set open the gates to the neighbouring troops , and by other contraventions and breaches of the peace it missed , i say , very narrowly , that the said town , and with it all the churches had given up the ghost . and for all this his majesty yet contained himself , and used no other weapons against so many affronts and breaches of faith , but complaints and intercessions : till he had certain advice , confirmed by letters that were intercepted , of the great preparations the most christian king had made to set down before rochel . and now what could his majesty have done less , than vindicate his honor by immediately arming himself against those that had made him party to their false dealing , and given proof of his integrity , and the zeal he has always had for reestab●ishing the churches , a work which will be ever valued by him above all other things ? and this was the only end of arming him●elf , and not any private interest ; if any one shall yet question , let him but consider the circumstance of the time , and the po●ture of his affairs . for who can believe , that the king my ma●ter has any design upon ●rance , or making any conquests there , at so improper a time , when he has already upon him an enemy , one of the most powerful princes in the world ? and that , if he had any such thoughts , of so many men as he has raised , which are the same charge to him , as if he had them here , and which he is always ready to send over , if the churches want them , he should only send a handful , in comparison of so many as would be needful for so great an undertaking , besides the great succors he sends at the same time into germany ? who would not conclude rather , as in truth it is , that the forces here , are but auxiliaries , and that they are for no other purpose , but to assist the churches , which for so many reasons , and upon such important accounts he finds himself obliged before god and man to aid and protect ? that if they will say , the king my master was provoked to arm himself upon other considerations , as the imbargo and seizure of all the shipping , goods and effects of his subjects at bourdeaux , and other places of this kingdom , to the open breach and overthrow of the treaties between the two crowns , which are direct in this point , and to the irreparable prejudice , even the entire ruine of trade , in the disappointment of which , the poor people of this kingdom , not being able to put off their commodities , groan not only under the burden of so many taxes and impositions , but even of the necessaries of life it self ; that the apprehension the king my master has of the growth of the most christian kings power by sea , has put him upon taking arms , to hinder the progress ; and in conclusion , that he was forced to put himself in a warlike posture , through despair of an accommodation : the answer to all this must be , that whoever will take notice of the stops , seizures , and prizes that were on the one side and the other , shall find that the king my master and his subjects have hitherto got most by this breach , and that it has been an advantage to them in some measure . in the second place , he is so far from being jealous of the growth of this pretended power at se● , and seeking to obstruct it : that there needs no more , whenever the king my master shall see his time , but to give out letters of mart to his subjects , to disappoint all these vain and weak attempts , without making use of his royal power . and lastly that we were necessitated to this arming of our selves out of a despair of an accommodation : the contrary is most apparent to any one , that will consider the applications that have been made at several times , as well by their own , as by the ministers of stranger princes to the king my master , at their instance , to treat about an accommodation . all which justifies the king my master , who has not been forced to arm upon any private account , but only in aid of the churches , for whose safety and freedom he had undertaken . and there are , that would possess the world , that his majesty has a private design , and that he makes use of a pretence of the religion to form a party , by the help and addition of which , with his own forces , he thinks to carry on his design to his own purpose . but our religion teaches us otherwise , and the goodness of the king my master , in which he comes short of no man living , will never suffer him to do it . his purpose is to settle the churches , his interest is their good , his end to give them satisfaction . this being done the beating of drums and displaying of colours shall cease , and all this noise of war shall be buried in oblivion , as what was never done but upon their account , nor set forward but for their sakes : given on board the admiral this wednesday the one and twentieth of iuly . signed , buckingham . this declaration shews that our kings are resolved to love and che●ish the protestants of france ; and that our great monarch in holding his arms open to them at this day does but follow the steps of his princely father . he demonstrates thereby to all his people , that he inherites his goodness , as well as his crown ; and that , as this holy martyr , he knows assuredly , that these poor persecuted , would breath nothing but loyalty in the enjoyment of the edicts . the same declaration shews undeniably the innocence and justice of our arming upon the occasions , whereof we are treating , as not having been made but upon the extreamest necessity , when there was no other way left to hold france to that promise , of which our king was the garante , and to prevent the lo●s of rochel , which was undone only for committing its concerns to his majesty . honour , sincerity , publick faith , the law of nations , the urging duty of conscience , all obliged us to run in to the succour of a town , that had cast it self upon our monarch , and that had full right to shake off the yoke of france , since it had been no otherwise given up to the french , but upon a condition that was broken , which was , that they should build no fort upon its territory , whereby to give cause of suspicion . nevertheless , as the declaration ob●erves , they had not only built one , against the article of the treaty , which made the treaty void , and put rochel , into its full liberty , which it had acquired at other times : but they had built several , which blocked up the town on every side , and destroyed its trade , our arming therefore upon this occasion , was just . it was justified by the publick faith , and the law of necessity , and had no other end but to protect the weak , who were oppressed contrary to the ●ngagement of the treaty , which was the supporting of a good cause . for rochel , which they wasted after so many manners , was then in right to defend it self , being no longer subject to the prince , who attaqued it . conditio non impleta liberat fidem , say the civilians , a condition not fullfilled takes off all engagement . rochel had said to the king of france , you shall be my king , if you build no fort upon my territory , but not otherwise ; and the king of france consented , or rather swore , to a solemne treaty , that he would not be master of rochel , but upon this condition . so that from the moment , in which he had broken the condition agreed upon and accepted of , he put rochel into its orignal right . the rochellers are no longer his subjects ; and therefore , if they shut the gates of their town against him , if they defend themselves as well as they can against his invasion , if they call in their friends for succour ; they do it in their own right , and it is to do them open wrong , it is traducing them , to charge them with rebellion upon this account . are men rebells , when they defend themselves against the invasions of a prince , that is not their king ? this is so evident , said i here to our friend , that you need say no more . i must confess , the french protestants are set right in my opinion . they are not guilty of the wars , which infested france from the reign of francis the second , to that of henry the fourth . they lived in perfect good understanding with their countrymen during the reign of this great prince . the wars under lewis the thirteenth cannot justly be imputed to them : because the greater and sounder part of them , were not engaged ; because the real promoters of difference , were protestan●s only in name ; because if any true protestants did go in , it was upon motives and mistakes , which in the opinion , even of their king , made their fault pardonable ; and because the standing out of rochel , must by no means pass for a rebellion . so that indisputably , it is the effect of a dark and devilish malice in monsieur maimbourg and his brethren , to cry them down , at such a rate , as incendiaries and seditious , by which they would render them suspected to the magistrates and people , where they go to be out of the reach of that cruel persecution that was●s them . i cannot recover my s●lf out of the astonishment , that so wise a prince , as theirs is , should desire to lose such subjects , by driving them into despair . all europe , sayes our friend , is of the same mind . they say plainly , that the king of france cuts off the hand , which saved his crown , and of which he or his son may stand in need some time or other , to defend themselves against the ligues of the roman clergy . it is more then fifty years , that they whom they persecute , have given the highest testimony of their loyalty and zeal for the service of their kings . but what is yet more surprizing , they make use of their loyalty for an occasion of persecuting them more severely . for i know it from the first hand , in the memorial , which was presented to their king by a certain abbot some years since ; to invite him to root them out , and to open to him the way , they lay down plainly their loyalty , which sayes this memorial , they make an article of faith and a point of conscience , to satisfie him that there was no danger from them , whatever injury or rigour they used towards them . i have seen this memorial , of which there was means found to get a copy : the abbot , who was the bearer , having forgot the rule and charge , that he was under , to be secret . but i can assure you , the french court were not a little pleased with this motion , since it doth only follow the memorial step by step , in all the tricks and outrages that have been practiced upon the protestants against the security of the edicts . to be short , that which will compleat your amazement , is that this great lewis the fourteenth whom the whole world has in admiration , was disposed quite another way , as appears not only by his letter to the elector of brandenburg , which i have already communicated to you , and is but a private transaction ; but by a solemne declaration , which i must needs read to you before we part . the king's declaration , by which he confirms the edicts of pacification . lewis by the grace of god king of france and navar , to all that shall see these present letters , greeting . the late king our most honoured lord and father , whom god rest , being convinced that one of the most necessary things to preserve the peace of the kingdom , was to maintain his subjects of the pretended reformed religion in the full and entire enjoyment of the edic●● made in their favour , and to have the free exercise of their religion ; took special care by all prudent means to hinder that they should not be molested in the fruition of the liberties , prerogatives , and privileges granted to them by the said edicts : having to this end , immediately upon his coming to the crown , by letters patents of the . of may . and after he came of age by his declaration of the . of november . declared it to be his will , that the edicts should be observed , thereby to incourage his subjects so much the more to keep within their duty . and after the pattern of so great a prince , and in imitation of his bounty , we intend to do the like , having upon the same grounds and considerations by our declaration of the eight of july . willed and ordained , that our said subjects of the pretended reformed religion , enjoy all the concessions , priviledges , and advantages , especially the free and full exercise of their said religion , in pursuance of the edicts , declarations , and ordinances made in their favour upon this account . and for as much as our said subjects of the pretended reformed religion have given us certain proofs of their affection and loyalty , particularly in the present affairs , of which we are abundantly satisfied : be it known , that we for these reasons , and at the most humble request which has been made us from our said subjects professing the said pretended reformed religion , and after having it debated in our presence at council : we by the advice of the same , and upon our certain knowledge and royal authority , have said , declared and ordained , say , declare , and ordain , will , and it is our pleasure , that our said subjects of the pretended reformed religion be maintained and protected , as indeed we do maintain and protect them , in the full and entire enjoym●nt of the edict of nantes , other edicts , declarations , acts , ordinances , articles , and briefs set out in their favour , registred in parliament and edict chambers , especially in the free and publick exercise of the said religion , in all places where these orders have allowed it , all letters and acts , as well of our council , as of soverain courts or other iudicatories to the contrary notwithstanding . willing that the transgressors of our said edicts be punished and chastised , as disturbers of our publicke peace . so we give in command to our well beloved and faithfull the persons holding our courts of parliament , edict chambers ▪ bayliffs , seneschalls , their deputies , and other our officers whom it shall concern in their respective places , that they cause these presents to be registred , read and published where it shall be requisite , and keep , observe and retain according to their forme and tenure . and forasmuch as there may be need of these presents in divers places , we will that the same credit shall be given to copies duly collated by one of our well beloved and faithfull counsellors and secretaries ; as to the present original : for such is our pleasure . in witness whereof we have caused our seal to be set to these presents . given at st germains en laye . of may in the year of grace . and of our reign the tenth . signed , louis , and a little below , by the king , phelipeaux . and sealed with the broad seal . can we doubt , but , they who perswade this great prince to violate a word so solemnly given , are his mortal enemies , enemies to his glory as much or more then the protestants ? were i not obliged to go abroad , i would instantly discharge my self of the last part of my promise to you : which is to shew you , that the papists are the really guilty persons of the sins of rebellion and conspiracie , which the jesuits maimbourg , and such as he , falsly impute to the french protestant . but this shall be for our next meeting . upon which , having first appointed an other time , we parted . i am &c. the sixth letter . papists themselves antymonarchists . sir . i was sure to come at the hour appointed . our friend had two little books in his hands , just as i came into the room . he compared them one with an other , and i observed him to smile , whilst he was doing of it . pray , said i , give me leave to awake you out of your pleasant dream , and ask you , what you are so intent upon , that , for what i can perceive , pleases you very well . if you please to sit down , replied he , i will tell you in short . so i took my seat , and he went on . one of the two books , that you saw me have , is the history of calvinisme , and the other the policy of the clergy of france . whilst i was expecting you , i read what monsiuer mainbourg says in the first , to take off the prejudice protestant kings and princes might have taken against the principles and usual practice of papists . and i must confess to you , i could not forbear smiling , when i saw the ridiculous evasions this man made use of , especially after i had compared them with the objections of the author of the policy of the clergy of france , which he pretends to confute . i must needs read all this to you . you shall find proofs enough there to justifie you in what i promised , that they are the papists who are really to be feared in the point of rebellion and conspiracies , into which the principles of their religion have so often lead them ; and not the protestants of france , whose religion is so directly opposite to these sort of practices , and who , by the help of god , have never been guilty of them , properly so speaking , as i have before demonstrated to you . it is certain , says monsieur maimbourg , that in the glorious condition the king is at this day , having vanquished all those , that conspired against this soverain power , to which they all bow : he might with ease , and justly deal with the huguenots , as the protestant princes do with the catholicks . nay , his glory seems to oblige him to it . for is it not a wonderful thing , to see some princes , who come infinitely short of him in every thing , denying the catholicks the free exercise of their religion within their territories : and yet to have it expected , th●● he should endure those that profess theirs freely to exercise in his kingdome ? might he not very reasonably say to the huguenots : either let these princes allow the free exercise of my religion under them , or else do not look that i ●hould allow you the freedom of ●xercising yours and theirs in france . if you would have us observe the edicts , that were made in your favour ; see then that they make the like in favour of the catholiks . and it signifies nothing , what one of their last witnesses has 〈◊〉 of late , to give the best answer he could to this powerful argument , which overthrows them . he thought to take it off , by saying , that there is a great difference betwixt the one and the other in this respect , in as much as the catholicks believing that the pope may depose a prince , who is esteemed at rome a heretike or excommunicated person , there is reason to be at defiance with them , and to apprehend their conspiring against such a prince ; which cannot be said of the protestants , who are far from any such belief , so that there is no ground to suspect them , or imagin they should attempt any ill against the catholick princes their soveraigns . to shew , plainly how little force there is in such an answer , which is indeed but a poor shifting , we need only mark these two things , which have been laied down in this history of calvinisme , and which cannot be denied . the first is , that more dismal conspiracies are hardly to be met with , then those the hugunots have made against our kings , such as the accursed attempts of amboise , and of meaux ; not to take notice of their terrible rebellions , which have cost france so much blood , and of the unhappy plots they have entred into with their ●nemies , to withdraw their subjection from the monarchy by openly setting up a commonwealth ; as they have done more then once . the second is , that it is by no means our belief , that a pope can depose princes , though they be hereticks , nor absolve their subjects from the oath of allegiance , and give up their right to him that can first take it . far from this , our most christian kings , who are known to have been the most zealous defenders of the catholike faith , and the greatst protectors of the holy see , to which they have always unmoveably held , notwithstanding all the differences they had with some popes about temporal affairs , and the right of their crown , which they must never give up : our kings , i say , have ever protested against this pretension , grounded upon a principle , which our doctors have always condemned , as directly contrar● to the divine law. there may be seen to this purpose the remonstrances and the protestations , that i have mention●d , which charle● the ninth directed to pope pius the fourth , upon the occasion of queen iean of navar , as obstinate a huguenot as she was . therefore the king might justly use the huguenots , as the protestant princes in their states do the catholicks . i should not have done to day , if i should take notice of all that monsieur maimbourg says upon this subject . he makes it consistent with the duty and honour of the king of france , to overthrow an edict , which was the reward of the loialty and of the eminent services of the protestants , an edict confirmed in all the parliaments of the kingdome under the title of a perpetual and irrevacable law , ratified by a thousand royal promises , and by a thousand authentike declarations , which lewis the fourteenth had himself solemnly sworn to observe upon so many occasions . it seems , says the jesuite , that he is bound to do it for his glory , which is to say , according to this man of conscince , that one does his duty , when he breaks his word , and his oath ; and that he acts for his glory , when he dishonours himself and his ancestors , by perjuries and overthrowing the most religiously established laws . but above all , it is a pleasant fancy , that the argument , he furnishes his king with to stop the mouth of the huguenots , who do not prevail with the princes of their religion , to permit the free exercise of the roman religion in their dominions . might he not very justly say to the huguenots , says he , speaking to the king of france , either see that these princes allow the free exercise of my religion with them , or do not think to have the free exercise of yours and theirs in france . if it be expected that we should consider the edicts which have been here made in your behalf , let them shew then the like favour to the catholicks . monsieur maimbourg calls this a powerful argument , which overthrows the huguenots . but as to that i remit him to the author of the critique general of his history . he will there find his dream entertained , as it deserves . it is sufficient for my purpose , to let you see that what the author of the policy of the clergy urges , to prove that the papists , upon account of the principles of their religion , are always to be feared in protestant states , is no poor groundl●ss evasion , as monsieur maimbourg would have us believe . and that you may be the better judge of it , give me leave to read all that this exellent author has writ upon the subject . i am confident , after you have heard it read , you will not less wonder , then i do , at the confidence of the jesuite , who never appears more positive , then where he has least reason . so then our friend read to me this following discourse . hugonot princes cannot allow the same toleration to catholicks in their states , that catholick princes can allow to hugonots ; because protestant princes cannot be assured of the fidelity of their catholick subjects , by reason they have taken oaths of fidelity to another prince , whom they look upon as greater than all kings . it is the pope ; and this prince is a sworn ●nemy of the protestants . he obliges the people to believe that a soveraign turned heretick has forfeited all the rights of soveraignty ; that they owe him no obedience ; that they may with impunity revolt from him , that they may fall upon him as an enemy of the christian name , even to assassinate him . [ see the iesuits morals , cap. . book the third . ] and thereupon he cited to me , mariana , carolus , scribanus , ribadinera , tolet , gretser , hereau , amicus , les●ius , valentia dicatillus , and several others , that are cited by the iansenists , in the book of the j●suits morals , and by the ministers . all these authors , said he to me , teach conformably to the divinity of rome , that a heretick prince , and excommunicated by the pope , is but a private person , against whom arms may be taken ; that he may be likewise assassinated , or poysoned . he added to this , the examples of the many parricides that have been committed , or attempted in pursuance of these maxims . how many times , said he , would they have assassinated queen elizabeth ? prince william of orange was twice assassinated , and lost his life the second time . henry the third , was not he killed by a iacobin , as excommunicated by the pope , and stript of the royal dignity ? iohn chastel , did not he attempt the same thing upon henry the fourth ? and did not ravilliac out of a false zeal assassinate him ? after which he gave me an account of the gun-powder plot in england ; by which , in the year . the catholicks had undertaken to blow up the king and all the grandees of the kingdom , by a mine they had made under the parliament house . he told me of the jesuits garnet and oldcorn , chief of that conspiracy , who were put into the number of the martyrs , whether they would or no ; for the jesuit garnet going to execution , some one of his companions telling him so●tly in his ear , that he was going to be a martyr , he answered , nun●u●m audivi parricidam esse martyrem , i never heard that a parricide was a martyr . he related to me a hundred scandalous stories of that nature . amongst others , he told me one that extreamly surprized me ; he read it to me with all its circumstances , in a little book that had been published by an english minister , who calls himself the king of englands chaplain . thus it is in short : a divine , who had been the chaplain of king charles who was beheaded , turnd catholick some time before his masters death , and the english jesuits put such confidence in him , that they imparted to him a very dreadful thing ; it was a consultation allowed of by the pope , about the means of re-establishing the catholick religion in england . the english catholicks , seeing that the king was a prisoner in the hands of the independants , formed the resolution of laying hold on that occasion to d●stroy the protestant , and re-establish the catholick religion . they concluded that the only means of re-establishing the catholick religion , and of laying aside all the laws that had been made against it in england , was to dispatch the king , and destroy monarchy . that they might be authorized and maintained in this great undertaking , they deputed eighteen father-jesuits to rome , to demand the popes advice . the matter was agitated in secret assemblies , and it was concluded , that it was permitted and just to put the king to death . those deputies , in their passage through paris , consulted the sorbonne , who , without waiting for the opinion of rome , had judged that that enterprise was just and lawful ; and upon the return of the jesuites , who had taken the journey to rome , they communicated to the sorbonnits the popes answer , of which several copies were taken . the deputies , who had been at rome , being returned to london , confirmed the catholicks in their design . to compass this point , they thrust themselves in amongst the independants , by dissembling their religion . they persuaded those people that the king must be put to death ; and it cost that poor prince his life some months after . but the death of king charles not having had all the consequences that was hoped ; and all europe having cryed out with horrour against the parricide committed upon the person of that poor prince ; they would have called in again all the copies that had been made of the consultation of the pope , and of that of sorbonne ; but this english chaplain who had turned catholick would not restore his ; and he has communicated it , since the return of the family of the stuarts to the crown of england , to several persons who are still alive , and were eye witnesses of what i have now told you . par. i never heard this before . but the english calvinists not producing any authentick pieces to prove this accusation , it may be looked upon as a calumny . prov. my hug●not gentleman would not answer for it , for he is very just ; however he added , that what rendred it very probable , is that this conduct is a sequel of the divinity of the zealous catholicks of spaim , italy , and even of france : mor●over there are several circumstanc●s which render the thing apparent . for example , he that lately published this story , had already once published it in the year , to answer a little book that insulted over the english calvinists , in that they had put their king to death . the divine , who knew the story that i have related , published it to prove that the catholicks were guilty of the crime which the calvinists were accused of . when this story came to light , there was a great alarme in the house of the queen-mother of the king of england , that house being full of jesuits ; and even that great lord , who had lead the jesuits to rome , and had made himself chief of that conspiracy , was one of the principal officers of the house . they immediately demanded justice of the king , by the means of the queen-mother , for the injury that he who had published this scandalous story had done them . the doctor offered to prove his accusation , and to produce his witnesses , who were still living . the great lord and officer of the queens house , and the jesuits , seeing the resolution of this man , durst not push him on ; they only obtain'd from the king , by the means of the queen-mother , that he should be silenced . you must avow that there are but few that are innocent , who would have been so easie in so terrible an accusation . besides , it is certain that this consultation of rome has been seen by several persons . if it is false , it must have been forged by this chaplain who was turned catholick , and who shewed it since ; tho it must be confessed that this is not very likely . however , as all this is reduceed to a single witness , my gentleman acknowledged that the proof was not wholly in forme ; but he stood much upon the late conspiracy of england , which was discovered two years ago , by which half the kingdom was to have had their throats cut to become masters of the rest . prov. be it as it will , my hugonot gentleman concluded from all this , that a protestant prince can never be assured of the fidelity of his catholick subjects . on the contrary , said he , the protestants are subject to their prince out of conscience , and out of a principle of their religion : they acknowledge no other superiour than their king , and do not believe that for the cause of heresie it is permitted , either to kill a lawful prince , or to refuse him obedience . they oppose against us , said he to me , the english and holland catholicks : but what has been promised to those people that has not been performed ? the united provinces of the low countries are entred into the union with this condition , of not suffering any other religion in their states , than the protestant . though england was reformed under edward the th , afterwards under elizabeth , by several acts of parliament , which are the fundamental laws of the kingdom , it was ordered that no other religion should be suffered than that the anglicane church made choice of , and that they would not suff●r the assemblies of those , whom they at present call nonconformists . it was even forbidden to the priests and monks to set foot in england , and to make any abode there . however they have not kept up to this rigour , and every one knows that there is at present above ten thousand priests and monks disguised in england , and that there has ever been so . wherefore more has been given to the catholicks , than was promised them . but in france , where we live under favourable edicts , they have promised us what they have not performed : it is only against us that they make profession of not performing what they have promised . the edicts of pacification are in all the forms that perpetual laws ought to be ; they are verified by the parliaments , they are confirmed by a hundred declarations , which followed by consequence , and by a thousand royal words : in fine , they have been laid as irrevocable laws , and as foundations of the peace of the state. we rely upon the good faith of so many promises ; and on a sudden we see snatcht from us , what we looked upon as our greatest security , and which we had possessed for above a hundred years thus there is neither title , nor prescription , nor edicts , nor acts , nor declarations which can put us in safety . this is what he told me , and i avow to you , that this part put me in pain , for i am a slave to my word , and an idolater of good faith : i look upon it as the only rampart of civil society ; and i conceive that states and publick persons are no l●ss obliged to keep what they promise , than particular men . far. that is true . but do not you know that the safety of the people , and the publick good , is the soveraign law ; very often we must suffer , and even do some evil , for the good of the state. peaces and treaties are daily broken , which have been solemnly sworn , because that the publick interest requires it should be so . prov. my hugonot made himself that difficulty , and told me thereupon , when war is declared against neighbours , to the prejudice of treties of peace and alliances , this is done in the forms . they publish manifesto's ; they expose , or at least , they suppose grievances and infractions in the articles of the treaty , that have been made by those against whom war is declared . when a soveraign revokes the graces that he had done his subjects , it is ever under pretence that they have rendered themselves unworthy of them . but are we accused , or can we be accused of having tampered in any conspiracy , of having had intelligence with the enemies of the state , of having wanted love , fidelity and obedience towards our soveraigns ? if it be so , let us be brought to tryal , let the criminals be informed against , and let the innocent be distinguished from those that are guilty . we speak boldly th●rein , because we are certain they can reproach us with nothing ; and we know that his majesty himself has very often given testimony of our fidelity . he knows that we did not enter into any of the parties that have been made against his service , since he has been upon the throne . during the troubles of his minority , it may be said , that none but those cities we were masters of , remained loyal . when the gates of orleans were shut upon the king , he went to gien ; and that city was going to be guilty of the same crime , without the vigour of a hugonot , who made way with his sword in his hand to the bridge , and let it down himself : this action was known , and recompenced ; for the king immediately made him noble who had done it . we had not any part in the disturbances of bordeaux , in those of britany and auvergue , nor in the conspiracy of the chevalier do roban : not one hugonot was engaged in these criminal cases . the king has been pleased to acknowledge it ; and we look upon the testimony of so great a king as a great recompence . but our enemies , who continually sollicit him to our ruin , ought to be mindful , that it would be more civil in them , to leave the king the liberty of following his inclinations : these would without doubt move him to preserve the effects of his kindness for people who have preserved for him an inviolable fidelity . this is what he told me upon that point ; and i confess i was in great perplexity how to answer him ; for i durst not make use of that maxim that i have seen often maintain'd by some people , that one is not obliged to keep faith with hereticks . i have ever admired that saying of charles the fifth : he caused martin luther to come to worms , and gave him safe conduct , and his imperial word , that no hurt should be done him . but not having been able to obtain from him what he desired , he sent him back ; ●ome one would have persuaded charles , that he ought to cause luther to be seized without having regard to the safe conduct , because that this man was of the character of those with whom one is not obliged to keep ones word . though ●incerity , were banished from all the earth ; answered he , it ought to be found in an emperour . a saying very worthy of so great a man ! but tell me , sir , is it not an opinion very contrary to that of charles the th , which is the cause that so little conscience is made of keeping touch with those people in what has been promised them ? par. this doctrin , that one is not obliged to keep faith with hereticks , is taught by some casuists , and they pretend that it is founded upon the authority of the council of constance , because that that council caused iohn hus to be burnt ; contrary to the faith of the safe conduct that the emperor sigismond had granted him , and ierome of prague , notwithstanding the safe conduct that the same council had given him . prov. this morality ever appeared to me terrible ; and i have been oft●n scandalized at the conduct of that great council of constance . par. the most part of the catholicks reject that morality , and maintain we are obliged to keep faith with all the world , without excepting infidels and hereticks ; otherwise there would never be any treaty between the turks and the christians , that were real . it is pretended that the council of constance has not established this maxim , that we are not obliged to make good to hereticks what we have promised them . iohn hus had no safe conduct from the council , he had only the emperours ; and thereupon the council in the nineteenth session declared , that any safe conduct , granted by the emperour , by kings , and the other secular princes to hereticks , could not do prejudice to the catholick faith , and to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction , and could not hinder from proceeding in the tribunal of the church , to the punishment of hereticks , who had provided themselves with such a safe conduct , thus the council did not violate its promise , for it never gave any ; neither did it oblige the emperour to violate his faith : but the ecclesiastical tribunal , that had not given any word , made iohn hus his process . prov. that distinction seems pleasant to me : i have heard say , that the church does not put its hand into blood : when iohn hus was convicted of heresie by the council , he was delivered without doubt to the secular arm to be burnt . those secular judges , were not they imperial judges ? thus the emperor violated his safe conduct , in permitting his judges to put a man to death , to whom he had promised all security . but what do they say of ierome of prague , to whom the council it self had given a safe conduct , and yet was burnt ? par. they say that the council , in the safe conduct that was given to ierome of prague , had inserted this clause , salva iustitia ; that thus they had only promis'd to warrant ierome of prague , from violence , and not from the arrests of justice : but i avow to you that all this is not capable of justifying the conduct of that council . neither does it pass in france for a rule that they will follow . if they do not keep with the hugonots all that has been promised them , it is not that they ground themselves upon the morality and the conduct of the council of constance . they do not pretend to depart from sincerity ; they make profession of keeping the edict of nantes : do you not see this at the head of all the declarations which are made against them ? and now lately , in that by which the catholicks are forbidden to embrace the p. r. religion , upon pain of confiscation of goods , loss of honour , and banishment ; though never any declaration was made that was more contrary to the edicts of nantes . we have one called bernard , and another lawyer of the city of poictiers , called tilleau , who have made large commentaries upon the edict of nantes , to make it appear , that without formally revoking that edict , the hugonots may be deprived of all that edict grants them , in giving to every one of the articles interpretations and glosses that would never have been imagined : and these are the measures they follow , prov. this is good to amuse . but after all , this does not satisfie the conscience , and one is no less convinced of having violated his word : for those who obtain declarations against the hugonots , according to the glosses of bernard and tilleau , are well perswaded that they are glosses of orleans , which overturn the text. but do you know what i told my hugonot , to stop his mouth , upon these infractions in the edicts ? par. perhaps you told him , that one is not o●liged to keep a word that has been extorted by violence ; that the hugonots have obtained those ●dicts by main force : that ours were constrained to yield to the misfortune of the times ; but that at present the king is in right of nulling those promises . our advocates plead daily thus at the bars , and there are likewise grave authors who write it . prov. you have guessed right : but thereupon my hugonot grew strangely passionate . ah! this is , said he , a cruelty we cannot suffer . this is our strength , and they are so bold as to attacque us in this part , as if it was our weak side . it is true , that we were armed some years before that the edict of nantes was made . but in favour of whom did we bear those arms ? it was to establish the illustrious branch of bourbon upon the throne , that belonged to it . we shall ever be proud of having shed the purest of our blood , to restore to france it 's lawful kings of which they designed to deprive it . a●ter this growing more cool , he made me an abridgement of the history of the league . he shew●d me that the house of lorrain , in that time , aimed not so much at heresy as at the crown . he minded me that from the time of charl●s the ●h , the princes of that house caused a book to be printed , for the proving their genealogy , and to make appear that they were descended in a direct line from the second race of ou● kings , for the making way to the crown . he acquainted me that there was at the same time a concordat passed between the duke of guise , the duke of montmorency , and the marshal de st. andrew , which was called the triumvi●ate . one of the articles of that concordat bore , in express terms , that the duke of guise should have in charge to deface intirely the name of the family and race of the bourbons . henry the third , said he to me , could he be suspected of heresie , or an ●ider of hereticks ? never was any man more linked to the catholick church than he . yet the house of guise had sworn his ruin : they would have shaved him , which they highly threatned him with , and they one day writ upon the chappel of the battes , to the augustins of paris , these four french verses . the bones of those who here lye dead , like cross of burgundy to thee are shown , and make appear thy days are fled : and that thou surely lose thy crown . they are of the same sense with those two latin verses which were found set upon the palace dyal . qui dedit ante duas , unam abstulit , altera nutat ; tertia tonsoris nunc facienda manu . he that gave two , has taken one , the other shakes ; but the barber still shall give another . the faction of the house of guise caused this to be done : and this poor prince , after a thousand delays and troubles , resolved at length to make that execution so famous in our history ; it is that of the duke and cardinal of guise , who were executed at the states of blois . that prince must needs have seen his ruin approaching , and inevitable to come to that , since that he well foresaw that this blow would raise him so many storms , and give him so much trouble . who knows not that the faction of rome , and of spain , had a design of raising the house of lorrain to the throne of france , for the excluding the house of bourbon ? in the year . the pope sent to the duke of guise a sword engraven with flames , telling him by the duke of parma , that amongst all the princes of europe , it only belonged to henry of lorrain to bear the arms of the church , and to be the chief thereof . almost all the kingdom was engaged in that spirit of revolt : the king found no o●her support , than the king of navar and of his hugonotes . it was chastillon , the son of the admiral de coligny , who saved the king from the hands of the duke of mayenne at tours . this chief of the league cryed to him , retire ye white scarfs ; retire you chastillon , it is not you we aim at , it is the murderer of your father . and in truth , henry the third , then duke of anjou , was president in the council when the resolution was taken of making the massacre of st. bartholomew , in which the admiral coligny perished . but his son , forgetting that injury , to save his king , answered those rebels ; you are traytors to your country ; and when the service of the prince and state is concerned , i know how to lay aside all revenge and particular interest ; he added , that after the assassinate committed by the league , in the person of henry the third , henry the fourth was ready to see himself abandoned by his most faithful servants , because of the protestant religion , which he made profession of , which appears by a declaration that this prince made in the form of an harangue to the lords of his army , on the th day of august , , in which he says , that he had been informed that his catholick nobility set a report on foot they could not serve him , unless he made profession of the roman religion , and that they were going to quit his army . nothing but the firmness and fidelity of the hugonots upheld this wavering party . he must be , said my gentleman , the falsest of men , who dissembles the ardour and zeal with which those of our religion maintained that just cause of the house of bourbon , against the attempts of the league : and to prove , said he , that their interest was not the only cause of their fidelity , we must see what they did when henry the fourth turned roman catholick . it cannot be said but that they then strove to have a king of their religion : however , there was not one who bated any thing of his zeal and fidelity , the king was peaceable possessour of the crown , the league was beaten down , he was master in paris , he was reconciled to the court of rome when the edict of nantes was granted and published : our hugonots were no longer armed , nor in a condition of obtaining any thing by force of arms . since that the change of religion had reduced all the roman catholicks to him , he would have been in a state of resisting their violence . it was the sole acknowledgment of the king , and of good frenchmen , that obliged all france to give peace to a party that had shed their blood with so much zeal and profession for the preserving the crown , and the restoring it to its legitimate heirs . i acknowledge that we did our duty ; but are not those to be thanked who do what they ought ? how is it possible that these things are at present worn out of the memory of men ? i am certain , that if the king was made to read the history of his grand-father , he would preserve some inclin●tion for the children of those who sacrific'd themselves for the glory of his house . no man can be ignorant of the necessary dependance that must be between the roman catholick clergy and the court of rome . this court is the head , the clergy is the body , the ecclesiasticks and monks are the members , and all these members move by the orders of the head. again , i have no design to chocque the gentlemen of the clergy , whose persons i respect : i do not doubt but that they have good french hearts ; but in fine , they have their maxims of conscience ; they are of a religion , and they must follow its principles . now the principles of their religion binds them to the holy see , and its preservation preferably to all things ; moreover , interest deceives the hearts and minds of men . their interest obliges them to take the popes part , who is their preserver and protectour ▪ and what they do out of interest , they perswade themselves that they do it out of conscience . first , it may be said of the monks , that all the houses they have in france , are so many citadels that the court of rome has in the kingdom . those great societies have withdrawn themselves from the jurisdiction of the bishops , they depend immediately on the holy see ; they have all their generals of orders at rome ; and those generals who are italians and spaniards , are the soul of the society ; they are obliged to follow their opinions and their orders ; the italian divinity is the divinity of the cloisters . thus the king may reckon , that all the monks look upon him as the pope's subject , as being lyable to be excommunicated , his kingdom put under an ecclesiastical censure , his subjects dispensed and released from the oath of allegiance , and his states given by the pope to another prince . and every time that this happens , they will believe themselves obliged , out of conscience , to obey the pope . if in those orders of monks there happen to be some particular men , who follow other principles , it is certain that they are in no number , so that the body of the monks is absolutely in the interests of the court of rome , and by consequence in that of spain . thus you see already a considerable party of whose fidelity the kings of france cannot be assured . and what is this party ? one may say that it is all france : for the begging monks and the jesuits are masters of all the consciences ; they are confessors , they are directors , they persuade what they will to those that are devoted to them . the house of bourbon ought not to doubt of this truth , if it never so little calls to mind the endeavours that were used by the monks for the forcing from it the crown , when the ra●e of the valois came to fail . it is against this so considerable party that the state ought to take its precautions , in preserving that other party which can never be of intelligence with this ; it is that of the reformed . history tells us how impossible it is to be long without having disputes with the court of rome . it is always attempting , and we are obliged to defend our selves against its enterprises . it is capable of setting great engines a going , of making engagements and alliances : it had twenty times like to have ruined germany , it has dethroned great emperours , it has likewise caused great troubles in france , and one cannot be too secure against its ambition , par. i fancy that your hugonot's advocate would not spare the rest of the clergy , and that he endeavoured to prove that w● can be no more assured of their fidelity than of that of the religious . prov. what you have already heard may make you easily imagine that , for the giving the more force to what he had to say against our divines , he prevented what might have been objected if you understood these matters , sir , said he to me , you could tell me that our clergy of france teach a divinity wholly different from that of rome ; that all make profession of maintaining the liberties of the gallicane church ; the principal articles of which are , . that the king of france cannot be excommunicated by the pope . . that an ●cclesiastical censure cannot be laid upon their kingdom . . that it cannot be given to others . . that the pope has nothing to do with the temporality of kings . that he is not infallible . . that he is inferiour to the council . these , you would tell me , are the maxims of the sorbonne , that have often censured the contrary propositions . this divinity is maintained by the authority of the parliaments , who have often declared the bulls of the pope abusive , null , scandalous and impious , and have appealed from the execution of these bulls , when they found them contrary to the liberties of the gallicane church . the estates assembled at tours , during the league , caused the bul 's of excommunication to be burnt by the hands of the executioner , that had been published against henry the third and henry the fourth . this looks great and magnificent , if you please , but these fair appearances have no foundation ; i do not speak of the divinity of the parliaments , which is that of the politicians ; i speak of the divinity of the clergy . once more , added he , i do not at all doubt of the fidelity of the divines of france to their king ; but they shall never perswade me , that this fidelity and zeal for their prince is without exception ; and i make no other exception agai●st it than what they themselves make : will you hear them speak ? read the harangue that cardinal du perron made to the third estate , in the name of all the clergy of france ▪ in the assembly , . and remembe● that it is not the cardinal du perron who speaks , it is the clergy of france assembled in a body who speak by the mouth of that cardinal . all france struck with a sense of the two horrible parricides that had been committed in the persons of the two late kings , both of them assassinated out of a false zeal for religion , would draw up a form of an oath , and establish a fundamental law of the state , which all the subjects were to swear to ; and this law imported , that every one should swear to acknowledge and believe , that our kings as to their temporalities do not depend on any but god ; that it is not lawful for any cause whatsoever to assassinate kings ; that even for causes of heresie and of schism kings cannot be deposed , nor their subjects absolved from their oath of allegiance , nor upon any other pretence whatsoever . this law , methinks , is the security of kings , this is a doctrine which all the hugonots are ready to sign with their blood. what did the clergy of france do thereupon ? it formally opposed that law ; ( works of cardinal du perron , p. and following ) they were willing to acknowledge the independancy of kings , in regard of the temporalty ; they consented that anathema should be pronounced against the assassinates of kings . but they would never pass the last article ; that for what cause soever it was , a king cannot be deposed by the pope , stript of his states , and his subjects absolved from the oath of allegiance . he who spoke for them , alledged all the examples of emperours and of kings , who had been deposed and excommunicated by popes , upon account of refusing obedience to the holy see , and approved them ; he alledged the example of st. vrban the second , who excommunicated philip the first , and laid an ecclesiastical censure upon his kingdom ▪ because he had put away his wife bertha , daughter of a count of holland , to marry bertrade wife of foulques count d' anjou , then still alive . he made use of the testimony of paul emile , who said , that pope zacharias discharged the french from the oath of ●ide●i●y that they had made to chilperick . these two princes were no● hereticks ; yet the clergy of france approved their having been stript of their states by the popes ; which makes appear , that the clergy in the bottom judges that the pope has right to lay an ecclesiastical censure upon the kingdom of france , and to depose its kings for any ●●●er cause as well as that of heresie . is it not to abuse the world , to confess on one side that the temporalty of kings does not depend on the pope , and establ●sh on the other , that the pope may in certain cases interdict these kings , excommunicate them and absolve their subjects from the oath of allegiance ? in fine , this is the result of that famous opinion of the clergy of france . so that if christians are obliged to defend their religion and their lives against heretick or apostate princes , when once absolved from their allegiance , the politick christian laws do not permit them any thing more than wha● is permitted by military laws , and by the right of nations , to wit , open war , and not assassination and cl●ndestine conspiracies : that is to say , that when a pope has declared a prince deprived of his s●ates , his subjects may set up the standard of rebellion , declare war against him , refuse him obedience , and kill him if they can meet with him , provided it be with arms in their hand , and by the ordinary course of war. i cannot comprehend how one ●an be secured of the fidelity of those who hold such like maxims . for in fine , kings are not infallible , and if they happen to do any thing that the court of rome judges worthy of excommunication and int●rdiction , they are kings without kingdoms and subjects , acco●ding to our clergy of france , as well as according to the divines of italy . but perhaps the sorbonne , which is the depository of the fren●h divinity , does not receive these maxims so fatal to the safety of ki●gs : let us see what it has done . in the month of december , , because henry the third , for the security of his person and of his state , made a treaty with the rütres , or the german protestants , the sorbo●ne , without staying for the decisions of rome , made a private determination which said , that the government might be taken from princes , who were not found such as they ought to be , as the admini●tration from a suspected tutor : this was known by the king , he sent for the sorbonne some days after , and complained of it . after the death of the princes of guise , which happen'd at blois , the sorbonne did much worse : they declared and caused to be published in all parts of paris , that all the people of that kingdom were absolved from the oaths of fidelity that they had sworn to henry of valois , here●ofore their king : they ra●ed his name out of the publick prayers , and made known to the people that they might with safe conscience unit● , a●m and contribute to make war against him , as a tyrant . if i would add to that the story that i know this gentleman told you concerning the death of the late king of england we should find that the sorbonne has ●ver been of the same opinion . this is the truth of it , every time that our kings affairs shall carry them to extremity against the court of rome , the clergy of france will suppress their discontents while matters go well for the court of france ; but if things turn other ways , the maxims of our divines against the king will be sure to break out . every sincere person will allow , ●ha● it has never been otherwise than so , and that it will be always thus ; which may be observed in the very least disputes . i was willing to read all these passages to you out of the policy of the clergy of france , because the author of that excellent piece , proves there exceed●ng well , all that i pr●m●sed to shew you , for the close of our conferences , which is , that the papists are truly guilty of the conspiracies and rebellions , which monsieur maimbourg would falsly fasten upon the hugonots . of this the murder of henry the third , that of henry the fourth , the violence of the league , the several attempts against queen elizabeth , king iames , and our holy martyr charles the fir●t , not to mention the late plot , that has made such a noise in the world , are undeniable proofs . but you have seen likewise , which ought to awaken the protestant princes to a purpose , that all these black attempts , have not been the fruit of impatience and human frailty , under the temptation of some severe persecution ; but the natural consequence and effect of the principles of the roman religion , as we are assured by those very men , who pass for the oracles of this religion . for you have seen just now out of authentick pieces , that the pope , the cardinals , and all the divines of italy , who are the pillars of the roman catholike religion , all the regulars of france , who draw after them more then three fourths of the french papists , and the sorbonne it self , when the rod is not over it , own publickly , that the pope may excommunicate kings , when he judges them hereticks or countenancers of heriticks , to interdict their kingdoms , absolve their subjects from their allegiance , and expose them to the fury of all the world. you have also seen , that the whole clergy of france was of this opinion , by the mouth of cardinal perron , so that this pernicious doctrine is the vowed faith of the whole popish gallican church , as well as of the court of rome , the great depository of the roman religion and all its misteries . from whence evidently follows , what the author of the policy of the clergy of france , infers , that there is no safety for the crown , nor for the life of kings , whether they be protestants themselves , or only protect such as are , whilst they are beset with papists : so that there is not the same reason to tolerate popery in protestant kingdoms , as there is to to●erate protestants in popish kingdoms . monsieur maimbourg would make us believe , that all this is but a poor shift . and to convince us of it , he says , that we need but to consider these two things : first that there are not to be found more detestable conspiracies , then those the hugonots have made against their kings &c. secondly , that it is by no means th● belief of the roman catholicks , princes , that a pope may depose princes , though they were hereti●ks , acquit their subjects from their allegiance , and bestow their dominions upon those that can first take them . but i have evidently shewed you the falsness of the first assertion : and for the second it is expresly disproved by those undeniable proofs , the author of the policy of the clergy , has produced , to shew that the roman catholicks hold that belief , which monsieur maimbourg af●irms they do not . you say , monsieur maimbourg , that it is by no means your belief , that a pope can depose princes &c. at this rate , the pope , who is the head of your church , this head , for whose infallibility you have so much disputed , knows not the belief of your church : for he believes , that by the principles of the church of rome , he has the power , which you seem to deny him : the cardinals , the bishops , and all the divines of italy , all your regulars , all your clergy of france , speaking by the mouth of your cardinal du perron , your sorbonne it self , so renowned for its great number of able men , did not know , in so important a case , what was the belief of your church . for they have all held , that it believes the pope can depose princes &c. at least he should have given some answers to the authentick acts and notorious matters of fact , which the author of the policy of the clergy , had quoted to this purpose . to say nothing of all this , and to think it enough , to say at randome , it is by no means our belief , that a pope may depose princes , even though they were hereticks &c. this is to pass the sentence of an unjust judge , who rather then fairly to confess his errour , makes no conscience of denying that in words , in which his heart gives him the lie . and i beseech you , consider what he adds , to make us believe , that the roman catholicks have not that belief , which the popes themselves attribute to them . so far from that , says he , that our most christian kings , who are known alwais to have been the most zealous asserters of the catholick faith , and the chiefest protectors of the holy see , to which they have inviolably held in all times , notwithstanding all the disputes , they have had with some popes about temporal concerns and the rights of their crown , which they are bound never to relinquish : our kings , i say , have ever protested against this claim , which is grounded upon a doctrine , that all our doctors have ever condemned , as point blanck against the divine law. to this purpose may be seen the remonstrances and protestations , which i have said that charles the ninth addressed to pope pius the fourth upon the account of queen jane of navarre , as obstinate a heretick as she was . what can be said to such childish stuff ? is it not an excellent way of arguing , the kings of france do not believe the pope has that power over them , as he challenges to him self : therefore it is by no means the belief of the roman catholicks , that the pope has such a power ▪ so that princes who are protestants , or protect such as are , can be in no danger either of life or crown from their popish subjects ? the remonstrances and the protestations , which monsieur maimbourg makes such a noise with , did they prevail , that more than half the papists of france should no● rise against their king henry the third so soon as ever the pope had thundred out his ●xcommunication against him ? this crowd of people of churchmen and of fryars , who by monsieur maimbourg's own confession , entred into a league with so much heat against this poo● prince ; did they not make it appear plainly , that the good catholick subjects take much notice of the particular belief and the weighty protestations of the french kings , when the pope has pronounced anathema ? the almost perpetual conspiracies of our papists against the sacred majesty of our kings , and against their faithful subjects , are likewise a strong evidence of monsieur maimbourg's sound reasoning . do not the catholicks of england plainly shew , that they take these particular decisions of the french kings for the rule of their faith and of their practice ? but this assertion , all our doctors have ever condemned the doctrine , upon which is grounded the claim of popes against kings , as directly opposite to the divine law , is such a piece of confidence , as , it may be , never was the like . i must confess , i could not have believed , that what is said of the jesuitical impudence , could have gone thus far . what then ! is it that anthony santarel , the jesuite , who has written , that a pope has power to depose kings , discharge their subjects from the obedience they owe them , and deprive them of their kingdoms for heresy , nay if they governe negligently , or are not useful to their kingdom , that cardinal bellermin , who was likewise a jesuite , and has maintained , that the pope may absolve subjects from their oath of allegiance , and deprive kings of their dominion ; that a thousand other priests of the same society , quoted in the second part of the moral divinity of the jesuits , ought not to be reckoned among the doctors of the church of rome : that monsieur maimbourg pronounces so positively , all our doctors have ever condemned this doctrine , as directly opposite to the divine law ? but perchance , monsieur maimbourg , since he left the society , has almost as good an opinion of the jesuits , as their good friend sof the port royal : no doubt he has taken up the same prejudice , which these gentlemen have done , that those jesuits are no other in the harvest of the church , than the tares that annoy the good corne , and that they ought not to be reckoned among the christian doctors . however he ought to have the best intelligence , and know them better than any man. at least he should not have forgotten , that he was informed how the whole sorbonne , in a body , declared it self in this point of the same judgment with the jesuites , upon the particular case of henry the third . he should as little forget , that cardinal du perron , in one of the greatest assemblies of the world , maintained with open face , not in behalf of the jesuits , but of the whole clergy of france , and as the mouth of all the prelates of the kingdom , that the pope has all that power over kings , which the je●u●ts attribute to him . therefore , not to s●ay longer upon these ●●●llings of monsieur maimbourg , you may easily see , says our friend , that as much as it is false , that the protestants , who abhor all those principles , above mentioned , are to be suspected by any king of any religion whatever , in whose dominion they abide : so far certain and undeniabl● is it , that roman-catholick subjects , of what countrey soever , from the cursed tenents o● their religion , ought to be dreaded by their kings , whether protestants , or favourers of such . i told our friend , interrupting of him , that i was already fully satisfied of the second article : neither can i imagine how it is possible , that any man in this kingdom should doubt of it , after the no less cleer then convincing proofs , that our worthy bishop of lincolne has brought , in his learned observations upon the bull of pius the fifth for the pretended excommunication of our renowned queen elizabeth . as to the loyalty and honest intentions of the protestants of france i am likewise fully satisfied by all that you h●ve said ▪ and i make no question ; but they that have been so good subjects in a kingdom , where their loyalty has undergon such rough tryals , will be all zeal and flame in the service and for the honour of our good king , who takes them into his protection with so much charity and compassion . but pray tell me , before we part , what do you think of a little story , which monsieur maimbourg has printed at the end of his libell , under the title of the declaration of the dutchess of york ? i could tell you a great many things upon this subject , said our friend . for i have the whole history of it . i have it here in english. but to speak particularly to it , would force me to discover too many misteries . it would carry us a great way , and is much more proper for another time . i will only tell you , that this declaration was drawn up for quite another person , then the late dutchess of york ; and it were easie to prove , that the greater part of what is there said , does not at all sute with this lady . it was from much a different principle , to what is reported in this piece , that she made so suddain a change of her religion . and they who were by , when she lay a dying , have testified of quite other thoughts , then those they have made her declare when they make her say , she found the romish religion so plainly taught in the holy scripture . her great unquietness of spirit which she discovered , when she lay a dying , is as little sutable to these words in the declaration , i have been particularly and strongly convinced of the real presenc● of iesus . christ in the holy sacrament of the altar , of the churches infallibilit● &c. but all these things will be set out in their proper colours . however they are not to our present purpose . i hope i have set you right , a● to the justification of the french protestants quitting their countrey , and of their unshaken loyalty to their soveraign . i do acknowledge , says i , and am extremely obliged , for the light you have given me in this matter . i will be sure to improve it upon occasion ; neither shall it be my fault , if these poor persecuted people do not find a better countrey with us , than that they are come from . after which i took my leave of our friend , and remain sir yours &c. end of the sixth and last letter . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e declaration of the th : of iune , . art. . pa●●tic . ann. , p. , and , e●it . amsterdam , . p. , & , of the lions edition . see statures at large . elizab. . eliz. . eliz. . eliz. . eliz. . eliz. . iacob . . iac. , , &c. printed for henry brom● , . art. . pat● . mr. god. hermant , doctor of the sorbin . tom. . book p. . and note● of the same chap● . p. . surl ' an . edit . amsterd . p. . printed at p●ris cum privi●●gio chaz lionard , inprimt●r du ●●y . . omahon s. th. mag. disputatio apolegitica de iure regni hib●rni● pro catholicis , n. . exod. . . . king. . . ier. . . neb. . . luc. . . act. . . & . . art. . art. dan. . . & . . ezek. . . dan. . . . dan. . . sam. . , , , , , . mez. hist. de franc. tom. . p. . ibid. hist. de hen. le grand . s●r l'an . . tom● pag . hist. de hen. le grand sur l'an . . id sur la même ane● . id sur l'an . . sur l'an . . mez. sur l'an . . hist. de hen. le grand sur l ' an . . mons. le mareschal de sbamberg . mr. du quesne . acts . . acts . . chrys. in matth. c. . decr. caus. . q. . c. . si dominus . let. de m. boch . . part . deuxi●m● . entret . p. . hist. du calv. ed. de holland . . pag. . pag. . pag . pag. . pag. . & . pag. , . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . so they called the duke of anjou : pag. . pag. . pag. , . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. , . hist. de hen. le grand . sur l'an . . pag. . pag. . cardinal d'ossat . ex elog. clar. vir. sammart . the insurrection of amboise happened in the year . and cardinal ' d ossat was born . pag. , * this present st●te of affairs was , that the duke of guise , and the cardinal of lorrain having made themselves masters of the mind the person , and the authority of the young king francis the second , became insufferable tyrants in the kingdom , committed a thousand insolencies upon the princes of the blood , and gave all imaginable suspicion that they aimed at the crown , as pretended heirs to charles the great . † p. . | p. . p. p. . p. . p. . mez. hlst. de france , tom. . p. . p. . p. ● . 〈…〉 mez. hist. de franc. tom. . pag. . id. ib. pag. . id. ib. pag. . id. ib. pag. . id. ib. pag. . guy coquil●e dans ses memoirs pour la reformation de l' estat ecclesiastique . mezeray hsst. de france , p. , . idem ib. p. , . pag. . pag. . id. ib. pag. . id. ib. pag. . hist. de hen. le grand . sur l'an . . id sur l'an . . hist. du cal. pag . id. pag. . mez. hist. de franc. tom. . pag. . mez. abreg . chro. mez. hist. de fran. tom. . pag. , & p. . hist. du calv. pag. . popelin . hist. de fran. vol. . l. . an . . thuan. l. . mez. hist. de fran. tom. . pag. . hist. de calv. pag. . mez. hist. de fran. tom. . pag. . in his abridg . chr. iul. . id. hist. of france , tom. . pag. . maimb . hist. du calv. p. . id. ib. pag. . mez. ubr . chron. id. hist. de fr. tom. . p. . id. ib. p. . id abregè chron. sur l'an . . id. abreg . chron. sur l'an . . maimb . hist. du calvin . p. . pag. ● pag. . mez. hist. de fran. tom. ●i . pag. . abrig . chron. sur l'an . . mez. hist. de fr. tom. . p. , & . id. ib. pag. , . a the king was francis the second . b who was afterwards charl●s the ninth . c huguenots . id. ib. p. . hist. de l' etat de fran. &c. ●ons le reg. de francois h. p. . to p. . † mez. hist. de fran. tom. . p ▪ . * id ib. p. ● . l. p. . id. ib. p. . ib. id. ib. p. . p. . ibid. pag . thuan hist. l. . hist. du calv. pag. . † ep. dedicat . hist du calv. pag. . the nature of that heresie which the prince professed , i● to harden the heart and to infuse into it all the rage , which the spirit of rebellion is capable of . hist. de calv. pag. , . p●g . , , . pag. . hist. de france , tom. . p. . & . mez. hist. dr franc. tom. . pag. . thuan. hist. l. . ad ann . . pag. . hist. de franc. de mez. tom. . p. . id. ib. pag. , . hist. du calv. p. , &c. id. ib. pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . pag. . mez. hist. de fran , tom. . pag. . id. ib. pag. . ahr. chr. sur l'an . . thuan : hist. l. xlii . sub . sin . mezeray hist. de france , tom. . pag. . thuan. hist. lib. . ad an . . ad ann ▪ . † the same mezeray in his hist. tom. . pag. , & , observes , that it was shrewdly guessed , that the murder of some persons of quality , as that of sipierre , who were set upon during the time of these rumours , was not done without the privacy of the highest powers ; and that d'arsy , or the marquess d'ars , who killed sipierre , said publickly . that he did nothing but what he had good warrant for . hist. du calv. pag. . ib. pag. . id. ib. l. . pag. . id. ib. l. . pag. ●● . id. ib. pag. . upon the year , . histor. de france ▪ tom. . p. . hist. di● calv. pag. . l. . ib. . † toxin , it is called in french , which i● a certai●●● flow s●●nd they give the bell , when it is to warn of fire , or any thing extraordinary . pag. . pag. . pag. . † they were the new king of navarre , and the new prince of condè . joh . . id. ib. p. . p. . p. . abr. chr. sur l'an . . id. ib. hist. de hen. le grand par l' eveq . de rhodes sur l'an . . mez. hist. de fran. t. . p. . id. ib. . mez. abreg . chr. s●r l an . . id. ib. id. ib. id. ib. id. ib. sur l'an . . id. ib. * la religion pret●ndue reformed . * arriereban . * a court of justice consisting of half protestants , and half papists . ib. hist. du ca. v. p. . p. . * the line b●fore that of bourbon . p. . p. . hist. de hen. le grand sur pan. . ib. sur l'an . . id. sur l'an . . hist. du calv. p. . id. ib. p. , . mez hist. de fr. tom. . p . hist. du calv. p. . . . see the following quotation . collection of edicts and declarations , printed at paris by allowance , by anth. stephens , in the year p. , , , , , & . see the same co●lection . m●z . hist. de fr. t. . p. . id. ib. p. ● . & d● chesne antiq. de la fran. p. . . mez. ib. p. , . id. ib. p. , . tom. . p. , . id. . p. . recuil des edicts &c. imprime avec privilege à paris par antoine etienne l'an . . ● p. . &c. hist : of calv : lib : . p ▪ . crit. gen. de hist. de calv. à ville franc. . let . . p. . la pol●●● du cler●● de fran. . m e edit . à la hage p. . hist. de calv. p. . ● . ● . witness the medal , where one of them caused to be engraven . perdam babyloni● nomen . i will root out the name of babylon . p. ● . p. . . sant . tract . de haeres . et de potest . summi . pont. c. . & . bell. tract . de potest . summi pont. in temp. a●vers . barel rome ● . p. a declaration of the czaars [sic] of muscovy against the french king, in favour of the poor protestants distress in this present persecution obtained for them by the intercession of his electoral highness the marquess of brandenburg. russia. sovereign ( - : ivan v) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing d a estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a declaration of the czaars [sic] of muscovy against the french king, in favour of the poor protestants distress in this present persecution obtained for them by the intercession of his electoral highness the marquess of brandenburg. russia. sovereign ( - : ivan v) russia. sovereign ( - : peter i) sheet ([ ] p.) printed for e. maret, and c. lucas, london : . the czars of muscovy = ivan v and peter i, co-czars in . reproduction of original in the henry e. huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- france -- early works to . france -- history -- louis xiv, - -- early works to . broadsides -- england - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a declaration of the czaars of muscovy against the french king , in favour of the poor protestants distress in this present persecution ; obtained for them by the intercession of his electoral highness the marquess of brandenburg . we john alexeiwitz and peter alexeiwitz , by the grace of god , most serene and mighty princes and czaars , sovereign masters of both russias , of moskow , kiow , wlodimir , and newgarden ; czaars of casan , astracan , and siberia ; lords of pleskow ; great dukes of smolenkow , t wer , jugoria , perm , wiathka , bulgaria , and other principalities : great dukes and lords of the low ▪ countries of newgarden , tzernigow , resan , rosthow , jeroslaw , berlowsery , vdory , obdory , and condiny ; and sovereign princes of the northern-countries : lords of the countries of twer ; czaars of the countries of carthaline and grussene ; and princes of the countries of cabardine , cirkasse , and gorne , with many other countries lying eastward , westward , or northwards , which belong to us as heirs and successors of our fathers and grand-fathers , who were lords and princes thereof . by order of our majesties the czaars , let it be known by these presents , to all whom it may concern , that our majesties the czaars will and pleasure is , to make several persons of several qualities partakers of our favours , according to the tenor of these letters patents . in the beginning of this present year . the most serene prince and lord frideric iii. marquess of brandenburg , and other principalities , having deputed to our majesties the czaars , john reyer chapliez , privy secretary and counsellor of his electoral highness , and his envoy extraordinary in our court ; who being in conference with our majesties the czaars : privy boiars and their collegues , has declared and proposed unto them by writing from his electoral highness , that his majesty the french king , has begun in his kingdom to force all that professed the protestant religion to abjure it , and has by several torments driven them out of his kingdom , or forced to turn roman catholicks , putting several of them to death and parting husbands from their wives , and children from their parents , by keeping them in prison : but that those amongst them who were not thus detained , have made their escape out of the said kingdom and sought for shelter in the neighbouring-countries ; and that great numbers of them are come into the estates of his electoral highness , so that it is to be hoped many more will follow their example in making their escape . and as many amongst them , who would endeavour to find some means of getting their subsistance , are ( by reason of their great numbers , and to fly from persecution ) desirous to be entertained as our subjects , and to settle amongst us , in our great kingdom of russia : and that his electoral highness has very earnestly desired us in their behalf , to receive them under our sovereign protection in the nature of subjects , and to grant them free access into our great kingdom of russia . we therefore upon the advice and request of his electoral highness made unto us by his envoy extraordinary , and according to the report made by the privy boiars of our majesties the czaars ; we great lords the czaars have willingly entertained , and do give our consent to the request of his electoral highness : that the said protestants banished by reason of their religion , who desire to come and live under the protection , and in the estates of our majesties the czaars , may be assured of the favour and protection of our majesties the czaars , come in and settle in the great russia of our majesties the czaars with full assurance ; in order whereunto our will and pleasure is , that all our frontiers should lay open and free for them to come in . moreover they shall be favourably entertained in the service of our majesties the czaars , and shall every one of them obtain a reasonable sallery , according to their extraction , condition , and dignity . and in case any of the said protestants should desire to return into their country after they have served our majesties the czaars , they that desire to do so , shall no ways be hindered , but shall have free liberty to go . therefore we have caused by the favour of our majesties the czaars , those letters patents to be issued out by the chancery of the envoys of our majesties the czaars . given at the court of our kingdom , in our great town of moskow in the year . from the creation of the world , st . january , and of our reign the seventh . licenced april . . james fraser . london , printed for e. maret . and c. lucas . . the emperour and the empire betray'd by whom and how written by a minister of state residing at that court to one of the protestant princes of the empire. empereur et l'empire trahis, et par qui & comment. english. cerdan, jean-paul, comte de. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing e estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the emperour and the empire betray'd by whom and how written by a minister of state residing at that court to one of the protestant princes of the empire. empereur et l'empire trahis, et par qui & comment. english. cerdan, jean-paul, comte de. [ ], p. printed for b.m., london : . "published for the satisfaction of all good protestants." attributed to jean paul cerdan--nuc pre- imprints. reproduction of original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng jesuits -- france. protestants -- france -- early works to . dutch war, - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the emperour and the empire betray'd : by whom and how. written by a minister of state residing at that court , to one of the protestant princes of the empire . published for the satisfaction of all good protestants . london , printed for b. m. at the duke of lorrain's head in westminster . . to the reader . the extraordinary conduct of the imperial court and council for some years past , having rais'd the curiosity of a great prince of the empire , to find out at any rate the true causes and grounds of counsels and actions that had so much surprized him , he made choice of a minister whom he judged best capable to execute this design , and having given him instructions for the purpose , dispatched him privately under other pretences to the emperours court at prague the minister acquitted himself well , and gave his master an ample account of his business by letter , of the . of february . the master ( a right german , and truly generous prince ) laid his commands on me to publish those important secrets , the value whereof will soon appear by the reading , from which i will no longer detain you . farewell . the emperour ahd the empire betrayed . and by whom , and how. in a letter . my lord , 't is the duty of a servant not to conceal any thing from his prince and master , especially when he is pleased to honour him with his confidence , as your higness hath done in sending me to this court : to clear my self from the guilt and reproach of having been wanting to this duty , i take the liberty to give your highness a faithful and candid account in writing ; what i have discovered most pertinent and essential to the business , you were pleased to employ me in . i shall do it with the less scruple and reserve , having sent this letter by an express , in whom i have entire confidence , and doubt not but he will , according to my order , deliver it into your hands . to begin with the best part of what i have to deliver , i am to inform your highness , that his imperial majesty is , in my opinion , a pious prince , good natured , and of a sweet and gentle disposition , and not at all inclined to contend with the princes his neighbours , or make war on his inferiors : that , pursuant to this natural inclination for repose and for peace , this prince hath an antipathy against any thing that disturbs or opposes his quiet disposition , and hath eased himself wholly of the management and direction of his affairs of state , and of war , by committing all to the conduct of his principal ministers . 't is hard for a prince to intrust a minister with affairs of this mighty importance , without opening to him all his mind , and imparting the greatest and deepest of his secrets : and from hence , i believe it hath unhappily followed that this prince , having by degrees accustomed himself to leave the greatest part of his affairs to the conduct of his ministers , hath reserved to himself only the title and pomp , the splendour and name of the dignities and grandeur proper to his character . in a word , had his imperial majesty never so little minded his great affairs , he would never have yielded to sign that shameful and ignominious peace with france , subscribed by the imperial embassadours at the congress ad nimiguen ; the unhappy effects whereof we have seen in seven particulars of great importance . first , his imperial majesty , by those few strokes of his pen , hath in all probability , lost for ever the esteem , the friendship and confidence of the princes his friends and allyes ; who would have generously defended and preserved him from ruine , by the force of their arms. seconldy , that his own troops have been shamefully forced to quit all the countries of the empire , while those of france have been actually there , and continue to this day insulting and domineering as they please over the princes , the cities , the countries and provinces of the empire . thirdly , that by the execution of this peace , the estates , the persons and the courts of the three ecclesiastical electors of the empire , and of the elector palatine of the rhine , stand in a manner expos'd every hour to the violences and irruptions of the arms of france ; and consequently , in case of an election of a king of the romans , we may probably find by their suffrages what may be expected from slaves to that proud and ambitious crown . fourthly , that his imperial majesty having by that peace tacitely consented to the late cession on made by spain of the county of burgundy to the crown of france : it follows , that if his imperial majesty , ( in case of failure of issue in the house of spain ) should in his own right , or in the right of the arch-dutchess his daughter , the heir to the estates of that monarchy , he hath by that article of the county of burgundy , released his right to it , and deprived his successors , and the empire of the convenience that country might upon a favourable revolution have afforded them to lead an army without opposition into the heart of france : and should lorrain be ever restored to the empire , yet this article will be an infallible means for france to maintain continually an army on the frontiers of germany , and invade it as often as it shall appear to be for the interest and grandeur of the french to attack the germans . fifthly , that though swizzerland be throughly convinced by the building the fortress of hunninges , of the ambitious designs of france , and consequently concerned and inclined to make a league with all , or part of the princes of the empire , in defence of the common liberty ; yet the unfortunate session of the county of burgundy hath furnished the pensioners of france , ( whom no counsel or caution of that republick is free from ) with a plausible argument , to perswade that republick not to stir in its own defence , till it be perhaps too late , and out of its power to help it self : for , say they , what shall we do ? the cantons of bern , fribourgh and sollurre cannot subsist without the salt of that province : besides the forces his most christian majesty keeps actually on foot there , may justly alarm us to be cautious to the utmost , what measures we take , and consider all things before we ingage in any : by such discourses as these ( though groundless if we suppose an union of the forces of the empire with the swisse , which would infallibly draw in many more ) it may fall out that this republick ( if the lowest party prevail not against those traytors to their country ) may to its own mischief , and the ruin of others , lye still and look on , as unconcerned , and consequently be a member wholly useless to the publick , for defence of the common liberty , which would be in the present conjuncture of more mischievous consequence han most are aware of . sixthly , that by this peace the duke of lorrain , who hath had the honour to marry a great queen eldest sister to his imperial majesty , hath found as little respect in this peace , as if he had married the daughter of a burgo-master of colmar ; and hath been violently robb'd , and intirely dispossest of his dukedoms of lorrain and bar , and several other lands he held in soveraignty , being his hereditary estates , and descended to him by unquestionable right of succession : which others looked on with so little concern , as if this prince ( stript of all he could call his own ) had lost no more than a ring , or a farm of a thousand crowns value . seventhly , that his imperial majesty , and the empire by signing a peace ( to give it its right name ) so unbecoming and unworthy , have raised the courage and hopes of the most christian king to that height , that he looks on both with so much indifference and scorn , that he hath openly undertaken at once three things , which ( i believe ) were ever heard of in the empire , at least when it had the advantage of a head that had the least jealousie and care for its glory . the first , that without any lawful mission , the emperor being young , and in perfect health , he solicites vigorously the two electors of the north side of the empire , for their suffrage at the next election of a king of the romans . i mention only these two electors , for as for the others , he makes no doubt by fair means or by force to dispose of them as he shall think fit . the second , that , as if he were dealing only with the farmers of his revenues , or the poysoners of paris , he hath by a declaration erected at metz ( as formerly at brisak ) a court compos'd according to the course of that kingdom , of a dozen hangm — where though the smallest duke and peer of france , is not obliged to appear ; his most christian majesty , as judge and party , cites by some catchpole of that clandestine jurisdiction , princes of the most ancient illustrious houses of the empire ( which he hath nothing to do withall ) to make their appearance , to give him account by what right they possess what their predecessors have for three or four hundred years peaceably enjoyed . this invention , with the help of the knight of the post , and a map of the country drawn out at pleasure , ( but of the old fashion , the better to colour the business ) is the ground of his pretensions , that the greatest part of lorrain , the whole dukedom of deuxpents , and the best part of alsatia , as far as lauterbourgh , are ancient dependencies of the bishopricks of metz , toul and verdun , and must consequently be re-united to the demeans of that crown with as much ease , as the lands of some wretched treasurers of france have been resumed by his majesty . the third is , that to the end his new paper-pretences , may be as effectual as the right of devolution of the low countries in and . he hath upon the frontiers on this side considerable forces in readiness to execute the reunion , or rather , under that pretence , to do what he shall think fit in the empire ; when all this while , neithe his imperial majesty , nor any prince of the empire dares openly stir . as if what hath already been done to the duke of lorrain , and other princes and cities of the empire in alsatia , were not only a certain presage , but an unquestionable president , whereby all other princes and states of the empire of what quality and degree soever , may clearly see the fortune of those princes and states , who have the misfortune to hold of that crown , or be neighbours to its dominions : the consequences that naturally follow so untoward , and so unhappy a state of affairs will oblige us to conclude ; woe to his imperial majesty , if he do not wholly alter his conduct , and god grant i speak not prophetically and truly , as micajah when i say his imperial majesty will dearly rue his trusting his council with the direction and management of affairs of this nature : and wo to his imperial majesty and the empire , they ever signed that false and fatal peace , whereby both will naturally fall ( unless god by special interposition prevent it ) under the slavery of that absolute and despotical dominion . yet i would not be thought to be of opinion , that if all his imperial majesty's council were such as it ought to be , affairs would be in that ill condition we find them ; but the greater part of that council being weak or corrupted , as i dare say it is , we are not to doubt , but if it continues , things will still grow worse and worse : i have been bold to say , the greater part of the imperial council is weak or corrupt : and to make my words good , i will proceed by degrees from smaller matters to those of greatest importance , to prove what i affirm by unquestionable instances . the first instance . commissary general capellier surpriz'd the steward of his house in the very act of traiterous correspondence with the minister of france , to whom he gave an exact account of all he could discover at his master's house . the letters he sent to the french minister and those he received from him were seized at the imperial post office at frankfort : and though this happened in the heat of the war between the two nations , and the traitor upon discovery of the matter was arrested , and carried to philipsbourgh , & from thence to vienna , yet he ( a fellow worth nothing ) found at court such powerful support , that he was set at liberty , and cleared as a gallant person . the second instance . the siege of phillipsbourg , being form'd by the imperial troops and those of the circles , and the place so much straitned that they began to want powder in the town , two brothers , burgesses of franckfort , corrupted by a french minister , undertook to buy several waggon loads of powder in the empire , and to conveigh them into phillipsbourg with other ammunition . but the convoy for executing the design having been surprized by the imperialists , and one of the rogues taken and sent to vienna , he was not long there but he was set at liberty as a very honest fellow . the third instance . he that commanded in fribourgh , when taken by marshal crequi , could not deny himself notoriously guilty of cowardice , or treason ; being arrested for his crimes , and carried first to inspruck , and thence to vienna : he was look'd upon as a sacrifice necessary to be offer'd to expiate so hainous an offence against equity , policy , and the discipline of war ; but because he was related to a principal minister , or rather because a great one was afraid he might ( if put hard to it ) make some discoveries : he was fully acquitted , and cleared from all that was laid to his charge ; and in such a manner , that he retired home as confident , and unconcerned , as ever the french governour of phillipsbourgh could have done , after the generous defence he made of the post he commanded . the fourth instance . the duke of saxe eisnach having had the command of a little army on the rnine , being an active and brave prince , neglected not any thing that might conduce to the worthy discharging the duty of his place ; those of the imperial council , who took part with france , having designs contrary to those of that prince , were as active on the other side , by close and sudden wayes to bring two things to pass : the first was to raise and establish a mis-understanding between this prince , and his highness of lorrain ; commander in chief of the great army of the empire : the second was , to order the distribution of ammunition necessary for the army in such a manner , that when it was provided of one sort , it should certainly want another : when it had cannon , it wanted carriages ; and when it had both these it should have neither powder nor bullet : and to give those of the council their due , their designs took effect to admiration , for the whole story of that campaign is ( in short ) no more but a misunderstanding between these princes , and want of ammunition . but this was not enough , for the malice of these emissaries , they poceeded further to hire one under the name of dela magdelaine , who having been instructed by the major domo of the abbot s. gall ( of whom we shall have occasion to speak hereafter ) was set on to seduce and surprize this prince : in a word , he came to the duke of saxe eysenach to propose to him the surprizal of a fortress belonging to france in the higher alsatia : the proposal was guilded over with so much probability of success , that the duke animated with zeal to do something great for the glory of his imperial majesty , and the interest of his country , greedily hearkned , and quickly embraced the proposal . after some necessary precautions for the enterprise , duneewald was commanded to undertake the execution , and having in the action discovered the cheat , the duke us'd his endeavours to have the criminal arrested : but all to no purpose ; for the major domo had already secured him in a place of safety : i make no doubt but every one will grant me , this rogue deserved death , and had not any colour of pretence , to find esteem or safety in the empire : but it proved quite otherwise upon his capitulation , ( i mean that with the major domo ) for the rogue , having play'd this excellent trick , had the impudence to go to the emperours court , where he was very well received , and highly treated , and sent thence to breslaw , where count shaftkutsch , president of the imperial chamber in silesia , pays him constantly , by order from above , annually a considerable pension : this arrant cheat goes now as formerly under the name of cygale , and gives out he is a-kin to the grand signior : but it hath been made appear in france and england , that he is a native of maldavia , and was groom to a prince of that country : this is the true character of him , the rest that is said of him are but inventions of jesuits and monks , who go snips with him in the presents he receives on his lying pretences . i have been more particular in my account to your highness of this fellow , to arm you the better against a surprize , by his fictions and artifices , which he continues to practise every day in hope to get something from those he can impose upon . the fifth instance . by what i have said formerly of swizzerland , it may appear of what importance it may be to the emperor and empire to make that republick sensible of their true interest , and treat with them for a league and union of forces in defence of the common liberty ; and ( to bring this about ) to employ in the negotiation , persons not only capable and faithful , but acceptable to those they are to treat with : yet as if the emperor's council made it their business to do in this as other particulars , only what may gain them the favour , or the gold of his most christian majesty . 't is fit to know the person the emperor's council employs in all those important negotiations they have with that republick . it is no other than the abbot s. gall's major domo , above mentioned , called monsieur fidelle , ( mr. faithful , ) but by the same figure of speech our divines call the prince of darkness an angel of light : for this fellow is notoriously known and confest to be the falsest of men. yet being a person of a very ready wit , a lively fancy , and naturally active in what he undertakes , sometimes he openly acts on the part of france , and publickly solicits suffrages in this republick in favour of that crown ; sometimes he turns his coat , and is on the sudden all for the house of austria : this man from a petty pedler of italy , is become excessive rich , which i mention as a circumstance whereby it may be the better known what a man he is , how fit to negotiate the interests of his imperial majesty , and to be the confident and councellor of the ministers of state ; his council sends into these parts : and to make appear their wisdom or collution in this particular , i must acquaint your highness with a matter generally known throughout the swisse cantons . that this man is owner of a moity of two swisse companies , now actually in the service of the french , under the command of his son in law : ( an ordinary traffick among the swisses ) that his most christian majesty hath within these three years bestowed on him a rich canonry , in the higher alsatia , or brisgow , which one of his sons is invested in : that 't is this faithful minister of the imperial court , hath since the beginning of the last war , bought all the horses his christian majesty had need of for his armies , and caused them to be transported from the port of wasserbourgh in germany ( where his master hath a bayliff , and no small power ) to the port of rochas , in swizzerland , which is a place whereof his master is soveraign prince : that this man being the principal incendiary and fomenter of all the troubles and broils hapned in swisserland , these last twenty years ; is so generally hated by all good people of that nation , that to procure the miscarriages of any affair of the dyets of baden , there is no surer means than to make the assembly suspect this man hath a hand , or is any way concerned in it . this appeared clearly in the affair of the county of burgundy , for count cazatti , the spanish embassadour , having very unadvisedly resolved to make use of this mans counsel and conduct in a matter of that importance , that mighty affair was utterly ruin'd by that very means : notwithstanding all , this man is the confident and privy councellour of all the ministers his imperial majesty sends to that nation ; and their first business , when arrived there , is to visit him , to consult him and communicate to him all their instructions : this about three years since , occasion'd a pleasant passage at the dyet of baden : an envoy of his imperial majesty , ( whom i purposely forbear to name ) according to the custom of his predecessors in that employ , and the orders establisht , went presently after his arrival to consult this oracle ; going afterward to baden , the envoy was strangely surprized to find that gravelle the french embassadour had already communicated to the assembly all the private instructions the envoy had received from the council at vienna : thus that envoy's nogotiations came to nothing , and so will all others his imperial majesty shall permit to be managed by the false and corrupt conduct of a man so base , and altogether unworthy the honour of that employment . the sixth instance . 't is an infallible maxim , that every prince dispossest of his estate , may hold for certain , there will be nothing omitted on the part of the usurper , or a conquerour in possession to ruin him , if possible , and all his generation . therefore 't is not strange , that the ministers of france ( though perhaps in this particular against the intention and without the order of his most christian majesty ) leave no stone unturned for the destruction of his highness of lorrain : but it may surprize any man to find that the imperial governour of phillipsbourgh , should ( so openly and notoriously , as he did ) have attempted the destruction of that prince , by the trap he caused cunningly to be made in the bridge of that place , for that purpose , through which the good prince fell headlong to the bottom of the ditch : may we not justly infer , this governor had capitulated and agreed with some minister of the enemy to commit so vile a treason ? may we not conclude so black an attempt against a soveraign prince , brother in law to the emperor , and at that time representing the person of his imperial majesty , under the character of generalissimo of his armies , unquestionably merited exemplary punishment ? no honest man but expected the criminal should have been made a sacrifice to justice and vengeance , when he was taken and carried under a strong guard to vienna . but all that was meer shew , for the favourers of france had that influence over the council at vienna , that this villain , as the former , past altogether unpunished . the seventh instance . it appears publickly his most christian majesty since the peace arms by sea and land more powerfully than before ; and france being not sufficient for the levies he makes , he is come by his ambassadour to the center of the empire , to frankford and to prague to compleat them . he causes fortresses and places of strength to be every day built on saar , the rhine , and all the frontiers of germany , i think there needs no better evidence of his having a design to reduce almayn into a condition of disability of help it self , when he thinks fit to attacque it ; if we consider farther , that he causes his commissaries to buy up all the corn in swabe and franconia , which is daily carried away into his magazins in lorrain , alsatia , and the county of burgundy . let us examine on the other side the conduct of the head and natural defender of the empire , or rather of his unhappy council : this prince hath since the peace reformed all his troops ; and in particular the garrison of rhinefeld , which is of principal consequence : let us weigh the matter without prejudice : he hath disbanded most of his old regiments , and kept on foot only part of the new . a man must be blind , and void of common sense , who comprehends not that the imperial council hath in this particular acted by inteligence with the council of france , and by their direction , to deprive the emperor of the only officers and soldiers capable to defend him , and to make them immediately go over into the service of france : the matter hath fallen out according to their design , and i leave it to any man versed in matters of state or of war , to judge what a conduct so extraordinary as this doth naturally signifie . i should be too tedious to give you all the instances i know whereby to prove the emperour is certainly betray'd by the greater part of his council . but to be short , let it be observed , that the same council that cleared the steward of commissary capelliers , the traytors of frankfort who would have furnished philipsbourgh with powder in the siege , and the governour of fribourgh : the same council that hath protected at brestaw the villain who abused the duke of saxe eisnach , and procur'd a pension to be setled on him ; the same council that hath setled the major domo of the abbot s. gall. to be the imperial minister in switzerland , and prevented the exemplary punishment of the governour of phillipsbourgh ; the same council that advised his imperial majesty to reforme the greatest part of his troops , and in the manner i have told you ; this is the very council hath clearly acquitted and approved of all the conduct and publick robberies and insolencies of commissary capelliers , and others : and by causing his imperial majesty , to sign the late shameful peace , have reduced the too good prince into such a condition , that ( without a special providence of god to the : contrary ) no prince will henceforth without much difficulty and caution relye on his word or his signet : so that considering the activity , the power and interest of his enemy , with the credit and influence he hath in the emperor's council , his imperial majesty , as to his elective imperial crown ( and i know not what to say of his hereditary dominions and estates ) seems reduced to the condition of a chilperic , or a charles in france ; for he hath more than one pepin , or one hugh capet to deal with . nor do i see he hath any greater authority than had those two unfortunate kings , who were violently thrust out of their thrones ; which neither they , nor any of their posterity ever regained . the better to convince the world how foully his imperial majesty is betrayed by his council , and in him all the princes and states of the empire , and that there hath been of a long time a horrid and villainous plot carried on against them with great cunning and caution , give me leave to observe that it proceeds from the secret engines of this plot , that his imperial majesty's two sisters were married to princes , both robbed of their dominions and estates : as to the duke of lorrain , husband of the elder , he continues to this day stript of all his estates , and if the late peace hold , i see little hopes of his re-establishment . and it cannot be deny'd but that the duke of newbourgh , though restored by the peace to the dukedoms of juliers and berg , was out of possession of both at the time of the marriage of his son to the emperor's younger sister . the reasons of these marriages were , that the princesses being married ( as they are ) to princes uncapable to afford his imperial majesty any succour at need , neither his majesty nor his allies might have any benfit by the marriages . and that when ever france should be desirous of peace , there might be those in the imperial councils and court , whose interest would oblige them to desire and procure it , in order to their restoration and re-establishment in their estates , and to free themselves from the necessity of begging their bread elsewhere . it hath happened accordingly as to the duke of newburgh at least , for having not wherewith to bear the charge of the marriage of his son with the emperor's sister , without being restored to the dutchies of juliers and berg , which could not ( at least so speedily ) be effected without a peace , what wonder is it , that this prince hath for the time past ( being forced by his necessities ) joyned with that part of the emperor's council that was for peace , and assisted them in perswading his imperial majesty to sign it on any condition : nor can it appear strange , if this prince for the suture joyn with the same council , and use all his credit and interest with his imperial majesty , never to enter into a war with france , though he have never so great reason for it . for when wants and necessities enter in at the door , honour and friendship flyeth out at the windows . his highness of lorrain ( to give him his due ) hath done bravely on his occasion , having generously chosen to run the risque of losing all , rather than sign so shameful and unjust a peace , as that proposed to him by france : and i shall be very much deceived , if he or his recover not their estates rather by this than any other conduct : for revolutions are common to all , and i have particular reasons to believe it may one day happen so in the affairs of his highness . this i think is more than sufficient to evince that his imperial majesty hath been basely betrayed by his council . my next business is to shew by what sort of people he hath been chiefly betrayed , and with what covers they have guilded those pills , which they have made this good and august prince swallow from time to time . to find the bottom of this business , we must look a great way back , as far as the beginning of the war , which france by concert with england , the elector of cologne , the duke of newburgh , and the bishop of munster , made against the united provinces in . after several alliances with the deceased elector of bavaria , and duke of hanover , and others , which were but too visible during that war. several pretences have been made use of to colour that rupture , but the truth is , it was fomented only by the court of rome and the jesuits : to give your highness full and clear satisfaction in this particular , be pleased to permit me to put you in mind , that a little before the breaking out of that war , his royal highness of savoy deceased , having taken his measures with the court and council of france , made open war against the republick of genoa . the court of rome wisely judging the duke of savoy would not have engaged in that enterprize without assurance before hand of succour and protection from france , if needful ; and that those petty sparks might raise a general conflagration in italy , which in time might draw over thither all the french forces , and consequently expose that country to inevitable ruin ; that subtil and cunning court , to save themselves from the storm , applied themselves seriously , in the first place , to put an end upon any terms to the war between the duke and the republick , which monsieur gaumont soon after effected . in the next place , being sensible what formidable forces his most christian majesty had then on foot , and that that monarch could not forbear breaking out into a new war ; the court of rome resolved to use all their endeavours to divert from themselves and their neighbours , the effects of the french arms , and cause them to fall on some other country of europe , the most remote that might be from italy , and where it might be most convenient for the interest of the pope : the jesuits having given directions to this purpose , the affair was manag'd with that subtilty , the storm fell altogether on the united provinces , the court of rome assuring it self , that if that republique were once destroy'd , the whole protestant party would naturally come to ruin , and the papal authority in a short time recover it's primitive grandeur and glory . great obstacles were quickly discovered against the carrying on this mighty project : the most christian king who clearly saw what the court of rome aim'd at , was , or pretended to be , unwilling to engage in open war against the united provinces , but on two conditions . first , that the court of rome should secretly consent and give way that he might , if he could , joyn the provinces of the spanish netherlands and lorrain , with what he could conquer from the states of the united provinces , to form or restore the ancient kingdom of austrasia . secondly , that the court of rome should assure him , to their power , to procure his majesty and the dauphin , ( who was designed the new king of austrasia , ) the imperial crown . as to the point of the spanish netherlands , it must be observ'd , that to bring about the design , it was absolutely necessary to manage his majesty of great brittain , ( whose interests there were very considerable ) and there could be no hopes to give him satisfaction without sacrificing to him something very considerable of what belong'd to the spaniard . it would have been almost impossible for any but the jesuits interests , so different , to reconcile and overcome so great and numerous difficulties . the two branches of the most august house of austria , had heap'd most considerable favours , and showed their bounties , on the society of jesuits : but when they are concerned for the grandeur of the pope , and the interests of the miter ( which ( by the way ) the society looks on with the same ardour a young prince in love would eye the advantages , the glory and interests of a beautiful and rich queen , whom he made no doubt but he should one day enjoy ) all thoughts and memory of the favours received from the august family , are wholly laid aside on that occasion ; the jesuits fell immdiately to find out expedients for two reasons , full of justice and equity , according to the politick maxims of that blessed society . the first was that whereas the house of austria in the present conjuncture was notoriously unable to raise the roman bishops to their former estate of grandeur and glory , and that there was not any but his most christian majesty , who by his forces and interests could work this kind of miracle it was absolutely necessary to remove all difficulties and obstacles that might hinder the effecting an enterprise so profitable and glorious . the second , that in case the design should take effect , the society was assured of having in recompence of their pains , two great abbies , heads of their orders , the one in the ancient kingdom of france , the other in the new conquests : which abbys were to be added to the vast patrimony of this society , besides the assurances they had by the protection of france , to obtain a settlement in amsterdam , and elsewhere . upon these grounds they procur'd the treaties to be privately sign'd between france and rome , and between france and england , by vertue whereof the war was quickly begun against the united provinces . i pass over in silence the satisfaction his majesty of great brittain was to have , as impertinent to my present business : it may be observed , that as under the reign of philip the second france was to have been made ( as far as it lay in the power of rome ) a sacrifice to the interests of the papal miter , and the monarch of spain , 't is now become the turn of the most august house of austria , ( according to this project ) to be sacrificed to the interests of the papacy , the jesuits and his most christian majesty . and that as the principal design of the jesuits , and of france , was the absolute destruction of the protestant party , it was from hence it proceeded , that a league was form'd and sign'd by most of the catholick princes of germany , and incorporated into the treaties above mention'd , wherein every of the confederates had , or at least thought to have had his design , and compass'd his ends , as afterwards appear'd : hence also it proceeded that france , having anciently had very strict alliances with the protestant princes of germany , conceal'd very carefully the present design from all its ancient allyes of that communion . the court of rome , and the society as carefully conceal'd it from both branches of the house of austria ; and all this for reasons , than which nothing is more easily apprehended : for the same reason it was , that in the beginning of this war , nothing was omitted by the popes nuncio , the jesuits , and their emissaries , to lull asleep the councils of vienna and madrid ; and that afterwards they did with all possible diligence reveal to the ministers of france , all they could discover of the deliberations of the imperial council , or the spanish . for the same reason it was , that his imperial majesty by the clear remonstrances of the elector of brandenbourgh being made sensible of the trap cunningly laid for him by the french , and having commanded an army to joyn with that elector on the rhine , those emissaries of rome laid all their heads together , and for their master-piece to carry on the design , effected two things . the first was the rebellion of the male contents in hungary , not yet suppressed , whereby they endeavour'd , if possible , to give the emperour so strong a diversion , that it might not be in his power to assist his allies . the second , i have from an anonimous author of an essay of the interest of the protestant princes and states , printed in the year , . and treating of several things , in this respect very considerable : the author in my opinion deserves the more credit , in that he hath lash'd the society to some purpose in his discourse , yet not one of it's patrons or partisans hath undertook to refute him : the account he gives of the first campaign , i will repeat word for word from the original , as very sutable to my purpose . in the year . when the arms of france were so prosperous , that all europe looked on the states of the united provinces as very near destruction , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh wisely foreseeing the consequences to be expected from the ambitious enterprizes of france , if not stopped in time , gained himself the reputation , not only of having been the first prince of christendom who drew his sword in protection of that broken state , but by vigorous remonstrances to the court of vienna , was the cause that his imperial majesty , awaking out of the lethargy some corrupt counsellors had cast him into , resolved to arm vigorously , and joyn with his electoral highness in defence of that republique : his electoral highness in pursuance of this resolution being advanc'd towards the rhine , with a considerable army , and count montecuculi being on his way thither in the head of an imperial army , with design to act jointly , and to do something considerable in favour of the republique . france , allarm'd by the march of the two german armies , had detach'd marshal turenne , with a body of an army to observe the motions of the other two : but by the several marches and counter-marches these two armies had made , especially that of brandenbourgh , sometimes making as if they would pass the rhine in several places , sometimes in being ready to fall upon the allies of france beyond the rhine , turennes army was so tyr'd out and harassed , that about the end of the campaign it was almost quite dissipated , and found it self in so miserable a condition , that 't is certain all turenne was able to do , was to be on the defensive against one of those armies , and that if both armies had join'd , turenne had been inevitably lost , as was publickly confest . his electoral highness of brandenburgh knowing how easie it was to destroy turenne , and the consequence of his defeat , caused a vigorous remonstrance of all to be made to the council of vienna ; it was so effectual , that positive orders were sent montecuculi to join his electoral highness and fight turenne , without further loss of time ; which would have broken all the open and hidden measures of france , and by one blow freed the empire and holland from oppression . but other matters were in hand for the interest of rome . his majesty of great brittain had permitted himself to be perswaded to publish about that time , a declaration ( whereof he made report to his parliament , ) whereby a tolleration and indulgence was granted in favour of the nonconformists of his kingdom . though it may be thought it was not so much for favouring the particular conventicles of the sectaries of the protestant party , as , under the name of non-conformists , to introduce popery again into that estate , though contrary to the designs and intentions of his majesty , who granted it only in favour of the tender consciences of his protestant subjects : this step towards popery being the first fruits the court of rome had promised it self from the ruin of the states of the united provinces , 't is no wonder that court set all hands at work to effect that ruin. the then principal obstacles of the design , was the resolution of his electoral highness against turenne , the destruction of his army being capable to re-establish the states of the united provinces , and that re-establishment would have destroyed all the projects of the jesuits in england . here it was the jesuits plaid their part to prevent the blow from fallin on turenne , and they acted it too well for the general good of europe : for montecuculi instead of receiving express order to joyn brandenbourgh's army , and fight turenne , received orders quite contrary ; whereby he was absolutely forbidden to do the one or the other . to drive this nail to the head ; the venerable society ( whose impudence nothing can parallel ) made it their business several ways to infuse into his electoral highness a jealousie of the emperour , as insincere in his intentions : this was effected with the greater facility , for that his e. h. of brandenbourgh , having received from the court of vienna , a formal letter , which gave him an exact account of the true order his imperial majesty had sent montecuculi to join him and fight the french , and his e. h. having summoned montecuculi to execute that order , montecuculi , who knew he had orders quite contrary , but knew nothing of the former , of which the elector had account , could do no less than refuse the one and the other , nor could his electoral highness choose upon the refusal , but suspect the sincerity of the emperor's intentions . this was not enough for those masters of mischief , for at the same time those emissaries omitted nothing that might instill into montecuculi , a suspicion of the sincerity of the elector's intentions . these jealousies being but too deeply established , especially on this last side , 't is no wonder his electoral highness was at last perswaded ( as these emissaries had by a third hand infinuated to him ) that the house of austria treated under-hand a separate peace with france : which appeared the more probable , by the daily advice he had of the miserable estate of turenne's army , growing every hour worse and worse , and the obstinacy of montecuculi , neither to joyn him , nor fight . the emissaries foreseeing this misunderstanding would vanish intime time , when the truth should appear , made use of that conjuncture to set on the duke of newbourgh to manage a particular peace between his electoral highness and france ; which the electoral , jealous of the imperialists , and vext at their proceedings , was at last perswaded to accept , and with so much the more reason , that as to holland he pretended they had not satisfied their engagements to him , and as to the interests of the empire he reserved himself intire liberty to arm in its defence , if france should attacque it . the elector was concerned in reputation to make the emperour sensible of his just resentments of montecuculi's proceeding : montecuculi was strangely surprized , when at his return to vienna his master called him to a strict account of his conduct , and the reasons why he had neither joined brandenbourgh's army , nor fought turenne , when express orders had been sent him for both . but if montecuculi was surprized at the question , his imperial majesty was no less at the answer , when his sage general produced for his discharge an order of his imperial majesty , in very good form , expresly forbidding him either to joyn with brandenbourgh or fight turenne : and 't is certain , this general found all the justice of his cause , and the assurance his master had of his fidelity , little enough to clear him of this unhappy affair . i know this business is one of those riddles never to be decypher'd , unless the author will voluntarily give us the key . i know 't is from hence it proceeds , that one of the principal wretches of this court hath been formerly charged with this forgery : but to speak the truth , the whole guilt of this affair lies at the doors of the emissaries of rome in this court , who by secret contrivances with those of france , found the means to intercept the true original order , and in the same dispatch to transmit a false one , but very well counterfeit both the hand and seal : and that by people who are not now to learn that trade . it being certain we should not have seen so many troubles in hungary , as daily are there , had these emissaries less credit in the emperours court. his imperial majesty , the elector of brandenbourgh , and count montecuculi know the truth of all that concerns them in this affair : but i am well assur'd not one of the three knows the secret engines set at work in the business . what i know thereof comes not from them , but from a place where every particular of this negotiation was known , and by whom it was animated . certain it is , if the point of the catholicon in england had not been found ; the ministers of france could not have so easily compassed this forgery ; but by that every thing became feasible , the directors of the society having voluntarily undertaken to master all difficulties . by the ingenious deduction of this relation , where the author speaks plainly , as a man well instructed and acquainted with the fineness , and superfineness of the management , and by what i have said before , on the same subject , and every one may of himself apprehend it appears that it proceeds from a principle of a papal , or jesuitical ambition , the council of vienna , from the beginning of the war , hath been so well penetrated , directed , or altered , that all the expeditions of the imperial army ( except with convenient distinctions , the considerable important taking of bonne , the long and langushing siege of phillipsbourgh , and the taking it at last , and the death of turenne , which was meerly accidental ) i say all the expeditions , these three points excepted , have been from the beginnings of the campaigns to the end of them , but so many processions and pilgrimages of shame and of misery , of disorder and confusion , as the subjects of the empire know too well , who have been flay'd to the bone , and had their marrow suckedout by winter quarters , without consideration , or mercy , but especially the protestant states and people , and other princes , lords , magistrates , countries and towns , who have felt the smart of that fiery tryal . from the same principle it is , that when by the expulsion of the swedes out of the patrimony of the empire , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh , and his highness of zell and osnabourgh were in a condition ( notwithstanding the particular peace of the united provinces and spain ) to transport the chief of their forces upon the frontiers of france , and by so glorious an action , to oblige france infallibly to make a peace with the empire in general and particular , according to justice and equity , then were the emissaries of rome , so powerful in the council at vienna , that they obliged his imperial majesty , to the prejudice of all his treaties , to seal privately such a peace with france , as we have mentioned before ; which hath been manag'd with so much dexterity , that that good ( but for that time too credulous ) prince did believe , and perhaps is still of the same mind , that he acted according to the most judicious maxims of religion and prudence : and because it may concern your highness to be inform'd what artifices were used by the jesuits and ministers of france , who went hand in hand , acting by concert in all this affair , to engage his imperial majesty to sign that fatal peace , there were sent from france under other pretences the dutchess of meclenbourgh to the court of zell , and the count of d' epause to that of brandenbourgh , and at the same time the jesuits labour'd so effectually , that his imperial majesty was made believe ( though certainly without just ground ) that the houses of brandenbourgh and lunenbourgh had already agreed , or were just upon agreeing , to a separate peace with france ; whereby his imperial majesty would be left alone a prey to the french ambition . true it is , if those princes were in that conjuncture ( as is very probable ) very willing to keep what they had conquer'd from the swede : i think they had done well to have dismist those envoys from their courts , which had they done , it would at least have taken away from the emperours corrupt council , all pretence of rendring them suspitious to his imperial majesty , and hastening him in pursuance of that suspition to sign the peace under consideration . to sum up all , we may from what hath been said , reasonably infer these three particulars . first , that his imperial majesty hath been basely betrayed by the greater part of his council ; for i am not so malicious and unjust to confound the innocent with the guilty , and not to make an exception ( out of the general clause ) in favour of those of his council , who are men of integrity and honour , who in truth i think are very few , and not much in credit . secondly , that his imperial majesty being so villanously betray'd by his council , the empire in general and particular , through the indissoluble union of the head and members cannot but miserably participate the misfortune and sufferings of its soveraign , as is very well known by a fatal , and too long experience . thirdly , that 't is easie for his imperial majesty , and the empire , to know whom they have equallly cause to complain of , and from what principle not only this treason is derived , but all the mischiefs that have afflicted christendom , for above an age , but especially the empire since the beginning of the late war : i say for above an age , as to the general ; because that which his most christian majesty , instigated by the jesuits , undertakes in our days , is but the same , which , by instigation of their predecessors , charles the first , the emperour fardinand the second , and philip the second of spain , did in their days . as to the empire in particular i say , since the beginning of the last war ; because 't is certain his imperial majesty hath been since that time by the means i have mentioned , so closely beset , and so strictly observed , that 't is not in his power to speak , to advise , to wish , or do any thing , but the society knows , and absolutely destroys it , if not suitable to their particular interests and designs : there is not a person in the emperor's court , but knows , that no man without certain ruin dare oppose in that court that cabal in any matter though never so little : to conclude this point , his imperial majesty , as a slave to the society , as things stand at present , serves only to authorize his own ruin , the ruin of his august family , and of the empire in general and particular : for the very moment i write , france publickly solicits in the empire , ( as i said before ) the nomination of a king of the romans in favour of the dauphin , which in all probability will be managed with so much dexterity and subtilty , that his imperial majesty , if he follow the advice of his council , spiritual or temporal , will think himself obliged in conscience voluntarily to give way to it . this , my lord , is the true state of his imperial majesty , and his council since the last peace . three things remain to be considered . first , the particular advantages the court of rome , and the jesuits procured themselves by the late war. secondly , what advantages they design'd themselves by the late peace , and its consequences . thirdly , what the empire in general and particular may expect from the present state of affairs . the advantages the court of rome and the jesuits procured themselves , by the late war , have not been so great as they promised themselves , for god having preserved the united provinces , whose utter destruction they had projected ; 't is certain , most of their projects in england , and elsewhere , were defeated : yet the advantages of the papacy over the protestant party , in the late war , are very considerable ; and consist in five particulars . . that by the fire of war , kindled by the artifices of rome , and the jesuits , between england and the united provinces ; those two protestant powers have unhappily consumed very considerable forces in men , money , ships , ammunition , and loss of trade , the soul and substance of the riches of both countries . . that the united provinces have in defence of themselves against france and its allies in germany , been forced to spend their men and their money , besides loss of trade during the war. . that swede , denmark , brandenbourgh , and zell , have consumed their forces during all this war , kindled by the artifices of the same party , between swede , and the three princes of denmark , brandenbourgh , and lunenbourgh , both by sea and land. . that under pretence of this war , the protestant states of the empire , as well during the campaignes as by winter-quarters , have been miserably harrassed and exhausted with exactions , burnings , contributions to that degree , that most of the protestant imperial towns are almost ruined ; and several of them as well as the palatinate , and other countries , out of hopes of recovery in an age ; while the hereditary countries , and bavaria , and many other places of the roman communion in the empire , have been preserved as the apple of an eye , or so little opprest they scarce feel it . . that france by this war , having conquered the county of burgundy , and kept it by the peace free from condition of exchange , it is to be observ'd , that whereas this province , belonging heretofore to spain , was , by reason of its distance from the heart of that kingdom , not in a condition to hurt the protestant cantons of the swisses ; now that it belongs to france , we art not to flatter our selves , but it belongs to a power which may every hour make a sudden irruption into the canton of bern , and under the specious pretence of religion put the protestant and roman cantons in disorder , and by degrees work their inevitable ruine ; unless that republick have the courage and judgment to enter into confederacy with those that ought to preserve it from destruction , which the building the fortress of hunningen , may sufficiently instruct them , is certainly intended them . i reckon all these to be real advantages the court of rome and the jesuits have by the last war procur'd themselves against the protestant party : for where resolution is taken to ruine an enemy under several heads , the best way to effect it , is to divide the powers , and engage them as much as may be in war , one against another , to the consumption of their forces ; and to fortifie your self on their frontiers , that you may make sudden inroads into their countries when you please : the court of rome , and the jesuits , by the access they have had to the council of france , and the house of austria , and by the help of the counsellors there , and in the protestant courts , have with great dexterity put these maxims in practice during the late war : for his majesty of swedland , managed by france , his majesty of denmark , his electoral highness of brandenbourgh , and his highness of zell , managed by the imperial court , will take the pains to search to the bottom , by what motives and artifices they have been all four engaged in a war , which hath ruined their estates for more than ten years . i doubt not ( with the respect and submission that is due to them ) but they will find that the modern romans have with great insolence and perfidiousness practised upon them what the ancient romans did for divertisement to their gladiators : for when these men had by bloody , and oftentimes mortal combats , sufficiently diverted the spectators , and the magistrate made them a sign to give out , they were bound to do it , and in what condition soever they were to go every one home , as these four princes were in the end forced to do . this may serve for an excellent and important instruction for england , holland , swede and denmark , and all the protestant states and princes of germany , to avoid effectually the snares the court of rome every day lays for them the ways i have observed , with a setled design to destroy not only their religion but their temporal estates . the second point . the advantages the court of of rome and the jesuits proposed to themselves by the conclusion of the peace between his imperial majesty and france , may be reduced to three principal heads . . by the maxims observed in the first part of my letter , to fix ( without danger of any probable variation ) the designs of france , and the efforts of their arms , against the empire and northern countries , as most remote from italy , and most convenient by the progress of those arms to ruine the prorestant party and consequently to advance the re-establishment of the papal grandeur and authority , the fall of the one producing naturally the exaltation of the other . and for attaining this end , to procure this peace to be so made , that his most christian majesty might be fully perswaded the court of rome and the jesuits ( in prejudice to all other powers of christendom ) studied nothing more than his exaltation , and an effectual setling and establishing in time an absolute monarchick authority over europe : and that this project might be made appear so facil and easie to this prince that he might be the better tempted to undertake it : in order to these ends , the court of rome and the jesuits could not have done any thing whereby more effectually to demonstrate their zeal and close adherence to the grandeur and exaltation of the most christian king , than by making ( as they have done with so much craft and perfidiousness ) a sacrifice of the emperour and empire ( with all that concerned the glory and interest of both ) the better to carry on the designs of the french : their project in this particular hath proved so effectual , and discover'd so many divisions , so much ignorance , weakness , and baseness , in the empire , that his most christian majesty may by these appearances rationally judge he may probably succeed in whatever he shall attempt against the empire ( though i am not of opinion he will find it so easie a matter as he hath been made believe ' t is . ) but we are to believe this prince is perswaded , that to attain all his ends , the empire being the natural obstacle against an universal monarchy , it must be his business to attempt the empire in the first place . nor can it be doubted , but the court of rome and the jesuits , making full account the most christian king will be very well able by his forces to master the empire , have hastened with all diligence possible the signing the peace between his imperial majesty and france , upon design that his most christian majesty being by this expedient of the peace free from war , in case the perpetual plots of the court of rome , and the jesuits in england , or elsewhere , should be so prosperous , as , with the help of forreign aid , to effect the re-establishment of the popes authority there , they might make use of the french forces to invade that kingdom , or other countries , for the ends i have mentioned : and if by gods providence the perfidious and damnable conspiracy of the jesuits against the king the religion and state of england had not been discovered the last year , i believe england had e're this felt the effects of what i observe . be pleased to allow me leave on this occcasion to say , that unless his majesty of great brittain be willing to fall , with all his people , under the slavery of the pope , the jesuits , and france , he hath great cause to take heed left the warlike preparations of all sorts made by the french in all their ports , and on the coasts of the ocean , be not made upon some such design ; for by the scheme of the plot ireland is looked upon as a country which may unquestionably procure france the absolute dominion of the sea , and of trade , and the conquests of the west indies , according to their ancient and primitive project . . the court of rome and the jesuits having that influence over the imperial council , that it was in their power to do what they pleased there , there is no doubt but the signing of the peace was prest on this farther design , that his imperial majesty ( the peace concluded ) finding himself in a condition to dispose of the greatest part of his forces , they might easily perswade him to employ them to root out the protestant party in hungary , and perfect the pretended reformation in silesia : and it was well for that people that god provided for their safety by very extraordinary means , i mean the plague ; for had not that broken out , it is not credible but dunewald the apostate , now a formal creature of the jesuits , had been sent thither with an army to do something . happy would it be for his imperial majesty , if by just and solid reflections on the disasters successively fallen upon his august family , for having too much espoused the violent and cruel passions of the court of rome and the jesuits , and by considering this scourge of god which hath forced him to quit his capital city , and in a manner follows him visibly wherever he goes , he would be sensible the hand of god is not stretched out against him , as heretofore against david , for his sin , but because he hath stretched out his hand to oppress the only congregations of christians in his dominions , whose worship is not infected with idolatry , and who according to the precepts of the gospel adore the soveraign and supreme creator in spirit and in truth . but far happier should his imperial majesty be , if by such reflections god would give him the grace , as he did to the emperor charles the fifth before de died , to acknowledge and own the truth he persecutes ; and ( setting aside policy ) embrace generously the profession of it . god almighty would then certainly bless him , and 't is credible he would not deny him the power to humble the proud , and those who by their enormous . ambition , put all europe into combustion . i beg your highnesses pardon for this digression ; which the matter i treat of , and my zeal for the faith and salvation of others naturally led me to . the third point . to make some solid prognostick , in a matter so dilicate , i say , as to what the empire in general and particular is no expect from the present state of affairs ; we are to believe his most christian majesty ( unless notably changed in his dispositions ) would boldly and couragiously carry on his business , i mean his pretension to make his son , the dauphin , king of the romans : his marriage with the princess of bavaria , the envoys and magnificent presents he sends to the electoral courts of saxony and brandenbourgh , and his arming so furiously , signifie sufficiently two things . first , his contempt of the alliances and oppositions his imperial majesty may make against him . secondly , that he will certainly pursue his pretension . 't is of extream importance for the empire in general and particular to know , whether it be for the interest of the empire to favour this pretension , or to oppose it . this with your highnesses leave , i intend briefly to examine ; and to observe some order : it is to be considered , . whether it be better for the empire in general , and every member of it in particular , to live according to the ancient customs , rights and priviledges , under which they have lived for many ages ; or that the empire , without striking a blow , submit voluntarily to the yoke of a government which acknowledges no law , but that of a power purely despotical and absolute ? . as a dependent on the former point , whether it be better , as to the revolutions since the wars for religion , that the empire live occording to the concordats and agreements in the peace of munster , or osnabrug , and the last capitulations with his imperial majesty since his election : or without regard to the one , or the other , that the empire engage anew in a civil war , which by a final victory may decide the quarrel in favour of one of the parties , concerning the concordats , and those two treaties of peace , or the late capitulations , as if never agreed or capitulated ? i think it the more necessary to examine before hand these points , for that we may hold it for certain . as to the first point . in case the dauphin be ever elected king of the romans , that from the days of that election , whatever capitulations shall be signed to the contrary , the german empire will be annexed to , and made an hereditary province of the crown of france . to justifie this , you need only read several french authors , who have treated of the rights and pretensions of france , upon the empire , particularly that of the advocate awbrey ; for though he hath with good reason been laughed at for his writings , yet if that election take effect , we shall find his discourse solid and well grounded . besides , you may soberly weigh what france hath already practised upon that part of the empire which hath fallen to its share , and the neighbouring parts , both in temporals and spirituals : as to the temporal concerns , france seizes all boldly and openly in the face of the sun , without pretence of other law , or right , but that of convenience , with as much freedom and confidence , as it would take possession of any ancient patrimony of that crown : the dukes of lorrain and deuxponts , mentbeleuard , and the ten free towns of alsatia , sufficiently prove this ; as to spiritual matters you need only read the publick ordinance of the bishop of metz against the lutherans of those countries . for the clergy in general , all the free chapters of the empire , whether arch-bishops , bishops , abbots , deans , or priors , may assure themselves , if this election take place , they must go to france e're they come to those dignities ; for to imagine the free suffrages of the chapters shall be continued , is sortishness and folly . the bishopricks of metz , toul and verdun , and ( i doubt not for the future ) cambray , which were heretofore principalities of the empire , may teach us that under a french government the only way to those dignities is by a writ of presentation by the kings , and consequently all that seek or depend on those bishopricks must be courtiers and slaves . not but that i believe if the dauphin be chosen king of the romans , his council is too cunning not to make him promise expresly to maintain the privileges and ecclesiastical benefices of the empire : and that till he be fully setled they may be content to write letters to the chapters to chuse the person the court shall recommend , but in such a manner there will be no fear of refusal : yet this course is not to be expected to hold ten years to an end : which i believe the rather for that france pretends ( as hath been declared at large by several politick treatises ) that most of the great benefices in germany have been founded by emperors , kings of france , and that consequently the court of france is the true patron of them . the princes of the empire , ecclesiastical and temporal , of what rank or degree soever , may from the day of that election , provide for three things which will certainly follow . first they shall be reduced to the natural rents and revenues of their ancient patrimonies , which cannot with probability be denied to depend upon the ancient kingdom of austrasia , ( which the ministers of france suppose to be part of the french monarchy ) and consequently all natural rights there being subject to the law salique , admit neither of alienation nor prescription . for as to the taxes and contributions now paid these lords by their vassals and subjects , there is no doubt but they will be obliged to disclaim them , and consent with a very good will , that the head of the empire shall in this case order what taxes and exactions he please to be levied , and all for his use : to pretend capitulations or reasons to the contrary , will be to insist on trifles , or commence suits to be decided only by military execution . secondly , they will be disarmed , it being against the honour of the policy of france , to permit any prince , or lord , under their dominion , to have the power to defend himself by force , be his right to do so never so ancient and authentick . thirdly , to gain the favour of the head of the empire , the head of every house of the secular princes must actually wait on his imperial majesty at an excessive expence , or send in his stead his brothers or sons to make his court , or to receive orders and caresses , and sometimes repulses and checks : and the empire being full of divisions and jealousies , there is cause enough to fear the princes will strive who shall be most officious , as the princes and other great men of france have done , to their utter ruin , and total consumption of their estates . as for the counts , and barons , and all gentlemen of the empire , who are vassals to electors and particular princes , my heart bleeds to think how certainly and strangely their condition will be chang'd , if ever a french king be made emperour . is it probable the ministers of france will have more pity of the german nobility and gentry , than the dukes , marquesses , counts , barons and particular nobility of their own country have found at their hands ? there is no doubt but the day they change their master , they must bid an eternal adieu to all their rights of soveraign justice and free-hold : the great men and private gentry of france , several of whom have the honour to be descended in a right line from soveraign princes , had no less courage , nor were heretofore less priviledged , nor less jealous of their rights , than many of the body of the empire are at this present . yet have they been forc'd one after another to submit to the yoke , and lose all their ancient priviledges : nor must they think any more ( though they have right ) to lay any imposition on their subjects . for ( as i said before in the article of the princes ; ) this is a sweet bit , which the absolute and despotical dominion of france always reserves for it's own tooth . they must never think more by offices and imployments under particular princes , or the head of the empire , to render themselves considerable , make their fortunes , or recover their spent estates , as they could have done heretofore : at least but few of them shall be ever able to do it . for as to particular princes , they will in case of a french emperour be absolutely ruin'd , and forc'd to retrench themselves and their families to a very low condition ; and as to the head of the empire , whoever will have office or imployment in his house or courts of justice , must think of buying it with ready money , there being not an office or imployment in the french kings house , from the steward of his house to the scullion in his kitchen , nor in his courts of justice , from that of chief president to the meanest serjeant , but is sold for ready money . so that there remains not for the nobility and gentry of the empire , any office or employ , but what must be bought , save only the military : but the nobility and gentry of the empire are too judicious , ( at least , unless ( as the french proverb is ) they are willing to be taken for fools , ) not to know they have no reason to promise themselves in this particular of military employment , any greater priviledge than is allow'd the ancient nobility of france , and consequently , that to procure the favour of the prince or his principal ministers , they must serve in the wars at their own charge , as the french nobility have done . the necessary expences of every office exceeding yearly , by three fourths , the pay of the prince : that is , they most resolve to consume the bulk of their estates to be known at court , and frequently spend a real patrimony in pursuit of vain and chimerical hopes , which will infallibly ruin their families ; and bring most of those who take these courses to end their lives in languishing griefs and cruel repentings : for thus it is , all the nobility of france serve in the wars , and such is the end most of them make . if we have heard of a schomberg or a ransan that became considerable in france by the wars . let the nobility of the empire be assur'd it was but a lure which the ministers of france ( who have long since plotted the conquest of the empire ) thought fit to hold out to delude and cheat the german nobility : they are like the fires in the night that lead them into precipices , who are indiscreet enough to follow them : all this i know to be true , grounded on very authentick memoirs , and certain knowledge of the matters i mention . as for the imperial towns and free cities of the empire , colmar , schlestat , and haguenau , and the rest of that rank , situate in alsatia , may teach their magistrates and councils , what value the ministers of france put upon their ancient rights and priviledges , for those are the things the ministers there , or their envoys under the name of commissaries or intendants , call in derision stories to make one sleep , illusions , and old wives tales , that is , things nothing worth . if ever france come to the empire , all the cities of that order are with metz , toul , and verdun , and ( last of all ) bezanson to denounce and disclaim all rights of justice , magazines , garrisons and impositions , and to prepare themselves ( at least all those that cannot , will be kept under otherwise ) to see built in the highest place in the town a strong citadel at their charge , and a garrison put into it , which they must maintain , and consequently by degrees undergo , as well as all the subjects of princes , earls , barons , and particular lords ; and all counts , barons , and private lords for their estates in land and all necessaries for life , with very little exception , all the impositions following . first upon estates in land , money , and trade . ayde , octroy , preciput , equivalent , crue , taille , estaste , subsistence de quartier d'hyver , garinzons , mortpayes , appointments des governeurs , debtes & affaires du roy , gratifications extraordinaries , den gratuit , frais de recoua usemens & contabilite . more upon drinks . aydes sur le vin , bieres , & cidres , plus le huitieme denier , le souquet , le patae , imposts & billets . [ instead of censuring the translation imperfect , in giving the names of these impositions ( as in the original ) in french , let the reader congratulate his happiness , that very few of these most christian impositions have been christened in england , and therefor they want names in our language . ] more upon things eatable . the gabelle on corn and meal , which is taken in markets or at the mill , in several places , under the name of mesure coupee , or octroy . the toll called pied forchu , taken for all sorts of beasts sold in fairs and markets . the toll taken by weight for every pound of meat sold in the shambles . the gabelle on salt , which will raise the price of salt so high , that what is now sold for a florin , will then cost fourteen crowns . more upon all necessaries for life . the mark of paper , the mark of silver , the mark of tin , the mark of hats , the mark on all silk stockins and woollen , the mark of shoes , the gabella on perukes , the gabelle on tobacco , the mark on all stuffs of wooll or silk , the mark on linnen , the gabelle on ice , the control of exploits . more upon noble estates , from five years , to five years . the tax of free fifes , the tax of new purchases , the fifths and refifths , amortissements . more upon the offices of judicature and the treasury . the price of valuation , the mark of gold , the two sols in the pound , the seal duty , the duty of control , the registers duty , the duty for oaths ; the prest for being admited to the annual , the annual or paulette . besides many other taxes to be paid from time to time , and many retrenchments of wages to be yearly undergone ; for the soveraign courts have but three quarters wages , the subordinate but two , and the base or lowest courts frequently but one . add to all these the reunion to the king's demesnes , newly executed throughout france on all commonalties or corporations of the empire , that is , all that belongs in common to any commonalty , as fewel and pasture in woods and forests , rivers , ponds , and all other common rights of what nature soever . more on all sorts of merchandises imported or exported . the custom , the custom for the value , the foreign . besides the custom of lions , burdeaux and roan , which take their names from the places , and are levied with all rigour imaginable , not only upon importation into the realm , or exportation out of it into foreign countries , but in most of the frontiers of the provinces , upon passing out of one into another , within the kingdom . and we may expect the like exactions to be established in the several provinces of the empire , on several pretences . all these subsidies , and many others , ( which , to avoid prolixity , i pass over in silence ) are one way or other punctually paid , where-ever any subjects of the french monarchy live , with no other distinction , but that the lords and gentlemen have right to hold free from imposition so many acres of land , for their maintenance , as may be husbanded with two yoke of oxen , ( provided the owner hold that estate in demean ) for as to what is let out to farmers , as they pay the king taxes for the profit of the farms , they pay so much the less rent to the landlord ; so that in effect the nobleman in france pays taxes as well as the boor : which the princes , the nobles , the magistrates , and subjects of the empire , of what degree soever , have reason seriously to consider . for , 't is folly to fancy they can make their capitulations so advantageous as to exempt them from paying these intollerable subsidies . the provinces of guienne , languedoc , provence , dauphine , bourgundy , and britain , and most of the other provinces of france , had herefore their particular princes , as most of the provinces of the empire now have ; and the principal cities and towns in these provinces of france , had then as great priviledges and immunities as any free towns of the empire : but the kings of france having invaded all these principalities , and seized the liberties of the cities , have , since the taking of rochel , reduced them into so absolute slavery , that the citizens and inhabitants have quite lost the resolution and generosity to endeavour a recovery of their liberties , and are so bridled with strong garrisons and citadels ( and we may expect the like in all countries of the empire , if ever under a french government ) that they are not in a condition to stir , at least to any considerable purpose . this may suffice for the first point : i pass to the second . the second point . this deserves the more exact consideration , for that if ever the dauphin be chosen king of the romans , since the court of rome and the jesuits , by the important services these have done the crown of france of late , and promise to do for the future , and the cardinalships they flatter the nephews and relations of the principal ministers of france with the hopes of , do what they please in the council of france ; and what is published to the contrary , on the account of regalities , now in controversie , is but cheat and illusion ; the cruel persecution raised and carried on some years last past against the protestants of that kingdom , the disgrace of pompone , being not of their cabal , and of theatin the princess of brvaria's confessor , intimating sufficiently the extraordinary credit that society hath in the court of france : i say , if ever the dauphin be elected king of the romans , the empire is to expect two things . first , to see him at the head of the best forces of france , ( upon the specious pretence of religion , and restoring the estates belonging to the church ) undertaking in the empire aganst the protestant party what charles the fifth , and ferdinand the second attempted to execute . secondly , that this affair will be so obstinately fomented & protected by the court of rome , that the empire will be in danger to be involved in a war more cruel , more bloody , and dangerous , than any the former wars raised for that cause . and there is reason enough to believe , that the late war , as well as the peace since made , were hatched and carried on by the court of rome , in hopes of being able , by the power of the french forces , to work the entire ruin of the protestant party of europe , which we see every day decay by degrees : and i am much mistaken if the money sent by the pope into poland was not design'd for a project of this nature . prince william of furstenberg might , if he pleased , furnish us with clear evidence of authentick memoirs to this purpose ; but we are not to expect it from him , lest by such a discovery he lose the recompence the court of rome designs him for the pains he hath taken , and continues , to bring to effect this popish project in the empire , and consequently in all europe . by what hath been said , your highness may see the fortune of the empire , if ever it fall ( by any means whatever ) under the intolerable yoke of the despotical government of france : and i think i need say no more to convince every member of the empire , and all the states of it in general , ( without any great depth of policy , or knowledge of war ) what their duty to religion , their glory and interest oblige them to do , for preserving themselves from falling under a yoke of that nature . but to preserve themselves effectually from this yoke , i conceive it extremely considerable to enquire first , whence all this mischief proceeds ? which known , will give us light what must further be done : and particularly , from what part the first attack may be expected , and what defence is to be made . the mischiefs i have mentioned unquestionably have their rise from the designs and fomentations of the court of rome and the jesuits , who ( at present at least ) direct and dispose of the french projects and forces , and without any mercy or respect , pretend , with the assistance of those forces , and their own secret managements of affairs , to sacrifice all to the re-establishment of the papal grandeur . i conceive in right and justice two things are to be done ; but i doubt much whether the one will be . the first is , that since the publick good and safety of the empire consists in living ( without innovation ) according to the ancient rights , immunities , and privelidges , and the concordats established by law , ( which every member of the empire is obliged to observe ) and that the pretensions of the court of rome and the jesuits , are as inconsistent as those of france , with the publick good and safety of the empire : every member of the empire , without flattering themselves any longer with hopes of favour from rome or from france , and without distinction of religion , applying themselves seriously to procure and promote the preservation and publick good of the empire , should without delay take such measures , that neither the court of rome , the jesuits , nor france , may attain their ends. and in order to this , that every member of the empire should put it self into a posture and condition , by uniting their forces , to oppose force to force : and if the princes of the roman communion will bona fide engage in this union , it will be necessary , first , that his imperial majesty find means to gain the amity and assistance of the three northern princes whom i have formerly mentioned , engag'd in war by his means , and afterwards cruelly abandon'd to the mercy of france and of swede : which ( by the small intelligence i have of affairs ) will be difficult enough to effect , especially with the elector of brandenbourgh , without giving him satisfaction in two points , on which he doth with much equity insist . secondly , that his imperial majesty gain over to the interests of the empire the forces of the crown of swede ; which will be no easie task . thirdly , that the emperour , and all the princes of the roman communion in the empire , banish and root out of their councils not only all jesuits and monks , ( who by themselves or their superiors have all resort to their general at rome ) but every one that any way depends on , or hath society with these hypocrites , or rather free spies of the empire ; a capuchin in this particular being as bad as a jesuit . though this be absolutely necessary , as matters now stand , yet ( to speak freely ) i very much doubt whether the princes of the roman communion will have the generosity and courage to do it . the second , and that i take to be the only solid means , is , that the protestant party being now clearly convinc'd that they are the sole persons aim'd at , and that all that hath been done since the beginning of the last war was really in order onely to work their destruction ; all kings , princes , and magistrates of that persuasion are every one in his sphere to apply themselves with all industry and vigour , first , to arm with all their power , that they may be able to oppose force to force : secondly , to enter into mutual leagues and alliances , that by joynt strength they may resist forces so considerable as those of france , and others the court of rome and the jesuits may by their artifices bring over to that party . to begin so great and necessary a work , we will for a while leave the territories of the empire ; and looking abroad , i am of opinion that england and the united provinces ought without further delay to use all means possible to enter into a league offensive and defensive , which may ( if possible ) be indissoluble ; that denmark and swede are to follow that example ; and , that all the protestant princes and states of the empire , with the protestant cantons of the swisses and the grisons , ought to do the like : for , 't is not a concern of particular quarrels and jealousies , but the faith , the religion and temporal estates of all the protestant party are now at stake . this i conceive will be more easily effected in this conjuncture , for that by a special providence of god there is no war at present between england and holland , nor between swede and denmark , nor between the princes of the protestant communion in germany . if these three things be effected , and the particular leagues incorporated into a general , and consequently , an intire union of the protestants of europe , we need not fear the designs or attempts of the court of rome , or the jesuits , or the council and forces of the french : for ( these things effected ) we shall have power enough not only to deliver the empire from all just apprehensions of the designs of the court of rome , the jesuits , and of france , against its liberties , but to reduce his most christian majesty ( by way of justice & right ) to keep himself modestly within the frontiers of his kingdom , and ( in case of refusal ) to do something more ; which would infallibly produce a sure and general peace . i am the more induced to be of this opinion , while england and holland on the one hand , and swede and denmark on the other , are labouring to put an end to all former quarrels ; and the protestant princes and magistrates of the empire endeavour ( as i suppose ) a league with the protestant cantons and the grisons , that ( to say the truth ) i see no other solid and effectual means to defend the empire from the oppression of france , and the protestant party in particular from the oppression of the court of rome , the jesuits , and france , all at once : for , ( to rid our hands of all false maxims at once ) what else can the empire and protestant party reasonably ground their safety upon ? will they ground it on his imperial majesty , as they ought , and without doubt might have done , had his council been guided with right and sound maxims ? i cannot think , after all that his council have caused him to do publickly , and what he still continues to put in execution against the protestant party , that any rational person of that party can expect the least favour on that side , at least as long as the jesuits and court of rome have that credit , that countenance and support they have now in his court. and that we have little reason to hope this prince will rid himself of them , who have dangerously corrupted his understanding and reason , by their education of him , and the prejudices instilled into him . and should the protestants on this occasion expect help from the court of bavaria , as their interest in the empire obliges them , we may very well imagin the expectation will be vain , if we consider the late strict alliance of that court with france , or the ridiculous monastick bigotry reigning in that court. if then you will rely on the ecclesiastical princes , who knows not their disability , and that the greater part of them will do nothing but what the jesuits shall insinuate into them ? so that for the future ( as well as the time past , at least , for the last age , and more ) the natural defence of the empire hath ( under god ) no solid ground , but the forces and industry of the protestant party . it was that party saved it from the intended oppression of the house of austria in former times : and in the late war , when france attempted to master it by its arms and intrigues , it was the same party not only preserved the empire , but the emperor , from the yoke of the french. and it will be the same party which ( by the grace of god ) shall easily preserve it for the future ; at least , if the potentates of that party , or the greater part of them , apply themselves to do what i conceive they are obliged to . but to speak plainly , and make appear the necessity of such a protestant league and confederacy , we are to consider ; his imperial majesty will either effectually perform what he ought in defence of the empire , by saving himself from falling under the dominion of france ; or that he will do nothing but in shew and appearance . if his imperial majesty perform as he ought , against the enterprises of france , such a league can never be more seasonably made to second the imperial forces ; nor can his imperial majesty in that case rely on any forces ( the nature of the quarrel considered ) that will be more true to him than those of the protestants . but if his imperial majesty intend meerly to look on , as unconcerned , and not to engage really and effectually against the french designs , which he is so highly concerned to oppose , there can be no doubt , but the court of rome and the jesuits have secretly carried on a close intelligence and private league between their imperial and most christian majesties , for the ruin and destruction of the protestant party ; and , that by some private and mysterious stipulation , some protestant estate in the empire , or on the frontiers , in the low countries , or swisserland , is , according to their project , designed a recompence to the duke of lorrain , for the dukedoms of lorrain and barre , which france hath taken from him , and hath no mind to restore . and by a captious contrivance of this nature , the protestant party in the empire shall find it self at once assaulted by the united forces of their imperial and most christian majesties ( who are both of a communion . ) i leave to your highness to judge , how much it concerns the protestant party , by the industry and union i have mentioned , to prevent so great and dangerous an inconvenience . my suspicion of his imperial majesty is the greater , for that it is notorious there are in the society of jesuits men of several sorts ; some of whom are dispenced with not onely to lay aside the habit of their order , but to marry , and bear all sorts of offices and dignities : and that if his imperial majesty was in his younger days , out of too great a zeal for his religion , unhappily engag'd in this order , under the dispensations i suppose , there is no cause left for wonder at his proceedings against the protestants : for , though he had been but of the lower order , which is that wherein marriage is permitted , and a capacity allowed of bearing offices and dignities ; yet as to all other things , and particularly in matters of religion , he must have been under the obedience of the general of the jesuits , and consequently obliged to make peace and war , as the general of the society should judge most convenient for the interest of the pope and the society . the continual war this prince makes against the protestants of vpper hungary , contrary to all the maxims and rules of sound policy , and contrary to the priviledges ( one of his ministers told me , and i am otherwise well assured ) he hath sworn to that nation ; the vast gifts he hath bestowed on the society in bohemia , silesia , hungary , moravia , and generally in all his hereditary countries ; with his shameful signing the late peace , in prejudice , and contrary to all his treaties with the protestant princes , smells rankly of an obedience which acknowledges no obligation , nor owns any rule of justice or piety , other than the absolute command of his superior . and i see nothing in this prince , as to his manner of living , and constant attendance at jesuitical comedies , musick , and pilgrimages , sometimes to one relique , sometimes to another , with all that may make out his natural or acquir'd inclinations , that may any way convince this opinion of mistake . so that if it be so , ( as to speak the truth ) i very much suspect it is ; and i am not alone in this suspicion : i leave it to the judgment of the empire in general , and the protestants in particular , what ground they have to relie on , or expectany succour or assistance from the head of the empire : for , in case this prove true , should his imperial majesty promise and design effectually to assist the protestants , in defence of the common liberty ; yet if on the morrow the general of the society should order him , for some greater good , ( which , according to their maxims consists frequently in a massacre , a poysoning , or assassination ) to joyn at a precise day and place his arms to those of france , for the entire extirpation of the protestant party in the empire , there is no doubt but this prince would be obliged to do it , either on the account of obedience due to his general , or for fear the society , in case of his disobedience , should dispatch him , as they did by themselves , or their emissaries , henry the third and fourth in france , don carlos in spain , duke bernard of weymar in germany , and lately the illustrious princess of inspruck , second wife of that prince , the last duke of brieg in silesia : or as they have newly attempted to do against his majesty of great britain . for incendiaries , assassins , and murderers are the faithful servants and inseparable instruments of that blessed society . your highness will not be surpriz'd at the vehement suspicion i have exprest of his imperial majesty , when you have considered , there have been two kings of poland of that order , and that philip the second of spain did ( out of policy ) cause himself to be enrolled amongst them . but the order of the jesuits is compos'd ( as others ) of two sorts of people , whom politicians distinguish by the names of directors and directed : and we are to observe , the two kings of poland were in this latter class . the former , by promoting too zealously the passions of the society , having lost the kingdom of swede , to which he was heir ; and the second having by the same means incurred the irreconcileable hatred and aversion of the nobility of poland , to so extream a degree , that to avoid the threatning effects of it , he was forced at last to quit his crown , from a sovereign to become a subject , and go end his days in a strange country , with no better a character than that of abbot of st. german in france . but as for philip the second ( setting matter of conscience aside ) considering him only in quality of a politician ▪ i boldly assign him a place in the class of directors ; for he directed his affairs so well , he mist but little of subduing france , and effectually seised the crown of portugal , and the east-indies as an appurtenant . i am oblig'd , by the respect i bear his imperial majesty , to leave it to your highness to think which of the two classes he is to be rank'd in . but whether his imperial majesty be a member of this society , or not , i have said enough to make appear to your highness the absolute necessity of a league and consederacy between the protestant powers of europe , to enable them to defend themselves against the pernicious designs of their enemies . i will conclude with minding your highness , that this is the occasion that calls upon you , to shew to all the world your zeal for your religion , and the good of the publick ; and that since my longer stay in this court will be useless , your highness will do me the favour to permit me to leave it as soon as may be , that i may have the honour to wait on your most serene person , and continue the performance of my most humble services . to that happy time i respite acquainting you with many particulars i dare not trust to paper , ( though altogether confirming what i have most confidently affirmed , as to the most essential points of my letter . ) and in hopes to receive speedily the honour of your commands to that purpose , which i humbly beg , i remain with all due respects , my lord , your serene highnesses most humble servant , &c. prague , febr. . finis . a faithfvll and seasonable advice, or, the necessity of a correspondencie for the advancement of the protestant cause humbly suggested to the great councell of england assembled in parliament. hartlib, samuel, d. . this text is an enriched version of the tcp digital transcription a of text r in the english short title catalog (wing h ). textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. the text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with morphadorner. the annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. this text has not been fully proofread approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. earlyprint project evanston,il, notre dame, in, st. louis, mo a wing h estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; :e , no ) a faithfvll and seasonable advice, or, the necessity of a correspondencie for the advancement of the protestant cause humbly suggested to the great councell of england assembled in parliament. hartlib, samuel, d. . [ ] p. printed by iohn hammond, [london?] : . attributed to samuel hartlib. cf. blc. reproduction of original in thomason collection, british library. eng protestants -- england. a r (wing h ). civilwar no a faithfull and seasonable advice, or, the necessity of a correspondencie for the advancement of the protestant cause. humbly suggested to t hartlib, samuel d the rate of defects per , words puts this text in the d category of texts with between and defects per , words. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a faithfvll and seasonable advice , or , the necessity of a correspondencie for the advancement of the protestant cause . humbly suggested to the great councell of england assembled in parliament . printed by iohn hammond . the necessity of a correspondencie for the advancement of the protestant cause . the troubles of europe proceed originally from two causes : the one is the affectation of a spirituall , the other of a temporall monarchy . that is the papall , this is , or hath been , the spanish , and may be from henceforth , the french ambition . the pope doth labour to uphold his tottering hierarchy , and to regaine the power which hee had over the consciences of all men , before it was cried downe as antichristian by protestancie . the house of spaine did labour to erect a new state in europe , under the pretence of upholding and propagating the catholicke religion against protestants , till the french and bavarians have pulled down his old one . these two , and their pretensions have divided the affections of all men , either in respect of conscience , or of civill interests . each hath his owne way ; but that of the pope is most considerable , because it is without resistance , and hath assistance of both the others , whereas each of the other pretenders to the monarchy of state , doth oppose his fellow . the popes way to preserve himselfe , and to regaine the power which he had lost , is to work the overthrow of the protestant religion , and to trouble the states wherein that religion is planted . to do this , hee maketh use of two advantages which hee hath above protestants ; the one is civill , the other ecclesiasticall . the civill is , that he is able to set all the popists 〈…〉 ces , and their chiefe counsellors aworke , to intend joyntly the same thing against protestants , as well in generall to oppose them , as in particular to weaken them in their esteeme and power . as for example , he hath moved them all to contribute to a league against them , to divest them every where of all dignities ; and particularly to weaken their voyces in the electorall colledge . and to effect these and such like things , he can infuse into their counsels all the maximes of state , which are opposite to the faith and fundamentall grounds of the liberties of protestants in the publicke profession of their religion , and to perswade the use of these maximes , hee findeth out meanes to make every one apprehend hopes of advantage for himselfe by the ruine of protestants . for he knoweth , that it is not so much zeale for religion , as interests , which moveth states . the ecclesiasticall advantage is the power which he hath to breed and send forth emissaries towards the common sort of protestants , and to set treaties on foot towards the more learned , such as are most for his owne advantage . the emissaries are bred in his colledges , of severall nations , but espcioally in his colledge de propaganda fide , which is founded to undermine the states of protestants , by sowing or fomenting the seeds of division amongst them . and to this effect also , the more learned of his clergie are imployed to treat with the learned protestants for an agreement , which may bee patched up with some , or with all protestants , by meere authority of superiours , upon generall termes , and in outward superficiall rites , salvo iure primatus pontificii , that is , with an acknowledgement of his primacie for orders sake amongst the ●●●●gie● which i● protestants upon any terms will but grant , he for a time will leave them to their liberties , but afterward by degrees bring them in subjection to his usurped power in all things both of faith and pra ctise . now his great advantage to work out all his plots irresistably is this , that amongst the severall bodies of protestants , there is none that taketh the matter of their common interest and preservation to heart , to labour to disa●point his plots by meanes opposite to his designes , therefore it is certaine , that so long as protestants have no such aime to maintaine joyntly the common interest of religion and liberties , but are divided in their counsels , that in humane appearance their states must be weakned & in the end overthrowne ; but if a joynt purpose could be wrought amongst them for their common safety , and a good correspondencie setled in their churches and states , to prosecute the meanes thereof , towards all those whom it doth concerne , there is no doubt but hee would lose his labour , and the consent of protestants to maintaine the light of the truth , and the liberty of the gospel , would fully accomplish his overthrow . now to set this correspondencie in a joynt intention a foot amongst protestants , none have so great cause as the state of great britaine , and the present parliaement of england , against which all the popish power of europe is bent to hinder by all possible meanes , the reformation now begun in that island , therefore it will be altogether necessary , for the said parliament to move all other protestants to joyne with them for the maintenance of the protestant cause against popery . this cannot be done otherwise , but by the meanes of a good correspondencie , which may be first begun with the state and church of scotland , and then joyntly with them prosecuted towards forraigne protestants : and to this effect fit instruments should bee chosen , and made use of these should bee joyned in a committee or standing counsell at home to attend the work of a publick correspondency with forrainners , and to unite them in the prosecuting of their true interests and common quarrell against papists . and to this end they should ta●e the palatine cause in hand , to make that house ( whose interest and right is greatest among forraigne protestants ) considerable ; and to assist it in recovering the right thereof , which it hath lost in defence of the protestant liberties in germany . now the way to make that house considerable and by it to uphold amongst forrainners the protestant cause , is to assist the prince elector first with counsell and then with strength . to assist him with counsell , they should joyne to him some of their owne counsellors , to help him to manage the worke of a publick correspondencie with protestants in their name ; and they should furnish him with meanes of support requisite to maintaine other councellors and agents fit to negotiate in his owne name , his owne cause ▪ and to keep afoot the publicke interest with the protestants of germany , and neighbouring states . to assist him with strength , by 〈…〉 secuting of this correspondencie with forraigne states , they should make a league for him , and when their troubles should be set led , joyne with others their forces to re-establish him in his lands and dignities , to uphold in the same the common cause . if this ground-work of counsell whereof in respect of forrainers chiefly in germany , the prince elector could bee made the head , be not first laid , it is sure that no army nor treaty with austria will ever prevaile to settle matters . but if such a negotiation be ( as it easily can bee , even in the midst of these troubles in england ) set afoot , and thereby all those that have a reall interest in the welfare of protestants , made to concurre counsels with great britaine , and the palatiue house in germany then it is not to be doubted but that with the supply of small forces from england and scotland , the cause and rights of all protestants in the inerest of that house , may be gained ; and the whole papall and spanish power as well in the empire , as elswhere , irresisistably overthrowne . perhaps the austrian power in germany may be moved to bend their counsels for the true ? palatine eleitor against the bavarian and french designe , to keep up a protestant party , that in ballancing the one by the other , it may stand . but as for the french , it is certain , that they in all things , and chifly in zeale for the papall interests , doth emulate the spanish power , and is no lesse active ; and as now matters are brought about , more powerfull to advance the same , then spain is : and therefore in the aime of a common correspondencie amongst protestants , must be as much looked into , or more , then any other state . finis . the french king's declaration, that the children of those of the pretended reformed religion may change their religion at the age of seven years with a prohibition that those of the said religion may not send their children to be bred in forreign countries : registred in parliament the th day of july new stile, . and printed at paris. declaration du roy, portant que les enfant de la religion pretendue reformée pourront se convetir à l'âge de sept ans. english france. sovereign ( - : louis xiv) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing l estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the french king's declaration, that the children of those of the pretended reformed religion may change their religion at the age of seven years with a prohibition that those of the said religion may not send their children to be bred in forreign countries : registred in parliament the th day of july new stile, . and printed at paris. declaration du roy, portant que les enfant de la religion pretendue reformée pourront se convetir à l'âge de sept ans. english france. sovereign ( - : louis xiv) sheet ([ ] p.) for andrew forrester ..., printed at london : . caption title. reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng counter-reformation -- france. protestants -- france -- history -- th century -- sources. broadsides -- england -- london -- th century - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - robyn anspach sampled and proofread - robyn anspach text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the french king's declaration , that the children of those of the pretended reformed religion may change their religion at the age of seven years : with a prohibition that those of the said religion may not send their children to be bred in forreign countries . registred in parliament the th of july new stile , . and printed at paris . lewis by the grace of god king of france and of navarre : to all those that shall see these present letters , greeting . the great successes which it hath pleased god to give to the spiritual excitations , and the other reasonable means which we have hitherto used for the conversion of our subjects of the pretended reformed religion , do oblige us to second the motions which god has given to many of our said subjects to acknowledge the errour wherein they were born ; we therefore have resolved to repeal some things in our declaration of the first of february , . by which the children of that religion were in some sort hindred to convert themselves to the catholick apostolick and roman religion after the age of seven years ( in which they are capable of reason and choice , in a matter so important to them as is that of their salvation ) till the males were of the age of fourteen years , and females of the age of twelve ; though in the edict of nantes , and in the other edicts made in favour of the pretended reformed religion , there is no such provision made . and this being a thing of which it is necessary for us to take care , for these reasons , and for other considerations moving us thereunto , we have said and declared , and do say and declare by these presents signed with our hand , and it is our will and pleasure , that our said subjects of the pretended reformed religion , both males and females , having attained to the age of seven years , may lawfully embrace the catholick apostolick and ronan religion . and to that effect they shall be admitted to make abjuration of the pretended reformed religion , so as that their fathers or mothers may not give any hindrance to it upon any pretence whatsoever . and to that effect , we repeal so much as concerns this point in our said declaration of the first of february , . besides , we will that the said children that shall be converted after the age of seven years compleat , shall enjoy the effect of our declaration of the fourteenth of october , . and that according to it , it shall be left to their choice , after their conversion , either to return to live and be bred up in the same house with their fathers and mothers , or to go elsewhere ; and to demand of them a pension for their subsistence proportionably to their condition and abilities ; which pension their said fathers and mothers shall be bound to pay to their children quarterly : and in case they shall refuse to do it , our will is , that they shall be compelled to it by all due and reasonable ways . and we being informed that many of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , have sent their children to be bred in forrein countries , by which they may receive maximes contrary to the state , and the fidelity which they owe us by their birth , we do require them most expresly to recal them without delay under the following pains , that those who have estates in lands shall forfeit their whole revenue during the first year , and a moity of their said revenue during all that time that they shall keep their children in forrein countries . and for those who have no estates in lands , they shall be obliged to recal their said children under the pain of a fine , which shall be determined proportionably to their goods and abilities . and they shall be obliged to make payments of their said revenues and fines every year , till they have recalled their children . we prohibit our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion to send for the future their children into forrein countries , to be educated in them , before they are sixteen years old , without our express leave , under the pains above-mentioned . we do also give in charge to our beloved and faithful counsellors that constitute our court of parliament of paris , that they make these presents to be read , published , registred , and executed according to their form and tenour , without suffering them to be contravened in any sort or manner whatsoever : for such is our pleasure . in witness whereof , we have put our seal to these presents . given at versailles the th of june , in the year of lord . and the th year of our reign . signed lewis . in the counterpart , by the king colbert . and sealed with the great seal in yellow wax . read , published , and registred at the instance of the king's attorney-general , that they might be executed according to their form and tenour , according to the judgement made the said day at paris in the parliament the th of july . signed james . an order of the council of state. the king being informed in council of the progress made in the catholick religion in many places of the lower poictou , and that several of the inhabitants that were seduced by errour do reunite themselves to the church . and his majesty likewise considering that the chief motive of the edict of grace , granted by the late king of glorious memory , in the year . to his subjects of the pretended reformed religion , was to deface the memory of what was past , in hopes that his said subjects , devesting themselves of all passions , might be more capable to receive the light of the gospel , and to re-enter into the true faith in which this kingdom had continued above . years . and whereas the ministers of the pretended reformed religion , do endeavour by all sorts of artifices to obstruct so good a work , which is contrary to his majesties intentions ; he having thereupon considered the edict of . together with the whole affair , his majesty in council does most expresly forbid all ministers , elders , or others of his subjects , professing the said pretended reformed religion , to use any menaces , intimidations , artifices , or any fact whatsoever to hinder the conversion of those of the pretended reformed religion . and forbids all ministers and elders to enter their houses either by day or by night , except it be to visit the sick , and do other functions of their ministry , under the pain of corporal punishment . and his majesty ordains that he be informed of the violations of the said edicts , and of this present order , by the diligent care of his attorneys ; and that process be made against the guilty who shall violate the same , by the judges to whom the cognizance of it ought to belong . given at st. clou the th of april , . signed le tellier . some particulars extracted out of a letter of the th of june . while our enemies are every where pulling down our churches , they procure an edict , that our ministers may not visit us in our houses ; and so they intend to take from us the exercise of our religion both in private and publick . i need not acquaint you with the slight pretences that serve to procure a condemnation of our churches ; how weak soever it is in law , and how weakly soever it is proved , yet every thing alleadged against us is sufficient . every complaint made of our ministers is believed . we have no more any humane confidence to depend upon : we are imprisoned , and kept there without any thing objected to us . our enemies will not be so kind as to make us feel all their rage at once , and make us die a single death , but intend to famish us , and make us die of hunger ; and that not onely of the word of the lord , by depriving us of our churches and pastors , but even of our daily bread . in all these our sufferings , we cannot be accused of one act of rage against our enemies , or of disloyalty to our king. and now our miseries encrease upon us , for an edict is coming out , that our children at seven years old may change their religion . we know what will follow upon us ; and that our busie enemies will be every where tempting our little ones ; so that we dare no more reprove or chastize them for their faults , lest we thereby drive them to renounce our holy faith at an age in which they cannot distinguish truth from falshood , nor good from evil . we have nothing left us but to fly to god by fasting , mourning , and prayer ; and who knows if he will turn these evils from us ? in which we humbly beg the assistance of all our brethrens prayers . printed at london for andrew forrester in kings street westminster . . a sermon being an incouragement for protestants or a happy prospect of glorious success: with exhortations to be valiant against our enemies, in opposing the bloody principle of papists, and errors of popery, &c. occasionally on the protestants victory over the french and irish papists before london-derry, in raising that desperate siege, a glorious prospect of the protestants happiness, &c. by mr. walker minister, and governor of the city. walker, george, of londonderry. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a sermon being an incouragement for protestants or a happy prospect of glorious success: with exhortations to be valiant against our enemies, in opposing the bloody principle of papists, and errors of popery, &c. occasionally on the protestants victory over the french and irish papists before london-derry, in raising that desperate siege, a glorious prospect of the protestants happiness, &c. by mr. walker minister, and governor of the city. walker, george, of londonderry. , [ ] p. printed at london, and re-printed at edinburgh, [[edinburgh] : ] caption title. imprint from colophon. copy faded. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng sermons, english -- th century. protestants -- ireland -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a sermon being an incouragement for protestants , or a happy prospect of glorious success : with exhortations to be valiant against our enemies , in opposing the bloody principles of papists , and errors of popery , &c. occasionally on the protestants victory over the french and irish papists before london-derry , in raising that desperate siege , a glorious prospect of the protestants happiness , &c. by mr. walker minister , and governor of the city . judges vii . xx. the sword of the lord , and of gideon . we may through all the course of holy scripture , plainly behold that when the almighty designed to work 〈◊〉 a deliverance to his people , he made them sensible that it was not so much the arms of flesh , as his immediat power that sav●● them . the israelites at the time that god raised up gideon the son of joash , to be an instrument in his hand of saving them , were oppressed by the midianites and amalekites , a cruel and wastful people that spared no means that force or fraud could invent to vex them , and lay their countrey desolate , to draw them away to idolatry , and the worship o● strange gods , which their fathers had not known ; and least they should seem to attribute the victory to multitudes , and not give the sole glory to the god of battles ; this great captain had an express command , to try first their courage and resolution , and after that proving too many , they were selected at the water-brook , where three hundred only were chosen , and with that small number , the mighty army was overthown , destroyed , broken , and con●ounded at first onset by the breaking of pitchers , and sounding of trumpets , and crying , the sword of the lord , and of gideon , judges . . let but the lord arise , ( sayes holy david ) and his enemies shall be scattered : ( and again ) god is our refuge and strength , a very present help in trouble : therefore will we not fear though the earth be moved , and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea ; though the waters thereof roar , and be troubled , psas . . , , . we find that when samaria was besieged , and even famine raged in the city to a degree , that a woman was forced to eat the fru●ts o● her womb , when all visible means failed , and an insulting enemy every day expected to enter the city , and bring it to a final desolation ; that only a no●se being heard in the hills and mountains , raised the siege , and gave abundance of plenty to the besieged , according as the prophet had foretold . and senacheribs host trusting in the arm of flesh , and the multitude of horses and chariots , found themselves insensibly defeated by the revenging sword of the destroying angel , falling dead , by the mighty stroak of an invisible power , whose force they felt , but knew no way to resist , or fly from , till of them were scatter'd in the cha●ns of death . and upon consideration of these , and the like deliverances , holy david says , to comfort himself , and his people , viz. the lord of hosts is with us , the god of jacob is our refuge ; come , behold the work of the lord , what desolation he hath made in the earth , he maketh wars to cease unto the end of the earth , he breaketh the bow , and cutteth the spear in sunder , and burneth the chariot with fire : be still , and know that i am god , i will be exalted amongst the heathen , i will be exalted in the earth . the lord of hosts is with us , the god of jacob is our refuge , psal . . , , , , . for although god makes man for the most part the instrument in his hand , the more v●sibly to bring about his purposes ; yet without the operation of almighty power and wisdom , mens devices are brought to nought , for here we find , that when gideon came to behold the camp of the enemy , the midianites , and amalekites , and all the children of the h●st lay along in the valley like grashoppers for multitude , and their camels were without number , as the sand of the sea , judges . . yet this great army that had so long been the wast●ul terrour of the countrey , was put into such a fear at the cry of the sword of the lord , and gideon , that they were utterly confounded , and knew not what they did ; for as we find it in vers . , . of the ●oregoing chapter , viz. and they stood every man in his place round about the camp , and all the host ran , and cryed , and fled , and the three hundred blew the trumpets , and the lord set every mans sword against his fellow , even throughout all the host , and the host fled , &c. by this we may see , it was more through fear and distraction they were broken , than through any slaughter the three hundred israelites were capable of making amongst so great a company of men , david incouraged by god , pursued the amalekites that burnt ziklag , and with four hundred men fell upon those that had taken the spoil , and with four hundred men defeated their great army , recovering what ever had been taken away . barach and deborah defeated jabin's great host , destroying it together with sisera its captain , who fell in jael's tent. sampson with his single arm , routed at sundry times , the powers of the philistines ; so that we see that god confounds strength with weakness , fo● when men presume too much on the arm of flesh , they ●●●quently deceive themselves ▪ and in the m●●st of their security are overthrown : therefore let a good christian consider that his strength is in the lord , and 〈◊〉 god be on his side , he need not be afraid , th●ugh danger beset him round about ; but be comforted , an● ma●e v●liant by the words of the kingly prophet , viz. the lord is my light , and my salvation , whom s●all i fear ▪ the lord is the ●●trength of my life , of whom shall i be afraid ▪ when the wicked , even mine enemies , and my foes came up●n me to eat up my flesh , they s●umbled and fell : thou●h an hos● sh●uld en●amp against me , m● heart shall not fear , though war shall arise again●● me , in this will i be confident , psal . . , , . this ought to be the confidence , and couragious resolution of every christan , especi●l●y soldiers ▪ who carry their lives in their hands , and are said to live on the brink o● the grave . above all ●n a good cause , and the defence of the sacred truth , when their religion is in danger , and the enemy seeks not to gain a dominion over their bodies , but over their souls , to obscure the light of the gospel , and cloud a k●ngdom in darknesse and ignorance : let them take example by the valiant maccabees , who when they beheld their holy things prophaned and trampled unde● foot by an idolatrous people , their alter po●luted , and their sanctuaries in danger to be defiled ; they took up the sword of gi●eon , and stood more for their religion than for their lives , no● was the sword of the lo●d wanting to give them success over the●r enemies , and to redeem their blee●●ng count●ey from the distraction and desolation it groaned under ; no● may we spare to come nea●er home , and find innumerable insta●ces of god's ra●sing up gideons to save these k 〈…〉 ●●t only from b●●b●●o●● n●t●o●● who 〈◊〉 ●arly 〈◊〉 invaded them ▪ but from a papal tyranny , from plots and conspiracies , that have laboured to make their glory set in ●lood and ruine . henry the eight was raised up to scatter the midianites , and amalekites of rome , whose idol●tries and superstitions had inf●cted our israel , and whose pride and luxury had laid waste their pleasant places , and destroyed the good things of the land : this , i say , is the sword of the lord , and of gideon , for god made this prince an instrument in his hand : this was the lord's doings , and it is marvelous in our eyes ; and in the next place , he raised up a good josia in the person of edward the sixth , and under him , gave us the purity and light of the gospel , in its primitive lustre , brighter than the morning star , and though after the death of this good prince , he witheld his sword , and suffered us to be crushed under the merciless hands of our enemies ; yet the bloody reign of of q. mary once over , wherein our adversaries displayed themselves in their true colours , feasting flames with martyrs precious blood , at such a riotous profuseness , as no barbarous nation had equalled , he heard the groans of his suffering people , and sent us a deliverance , the sword of the l●rd , and ●f gideon , was again on our side , as appeard in the reign of queen elizabeth , who was valiant for the truth , and in spite of all the conspiracies , to raise a rebellion , or bring her to an untimely end , by poyson , daggers , and many pernicious devices ; she stood the gideon , or deborah of our land , and though spain fill'd the seas with floating castles to destroy this flourishing kingdom , yet the almighty by a small number manifestly bared his arm to save us , and ruine those that were too confident in the arm of flesh , not only destroying that huge arm●d● , but routing such forces , as the spaniards sent into ireland , to assist the bloody irish papists , in rebellion against their lawful soveraign , comitting such cruelties as are too tedious here to mention ; and although in the frustration of their plo●s and devices , they might well have perceived the immediat hand of heaven , protecting this great and prosperous queen ; yet so far were they infatuated , or transported with inseperable malice and revenge , that though their attempts cost many of them their lives , yet no sooner was the wise protestant prince king james the first advanced to the throne , but they went to exalt him in a blast to the skies , had not their powder-plot been discovered by the divine hand of providence , who blasted it ; all which well considered , may make us confess with the royal prophet , viz. we have thought of thy loving kindness , o god , in the midst of thy temple , according to thy name , o god , so ●s thy praise unto the ends of the earth ; thy right hand is full of righteousness : let mount sion rejoyce , let the daughter of juda be glad , because of thy judgment , psal . . verse . . . and now not without tears of compassion , we cannot but reflect on the popish cruelty in the poor kingdom of ireland ; in the reign of king charles the first , anno . when without any provocation , armed with hellish ●age , and the natural cruelty of a papist , they by inhumane torments , massacred no less than english protestants , of all ages and sex ; insomuch that the dead bodies not being suffered by the priests to be buried ; created a contagion , and in some measure took revenge on the murtherers ; and what can we think ? but at this day a papist is a papist still , where even the principle of religion instills a kind of fiercenes● and b●rbarity into their nature : nay , if we reflect , what in a few moneths they have done , what better can be expected , if we consider the spoil , plunder , ravagements , and desolations the french and irish in arms have made , regarding neither oaths promises , nor nearness of relation ; with a desire utterly to root the english out of the kingdom , with a further desig● of carrying on their mischievous enterprizes against the pr●testant religion ; in general , it is time for protestants to becom● valiant for the truth , and bold as lyons , not only for the●● religion , but temporal interest ; the preservation of thei● wives and children , from murthers , rapes , and deflowrings , and all manner of violence and wickedness : to stand as bulwarks against the rapid innundation of antichristian tyranny . let us consider that the fowls of the air , and the beasts of the forrest , stand in the defence of their own lives , and the lives of their young ones , with such weapons as nature has afforded them : and shall not men in such a case pluck up their spirits , and redouble their courage , since the almighty has of late been so favourable in giving us , even by miracle , a protestant king and queen to sit upon the throne , and so great a prospect of a through deliverance ; we are here members of the church militant : let us not be ashamed , or afraid of our profession , when maintaining our christian warefare in a good conscience , and a just cause , we make our way to the church which is triumphant , where god shall wipe away all tears from our eyes , and there shall be no more death , neither sorrow nor crying , neither shall there be any more pain , for the former things pass away , revel . , . though never so many storms and tempests threaten ; yet a good christian ought not to be dismayed , though in a time , even when danger does beset them : yet it is required , they should humble themselves before their maker , and rely on him , who is able to save to the utmost , all that trust in him : for indeed , sin is that which provokes him to with-hold his mercy , and bring calamities on nations , & kingdoms , it was always well with the seed of jacob , when they clave fast to the rock of their salvation ; but when they grew regardless , he gave them up to the oppressing nations , who grieved his chosen heritage ; for as 't is said psal . . ver . , , . viz. with the merciful , thou wilt shew thy self merciful ; and with an upright man thou wilt shew thy self upright ; with the pure , thou wilt shew thy self pure ; with the froward , thou wilt shew thy self froward : for thou wilt save the afflicted people , but wilt bring down high looks . niniveh humbling her selt in sackcloath and ashes before the lord , was saved from impendent wrath , when stubborn sodom , and impenitent gom●rah sunk in sulpherous fire ; let us turn then to the lord with our whole hearts , and sing praise unto our deliverer , that our enemies , and all those that seek to hurt us , may fall before us : 't is a good conscience , and an assurance in gods mercy's that makes men valiant ; abraham on this score pursued the kings , ●nd rescued his brother lot , &c. out of their hands : david in this assurance undauntedly marched against the mighty champion of the philistines ; and with inconsiderable weapons , as knowing god saves neither by spear nor shield , no more than by weak means , when he resolves to manifest his power , or intends to save , he overcame the man that had so long defied the armies of israel : for when the great jehovah was d●signed to show his last judgment upon pharach , and his pursuing host in the red sea , and israel cryed cut for fear , they were only commanded to stand still , and see the salvation of the lord , and they even without contributing any help of their own , found themselves not only secured from the danger they feared , and a little before had threatned them , but saw their desire upon their enemies ; the element heard the voice of its creator , and returned with violence to let the stubborn monarch know , that the highest rules in the kingdoms of men , in whose hands are all the kingdoms of the earth , and all the breath of life . there is a sword of the lord , and a sword of man ; against the first there is no prevailing , but the latter is weak , i● the first be wanting : god if he pleases can arm all the elements to fight for his servants , as he did the hail in the time of joshua by which there fell more than by the swords of the israelites ; or inclose his people with fiery camps of armed angels , as he did elisha , when his life was sought for by the assyrians . trust in the lord , and he will be to his servants a wa●l of defence , and a strong tower , a buckler , a shield , and a mighty deliverer ; who has power to do what he please● , in heaven and earth , whose will is fate , and whose decrees are irresistable and irreversable : let us but call upon him sincerely , with a true heart , and unseigned lips , and he will hear us , and deliver us out of all our trouble : let us not then be afraid of their terrour that seek to harm us , but assuredly rest secure in his protection , whose mercies are over all the works of his creation , and he will keep us from the arrows that fly by night , and the shafts , though go abroad by day , the adversary shall have no advantage over us : therefore let us acquit our selves like men , and not faint , or grow weary : let fear fly our breasts , and let us arm our selves with courage in a good cause ; and consider that the god of battels , the lord of hosts is the disposer of all things , and if the lord be with us , who shall be against us , and prosper ? for there is a sword of the lord and a sword of gideon . thus by extraordinary means does the almighty save , when he bares his arm to make his power known to the sons of men ; then happy are all they that trust in him , for they shall never be confounded , their enemies shall come out one way , and flee seven ; the lord shall draw a sword after them , and they shall be scattered , even from heaven shall they be discomfited , and scattered o're the face of the earth , as in judges . . they fought from heaven , the stars in their courses fought against sisera . if heaven be on our side , in vain is the combination of man , for who is able to stand before that mighty god , whose very looks drieth up the deep , and whose wrath maketh the mountains to melt , before whose majesty job confesseth himself to fail and tremble , like one in a stormy tempest , and that his fear was so great , that he was not able to bear it ; nor ( can his hand be shortened , that he will not save those that stand for his truth ; suce as are valiant for the promotion of god's honour , are said to fight the lords battel ; that is , he owns them to be his souldiers , and he puts power and strength into their hands , as he did into his servant joshua's , when he made the heavenly bodies , contrary to the course of nature , obey a mortal voice , the sun and moon stood still till his people had accomplished their desire upon their enemies , as we find it in joshua . . and when moses held but up his hand , the israelites prevailed , for there is nothing too hard for the lord , when he designs to bring about his purposes : i called on the lord in my distress ( says holy david ) the lord answered me , and set me in a large place ; the lord is on my side , i will not fear what man can do unto me : the lord taketh my part with them that help me , therefore shall i see my desire upon them that hate me ; it is better to trust in the lord , than to put confidence in princes ; all nations compassed me about , but in the name of the lord will i destroy them , psal . ▪ v. , , ▪ , . thus we may behold , how a good cause puts life into the soul , and makes the spirit rise to the extreamest height of valour , banishing the image of fear , by a confident assurance of success , makes men bold as lyons , and unwary in their undertakings . this made nehemiah couragious for the house of god , and for his sanctuary , when he caused the very work-men to arm at their labour , having their swords in their hands , even whilst they were building , and repairing the city of jerusalem , to prevent and repel their treacherous enemies , who sought always to surprize and bring them to destruction ; let us take courage then , and faint not , but acquit your selves like men . a protestant prayer for our deliverance from popish enemies , and for future success . o lord god , holy and glorious , in whose hands are all the ends of the earth , thou god of battles , on whom all success and victory depends ; look down upon us thy poor afflicted servants , pardon our sins , and pass by the multitude of our transgressions ; save us , save us , o lord , from the malice and hatred of our implacable enemies , defeat their plots , and confound their devices , and let them know , neither policy , nor the arm of flesh can do any thing against those thou art pleased to take into thy especial care and protection ; give us courage to be valiant for thy revealed truth in the gospel of thy dear son , our ever blessed lord and saviour , and ever defend us from the clouds and mists of popery and error ; give us hearts to fear , and reverence thy holy name , that all our actions and undertakings may redound to thy honour and glory , through jesus christ : to whom with thee , and thy holy spirit , be all power , praise , and dominion , world without end . amen . printed at london , and re-printed at edinburgh , . an edict of the french king prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv, his grandfather, given at nantes, full of most gracious concessions to protestants : together with a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion for to make them abjure and apostatize : to which is added to form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to : with a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg, in favour of those of the reformed religion, who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions / translated out of french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an edict of the french king prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom wherein he recalls and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv, his grandfather, given at nantes, full of most gracious concessions to protestants : together with a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion for to make them abjure and apostatize : to which is added to form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to : with a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg, in favour of those of the reformed religion, who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions / translated out of french. edit de révocation de l'edit de nantes. english france. friedrich wilhelm, elector of brandenburg, - . louis xiv, king of france, - . [ ], p. printed by g.m. ..., [london?] : . place of publication from wing. reproduction of original in bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng henry -- iv, -- king of france, - . france. -- edit de nantes. protestants -- france -- early works to . freedom of religion -- france -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an edict of the french king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . wherein he recalls , and totally annuls the perpetual and irrevocable edict of king henry the iv. his grandfather , given at nantes , full of most gracious concessions to protestants . together with a brief and true account of the persecution carried on against those of the foresaid religion , for to make them abjure and apostatize . to which is added , the form of abjuration the revolting protestants are to subscribe and swear to . with a declaration of his electoral highness of brandenburg , in favour of those of the reformed religion , who shall think fit to settle themselves in any of his dominions . translated out of french. printed by g. m. anno dom. . an edict of the king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . lewes , by the grace of god , king of france and of navarre , to all present and to come , greeting . king henry the great , our grandfather of glorious memory , desiring to prevent , that the peace which he had procured for his subjects , after the great losses they had sustained , by the long continuance of civil and forreign wars , might not be disturbed by occasion of the pretended reformed religion , as it had been during the reign of the kings his predecessors , had by his edict given at nantes , in the month of april , . regulated the conduct which was to be observed with respect to those of the said religion , the places where they might publickly exercise the same , appointed extraordinary judges , to administer justice to them ; and lastly , also by several distinct articles provided for every thing , which he judged needful for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in his kingdom , and to diminish the aversion which was between those of the one and other religion ; and this , to the end that he might be in a better condition for the taking some effectual course ( which he was resolved to do ) to reunite those again to the church , who upon so slight occasions had withdrawn themselves from it . and forasmuch as this intention of the king , our said grandfather , could not be effected , by reason of his suddain and precipitated death ; and that the execution of the foresaid edict was interrupted during the minority of the late king , our most honoured lord and father , of glorious memory , by reason of some new enterprises of those of the pretended reformed religion , whereby they gave occasion for their being deprived of several advantages which had been granted to them , by the foresaid edict : notwithstanding , the king , our said late lord and father , according to his wonted clemency , granted them another edict at nismes , in the month of july , by means of which the peace and quiet of the kingdom being now again re-established , the said late king , being animated with the same spirit and zeal for religion , as the king our said grandfather was , resolved to make good use of this tranquility , by endeavouring to put this pious design in execution , but wars abroad , coming on a few years after , so that from the year , to the truce which was concluded with the princes of europe , in . the kingdom having been only for some short intervals altogether free from troubles , it was not possible to do any other thing for the advantage of religion , save only to diminish the number of places permitted for the exercise of the pretended reformed religion , as well by the interdiction of those which were found erected , in prejudice to the disposal made in the said edict , as by suppressing the mix'd chambers of judicature , whichwer composed of an equal number of papists and protestants , the erecting of which was only done by provision , and to serve the present exigency . whereas therefore at length it hath pleased god to grant , that our subjects enjoying a perfect peace , and we our selves being no longer taken up with the cares of protecting them against our enemies , are now in a condition to make good use of the said truce , which we have on purpose facilitated , in order to the applying our selves entirely in the searching out of means , which might successfully effect and accomplish the design of the kings , our said grand-father and father , and which also hath been our intention ever since we came to the crown ; we see at present ( not without a just acknowledgment of what we owe to god on that account ) that our endeavours have attained the end we propos'd to our selves , forasmuch as the greater and better part of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion have already embraced the catholick , and since by means thereof , the execution of the edict of nantes , and of all other ordinances in favour of the said pretended reformed religion , is made useless , we judge that we can do nothing better towards the entire effacing of the memory of those troubles , confusion and mischief , which the progress of that false religion , hath been the cause of in our kingdom , and which have given occasion to the said edict , and to so many other edicts and declarations which went before it , or were made since with reference thereto , than by a total revocation of the said edict of nantes , and the particular articles and concessions granted therein , and whatsoever else hath been enacted since in favour of the said religion . i. we make known , that we , for these and other reasons us thereto moving , and of our certain knowledge , full power and royal authority , have by the present perpetual and irrevocable edict , suppressed and annull'd , do suppress and annull the edict of the king , our said grand-father , given at nantes in april . in its whole extent , together with the particular articles ratified the second of may , next following , and letters pattent granted thereupon ; as likewise the edict given at nismes , in july . declaring them null and void , as if they had never been enacted , together with all the concessions granted in them , as well as other declarations , edicts and arrests , to those of the pretended reformed religion , of what nature soever they may be , which shall all continue as if they never had been . and in pursuance hereof , we will , and it is our pleasure , that all the churches of those of the pretended reformed religion , scituate in our kingdom , countries , lands , and dominions belonging to us , be forthwith demolished . ii. we forbid our subjects of the pretended reformed religion to assemble themselves , for time to come , in order to the exercise of their religion , in any place or house under what pretext soever , whether the said places have been granted by the crown , or permitted by the judges of particular places ; any arrests of our council , for authorizing and establishing of the said places for exercise , notwithstanding . iii. we likewise prohibit all lords , of what condition soever they may be , to have any publick exercise in their houses and fiefs , of what quality soever the said fiefs may be , upon penalty to all our said subjects , who shall have the said exercises performed in their houses or otherwise , of confiscation of body and goods . iv. we do strictly charge and command all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , who are not willing to be converted , and to embrace the catholick apostolick and roman religion , to depart out of our kingdom and countries under our obedience , days after the publication hereof , so as not to continue there beyond the said term , or within the same , to preach , exhort , or perform any other ministerial function , upon pain of being sent to the galleys . v. our will and pleasure is , that those ministers who shall be converted , do continue to enjoy during their lives , and their widdows after their decease , so long as the continue so , the same exemptions from payments and quartering of souldiers , which they did enjoy during the time of their exercise of the ministerial function . moreover we will cause to be paid to the said ministers , during their lives a pension , which by a third part shall exceed the appointed allowance to them as ministers ; the half of which pension shall be continued to their wives , after their decease , as long as they shall continue in the state of widdow-hood . vi. and in case any of the said ministers shall be willing to become advocates , or to take the degree of doctors in law , we will and understand that they be dispensed with , as to the three years of study , which are prescribed by our declarations , as requisite , in order to the taking of the said degree , and that after they have pass'd the ordinary examinations , they be forthwith received as doctors , paying only the moiety of those dues which are usually paid upon that account in every university . vii . we prohibit any particular schools for instructing the children of those of the pretended reformed religion , and in general all other things whatsoever , which may import a concession of what kind soever , in favour of the said religion . viii . and as to the children which shall for the future be born of those of the said pretended reformed religion , our will and pleasure is , that henceforward they be baptized by the curates of our parishes ; strictly charging their respective fathers and mothers to take care they be sent to church in order thereto , upon forfeiture of livres or more , as it shall happen . furthermore , our will is , that the said children be afterwards educated and brought up in the catholick apostolick and roman religion , and give an express charge to all our justices , to take care the same be performed accordingly . ix . and for a mark of our clemency towards those of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , who have retired themselves out of our kingdom , countries , and territories , before the publication of this our present edict , our will and meaning is , that in case they return thither again , within the time of four months , from the time of the publication hereof they may , and it shall be lawful for them , to re-enter upon the possession of their goods and estates , and enjoy the same in like manner , as they might have done in case they had always contiued upon the place . and on the contrary , that the goods of all those , who within the said time of four months , shall not return into our kingdom , countries , or territories , under our obedience , which they have forsaken , remain and be confiscated in pursuance of our declaration of the th of august last . x. we most expresly and strictly forbid all our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , them , their wives or children , to depart out of our said kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , or to transport thence their goods or effects , upon penalty of the gally , for men , and of confiscation of body and goods for women . xi . our will and meaning is , that the declarations made against those who shall relapse , be executed upon them according to their form and tenor. moreover , those of the said pretended reformed religion , in the mean time , till it shall please god to enlighten them as well as others , may abide in the several respective cities and places of our kingdoms , countries , and territories under our obedience , and there continue their commerce , and enjoy their goods and estates , without being any way molested upon account of the said pretended reformed religion , upon condition nevertheless , as forementioned , that they do not use any publick religious exercise , nor assemble themselves upon the account of prayer or worship of the said religion , of what kind soever the same may be , upon forfeiture above specified of body and goods . accordingly we will and command our trusty and beloved counsellors , the people holding our courts of aids at paris , bayliffs , chief justices , provosts , and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their lieutenants , that they cause to be read , published , and registred , this our present edict in their courts and jurisdictions , even in vacation time , and the same keep punctually , without contrevening or suffering the same to be contrevened ; for such is our will and pleasure . and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable , we have caused our seal to be put to the same . given at fountainbleau in the month of october , in the year of grace , and of our reign the . signed lewes . this signifies the lord chancellors perusal . visa . le tellier . sealed with the great seal of green-wax , upon a red and green string of silk . registred and published , the kings procurator or attorney general , requiring it , in order to their being executed according to form and tenor , and the copies being examined and compared , sent to the several courts of justice , bailywicks , and sheriffs courts of each destrict , to be there entred and registred in like manner , and charge given to the deputies of the said attorney general , to take care to see the same executed and put in force , and to certifie the court thereof . at paris in the court of vacations the th of october . signed de la baune . a short account of the violent proceedings , and unheard of cruelties , which have been exercised upon those of montauban , and which continue to be put in practise in other places against those of the reformed religion in france , for to make them renounce their religion . on saturday the / of august . the intendant of the upper guienne , who resides at montauban , having summoned the principal protestants of the said city to come before him , representing unto them , that they could not be ignorant that the absolute will and pleasure of the king was , to tolerate but one religion in his kingdom , viz. the roman catholick religion , and therefore wished them readily to comply with the same , and in order thereto , advised them to assemble themselves and consider what resolution they would take . to this proposal some answered , that there was no need of their assembling themselves upon that account , forasmuch as every one of them in particular , were to try and examine themselves , and be always in a readiness to give a reason of the faith which was in them . the next day the intendant again commanded them to meet together in the town-house , which should be left free for them from noon till six of the clock in the evening , where meeting accordingly , they unanimously resolved , as they had lived , so to persist till death in their religion ; which resolution of theirs , there were some deputed by them to declare to the intendant ; who presenting themselves before him , he who was appointed spokesman , began to address himself to the intendant in these words : my lord , we are not unacquainted how we are menaced with the greatest violence . hold there , said the intendant ( interrupting him ) no violence . after this the protestant continued ; but whatever force or violence may be put upon us — here the intendant interrupting him again , said , i forbid you to use any such words : upon which second interruption , he contented himself to assure him in few words , that they were all resolved to live and dye in their religion . the day after the battallion of la fere consisting of companies , entred the city , and were followed by many more . the protestants all this while dreaming of no other design they had against them , but that of ruining their estates and impoverishing them , had already taken some measures how to bear the said tryal ; they had made a common purse for the relief of such who should be most burthen'd with quartering , and were come to a resolution to possess what they had in common : but alass , how far these poor souls were mistaken in their accounts , and how different the treatment they received from the dragoons was , from what they had expected , i shall now relate to you . first therefore , in order to their executing the design and project they had formed against them , they made the souldiers take up their quarters in one certain place of the city , but withal appointed several corp de gards to cut off the communication which one part of the city might have with the other , and possess'd themselves of the gates , that none might make their escape . things being thus ordered , the troopers , souldiers and dragoons began to practise all manner of hostilities and cruelties wherewith the devil can inspire the most inhumane and reprobate minds : they marr'd and defac'd their housholdstuff , broke their looking-glasses , and other like utensils and ornaments , they let the wine run about their cellars , cast abroad and spoil'd their corn , and other alimentary provisions : and as for those things which they could not break and dash to pieces , as the furniture of beds , hangings , tapistry , linnen , wearing apparrel , plate , and things of the like nature , these they carried to the market place , where the jesuits bought them of the souldiers , and encouraged the roman catholicks to do the like . they did not stick to sell the very houses of such who were most resolute and constant in their profession it is supposed according to a moderate calculation , that in the time of four or five days , the protestants of that city were the poorer by a million of money , than they were before the entring of these missionaries . there were souldiers who demanded crowns a piece of their hosts for spending money , and many protestants were forced to pay down ten pistols to each souldier upon the same account . in the mean time the outrages they committed upon their persons were most detestable and barbarous , i shall only here set down some few of which i have been particularly inform'd . a certain taylor called bearnois was bound and drag'd by the souldiers to the corp de gard , where they boxed and buffetted him all night , all which blows and indignities he suffered with the greatest constancy imaginable . the troopers who quartered with mounsieur solignac made his dining room a stable for their horses , tho the furniture of it was valued at livers , and forc'd him to turn the broach till his arm was near burnt , by their continual casting of wood upon the fire . a passenger as he went through the said city saw some souldiers beating a poor man even to death , for to force him to go to mass , whilst the constant martyr to his last breath , cryed , he would never do it , and only requested they would dispatch and make an end of him . the barons of caussade and de la motte , whose constancy and piety might have inspired courage and resolution to the rest of the citizens , were sent away to cahors . mounsieur d' alliez one of the prime gentlemen of montauban , being a venerable old man , found so ill treatment at their hands , as its thought he will scarcely escape with life . mounsieur de garrison who was one of the most considerable men of that city , and an intimate friend of the intendant , went and cast himself at his feet , imploring his protection , and conjuring him to rid him of the souldiers , that he might have no force put upon his conscience , adding , that in recompence of this favour , he beg'd of him , he would willingly give him all he had , which was to the value of about a million of livers ; but by all his entreaties and proffers he could not in the least prevail with the intendant , who gave order , that for a terror to the meaner sort , he should be worse used than the rest , by dragging him along the streets . the method they most commonly made use of , for to make them abjure their religion , and which could not be the product of any thing but hell , was this ; some of the most strong and vigorous souldiers , took their hosts or other persons of the house , and walk'd them up and down in some chamber , continually tickling them and tossing them like a ball from one to another , without giving them the least intermission , and keeping them in this condition for three days and nights together , without meat , drink or sleep ; when they were so wearied and fainting , that they could no longer stand upon their legs , they laid them on a bed , continuing as before to tickle and torment them ; after some time when they thought them somewhat recovered , they made them rise , and walked them up and down as before , sometimes tickling , and other times lashing them with rods , to keep them from sleeping . as soon as one party of these barbarous tormenters were tyred and wearied out , they were relieved by others of their companions , who coming fresh to the work , with greater vig●●… and violence reiterated the same course . by this infernal invention ( which they had formerly made use of with success , in bearn and other places ) many went distracted , and others became mopish and stupid , and remain so . those who made their escape were fain to abandon their estates , yea , their wives , children , and aged relations to the mercy of these barbarous and more then savage troops . the same cruelties were acted at negreplisse , a city near to montauban , where these bloody emissaries committed unparallel'd outrages . isaac favin , a citizen of that place was hung up by his arm-pits , and tormented a whole night by pinching and tearing of his flesh with pincers , tho by all this they were not able to shake his constancy in the least . the wife of one roussion a joyner , being violently drag'd by the souldiers along the streets , for to force her to hear mass , dyed of this cruel and inhumane treatment , as soon as she reach'd the church porch . amongst other their devilish inventions this was one , they made a great fire round about a boy of about ten years of age , who continually with hands and eyes lifted to heaven , cryed , my god help me , and when they saw the lad resolved to dye so , rather than renounce his religion , they snatch'd him from the fire , when he was at the very point of being burnt . the cities of caussade , realville , st. anthonin , and other towns and places in the upper guienne , met with the same entertainment , as well as bergerac , and many other places of perigord , and of the lower guienne , which had a like share of these cruel and inhumane usages . the forementioned troops marched at last to castres , to commit the same insolencies and barbarities there also ; and it is not to be doubted , but that they will continue and carry on the same course of cruelties , where ever they go , if god in pity and compassion to his people do not restrain them . it is to be seared ( for it seems but too probable ) that this dreadful persecution in conjunction with those artifices the papists make use of to disguise their religion , and to , perswade protestants that they shall be suffered to worship god as formerly , will make many to comply with them , or at least make their mouths give their hearts the lye , in hopes of being by this means put into a condition to make their escapes , and returning to that profession , which their weakness hath made them deny . but alas ! this is not all , for those poor wretches , whom by these devilish ways of theirs , they have made to blaspheme and abjure their religion , as if this were not enough , must now become the persecutors and tormentors of their own wives and children , for to oblige and force them to renounce also , for they are threatned , that if within three days time they do not make their whole family recant in like manner , those rough apostles ( the dragoons ) shall be fain to take further pains with them in order to perfect their conversion . and who after all this can have the least doubt but that these unhappy dragoons are the very emissaries of hell , whose very last essorts and death-struglings these seem to be ? this relation hath given a short view of some of those sufferings , the reformed have undergone , but not of all : it is certain that in divers places they have tryed to wear out their patience , and overcome their constancy by applying red-hot irons to the hands and feet of men , and to the paps of women . at nantes they hung up several women and maids by their feet , and others by their arm-pits , and that stark-naked , thus exposing them to publick view , which assuredly is the most cruel and exquisite suffering can befall that sex , because in this case their shamefacedness and modesty is most sensibly touched , which is the most tender part of their soul. they have bound mothers that gave suck unto posts , and let their little infants lye languishing in their sight without being suffered to suckle them for several days , and all this while left them crying , moaning , and gasping for life , and even dying for hunger and thirst , that by this means they might vanquish the constancy of their tender hearted mothers , swearing to them they would never permit they should give them suck till they promised to renounce their profession of the gospel . they have taken children of four or five years of age , and kept them from meat and drink for some time , and when they have been ready to faint away and give the ghost , they have brought them before their parents , and horribly asseverated , that except they would turn , they must prepare themselves to see their children languish and dye in their presence . some they have bound before a great fire , and being half roasted , have after let them go ; they beat men and women outragiously , they drag them along the streets , and torment them day and night . the ordinary way they took was to give them no rest , for the souldiers do continually relieve one another for to drag , beat , torment and toss up and down these miserable wretches without intermission . if it happen that any by their patience and constancy do stand it out , and triumph over all the rage and fury of those dragoons , they go to their commander and acquaint him they have done all they could , but yet without the desired success , who in a barbarous and surly tone , answers them ; you must return upon them , and do worse than you have done , the king commands it ; either they must turn , or i must burst and perish in the attempt . these are the pleasant flowery paths by which the papists allure protestants to return to the bosome of their church . but some it may be will object , you make a great noise about a small matter , all protestants have not been exposed to these cruelties but only some few obstinate persons : well , i will suppose so , but yet the horor of those torments inflicted on some , hath so fill'd the imagination of these miserable wretches , that the very thoughts of them hath made them comply ; it is indeed a weakness of which we are ashamed for their sakes , and from whence we hope god will raise them again , in his due time ; yet thus much we may alledge for their excuse , that never was any persecution upon pretence of religion carried on to that pitch , and with that politick malice and cruelty that this hath been , and therefore of all those which ever the church of christ groan'd under , none can be compar'd with it . true indeed it is that in former ages it hath been common to burn the faithful under the name of hereticks , but how few were there exposed to that cruel kind of death , in comparison of those who escaped the executioners hands ? but behold here a great people at once oppress'd , destroy'd , and ruin'd by a vast army of prodigious butchers , and few or none escaping . former , yea late times have given us some instances of massacres , but these were only violent tempests , and suddain hurricanes , which lasted but a night , or at the most a few days , and they who suffered in them were soon out of their pains , and the far greater number escaped the dint of them : but how much more dreadful is the present condition of the protestants in france ? and to the end we may take a true view and right measures of it , let us consider , that nothing can be conceived more terrible than a state of war , but what war to be compared with this ? they see a whole army of butcherly canibals entring their houses , battering , breaking , burning and destroying whatever comes to hand , swearing , cursing , and blaspheming like devils , beating to excess , offering all manner of indignities and violence , diverting themselves , and striving to outvie each other in inventing new methods of pain and torment , not to be appeased with money or good chear , foaming and roaring like ravenous raging lyons , and presenting death , at every moment , and that which is worse than all this , driving people to distraction , and set seless stupidity by those devilish inventions , we have given you an instance of in the relation of montauban . moreover , this persecution hath one characteristical note more , which , without any exaggeration , will give it the precedence in history for cruelty , above all those which the church of god ever suffered under nero , maximinus , or dioclesian , which is the severe prohibition of departing the kingdom upon pain of confiscation of goods , of the gally , of the lash , and perpetual imprisonment . all the sea ports are kept with that exactness , as if it were to hinder the escape of traytors and common enemies ; all the prisons of sea port towns are cram'd with these miserable fugitives , men , women , boys and girls , who there are condemn'd to the worst of punishments , for having had a desire to save themselves , from this dreadful persecution and deluging calamity ; this is the thing which is unparallel'd , and of which we find no instance . this is that superlative excess of cruelty , which we shall not find in the list of all the violent and bloody proceedings of the duke of alva , he massacred , he beheaded , he butchered , but at least he did not prohibit those that could , to make their escape . in the last hungarian persecution , nothing was required of the protestants , but only that their ministers should banish themselves , and abandon and renounce the conduct of their flocks ; and because they were unwilling to obey these orders , therefore it is they have groaned under so long , and so terrible a persecution , as they have done ; but this hungarian persecution is not to be compared with that we are speaking of , for the fury of that tempest discharged it self upon the ministers only , no armies were imploy'd to force the people to change their religion , by a thousand several ways of torment , much less did it ever enter the thoughts of the emperours council , to shut up all the protestants in hungary , in order to the destroying of all those who would not abjure their religion , which yet is the very condition of so many wretched persons in france , who beg it as the highest favour at the hands of their merciless enemies , to have leave to go and beg their bread in a forreign country , being willing to leave their goods , and all other outward conveniencies behind them , for to lead a poor miserable , languishing life in any place , where only they may be suffered to dye in their religion . and is it not from all this most apparent , that those monsters who have inspired the king with these designs , have resin'd the mystery of persecuting to the utmost , and advanc'd it to its highest pitch of perfection ? o great god! who from thy heavenly throne dost behold all the outrages done to thy people , hast thee to help us ! great god , whose compassions are infinite , suffer thy self to be touched with our extream desolution ! if men be insensible of the calamities we suffer , if they be deaf to our cries , not regarding our groans and supplications , yet let thy bowels , o lord , be moved , and affect thee in our behalf . glorious god , for whose names sake we suffer all these things , who knowest our innocence and weakness as well as the fury and rage of our adversaries , the small support and help we find in the world ; behold we perish if thy pity doth not rouze thee up for our relief . it is thou art our rock , our god , our father , our deliverer , we do not place our confidence in any but thee alone ; let us not be confounded , because we put our trust in thee . hast thee to our help , make no long tarrying , o lord , our god and our redeemer . a letter sent from bordeaux giving an account of the persecution of those of the protestant religion in france . sir , whatsoever you have heard concerning the persecution of those that are of our religion in the land of bearn , guienne , and perigort , is but too true , and i can assure you , that they who have given you that account , have been so far fromamplifying the matter , that they have only acquainted you with some few particulars ; yet am i not much surprised at the difficulty you find to perswade your self that the things of which your friends inform you are true ; in cases of this nature , so amazingly unexpected , we are apt often to distrust our own eyes ; and i profess to you , that though all places round about us eccho the report of our ruine and destruction , yet i can scarcely perswade my self it is so indeed , because i cannot comprehend it . it is no matter of surprise or amazement to see the church of christ afflicted upon earth , forasmuch as she is a stranger here , as well as her captain , lord and husband , the holy and ever-blessed jesus was , and must like him , by the same way of cross and suffering , return to her own country , which is above . it is no matter of astonishment to find her from time to time suffering the worst of usage , and most cruel persecutions ; all ages have seen her exposed to such tryals as these , which are so necessary for the testing of her faith , and so fit a matter of her future glory . neither is it any great wonder , if , amidst these sore tryals , vast numbers of those who made profession of the gospel , do now renounce and forsake it : we know that all have not faith , and it is more than probable that they who do not follow christ , but because they thrive by it , and for the loaves will cease to be of his retinue , when he is about to oblige them to bear his cross , and deny themselves . but that which seems inconceivable to me , is , that our enemies should pitch upon such strange ways and methods to destroy us , as they have done , and that in so doing , they should meet with a success so prodigious and doleful . i shall as briefly as i can endeavour to give you an account of so much as i have understood of it . all those thundring declarations , and destructive arrests , which continually were sued for , and obtain'd against us , and which were executed with the extremity of rigour , were scarce able to move any one of us . the forbidding of our publick exercises , the demolishing of our churches , and the severe injunction that not so much as two or three of us should dare to assemble in order to any thing of divine worship , had no other effect upon the far greater part of us , than to inflame our zeal , instead of abating it , obliging us to pray to god with greater fervor and devotion in our closets , and to meditate of his word with greater application and attention . and neither the great wants , to which we were reduced by being depriv'd of our offices and imploys , and all other means of living , and by those insupportable charges with which they strove to over-whelm us , as well by taxes , as the quartering of souldiers ( both which were as heavy as could be laid upon us ) nor the continual trouble we were put to by criminal or other matters of law , which at the suit of one or other were still laid to our charge , tho upon the most frivolous and unjust pretences imaginable ; i say all these were not able to wear out our patience , which was hardned against all calamities ; insomuch as the design of forcing us to abandon the truth of the gospel , would infallibly have been ship-wrack'd , if no other means had been taken in hand for this purpose . but alas ! our enemies were too ingenious to be bauk'd so , and had taken our ruine too , much to heart , not to study for means effectual and proper to bring about their desires ; they call'd to mind what prodigious success , a new kind of persecution had had of late years in poictou , aunix , and xaintonge , which the intendants of those places had bethought themselves of , and they made no difficulty to have recourse to the same , as to a means infallible , and not to be doubted of . i must tell you , sir , that we had not the least thought that ever such violent methods as these would have been pitched upon , as the means of our conversion : we were always of opinion , that none but dennuieux's and marillacs could be fit instruments for such like enterprises ; neither could we ever have imagin'd that generals of armies , who account it a shame and reproach to attack and take some paultry town or village , should ever debase themselves to besiege old men , women , and children in their own houses ; or that ever souldiers , who think themselves ennobled by their swords , should degrade themselves so far to take up the trade of butchers and hangmen , by tormenting poor innocents , and inflicting all sorts of punishments upon them . moreover , we were the less in expectation of any such thing , because at the self same time they treated us in this manner , they would needs perswade us , that the kings council had disapproved the design : and indeed it seem'd very probable to us , that all reasons , whether taken from humanity , piety , or interest , would have made them disavow and condemn a project so inhumane and barbarous : yet now by experience we find it but too true , that our enemies are so far from rejecting the said design , that they carry it on with an unparallel'd zeal and application , without giving themselves any further trouble to effectuate their desires , than that of doing these two things . the first of which was to lull us asleep , and to take away from us all matter of suspition of the mischief they were hatching against us ; which they did by permiting some of our publick exercises of religion , by giving way to our building of some churches , by setling ministers in divers places to baptize our children , and by publishing several arrests and declarations , which did intimate to us , that we had reason to hope we should yet subsist for some years : such was that declaration , by which all ministers were ordered to change their churches every three years . the other was to secure all the sea-ports of the kingdom , so as none might make their escape , which was done by renewing the antient prohibitions of departing the kingdom without leave , but with the addition of far more severe penalties . after these precautions thus taken , they thought themselves no longer oblig'd to keep any measures , but immediately lift up the hand , to give the last blow for our ruine . the intendants had order to represent to us , that the king was resolved to suffer no other religion in his kingdom besides his own , and to command us all in his name , readily to embrace the same , without allowing us any longer respite to consider what we had to do , than a few days , nay hours ; threatning us , that if we continued obstinate , they would force us to it by the extremity of rigour , and presently executing these their menaces , by filling our houses with souldiers , to whom we were to be left for a prey , and who not content with entirely ruining of us , should besides exercise upon our persons all the violence and cruelty they could possibly devise : and all this to overcome our constancy and perseverance . four months are now past and gone , since that began to make use of this strange and horrible way of converting people , worthy of , and well becoming its inventors . the country of bearn was first set upon , as being one of the most considerable out-parts of the kingdom , to the end that this mischievous enterprise gaining strength in its passage , might soon after over-whelm , and as it were deluge all the other provinces in the same sea of the uttermost calamity . monsieur foucaut the intendant , went himself in person to all the places where we were in any numbers , and commanded all the inhabitants that were of the protestant religion , under the penalty of great amercements , to assemble themselves in those places he appointed to them ; where being accordingly met together , he charged them in the kings name to change their religion , allowing them only a day or two to dispose themselves for it ; he told them , that great numbers of souldiers were at hand to compel those that should refuse to yield a ready obedience ; and this threatning of his being immediately followed by the effect , as the lightning is by thunder , he fill'd the houses of all those who abode constant in their resolution to live and dye faithful to their lord and master jesus christ , with souldiers , and commands those insolent troops ( flesh'd with blood and slaughter ) to give them the worst treatment they could possibly devise . i shall not undertake , sir , to give you a particular account of those excesses and outrages these enraged brutals committed in executing the orders they were charged with ; the relation would prove too tedious and doleful , it shall suffice me to tell you , that they did not forget any thing that was inhumane , barbarous , or cruel , without having regard to any condition , sex or age , they pull'd down and demolished their houses , they spoil'd , dash'd to pieces , and burnt their best moveables and houshold-stuff , they bruised and beat to death venerable old men , they dragg'd honourable matrons to mass , without the least pitty or respect , they bound and fetter'd innocent persons , as if they had been the most infamous and profligate villains , they hung them up by their feet , till they saw them ready to give up the ghost , they took red-hot fire-shovels and held them close to their bare heads , and actually apply'd them to other parts of their bodies , they immur'd them within four walls , where they let them perish for hunger and thirst ; and the constancy wherewith they suffer'd all these torments , having had no other effect , but that of augmenting the rage of these furies , they never ceased inventing new ways of pain and torture , till their inhumanity at length had got the victory , and triumphed over the patience and faith of these miserable wretches . insomuch that of all those many numerous assemblies we had in that province , as that of pau , d' arthes , de novarre , &c. there are scarcely left a small number who either continue constant in despite of all these cruelties , or else have made their escape into spain , holland , england , or elsewhere , leaving their goods and families for a prey to these merciless and cruel men. success having thus far answered their expectation , they resolved to loose no time , but vigorously prosecuting their work , they immediately turned their thoughts and arms towards montauban ; where the intendant having summoned the citizens to appear before him , bespeaks them much in the same language , as was used to those of bearne , whereunto they having returned about the same answer , he orders men to enter the city , and makes them take up their quarters , as at bearne , only in the houses of protestants , with express command to treat them in like manner , as they had done those of bearne : and these inhumane wretches were so diligent and active in executing these pittiless orders , that of or souls of which that church did consist , not above or families are escaped , who in a doleful and forlorn condition wander up and down the woods , and hide themselves in thickets . the ruine of this important place drew after it the desolation of all the churches about it , which were all enveloped in the same common calamity , as those of realmont , bourniquel , negreplisse , &c. yet was not the condition of the churches in the upper guienne more sad and calamitous , than that of those of the lower guienne , and of perigort , which this horrible deluge hath likewise overwhelm'd . mounsieur bousters and the intendant having shared the country between them , mounsieur de bousters taking for his part agenois , tonnein , clerac , with the adjoyning places ; and the intendant having taken upon him to reduce fleis , monravel , genssac , cartillon , coutras , libourne , &c. the troops which they commanded , in the mean time carrying desolation to all the places they passed through , filling them with mourning and despair , and scattering terror and amazement amongst all those to whom they approached . there were at the same time companies at saint foy , at nerac , and as many in proportion in all other parts ; so that all places being fill'd with these troops , accustom'd to licentiousness and pillage , there is not any one of the said places , where they have not left most dreadful marks of their rage and cruelty , having at last , by means of their exquisite tortures , made all those of our religion submit themselves to the communion of rome . but forasmuch as bergerac was most signally famous for the long tryals it had most gloriously endured , and that our enemies were very sensible of what advantage it would be to the carrying on of their design , to make themselves masters there also , at any price whatsoever , they accordingly failed not to attempt the same with more resolution and obstinacy than any of the forementioned places . this little town had already for three years together , with admirable patience and constancy , endured a thousand ill treatments and exactions from souldiers , who had pick'd them to the very bones : for besides that , it was almost a continual passage for souldiers ; there were no less than troops of horse had their winter quarters there , who yet in all that time had only gain'd three converts , and they such too as were maintain'd by the alms of the church . but to return , the design being form'd to reduce this city , two troops of horse are immediately ordered thither to observe the inhabitants , and soon after companies of foot enter the town , monsieur bousters and the intendant of the province , with the bishops of agen and perigueux , and same other persons of quality , render themselves there at the same time , and send for of the chiefest citizens to appear before them , telling them , that the kings express will and pleasure was , they should all go to mass , and that in case of disobedience , they had order to compel them to it : to which the citizens unanimously answered , that their estates were at the dispose of his majesty , but that god alone was lord of their consciences , and that they were resolved to suffer to the utmost , rather than do any thing contrary to the motions of it . whereupon they were told , that if they were so resolved , they had nought else to do but to prepare themselves to receive the punishment their obstinacy and disobedience did deserve ; and immediately companies more of infantry and cavalry enter the city ( which , together with the companies beforementioned , were all quartered with protestants ) with express command not to spare any thing they had , and to exercise all manner of violence upon the persons of those that entertain'd them , until they should have extorted a promise from them , to do whatsoever was commanded them . these orders then being thus executed , according to the desires of those who had given them , and these miserable victims of a barbarous military fury , being reduc'd to the most deplorable and desolate condition ; they are again sent for to the town-house , and once more pressed to change their religion , and they answering with tears in their eyes , and with all the respect , humility , and submission imaginable , that the matter required of them , was the only thing they could not do , the extreamest rigour and severity is denounc'd against them ; and they presently made good their words , by sending more companies into the city , which made up the full number of a hundred , who encouraging themselves from their numbers , and flying like enraged wolves upon these innocent sheep , did rend and worry them in such a manner , as the sole relation cannot but strike with horror and amazement . whole companies were ordered to quarter with one citizen , and persons whose whole estate did not amount to livres , were taxed at the rate of livres a day : when their money is gone , they sell their houshold-stuff , and sell that for two pence , which hath cost livres , they bind and fetter father , mother , wife and children : four souldiers continually stand at the door to hinder any from coming in to succour or comfort them : they keep them in this condition , two , three , four , five , and six days , without either meat , drink , or sleep ; on one hand the child cries with the languishing accent of one ready to dye , ah my father ! ah my mother ! what shall i do ? i must dye , i can endure no longer : the wife on the other hand cries ; alass ! my heart fails me , i faint , i dye ; whilst their cruel tormentors are so far from being touch'd with compassion , that from thence they take occasion to press them afresh , and to renew their torments , frighting them with their hellish menaces , accompanied with most execrable oaths and curses ; crying , dog , bougre , what , wilt not thou be converted ? wilt not thou be obedient ? dog , bougre , thou must be converted , we are sent on purpose to convert thee : and the clergy who are witnesses of all these cruelties , ( with which they feast their eyes ) and of all their infamous and abominable words , ( which ought to cover them with horror and confusion ) make only a matter of sport and laughter of it . thus these miserable wretches , being neither suffered to live nor to dye , ( for when they see them sainting away , they force them to take so much as to keep body and soul together ) and seeing no other way for them to be delivered out of this hell , in which they are continually tormented , are fain at last to stoop under the unsupportable burthen of these extremities : so that excepting only a few who saved themselves by a timely flight , preferring their religion before all temporal possessions , all the rest have been constrained to go to mass . neither is the country any more exempt from these calamities , than towns and cities , nor those of the nobility and gentry , than citizens . they send whole companies of souldiers into gentlemens houses , who treat them in the most outragious and violent manner conceivable , insomuch that not a soul can hope to escape , except it may be some few , who like the believers of old , wander in desarts , and lodge in dens and caves of the earth . furthermore i can assure you , that never was any greater consternation , than that which we are in here at present , the army , we hear , is come very near us , and the intendant is just now arrived in this city ; the greater part of the most considerable merchants are either already gone , or casting about how best to make their escape , abandoning their houses and estates to their enemies ; and there are not wanting some cowardly spirits , who , to avoid the mischief they are preparing for us , have already promised to do whatsoever is required of them . in a word , nothing is seen or heard in these parts but consternation , weeping and lamentation , there being searce a person of our religion , who hath not his heart pierced with the bitterest sorrows , and whose countenance hath not the lively picture of death imprinted on it : and surely , if our enemies triumph in all this , their triumph cannot likely be of any long continuance . i confess i cannot perswade my self to entertain so good an opinion of them , as to think that ever they will be ashamed of these their doings , so diametrically opposite to the spirit of the gospel , for i know the gospel in their accounts passeth for a fable : but this i dare averr , that this method of theirs will infallibly lay waste the kingdome , which , according to all appearance , is never like to recover of it , and so in time , they themselves will be made as sensible of these miseries , as others now are . commerce is already in a manner wholly extinct , and there will need little less than a miracle to recover it to its former state. what protestant merchants will henceforward be willing to engage themselves in trade , either with persons without faith , and who have so cowardly behav'd their religion and conscience , or with the outrageous and barbarous persecuters of the religion which they profess ▪ and who by these courses declare openly and frankly , that it is their principle , not to think themselves oblig'd to keep their word with hereticks ? and who are those , of what religion soever , that will negotiate with a state exhausted by taxes and subsidies , by persecutions , by barrenness and dearth of several years continuance ; full of a despairing people , and which infallibly will ere long be full of those that are proscrib'd , and be bathing in its own blood. and these miserable wretches who have been deceived , by those who have told them , that it would never be impos'd upon them to abjure their religion , and who are stupified by the extremity of their sufferings , and the terror of their bloody and cruel enemies , are wrapt up in so deep an astonishment , as doth not permit them to be fully sensible of their fall : but as soon as they shall recover themselves , and remember that they could not embrace the communion of rome , without absolutely renouncing the holy religion they professed , and when they shall make a full reflection upon the unhappy change they have been forced to make , then their consciences being awakened , and continually reproaching their faint-heartedness , will rend them with sorrow and remorse , and inflict torments upon them , equal to those the damned endure in hell , and will make them endeavour to be delivered from this anguish , and to find rest in the constant profession of that truth , which they have so unhappily betray'd . and on the other side , their enemies will be loath to take the lye at this time of day , and therefore will endeavour through fear of punishments , to oblige them to stay in that abyss of horror , into which they have precipitated them : but because all the sufferings they can possibly threaten them with , will be no ways considerable when compared with those tortures their consciences have already inflicted upon them , and wherewith they threaten them in case of a relapse , they will be constrained to drag them to the place of execution , or else seek to rid themselves of them all at once by a general massacre , which many good souls have so long desired . i hope , sir , you will not be wanting in your most earnest prayers to beg of god that he would be pleased to take pity of these miserable wretches , and make the heart of our soveraign to relent towards us ; that he would convert those who in their blindness think they do him service by putting us to death , that he would cause his voice to be heard by them from heaven , as to st. paul ; saul , saul , why persecutest thou me ? and make the rest the examples of his exemplary justice ; finally , that he would grant , that all those who have denied him , being touched with a true repentance , may with st. peter go out , and weep bitterly . i am , sir , yours , an extract of a letter , containing some more instances of the cruel and barbarous usage of the protestants in france . but this , sir , is not the thing which troubles me most at this time , there 's another cause of my grief , which is but too just , and even pierceth my heart with sorrow , and that is , the cruel persecution which the poor protestants of france do suffer , amongst whom i have so many near and dear relations : the torments they are put to , are almost incredible , and the heavenly courage wherewith some of them are strengthned by their great captain and leader to undergo them , is no less amazing and wonderful ; i shall give for instance one or two of these champions , that by them you may judge of the rest . a young woman was brought before the council in order to oblige her to abjure the truth of the gospel , which she boldly and man fully refusing , was commanded back again to prison , where they shaved her head , and sing'd off the hair of her privities , and having stript her stark-naked , in this manner led her throngh the streets of the city , where many a blow was given her , and stones flung at her . after this , they set her up to the neck in a tub full of water , where after she had been for a while , they took her out , and put upon her a shift dipt in wine , which as it dry'd , and stuck to her sore and bruised body , they snatch'd off again , and then had another ready , dipt in wine , to clap upon her , this they repeated six several times ; and when by this inhumane usage her body was become very raw and tender , they demanded of her , whether she did not now find her self disposed to embrace the catholick faith ? for so they are pleased to term their religion : but she being strengthned by the spirit and love of him , for whose names sake she suffered all these extremities , undauntedly answered , that she had before declared her resolution to them , which she would never alter ; and that though they had her body in their power , she was resolved not to yield her soul to them , but keep it pure and undefiled for her heavenly lover , as knowing that a little while would put an end to all her sufferings , and give a beginning to her enjoyment of everlasting bliss : which words of hers , adding fuel to their rage , who now despaired of making her a convert , they took and fastned her by her feet , to something that served the turn of a gibbet , and there let her hang in that ignominious posture with her head downwards , till she expired . the other person i would instance in , and whom i pity the more , because ( for ought i know ) he may yet survive , and stil continue under the tormentors hands , in an old man , who having for a great while been kept close prisoner ( upon the same account as the former ) in a deep dungeon , where his companions were darkness and horror , and filthy creeping things , was brought before his judges with vermine and snails crewling upon his mouldred garment , who seeing him in that loathsome condition , said to him , how now old man , does not your heart begin to relent ? and are not you willing to abjure your haeresie ? to which he answered ; as for haeresie , i profess none ; but if by that word you mean my religion , you may assure your selves , that as i have thus long lived , so i hope , and am resolved by the grace of god to dye in it : with which answer they being little pleased , but furiously incensed , bespoke him in a rougher tone : dost thou not see that the worms are about to devour thee ? well , since thou art so resolved , we will send thee back again , to the loathsome place from whence thou camest , that they may make an end of thee , and consume thy obdurate heart ; to which he reply'd , with the words of the holy patient job ; novi post quam vermes confoderint ( corpus ) istud , in carne me a me visurum esse deum . i know that after worms have eaten this body , that in my flesh i shall see god ; and having so said , he was sent back to his loathsome dark abode , where if he be still , i pray god to give him patience and strength to hold out to the end , that so he may obtain the crown of life . i should be too tedious in giving you all the particulars of their cruelty , and of the sufferings of the protestants , yet i cannot well forbear acquainting you with what lately i am most credibly inform'd off , which take as follows ; some dragoons who were quartered with a person , whom they could by no means oblige to renounce his religion , upon a time when they had well fill'd themselves with wine , and broke their glasses at every health they drank , and so fill'd the floor where they were with the fragments , and by often walking over , and treading upon them , reduced them to lesser picees and fractions , and being now in a merry humour , they must needs go to dance , and told their host that he must be one of the company , but withal , that he must first pull off his stockings and shoes , that he might moove the more nimbly ; in a word , they forc'd him to dance with them bare-footed upon the sharp points of glass , which when they had continued so long as they were able to keep him on his legs , they laid him down on a bed , and a while after stript him stark-naked , and roled his body from one end of the room to the other upon the sharp glass , as before-mentioned , which having done , till his skin was stuck full of the said little fragments , they returned him again to his bed , and sent for a chirurgeon , to take out all the said pieces of glass out of his body , which you may easily conceive could not be done without frequent incisions , and horrible and most extream pain . another person being likewise troubled with the unwelcome company of these dragoons , and having suffered extreamly at their hands , without the expected success of his conversion , one of them on a time looking earnestly upon him , told him , that he disfigured himself with letting his beard grow so long ; but he answering , that they were the cause of it , who would not let him stir out of door , for to go to the barber ; the dragoon reply'd , i can do that for you as well as the barber , and with that told him , he must needs try his skill upon him , and so fell to work , but instead of shaving him , flea'd all the skin off his face : one of his companions coming in at the cry of this poor sufferer , and seeing what he had done , seemingly blam'd him for it , and said , he was a bunglar , and then to his host , come your hair wants cutting too , and you shall see i will do it much better than he hath shav'd you : and thereupon begins in a most cruel manner , to pluck the hair , skin and all , off his head , and flea'd that as the other had done his chin. thus making a sport and merriment of the extream suffering of these miserable wretches . by these inhumane , and more than barbarous means , it is that they endeavour to overcome the most resolved patience , and to drive people to despair and faint-heartedness , by their more then devilish inventions . they refuse to give them death , which they desire , and only keep them alive to torment them , so long till they have vanquish'd their perseverance , for the names of martyrs and rebels are equally odious to their enemies , who tell them , that the king will have obedient subjects , but neither martyrs nor rebels , and that they have received orders to convert them , but not to kill them . sir , i beg your pardon for having so long entertain'd you with these more then tragical passages , and that you would not be wanting to recommend the condition of these poor , destitute , afflicted , and tortured persons , to the bowels of compassion of our heavenly father , that he would be pleased not to suffer them to be tempted above what he shall give them grace to bear ; which is , the hearty prayer of , your faithful friend , t. g. the profession of the catholick , apostolick , and roman faith , which the revolting protestants in france are to subscribe and swear to . in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , amen . i believe and confess with a firm faith , all and every thing and things contained in the creed which is used by the holy church of rome , viz. i receive and embrace most sincerely the apostolick and ecclesiastical traditions , and other observances of the said church . in like manner i receive the scriptures , but in the same sense as the said mother church hath , and doth now understand and expound the same , for whom and to whom it only doth belong to judge of the interpretation of the sacred scriptures ; and i will never take them , nor understand them otherwise than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . i profess that there be truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law , instituted by our lord jesus christ , and necessary for the salvation of mankind , altho not equally needful for every one , viz. baptism , confirmation , the eucharist , penance , extream vnction , orders and marriage ; and that they do confer grace ; and that baptism and orders may not be reiterated without sacriledge : i receive and admit also the ceremonies received and approved by the catholick church in the solemn administration of the forementioned sacraments . i receive and embrace all and every thing and things which have been determined concerning original sin and justification by the holy council of trent . i likewise profess , that in the mass there is offered up to god , a true , proper , and propitiatory sacrifice for the living and dead ; and that in the holy sacrament of the eucharist , there is truly , really , and substantially , the body and blood , together with the soul and divinity of the lord jesus christ ; and that in it there is made a change of the whole substance of the bread into his body , and of the whole substance of the wine into his blood , which change the catholick church calls transubstantiation . i confess also , that under one only of these two elements , whole christ and the true sacrament is received . i constantly believe and affirm , that there is a purgatory , and that the souls there detained , are relieved by the suffrages of the faithful . in like manner , i believe that the saints reigning in glory with jesus christ , are to be worshipped and invocated by us , and that they offer up prayers to god for us , and that their reliques ought to be honoured . moreover , i do most stedfastly avow , that the images of jesus christ , of the blessed virgin , the mother of god , and of other saints , ought to be kept and retained , and that due honour and veneration must be yielded unto them . also i do affirm , that the power of indulgence was left to the church by christ jesus , and that the use thereof is very beneficial to christians . i do acknowledge the holy catholick , apostolick , and roman church , to be the mother and mistress of all other churches ; and i profess and swear true obedience to the pope of rome , successor of the blessed st. peter , prince of the apostles , and vicar of jesus christ . in like manner iown and profess , without doubting , all other things left defined and declared by the holy canons and general councils , especially by the most holy council of trent ; and withal , i do condemn , reject , and hold for accursed , all things that are contrary thereto ; and all those heresies which have been condemned , rejected , and accursed by the church . and then swearing upon the book of the gospel , the party recanting must say : i promise , vow , and swear , and most constantly profess , by gods assistance , to keep entirely and inviolably , unto death , this self same catholick and apostolick faith , out of which no person can be saved ; and this i do most truly and willingly profess , and that i will to the utmost of my power , endeavour that it may be maintain'd and upheld as far as any ways belong to my charge ; so help me god and the holy virgin. the certificate which the party recanting is to leave with the priest , before whom he makes his abjuration . i n. n. of the parish of n. do certifie all whom it way concern , that having acknowledged the falsness of the pretended reformed , and the truth of the catholick religion , of my own free-will , without any compulsion , i have accordingly made profession of the said catholick and roman religion in the church of n. in the hands of n. n. in testimony of the truth whereof , i have signed this act in the presence of the witnesses whose names are under written , this — day of the month of the — year of the reign of our soveraign lord the king , and of our redemption — . a declaration of the elector of brandenburg , in favour of the french protestants who shall settle themselves in any of his dominions . we frederick william by the grace of god marquess of brandenburg , arch-chamberlain , and prince elector of the holy empire ; duke of prussia , magdeburg , juilliers , cleves , bergen , stettin , pomerania , of the cassubes , vandals , and silesia , of crosne and jagerndorff , burg-grave , of noremberg ; prince of halberstads , minde and camin ; earl of hohenzollern , of the mark and ravensberg ; lord of ravenstein , lawneburg , and butow , do declare and make known to all to whom these presents shall come . that whereas the persecutions and rigorous proceedings which have been carried on for some time in france , against those of the reformed religion , have forced many families to leave that kingdom , and to seek for a settlement elsewhere , in strange and forreign countries ; we have been willing , being touched with that just compassion , we are bound to have for those who suffer for the gospel , and the purity of that faith , we profess , together with them , by this present declaration , signed with our own hand , to offer to the said protestants a sure and free retreat in all the countries and provinces under our dominion , and withal to declare the several rights , immunities , and priviledges , which we are willing they shall enjoy there , in order to the relieving and easing them in some measure of the burthen of those calamities , wherewith it hath pleased the divine providence to afflict so considerable a part of his church . i. to the end that all those who shall resolve to settle themselves in any of our dominions , may with the more ease and convenience transport themselves thither , we have given order to our envoy extradinary with the states general of the united provinces , sieur diest , and to our commissary in the city of amsterdam , sieur romswinkel , at our charge , to furnish all those of the said religion ( who shall address themselves unto them ) with what vessels and provisions they shall stand in need of , for the transportation of themselves , their goods and families from holland to the city of hamburg ; where then our counsellor and resident for the circle of the lower saxony , sieur guerick , shall furnish them with all conveniencies they may stand in need of , to convey them further , to whatsoever city or province they shall think fit to pitch upon for the place of their abode . ii. those who shall come from the parts of france about sedan , as from champagne , lorain , burgundy , or from any of the southern provinces of that kingdom , and who think it not convenient to pass through holland , may betake themselves to the city frankfort upon maine , and there address themselves to sieur merain , our counsellor and agent in the said city , or in the city of cologne to sieur lely our agent , to whom we have also given command to furnish them with money , pasports , and boats , in order to the carrying them down the river rhine , to our dutchy of cleves and mark ; or in case they shall desire to go further up in our dominions , our said ministers and officers shall furnish them with address and conveniencies for to arrive at those several respective places . iii. and forasmuch as the said our provinces are stored with all sorts of conveniencies and commodities , not only for the necessity of living , but also for manufactures , commerce and trade by sea and by land , those who are willing to settle themselves in any of our said provinces , may choose such place , as they please in the country of cleve , mark , ravensberg and minde , or in those of magdeburg , halberstadt , brandenburg , pomerania , and prussia . and forasmuch as we conceive that in our electoral marquisate , the cities stendel , werbe , rathenow , brandenburg and frankfort ; and in the countrey of magdeburg , the cities of magdenburg , halle , and calbe ; and in prussia , the city of konigsberg will be most commodious , as well for the great abundance of all necessaries of life , which may be had there at cheap rates ; as for the convenience of trade and traffick , we have given charge that as soon as any of the said french protestants shall arrive in any of the said cities , they shall be kindly received , and agreed with about all those things which shall be thought needful for their settlement . and for the rest , leaving them at their full liberty to dispose of themselves in whatsoever city or province they shall judge most commodious and best suiting with their occasions . iv. all the goods , houshold-stuff , merchandise and commodities which they shall bring along with them , shall not be lyable to any custome or impost , but shall be wholly exempt from all charges and impositions of what name or nature soever they may be . v. and in case that in any of the cities , towns , or villages where the said persons of the reformed religion do intend to settle themselves , there be found any ruinous and decay'd houses , or such as stand empty , and which the proprietors are not in a condition to repair , we will cause the same to be assigned to them , the said french protestants , as their propriety , and to their heirs for ever ; and shall content the present proprietors according to the value of the said houses , and shall wholly free the same from all charges , to which the same might stand engaged , whether by mortgage , debts , or any other way whatsoever . furthermore , our will is , that they be furnished with timber , quick-lime , stones , bricks , and other materials , they may stand in need of for the repairing of whatsoever is decay'd or ruinous in any of the said houses , which shall for six years be exempt from all sorts of impositions , free-quarter , and all other charges whatsoever , neither shall the said french , during the said time of six years , be lyable to any payments whatsoever , but what are chargeable upon things of daily consumption . vi. in cities or elsewhere , where convenient places shall be found , for to build houses , those of the reformed religion , who shall make their retreat into our dominions , shall be fully authorized and impowered to take possession of the same , for themselves and their heirs after them , together with all the gardens , fields , and pasture grounds belonging to the same , without being oblig'd to pay any of the dues and charges with which the said places or their dependances may be incumbred . moreover , for the facilitating their building in any of the said place , we will cause them to be furnished with all the materials they shall stand in need of ; and will over and above allow them ten years of exemption , during which they shall not be lyable to any other charges or payments , besides the dues charged upon things of daily spending . and furthermore , forasmuch as our intent is , to make their settlement in our dominions the most easie and commodious for them that may be ; we have given command to our magistrates and other officers in the said provinces , to make enquiry in every city for houses that are to be lett , into which it shall be free for the said french to enter , and take up their lodging as soon as they shall arrive ; and do promise to pay for them and their families for four years , the rent of the said houses , provided that they engage themselves , within the said term , to build in such places as shall be assigned to them , in manner , and upon condition as aforesaid . vii . as soon as they shall have taken up their habitation in any city or town of our dominions , they shall immediately be made free of the place , as also of that particular corporation , which by their trade or profession they belong to , and shall enjoy the self same rights and priviledges , which the citizens , burgesses , and freemen of the said places or corporations do enjoy , and that without being obliged to pay any thing for the said freedome , and without being lyable to the law of escheatage , or any other of what nature soever they may be , which in other countries are in force against strangers ; but shall be look'd upon , and treated upon all accounts , in the same manner , as our own natural subjects . viii . all those who are willing to undertake and establish any manufactures , whether of cloath , stuffs , hats , or any other whatsoever , shall not only be furnished with all the priviledges ; pattents , and franchises , which they can wish for , or desire ; but moreover we will take care that they be assisted with moneys , and such other provisions and necessaries as shall be thought fit to promote and make their undertaking successful . ix . to countreymen and others who are willing to settle themselves in the countrey , we will cause a certain extent of ground to be allotted for them to till and cultivate , and give orders for their being assisted and furnished with all things necessary for their subsistence , at the beginning of their settlement , in like manner as we have done to a considerable number of swiss-families , who are come to dwell in our dominions . x. and as for any business of law , or matter of difference which may arise amongst those of the reformed religion , we do grant and allow that in those cities where any considerable number of french families shall be setled , they be authorized to choose on from amongst themselves , who shall have full power to decide the said differences in a friendly way , without any formality of law whatsoever : and in case any differences shall arise between the germans and the said french , that then the said differences shall be decided joyntly by the magistrate of the place , and by the person whom the french shall have chosen for that purpose from amongst themselves . and the same shall be done when the differences of frenchmen , amongst themselves , cannot be accomodated in the forementioned friendly way , by the person thereto by them elected . xi . in any city where any numbers of french shall settle themselves , we will maintain a minister , and appoint a convenient place for the publick exercise of religion in the french tongue , according to the custome , and with the same ceremonies which are in use amongst the reformed in france . xii . and forasmuch as such of the nobility of france who heretofore have put themselves under our protection , and entered into our service , do actually enjoy the same honours , dignities , and immunities with those of the countrey ; and that there are many sound amongst them , who have been raised to the chief places and charges of our court , and command over our forces , we are ready and willing to continue the same favour to those of the said nobility , who for time to come shall settle themselves in our dominions , by bestowing upon them the several charges , honours and dignities they shall be found fitted for . and in case they shall purchase any mannors or lordships , they shall possess them with all the rights , prerogatives , and immunities , which the nobility of our own dominions do of right enjoy . xiii . all these priviledges and advantages forementioned , shall not only be extended to those french of the reformed religion who shall arrive in our dominions ( in order to their setling there ) after the date of this declaration , but also to those , who before the date hereof , have setled themselves in our countries , provided they have been forced to leave france upon account of their religion ; they of the romish profession being wholly excluded from any part or share therein . xiv . in every one of our provinces , dutchies , and principalities , we shall appoint and establish certain commissioners , to whom the french of the reformed religion , may have recourse and address themselves upon all occasions of need , and this not only at the beginning of their settlement , but also afterwards . and all governours and magistrates of our provinces and territories , shall have order by vertue of these presents , as well as by other particular commands , we shall issue forth , to take the said persons of the reformed religion into their protection , and to maintain them in all the priviledges here before-mentioned , and not suffer the least hurt or injury to be done unto them , but rather all manner of favour , aide and assistance . given at postdam , octob. . . signed . frederick william . kind reader , because in the edict of the french king , the perpetual and irrevocable edict of nantes is recall'd and abolished , i thought fit ( because the whole edict would be too long to be inserted here ) to give you some passages of the prefatory part of it , whereby it may appear what stress was laid on it by henry the iv. ( called the great ) grandfather to the present french king , and how much he judged the exact maintaining of it would conduce to the settlement , peace , and prosperity of his kingdom . — now it hath pleased god to give us a beginning of enjoying some rest , we think we cannot employ our selves better , than to apply to that which may tend to the service and glory of his holy name , and to provide that he may be adored and prayed to by all our subjects ; and if it hath not yet pleased him to permit it to be in one and the same form of religion , that it may at the least be with one and the same intention , and with such rules , that may prevent amongst them all troubles and tumults ; and that we and this kingdom may always conserve the glorious title of most christian , and by the same means take away the cause of mischief and trouble , which may happen from the actions of religion , which of all others are most prevalent and penetrating . for this cause , acknowledging this affair to be of the greatest importance , and worthy of the best consideration , after having considered the papers of complaints of our catholick subjects , and having also permitted to our subjects of the reformed religion , to assemble themselves by deputies for framing their complaints , and making a collection of all their remonstrances , and having thereupon conferred divers times with them , we have upon the whole judged it necessary , to give to all our said subjects one general law , clear , plain , and absolute , by which they shall be regulated in all differences , which have heretofore risen among them , on which may rise hereafter , wherewith the one and the other may be contented , having had no other regard in this deliberation , than solely the zeal we have to the service of god , praying that he would henceforward grant to all our subjects a durable and established peace : and we implore and expect from his divine bounty the same protection and favour he hath always bestowed upon this kingdom from our birth , and that he would give our said subjects the grace to understand , that in observation of this our ordinance , consisteth ( next to their duty towards god and us ) the principal foundation of their union , concord , tranquility , rest , and the re-establishment of this estate in its first splendor , opulency and strength , as on our part we promise all to be exactly observed , without suffering any contravention . and for these causes , having with the advice of the princes of our blood , other princes and officers of our crown , and other great and eminent persons of our council of state , well and diligently weighed and considered all this affair ; we have by this edict or statute , perpetual and irrevocable said , declared , and ordained , &c. — finis . a looking-glass for all those called protestants in these three nations wherein they may see, who are true protestants, and who are degenerated and gone from the testimony and doctrine of the antient protestants. and hereby it is made to appear, that the people, called in derision quakers, are true (yea the truest) protestants, because their testimony agreeth with the testimony of the antient protestants in the most weighty things wherein the lord called them forth in that day. particularly, with the testimony and doctrine of william tindal, who is called a worthy martyr, and principal teacher of the church of england;faithfully collected out of his works. by george keith. keith, george, ?- . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing k estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a looking-glass for all those called protestants in these three nations wherein they may see, who are true protestants, and who are degenerated and gone from the testimony and doctrine of the antient protestants. and hereby it is made to appear, that the people, called in derision quakers, are true (yea the truest) protestants, because their testimony agreeth with the testimony of the antient protestants in the most weighty things wherein the lord called them forth in that day. particularly, with the testimony and doctrine of william tindal, who is called a worthy martyr, and principal teacher of the church of england;faithfully collected out of his works. by george keith. keith, george, ?- . tyndale, william, d. . [ ], p. [s.n.], london : printed in the year, . caption title on p. reads: some clear testimonies unto the truth, (as it is owned by the people called in derision quakers collected out of the works and books of william tindall martyr. running title reads: a looking-glass for protestants. reproduction of the original in the friends house library, london. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng tyndale, william, d. -- early works to . society of friends -- early works to . protestants -- early works to . quakers -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - olivia bottum sampled and proofread - olivia bottum text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion a looking-glass for all those called protestants in these three nations . wherein they may see , who are true protestants , and who are degenerated and gone from the testimony and doctrine of the antient protestants . and hereby it is made to appear , that the people , called in derision quakers , are true ( yea the truest ) protestants , bccause their testimony agreeth with the testimony of the antient protestants in the most weighty things wherein the lord called them forth in that day . particularly , with the testimony and doctrine of william tindal , who is called a worthy martyr , and principal teacher of the church of england ; faithfully collected out of his works . by george keith . london , printed in the year , . the epistle to the impartial readers unto whosoever hands this may come . come all you called protestants in these three nations of england , scotland and ireland , whether you be of the faith and principles of those called episcopalians , or whether you be presbyterians so called , or anabaptists , or baptists , or independents , or of any other name or denomination , behold a looking-glass for you all , whereinto , if you will look , you may see , whether ye be true protestants , or not . you do all indeed lay claim to the title of protestants ; but as they were of old , who called themselves jews , but were not ; so in this day , there are many who call themselves protestants , but are not , for they agree not with the antient testimonie and spirit of the protestants , but are exceedingly degenerated from them , both in life and doctrine , who if they had been true to the protetant cause , for which god raised up the first protestants , above one hundred years ago , had not only retained the life and doctrine of the antient protestants , but had advanced further , and gone beyond them both in largness of discoveries , and purity of life , for at that time , it was but as the twy-light , or dawning of the day , so that they had not attained unto so clear and perfect discoveries of truth , as were afterwards to come : but oh , how have the most of them all , who in this day are called protestants , not only been deficient in advancing and carrying on that testimony and cause for which the lord raised up the primitive protestants , but are fallen exceeding short of them , yea degenerated and back sliden from them in those weightiest and most material things , which they bore testimony unto in their day , as they were called forth of th lord , and furnished by him , not only to appear for his truth in words , but with a most noble and invincible courage to seal it with their blood , among whom william tindal was one of the most eminent , whose works and labours , by the blessing and grace of god , were of great use to propagate knowledge unto the people of these nations in that day , wherein ignorance and darkness so much abounded . this william tindal , was a man not only of a pious and good life , but well learned , as appeareth in that he translated the bible , both the old and new testament , so called , out of the tongues in which they were originally writ , into the english ; whose translation is the first english translation that is extant , and a good work it was in that day , and of great service among the peolpe , which made the romish clergy so angry ( who would have still hoodwinck'd the people in ignorance ) that they ceased not until they got him burnt , who suffered martyrdom for the truth , in west flanders , in the days of queen mary ; but above all , he was a man endowed with a good measure of the spirit of god , and taught of god , as both his own works , and the history of his life recorded by fox in his martyrology , doth sufficiently make manifest unto any who have a spiritual discerning : and if there be any things found in his works , which answer not perfectly to the truth , it is to be imputed to the darkness and ignorance of that time , which god wincked at ; nor should these things , which were given him , as testimonies from the lord , to bear in his day , be the less esteemed and received , because of any weakness or imperfections , as touching some things , wherein he might be swayed by the darkness of that time in which he lived ; but rather we should be thankful unto god for his mercy , in that he lighted such a candle , and set it on a candlestick to shine as a light in a dark place , while darkness was so thick throughout all the land. i could cite the testimonies of many other witnesses , who sealed their testimony with their blood unto the truth , both in england and scotland , and also in other places . but this being done partly by others formerly , and as it may please the lord so to order it , it may yet be done more largly , only at this time i found my self moved in the zeal of the lord , to give forth this small treatise , being a faithful collection of the words of the aforesaid william tindal , extracted by me , out of his printed works with my own hand , without adding unto , or diminishing from them , so much as one word , only the titles i have added before each purpose , by way of index . my design is to make it known , that we , the people in derision called quakers ▪ are truest protestants ; for all , who have any knowledg of our principle , whether by reading our books , or hearing our declarations , cannot but see , that those testimonies of william tindal are more agreeable unto our principles , than unto those of any other people in these three nations . some clear testimonies unto the truth , ( as it is owned by the people called in derision quakers collected out of the works and books of william tindall martyr . chap. i. concerning christs dying for all men. in his prologue upon the prophet jonas . we be all equally created , and formed os one god our father , and indifferently bought and redeemed , with one blood of our saviour jesus christ. chap. ii. concerning both the law and gospel , being in mans heart . in the same prologue upon jonas . as the law which fretteth thy conscience is in thy heart , and is no outward thing ; even so seek within thy heart the plaister of mercy , the promises of forgiveness in our saviour jesus christ : according unto all the ensamples of mercy that are gone before . and with jonas let them that wait on vanities , and seek god here and there , and in every temple , save in their hearts : go and seek thou the testament of god in thy heatt ; sor in thy heart is the word of the law , and in thine heart is the word of faith in the promises of mercy in jesus christ ; so that if thou confess with a repenting heart , and knowledge ; and surely believe that jesus is lord over all sin , thou art safe . chap. iii. concerning the outward and inward part of the scripture . in the same prologue . the scripture hath a body without , and within a soul , spirit , and life ; it hath without , a bark , a shell , and as it were , an hard bone , for the fleshly minded to gnaw upon ; and within it hath pith , kernel , marrow , and all sweetness for gods elect , which he hath chosen to give them his spirit and to write his law , and the faith of his son , in their hearts . chap. iv. concerning the heathen , that they had the spirit of god , and that pharoh had the spirit of grace , before his heart was hardned . in his prologue upon matthew . and paul writeth rom. . that the heathen because when they knew god , they had no list to honour him with godly living ; therefore god powered his wrath upon them , and took his spirit from them , and gave them up to their hearts lusts to serve sin , from iniquity , to iniquity ; till they were throughly hardned , and past repentance . and pharoh , because when the word of god was in his country , and gods people scattered , throughout all his land ; and yet he never loved them , nor it ; therefore god gave him up : and in taking his spirit of grace from him , so hardned his heart with covetousness , that afterward no myracle could convert him , hereunto pertaineth the parable of the talents . chap. v. concerning good works through working of the spirit of god , how that they help to continue us in the favour and grace of god. in the same prologue . let us arm our selves with this remembrance , that as christs works justifie from sin , and set us in the favour of god ; so our own deeds through working of the spirit of god , help us to continue in the favour and the grace , into which christ hath brought us ; and that we can no longer continue in favour and grace , than our hearts are to keep the law. chap. vi. concerning a believer , and spiritual man that is renewed , how he needeth no outward law. in his treatise on the parable of the wicked mammon . as thouneedest not to bid a tree to bring forth fruit , so is there no law put into him that believeth , and is justified through faith ( as saith paul in the first epistle to timothy chap. i. ) neither is it needful : for the law of god is written and graved in his heart , and his pleasure is therein . and in another treatise of his , called the obedience of a christian man. he now that is renewed in christ keepeth the law , without any law written , or compulsion of any ruler , or officer , save by the leading of the spirit only . chap. obed. of subjects . chap. vii . concerning faith , how that the true faith , is a feeling faith. in his answer to sir tho. mores dialogue , . there are two manner of faiths , an historical faith , and a feeling faith. the historical faith hangeth on the truth and honesty of the teller , or on the common fame and consent of many : as if one told me , that the turk had wone a city , and i believed it , moved with the honesty of the man : now if there comes another that seemeth more honest , or that hath better perswasions that it is not so , i think immediately that he lyed , and lose my faith again . and a feeling faith is , as if a man were there present when it was won , and there were wounded , and had there lost all that he had , and were taken prisoner there also . that man should so believe that all the world could not turn him from his faith : even likewise if my mother had blown on her finger , and told me that the fire would burn me , i should have believed her with an hystorical faith , as we believe the stories of the world , because i thought she would not have mocked me : and so i should have done , if she had told me that the fire had been cold , and would not have burned : but assoon as i had put my finger in the fire , i should have believed , not by reason of her , but with a feeling faith , so that she could not have perswaded me afterward the contrary . so now with an historical faith , i may believe that the scripture is gods , by the teaching of them , and so i should have done , though they had told me that robinhood had been the scripture of god , which faith is but an opinion , and therefore abideth ever fruitless , and falleth away , if a more glorious reason be made unto me , or if the preacher live contrary . but of a feeling faith , it is written , john . they shall be all taught of god , that is , god shall writ it in their hearts with his holy spirit , and also teftifieth rom. . the spirit beareth record unto our spirit , that we be the sons of god ; and this faith is none opinion , but a sure feeling , and therefore ever fruitful , never hangeth it of the honesty of the preacher , but of the power of god , and of the spirit : and therefore if all the preachers of the world would go about to perswade the contrary , it would not prevail no more than though they would make me believe the fire were cold , after that i had put my finger therein . of this ye have an ensample , job . . of the samaritanish wife , which left her pitcher and went into the city , and said , come and see a man , &c. but when they had heard christ , the spirit wrought , and made them feel , whereupon they came unto the woman and said , we believe not now , because of thy saying , but because we have heard our selves , and know , that he is christ , the saviour of the world : for christ's preaching was with power and spirit , that maketh a man feell and know , and work too , and not as the scribes and pharisees preached , and as ours , make a man ready to cast his gorge to hear them , rave and rage as mad men . chap. viii . concerning the inward preaching , teaching , and speaking of the spirit of god , unto the soul , and inward reading and hearing , and that true believers believe the principles of their faith , not because they are written in books , but because they are inwardly taught by the spirit of god. in the same treatise of his answer to sir t. moors dialogue . when thou art askt why thou believest that thou shalt be saved by christ , and of such like principles of our faith , answer thou wottest and feelest that it is true , and when he asketh how thou knowest that it is true , answer , because it is written in thine heart ; and if he ask , who wrote it , answer the spirit of god ; and if he ask , how thou came first by it , tell him , whether by reading in books , or hearing it preached , as by any outward instrument , but that inwardly thou wast taught by the spirit of god ; and if he ask whether thou believest it not , because it is written in books , or because the priests so preach , answer no , not now , but only because it is written in thine heart , and because the spirit of god so preacheth , and so testifieth unto thy soul ; and say , though at the beginning , thou wast moved by reading or preaching , as the samaritans were by the words of the woman , yet now thou believest it not therefore any longer , but only because thou hast heard it of the spirit of god , and read it written in thine heart . chap. ix . concerning the feeling of the working of the spirit , and that none ought to think that his faith is right , who hath not this feeling . in his parable of the wicked mammon . how dare a man presume to think that his faith is right , and that gods favour is on him , and that gods spirit is in him , when he feeleth not the working of the spirit , neither himfelf disposed to any godly thing . and again , where the spirit is there is feeling : sor the spirit maketh us feel all things ; where the spirit is not there is no feeling . chap. x. concerning justification . how to be justified , is to be made inwardly righteous , good and holy ; and when he pleadeth , that we are not justified by works , he meaneth by warks , the outward works ; but doth not exclude inward righteousness , regeneration , and sanctification , from having any place or respect in our justification ; but doth indeed include it . in the parable of the wicked mammon . so now by this abide sure and fast , that a man inwardly in the heart , and before god , is righteous and good , through faith only , before all works : notwitstanding , yet outwardly and openly before the people , yea , and before himself is he righteous through the work : that is , he knoweth , and is sure , through the outward work , that he is a true believer , and in the favour of god , and righteous and good , through the mercy of god ; that thou mayest call the one , an open and outward righteousness ; and the other , an inward righteousness of the heart ( so yet ) that thou understand by the outward righteousness , no other thing , save the fruit that followeth , and and a declaring of the inward justifying and righteousness of the heart ; and not that it maketh a man righteous before god , but that he must be first righteous before him in the heart ; even as thou mayeft call the fruit of the tree the outward goodness of the tree , which followeth and uttereth the inward natural goodness of the tree . again in his answer to t. mores fourth book . that thing which maketh a man love the law of god , doth make a man righteous , and justifieth him effectually , and actually ; and maketh him alive , as a workman , and cause efficient . chap. xi . concerning the sabbath . in his answer to t. more his first book . and as for the sabbath a great matter ! we be lords over the sabbath , and may yet change it into the monday , or any other day , as we see need : or may make every tenth day holy-day , only if we see a cause why , we may make two every week , if it were expedient , and one not enough to teach the people . neither was there any cause to change it from the saturday , than to put difference between us and the jews ; and lest we should become servants unto the day , after their superstition . neither needed we any holy-day at all , if the people might be taught without it . chap. xii . that magistrates may preach , and that every man that is well taught may preach , or teach , in case of necessity ; as when the ordinary preachers are ignorant , and preach false doctrine , and that women may teach . in his exposition on mat. . all kings and all rulers are bound to be salt and light , not only in example of living , but also in teaching of doctrine unto their subjects , as well as they be bound to punish evil doers . doth not the scripture testifie that king david was chosen to be a shepherd , and to feed his people with gods word ? it is an evil school-master , that cannot but beat only ; but it is a good schoolmaster , that so teacheth , that few need to be beaten . again , moreover every man ought to preach in word and deed unto his houshold , and to them that are under his governance . and though no man may preach openly , save he that hath the office committed unto him ; yet ought every man to endeavour himself , to be as well learned as the preacher , as nigh as it is possible . and every man may privately inform his neighbour ; yea , and the preacher and bishop too , if need be : for if the preacher preach wrong , you may , any man , whatsoever he be , rebuke him , first privately ; and then ( if that help not ) to complain further ; and when all is proved , according to the order of charity , and yet no amendment had : then ought every man that can to resist him , aud to stand by christs doctrine , and to jeopard life and all for it ; look on the old ensamples , and they shall teach thee — when we have proved all that charity bindeth us , and yet in vain ; then we must come forth openly , and rebuke their wickedness in the face of the world , and jeopard life and all thereon . and in answer to t. m. . book . if baptism be so necessary , as they make it , then love thy neighbour as thy self , doth teach women to baptize , yea and to teach , and to rule their husbands too , if they be beside themselves . again , in his answer to mores th book . if a woman learned in christ , were driven into an isle , where christ was never preached , might she not then preach and teach to minister the sacraments , and make officers ? the case is possible , shew you what should let , that she might not , love thy ncighbour as thy self , doth compell . chap. xiii . concerning philosophy , how it is not needful to understand the scripture . in his parable of the wicked mammon . many are not ashamed to rail and blaspheme , saying how should he understand the scripture , seeing he is no philosopher , never hath seen his metophysick . moreover , they blas pheme , saying , how can he be a devine , and wo tteth not what is subjectum in theologia . nevertheless as a man without the spirit of ariristotle or philosophie , may by the spirit of god understand scripture , even so by the spirit of god understandeth he , that god is to be sought in all the scripture , and in all things , and yet wotteth not , what meaneth subjectum in theologia , because it is a term of their own making . chap. xiv . concerning hereticks , that they should not be corporally punished . whereas t. more alledged that s. paul gave two hereticks to the devil , which tormented their flesh , which was no small punishment , and haply he slew them : w. tindall answereth , " o expounder of the scripture ! like hugo charensis , which expoundeth hereticum hominem de vita , take the heretick out of his life : we read of no pain that he had whom the christians excommunicated and gave to sathan to slay his flesh , save that he was ashamed of himself and repented , &c. a testimony of john frith , another english martyr , against outward and bodily compelling and punishing of them that believe not aright . in his answer to the lord rochester bishop . to say that christ would have his disciples to compel men , with prisonment , fetters , scourging , sword and fire is very false , and far from the mildness of a chaste spirit , although my lord approve it never so much ; for christ did forbid his disciples such tyranny , yea rebukes them , because they would have desired , that fire should descend from heaven and consume the samaritans , which would receive not christ : but with violence will god have no man compelled unto his law. paul also testifieth , cor. . that he had not rule over the corinthians , as touching their faith. and again , as no man can search the heart , but god only , so can no man judge or order our faith but god only through his holy spirit . collected faithfully by me g. k. out of the works of w. tindall and john frith , who are called worthy martyrs , and principal teachers of the church of england , in the title page of the book printed at london by john day , anno . come hither all you called episcopalians , presbyterians , independents , baptists , and any others , and let us try your faith , whether it be the same , with that of the antient protestants , as also we are willing , that our faith be put to the tryal , that it may appear , whose faith is most agreeable to the faith of antient protestants and martyrs ; one of the most eminent whereof was this william tindal : who above one hundred years ago , was a principal teacher of the church of england , and died a martyr . . first , his faith was , that as we are all created of one god , so we are all indifferently bought with one blood of our saviour jesus christ , so tbat christ his shedding of his blood , is as universal for men , as the work of their creation : and this is our faith who are called quakers , to wit , that christ hath tasted death for every man , and that he hath dyed for all according to the scriptures . but whether is this your faith yea or nay ? . secondly , his faith was , that both the law and the gospel , are in the hearts of men , and is none outward thing , and that we should seek within our hearts the plaister of mercy , yea that we should seek the testament of god in our hearts , and the word of the law , and of faith , and that we should let them go who seek god here and there , and in every temple save in their hearts : and this is our faith , who witness unto the words in the heart , and bid people seek god within them , and christ within , and not without them , in temples made with hands , or outward observations . but whether is this your faith , yea or nay ? . thirdly , his faith was , that the scripture had a body without , a bark and shell , and as it were a hard bone , but within it had a soul , spirit and life , &c. and this is our faith , who say , the letter killeth , and the letter of the scripture is not the word , but the life is the word that is within , and is no outward thing : but whether is this your faith yea or nay , who say the letter is the word , and deny the word originally to be in the heart ? fourthly , his faith was , that the heathen once bad the spirit of god , and that pharoah , before his heart was bardened , had the spirit of grace , and this is our faith who say , the true light which is spirit , doth enlighten every man that cometh into the world , sufficiently unto salvation , and that a manifestation of the spirit is given unto every man to profit withal . but whether is this your faith yea or nay ? who deny the saving light of christ to be universal . fifthly , his faith was , that good-works through working of the spirit of god , are absolutely needful to continue us in the favour of god , and in a justified state , and this is our faith , but whether this is your faith yea or nay , seeing many of you say , david continued in the favour of god , and justified , while he committed murder and adultery . sixthly , his faith was , that a believer needed no outward law nor rule , for he keepeth the law , by the leading of the spirit only , and this is our faith , but whether is this your faith , yea or nay , who say the scripture , ( which is outwardly ) is the only rule , and will not acknowledg the spirit within to be the rule . seventhly , his faith was , that the scriptures are to be believed that they are of god , because of the inward testimony and teaching of the spirit of god , and that the true faith is a feeling faith , & a sure feeling , & who have this faith , are taught of god himself , as immediately as when a man is taught that the fire is hct , by putting his finger in it , here the fire teacheth him immediately , that it is hot , and he needeth no man to tell him , and this is our faith in all these parculars , who witness unto the immediate teachings of god by his spirit in our hearts . but whether is this your faith yea or nay , who deny spiritual feeling and sense to be essential to true faith , telling people they must not seek to live by spiritual sense and feeling , but by faith ; as also telling them , that faith may be without assurance . this is contrary to , will. tindall his faith , and contrary to the scriptures testimony , which calleth faith and guidence , a seeing , a handling , all which imply both spiritual sence and assureance . eighthly , his faith was , that men were to believe the principles of their religion , not because they are written in books but because they are inwardly taught by the spirit of god , and this is our faith , but whether is this your faith , yea or nay , who say , the scriptures are the formal object of faith , and the first rule or moving cause by way of object , to make us believe , and who say , immediate revelation is ceased , and is not the general priviledge of all true believers . ninthly , his faith was , that the working of the spirit was to be felt , and was to be known by feeling , and that none should think his faith right , who hath not the feeling of the spirit , and this is our faith , but whether is this your faith , yea or nay , who deny tbe feeling of the spirit , properly so called , and mock and deride us when we speak of feeling , and when ye ask us , how know ye that you are moved & led by thespirit to such things , we answer , by our feeling , which bath certainty , and evidence in it that is sufficient . this answer ye reject , as fanatical , heretical , and what not ? tenthly , his faith was , that men are justified by an inward righteousness wrought by the spirit of god in the bea rt : and this is our faith , but whether is this your faith , yea or nay , who deny that any are justified by an inward rigbteousness in their hearts , although wrought in them by the spirit of god. eleventhly , his faith was , that the first day of the week , was not commanded by god to be kept boly , but the church keepeth that day , because of convenience for instructing the people , and worshiping god : and this is our faith , but whether is this your faith , yea or nay , who say , that day is of gods commanding to be kept as a sabbath . twelfthly , his faith was , that magistrates may preach , and every man may preach or teach , who is taught of god , in case of necessity , and that women may teach : and this is our faith , but whether is this your faith , yea or nay , vvho would monopolise it unto the clergy , or a certain order of literate men. thirteenthly , his faith vvas , that philosophy and school . learning was not needful to understand the scripture , nor to be a preacher or divine : and this is our faith , but vvhether is this your faith , yea or nay , who lay so great stress upon philosophy and school-learning , that ye permit none to be preachers , or doctors of divinity who have not them . fourteenthly , his faith vvas , as also the faith of john frith , another principal teacher in england , and martyr , that hereticks were not to be punished with prisonment , fetters , scourging , sword and fire : and this vvas the faith of many others in that day , and this is our faith ; but vvhether is this your faith , yea or nay , whose chiefest arguments against us , the people in derision called quakers , have been prisons , banishings , scourgings , spoiling of goods , and such like carnal and violent ways . writ by me george keith , one of these people , in derision called quakers , who am a true and cordial protestant . the end. the substance of a sermon, being an incouragement for protestants or a happy prospect of glorious success: with exhortations to be valiant against our enemies, in opposing the bloody principle of papists, and errors of popery, &c. occasionally on the protestants victory over the french and irish papists before london-derry, in raising that desperate siege. by mr. walker minister, and governor of the city. walker, george, of londonderry. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) the substance of a sermon, being an incouragement for protestants or a happy prospect of glorious success: with exhortations to be valiant against our enemies, in opposing the bloody principle of papists, and errors of popery, &c. occasionally on the protestants victory over the french and irish papists before london-derry, in raising that desperate siege. by mr. walker minister, and governor of the city. walker, george, of londonderry. [ ], p. printed by a. milbourn in green-arbour-court in the little-old-baily, london : . with a license to print on verso of title page dated june the th. . with title-page woodcut. caption title on p. : a glorious prospect of the protestants happiness, &c. a reissue of walker, george. the substance of a discourse being an incouragement for protestants, .. , with a new title page. reproduction of the original in the british library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- ireland -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - judith siefring sampled and proofread - judith siefring text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion the substance of a sermon , being an incouragement for protestants , or a happy prospect of glorious success : with exhortations to be valiant against our enemies , in opposing the bloody principles of papists , and errors of popery , &c. occasionally on the protestants victory over the french and irish papists before london-derry , in raising that desperate siege . by mr. walker minister , and governor of the city . london , printed by a. milbourn in green-arbour-court in the little-old-baily . . licensed , june the th . . entred according to order ▪ a glorious prospect of the protestants happiness , &c. judges vii . . the sword of the lord , and of gideon . we may through all the course of holy scripture , plainly behold that when the almighty designed to work out a deliverance to his people , he made them sensible that it was not so much the arms of flesh , as his immediate power that saved them . the israelites at the time that god raised up gideon the son of joash to be an instrument in his hand of saving them , were oppressed by the midianites & amalakites , a cruel and wastful people that spared no means that force or fraud could invent to vex them , and lay their country desolate , to draw them away to idolatry , and the worship of strange gods , which their fathers had not known ; and least they should seem to attribute the victory to multitudes , and not give the sole glory to the god of battles ; this great captain had an express command , to try first their courage and resolution , and after that proving too many , they were selected at the water-brook , where three hundred only were chosen , and with that small number , the mighty army was overthrown , destroyed , broken , and confounded at first onset by the breaking of pitchers , & sounding of trumpets , and crying , the sword of the lord , and of gideon , judges . . let but the lord arise , ( says holy david ) and his enemies shall be scattered : ( and again ) god is our refuge and strength , a very present help in trouble : therefore will we not fear though the earth be moved , and though the mountains be carried into the midst of the sea ; though the waters thereof roar , and be troubled , psal. . , , . we find that when samaria was besieged , and even famine raged in the city to a degree , that a woman was forced to eat the fruits of her womb , when all visible means failed , and an insulting enemy every day expected to enter the city , and bring it to final desolation ; that only a noise being heard in the hills and mountains , raised the siege , and gave abundance of plenty to the besieged , according as the prophet had foretold . and senacharibs hoast trusting in the arm of the flesh , and the multitude of horses and chariots , found themselves insensibly defeated by the revenging sword of the destroying angel , falling dead , by the mighty stroak of an invisible power , whose force they felt , but knew no way to resist , or fly from , till of them were fetter'd in the chains of death . and upon consideration of these , and the like deliverances , holy david says to comfort himself , and his people , viz. the lord of hosts is with us , the god of jacob is our refuge ; come , behold the work of the lord , what desolation he hath made in the earth , he maketh wars to cease unto the end of the earth , he breaketh the bow , and cutteth the spear in sunder , and burneth the chariot with fire : be still , and know that i am god , i will be exalted amongst the heathen , i will be exalted in the earth . the lord of hosts is with us , the god of jacob is our refuge , psal. . , , , , . for although god makes man for the most part the instrument in his hand , the more visibly to bring about his purposes ; yet without the operation of almighty power and wisdom , mens devices are brought to nought , for here we find , that when gideon came to behold the camp of the enemy , the midianites , and amalakites , and all the children of the host ●ay along in the valley like grashoppers for multitude , and their camels were without number , as the sand of the sea , judges . . yet this great army that had so long been the wastful terrour of the country , was put into such a fear at the cry of the sword of the lord , and gideon , that they were utterly confounded , and knew not what they did ; for as we find it in ver . , . of the foregoing chapter , viz. and they stood every man in his place round about the camp , and all the hoast ran , and cryed , and fled , and the three hundred blew the trumpets , and the lord set every mans sword against his fellow even throughout all the hoast , and the host fled , &c. by this we may see , it was more through fear and distraction they were broken , than through any slaughter the three hundred israelites were capable of making amongst so great a company of men . david incouraged by god , pursued the amalakites that burnt ziklag , and with four hundred men fell upon those that had taken the spoil , and with four hundred men defeated their great army , recovering what ever had been taken away . barach and deborah defeated jab●n's great hoast , destroying it together with cisse●a its captain , who fell in jael's tent. sampson with h●s single arm , routed at sundry times , the powers of the philist●●s ; so that we see that god confounds strength with weakness , for when men presume too much on the arm of flesh , they frequently deceive themselves ; and in the midst of their security are overthrown : therefore let a good christian consider that his strength is in the lord , and if god be on his side , he need not be afraid , though danger bes●t him round about ; but be comforted , and made valiant by the words of the kingly prophet , viz. the lord is my light and my salvation , whom shall i fear ; the lord is the strength of my life , of whom shall i be afraid : when the wicked , even mine enemies , and my foes came upon me to eat up my flesh , they stumbled and fell : though an hoast should encamp against me , my heart shall not fear , though war shall arise against me , in this will i be confident , psal. . , , . this ought to be the confidence , and courageous resolution of every christian , especially soldiers , who carry their lives in their hands , and are said to live on the brink of the grave . above all in a good cause , and the defence of the sacred truth , when their religion is in danger , and the enemy seeks not to gain a dominion over their bodys , but over their souls to obscure the light of the gospel , and cloud a kingdom in darkness and ignorance : let them take example by the valiant maccabees , who when they beheld their holy things prophaned an i trampled under foot by an idolatrous people , their altar polluted , and their sanctuarys in danger to be defiled ; they took up the sword of gideon , and stood more for their religion than for their lives ▪ nor was the sword of the lord wanting to give them success over their enem●es , and to redeem their bleeding country from the distraction and desolation it , groaned under ; nor may we spare to come nearer home , and find innumerable instances of god's raising up gideons to save these kingdoms , not only from barbarous nations , who in early times have invaded them but from a papal tyranny from plots , and conspiracys that have laboured to make their glory set in blood and ruine . henry the eight was raised up to scatter the midian●tes , and amalakites of rome , whose idolatries and superstitions had infected our israel , and whose pride and luxury had laid waste her pleasant places , and destroyed the good things of the land : this , i say , was the sword of the lord , and of gideon , for god made this pr●nce an instrument in his hand : this was the lord's doings and it is marvelous in our eyes , and in the next place he raised up a good josia in the person of edward the sixth , and under him gave us the purity and light of the go●pel in i●s primitive lustre , brighter than the morning-sta● ▪ and though a●ter the death of this good prince , he 〈◊〉 his sword , and suffered us to be crushed under the 〈◊〉 hands of our enemies ; yet the bloody reign of o mary once over , wherein our adversaries displayed themselves in their true colours , feasting flames with martyrs precious blood , at such a riotous profuseness , as no barb●rous nation had equalled , he heard the groans of his suffering people , and sent us a deliverance , the sword of the lord , and of gideon , was again on our side , as appeared in the reign of queen elizabeth , who was valliant for the truth , and in spite of all the conspiracies to raise a rebellion , or bring her to an untimely end , by poison , daggers , and many pernicious devices ; she stood the gideon , or deborah of our land , and though spain fill'd the seas with fleating castles to destroy this flourishing kingdom , yet the almighty by a small number manifestly bared his arm to save us , and raine those that were too confident in the arm of flesh , not only destroying that huge armado , but routing such forces , as the spaniards sent into ireland , to assist the bloody irish papists , in rebellion against their lawful soveraign , committing such cruelties as are too tedious here to mention , and although in the frustration of their plots and devices they might well have perceived the immediate hand of heaven , protecting this great and prosperous queen ; yet so far were they infatuated , or transported with inseperable malice and revenge , that though their attempts cost many of them their lives , yet no sooner was the wise protest●nt prince king james the first advanced to the throne , but they went to exalt him in a blast to the skies , had not their powder plot been discovered by the div●ne hand of providence , who blasted it ; all which well considered , may make us confess with the royal prophe● , viz. we have thought of thy loving kindness , o god , in the midst of thy temple , according to thy name , o god , so is thy praise vnto the ends of the earth ; thy right hand is full of righteousness : let mount sion rejoyce , let the daughter of jud● be glad , because of thy judgment , psal. . verse , , . and now without tears of compassion , we cannot reflect on the popish cruelty in the poor kingdom of ireland ; in the reign of king charles the first , anno . when without any provocation , armed with hellish rage , and the natu●●l cruelty of a papist , they by inhumane torments , massacred no less than english protestants , of all ages and sex ; insomuch that the dead bodies not being suffered by the priests to be buried ; created a contageon , and in some measure took revenge on the murtherers ; and what can we think ? but at this day a papist is a papist still , where even the principle of religion instills a kind of fierceness and barbarity into their nature : nay , if we reflect what in a few months they have done , what better can be expected , if we consider the spoil , plunder , ravagements , and desolations the french and irish in arms have made , regarding neither oaths , promises , nor nearness of relation ; with a desire utterly to root the the english out of the kingdom , with a further design of carrying on their mischevious enterprizes against the protestant religion ; in general , it is time for protestants to become valiant for the truth , and bold as lyons , not only for their religion , but temporal intrest ; the preservation of their wives and children , from murthers , rapes , and deflowrings , and all manner of violence and wickedness : to stand as bulwarks against the rapid inundation of antichristan tyrany . let us consider that the fowls of the air , and the beasts of the forrest , stand in the defence of their own lives , and the lives of their young ones , with such weapons as nature has afforded them : and shall not men in such a case pluck up their spirits , and redouble their courage , since the almighty has of late been so favourable in giving us , even by miracle , a protestant king and queen to sit upon the throne , and so great a prospect of a through deliverance ; we are here members of the church mil●itant : let us not be ashamed or afraid of our profession , when maintaining our christian w●●f●re in a good conscience , and a just cause , we make our way to the church , which is triumphant , where god shall wipe away all tears from our eyes , and there shall be no more death , neither sorrow nor crying , neither shall there be any more p●in , for the former things pass away . rev. , . though never so many storms and tempests threaten ; yet a good christian ought not to be dismayed , though in a time , even when danger does beset them : yet it is required , they should humble themselve ; before their maker , and rely on him , who is able to save to the utmost , all that trust in him : for indeed , sin is that which provokes him to with-hold his mercy , and bring calamities on nations , and kingdoms ; it was always well with the seed of jacob , when they cleave fast to the rock of their salvation ; but when they grew regardless , he gave them up to the oppressing nations , who grieved his chosen heritage , for as 't is said psal. . ver . , . . viz. with the merciful , thou wilt shew thy self merciful ; and with an upright man , thou wilt shew thy self upright ; with the pure , thou wilt shew thy self pure ; with the froward , thou wilt shew thy self froward : for thou wilt save the afflicted people , but will bring down high looks . niniveh humbling her self in sackcloath and ashes before the lord , was saved from impendent wrath , when stubborn sodom , and impenitent gomorrah sunk in sulpherous fire ; let us turn then to the lord with our whole hearts , and sing praise unto our deliverer , that our enemies , and all those that seek to hurt us , may fall before us : 't is a good consceience , and an assurance in gods mercy's that makes men valiant ; abraham on this score persued the kings , and rescued his brother lot , &c. out of their hands : david in this assurance undauntedly marched against the mighty champion of the philistims ; and with inconsiderable weapons , as knowing god saves neither by spear nor shield , no more than by weak means , when he resolves to manifest his power ; or intends to save , he overcame the man that had so long desied the armies of israel : for when the great jehovah was designed to show his last judgment upon pharoh ; and his pursuing host in the red sea , and israel cryed out for fear , they were only commanded to stand still , and see the salvation of the lord , and they even without contributing any help of their own , found themselves not only secured from the danger they feared , and a little before had threatned them , but saw their desire upon their enemies ; the element heard the voice of its creator ▪ and returned with violence to let the stubborn monarch know , that the highest rules in the kingdoms of men , in whose hands are all the kingdoms of the earth , and all the breath of life . there is a sword of the lord , and a sword of man ; against the first there is no prevailing , but the latter is weak , if the first be wanting : god if he pleases can arm all the elements to sight for his servants , as he did the hail in the time of joshua , by which there fell more than by the swords of the israelites ; or inclose his people with fiery camps of armed angels , as he did elisha , when his life was sought for by the assyrians . trust in the lord , and he will be to his servants a wall of defence , and a strong tower , a buckler , a shield , and a mighty deliverer ; who has power to do what he pleases : in heaven , and earth , whose will is fate , and whose decrees are irresistable , and irreversable : let us but call upon him sincerely , with a true heart and unfeigned lips , and he will hear us , and deliver us out of all our trouble : let us not then be afraid of their terrour that seek to harm us , but assuredly rest secure in his protection , whose mercys are over all the works of his creation , and he will keep us from the arrows that fly by night , and the shafts , though go abroad by day the adversary shall have no advantage over us : therefore let us acquit our selves like men , and not faint , or grow weary : let fear fly our breasts , and let us arm our selves with courage in a good cause ; and consider that the god of battles , the lord of hosts is the disposer of all things , and if the lord be with us , who shall be against us , and prosper , for there is a sword of the lord , and a sword of gideon . thus by extraordinary means does the almighty save , when he bares his arm to make his power known to the sons of men ; then happy are all they that trust in him , for they shall never be confounded , their enemies shall come out one way , but flee seven ; the lord shall draw a sword after them , and they shall be scattered , even from heaven shall they be discomfited , and scattered o'er the face of the earth , as in judges . . they fought from heaven , the stars in their courses fought against sisera . if heaven be on our side , in vain is the combination of man , for who is able to stand before that mighty god , whose very looks drieth up the deep , and whose wrath maketh the mountains to melt , before whose majesty job confesseth himself to fail and tremble , like one in a stormy tempest , and that his fear was so great that he was not able to bear it ; nor can his hand be shortened , that he will not save those that stand for his truth , such as are valiant for the promotion of god's honour , are said to fight the lord's battle ; that is , he owns them to be his soldiers , and he puts power and strength into their hands , as he did into his servant joshuah's when he made the heavenly bodies contrary to the course of nature , obey a mortal voice , the sun and moon stood still till his people had accomplished their desire upon their enemies , as we find it in joshua , . . and when moses held but up his hand the israelites prevailed , for there is nothing too hard for the lord , when he designs to bring about his purposes : i called on the lord in my distress ( says holy david ) the lord answered me , and set me in a large place ; the lord is on my side , i will not fear what man can do unto me : the lord taketh my part with them that help me , therefore shall i see my desire upon them that hate me ; it is better to trust in the lord , than to put confidence in princes , all nations compassed me about , but in the name of the lord will i destroy them , psal. . v. , , , , , . thus we may behold , how a good cause puts life into the soul , and makes the spirit rise to the extreamest height of valour , banishing the image of fear by a confident assurance of success ▪ makes men bold as lyons , and unwary in their undertakings . this made nehemiah courageous for the house of god , and for his sanctuary , when he caused the very work-men to arm at their labour , having their swords in their hands , even whilst they were building , and repairing the city of jerusalem , to prevent and repel their treacherous enemies who sought always to surprize and bring them to destruction : let us take courage then , and faint not but acquit your selves like men . a protestant prayer for our deliverance from popish enemies , and for future success . o lord god , holy and glorious , in whose hands are all the ends of the earth , thou god of battles on whom all success and victory depends ; look down upon us thy poor afflicted servants , pardon our sins , and pass by the multitude of our transgressions ; save us , save us , o lord , from the malice and hatred of our implacable enemys , defeat their plots and confound their devices , and let them know , neither policy , nor the arm of flesh can do any thing against those thou art pleased to take into thy especial care and protection ; give us courage to be valiant for thy revealed truth in the gospel of thy dear son our ever blessed lord and saviour , and ever defend us from the clouds and mists of popery and errour ; give us hearts to fear , and reverence thy holy name , that all our astions and vndertakings may redound to thy honour and glory through jesus christ : to whom with thee and thy holy spirit , be all power , praise , and dominion , world without end . amen . finis . by the king and queen, a declaration for the encouraging of french protestants to transport themselves into this kingdom england and wales. sovereign ( - : william and mary) approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page image. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing w estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) by the king and queen, a declaration for the encouraging of french protestants to transport themselves into this kingdom england and wales. sovereign ( - : william and mary) mary ii, queen of england, - . william iii, king of england, - . broadside. printed by charles bill and thomas newcomb ..., london : . "given at our court at whitehall this twenty fifth day of april, , in the first year of our reign." reproduction of original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- france. great britain -- history -- william and mary, - . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - spi global keyed and coded from proquest page images - mona logarbo sampled and proofread - mona logarbo text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion by the king and queen , a declaration for the encouraging of french protestants to transport themselves into this kingdom . william r. whereas it hath pleased almighty god to deliver our realm of england , and the subjects thereof , from the persecution lately threatning them for their religion , and from the oppression and destruction which the subversion of their laws , and the arbitrary . exercise of power and dominion over them , had very near introduced ; we finding in our subjects a true and just sense hereof , and of the miseries and oppressions the french protestants lye under : for their relief , and to encourage them that shall be willing to transport themselves , their families , and estates into this our kingdom , we do hereby declare , that all french protestants that shall seek their refuge in , and transport themselves into this our kingdom , shall not only have our royal protection for themselves , families and estates within this our realm ; but we will also do our endeavour in all reasonable ways and means , so to support , aid , and assist them in their several and respective trades and ways of livelyhood , as that their living and being in this realm may be comfortable and easie to them . given at our court at whitehall this twenty fifth day of april , . in the first year of our reign . god save the king and queen . london . printed by charles bill and thomas newcomb , printers to the king and queen's most excellent majesties . an answer to a paper entituled the case of the protestant dissenters of ireland in reference to a bill of indulgence, represented and argued. pullen, tobias, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing p estc r this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an answer to a paper entituled the case of the protestant dissenters of ireland in reference to a bill of indulgence, represented and argued. pullen, tobias, - . boyse, j. (joseph), - , attributed name. p. printed by joseph ray at the nags-heads in essex-street, [dublin : ] by tobias pullen; sometimes also attributed to joseph boyse (cf. halkett & laing). caption title. imprint from wing. some print show-through. reproduction of the original in the bodleian library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng case of the dissenting protestants of ireland -- controversial literature -- early works to . protestants -- ireland -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - emma (leeson) huber sampled and proofread - emma (leeson) huber text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an answer to a paper entituled the case of the protestant dissenters of ireland , in reference to a bill of indulgence , represented and argued . there being a paper lately publish't , intitul'd , the case of the protestant dissenters of ireland , in reference to a bill of indulgence , represented , and argued . i shall endeavour to shew , that tho , the author has truly represented the desires of the dissenting protestants among us , yet he has weakly argued for the granting of them . the desires of the dissenting protestants , he comprises in these two propositions ; first , that by a bill of indulgence a full security for the free exercise of religion according to their consciences may be given them . secondly , that there be no such clauses annex't to it , as may disable 'em from serving their king , and their country . as to the first of these desires , i believe there are few or none but will agree to secure to 'em by law , the free exercise of their religion , tho 't is plain , the authors arguments do not evince the necessity of it , as may appear by a distinct consideration of ' em . the first of which is this , that since our security consists in the number and union of protestants , this bill will promote both , by drawing protestant dissenters from abroad , and by uniting those at home , and by securing their affections to the government , that grants 'em this indulgence . now to this , i answer : first , that this indulgence will tend rather to the multiplicity of sects , than to the increase of the number of protestants , and will most successfully promote those very designs , which our author vainly imagins it the best expedient to obstruct ; for a general indulgence has always prov'd instrumental to the advancing the popish interest among us , and has therefore been vigorously promoted by popish emissaries in england , and that by express orders from their superiors abroad , who have experimentally found it to be the most effectual method of introducing popery into a country , and have expended very considerable sums of money , for the purchase of tolerations to dissenters . before i reply to what is said , concerning drawing over protestant dissenters from abroad , by this bill of indulgence ; i shall propose this question , whether the granting liberty of conscience , with the sacramental test , will not be as effectual to the peopling of this kingdom with english conformists , as a general toleration , without restrictive clauses to the planting of it with scotch dissenters ? but to return , i presume by what the author says , concerning drawing over protestant dissenters from abroad ; he cannot mean foreigners , because he acknowledges them to be provided for , by an act past the last parliament in their favour . he must therefore wholly , or more especially design the dissenting protestants of scotland : now in reference to these , i leave it to the serious consideration of every judicious , and impartial reader , first , whether that sect among 'em , whose violent principles have unqualified 'em for indulgence there should be tolerated here ? can we reasonably expect , that those who are so turbulent in their own countrey , shou'd be quiet in ours ? or that by their being transplanted into another soil , and by a kind and indulgent cultivation of them , we may gather figs off this sharpest sort of thistles ? secondly , whether the free and publick exercise of religion should be indulg'd to others of them , who have publickly declar'd our church government to be antichristian , and have solemnly sworn to extirpate prelacy ? thirdly , whether those that are the most moderate among 'em , can with reason expect , but that with the same measure they have meted to their brethren , the episcopal clergy in their own countrey , it should be measur'd to them again , when they come to settle in this kingdom ? so that if any indulgence be granted , 't is purely the result of our own charitable inclinations , and a plain evidence to the world , that our just resentments of their severity to others , has not alienated our affections from them . neither will this indulgence probably tend to the uniting of protestants at home , as is too fully prov'd by experience in england ; where the present toleration has not had that good effect ; neither can we in reason expect it should be more successful here ; for if it equally extend to all parties and denominations of protestant dissenters , their mutual jealousies of one another , and their respective endeavours to propagate their opinions , and to promote their temporal interests , will naturally create great heats and animosities ; but if the benefit of the indulgence be unequally distributed , it will be so far from being a means of supporting , that it will considerably weaken the government by disobliging all , but those that are particularly encourag'd , and caress'd by it . but secondly , as this indulgence is not necessary for the common protestant interest in this kingdom ; so neither is it so highly reasonable , as the author pretends , as may appear , by a particular consideration of the arguments he makes use of to prove it . for first , as the early zeal of the dissenters , in behalf of this government , may intitle 'em to its protection , so it can't be deny'd but that they have enjoy'd it ever since the revolution , and have receiv'd more than ordinary marks of royal favour , partly by the free liberty that is granted 'em throughout the kingdom , for the publick exercise of their religion , and for the building of meeting houses , even in corporate towns ; as also by his majesties bounty , in allowing yearly hitherto a considerable sum for the maintenance of their ministers . secondly , there seems to be more than ordinary reason to make an act in behalf of foreign protestants , because they are found by experience to have more favourable thoughts of ; and more forward inclinations to our church-government and worship , than others have . and besides , 't is observable , that the free exercise of religion , which was granted 'em by the late act , was to continue but for seven years , in which time it was suppos'd they might learn our language , and be instructed in the principles and worship of the establish't church , and 't was with good reason hop't that after the expiration of that term. ●●ey would declare themselves members of our communion . and i 'me credibly inform'd , that of eleven congregations of foreign protestants in london , there are nine conformists . thirdly , the papists are not in equal circumstances of publick favour with our dissenting brethren ; for as the liberty they have in the exercise of their religion , was extorted from the government , by the pressing necessity of publick affairs , so it is not confirm'd to them by any act of parliament , as this indulgence is expected , and i suppose , design'd to be to the dissenters . and fourthly , the experience that our dissenting brethren have had of our tenderness towards them heretofore , is a sufficient argument and security to 'em of our future kindness ; for we consider our mutual agreement in the same articles of faith , and are glad this author is pleas'd to declare , that the suppressing of protestant dissenters , by the strict execution of penal laws , is a practice that has a just odium left upon it ; but are sorry , that the just odium left upon it among us , should be wholly confin'd to us , and that this practice should have no censure , nor reflection cast upon it among our neighbours : and 't is strange , that the author should say , that there is so apparent a contrariety in it , to the mild and merciful genius of our holy religion , seeing he can't but know the time when it was an avow'd doctrine , and a general practice among the presbyterians and independants , to bar the members of the church of england from the free exercise of divine worship according to their consciences : and 't is as strange , that this practice should be so apparently contrary to our holy religion , and have so mischievous effects upon the publick peace here in this kingdom , and yet be thought so great an evidence of a truly christian zeal , and so effectual an instrument of publick good in scotland ; and how possibly can our author hope , that all protestants are in this point come to a better temper , than to gratifie their enemies by ruining their brethren , when there is so plain a demonstration of the contrary ; unless he be of opinion , that what is accounted a warm and sanguine temper of religion there , is to be esteem'd the raging heat of a malignant feavor here . fourthly , as concerning the establishing toleration by a law ; the reason why some may be against it , is not ( as our author do's invidiously insinuate ) that they wait for a more favourable opportunity of reviving the former severities , but that they may still have it in their power to shew their tenderness to their dissenting brethren , and may prevent , or repress the misdemeanors that some nonconformists may possibly be guilty of , if they had a legal toleration ; as also , that they may secure the established religion they profess , against the dangerous consequences they fear from a general indulgence . and lastly , as to what he says concerning his majesties declaration , i desire this author to consider more seriously , whether there be not some others in the three kingdoms besides the protestant dissenters of ireland , to whom one great end of his majesties declaration is yet unaccomplish'd ) and whether there be a law made to cover the protestant episcopal clergy in scotland , from persecution on the account of religion . by all which it may plainly be perceiv'd , that 't is not by force of the authors arguments for the necessity , or reasonableness of toleration , but purely in compliance to the importunate desires of our dissenting brethren , that the members of the establish'd church are inclin'd to grant 'em a general and legal indulgence , as parents do often humour their children , in giving 'em those things they eagerly desire , which tho' pleasant to their pallates , are yet many times prejudicial to their health , and now , i proceed to the second desire of the protestant dissenters , which is , that there may be no such clauses annext to this bill , as would disable 'em from serving their king and their country ; which in plain terms is no more than this ; that whereas the ease to tender consciences was the only thing they formerly desir'd ; they now claim it as their due , to be admitted also into all honourable and profitable employments , and without these , whatever ease may be given to their consciences , 't is to be fear'd they will have no quiet in their minds . but let us hear our authors auguments for granting this bill of indulgence , without a sacramental test annext . first he tells us , that the sacrament test in england was chiefly design'd against papists , but 't is also plain , it was intended against protestant dissenters too ; for tho' none but the former be mention'd in the title , yet the latter are included in the body of the act ; and if the zeal of the english dissenters against popery in the late times has not exempted them from a sacramental test ; our dissenting brethren in this kingdom , cannot with modesty expect , that their late services should intitle them to any such immunities . secondly , he tells us such a test for disabling protestant dissenters for any publick service , is against the common protestant interest of ireland . our circumstances indeed vastly differ , as he says , from those of england , for here the established church is more in danger than there , by the protestant dissenters , as well as by the common enemy : in england one unmixt people does compose the main body of the nation , which continues still the same ; but here we are made up of several nations , and there is a daily accession of great numbers from a neighbouring country , of whom the meaner sort , are generally of a different communion from the establish'd church . tho' the nobility and gentry , ( to their great praise be it spoken ) are generaly conformists . 't is possible inded , as he observes that the irish may be more numerous , if there should be a general peace , and i may add , that 't is highly probable , that the papists will grow much more numerous , if there should be a general indulgence ; and therefore , notwithstanding our authors opinion , we cannot think it reasonable to give the protestant interest a wider bassis here , than it has in holland ( which is a place of greatest liberty in matters of religion ) where all protestants are not equally capable of employments without religious tests . as to what he says , concerning the danger of a future rebellion , we hope , that by the late acts of parliament made against the papists , and the diligence of the magistrates in putting them in execution , the irish may be disabled for any new insurrections ; or if we should fall into the same unhappy circumstances that we have been lately in , we have reason to believe , notwithstanding the authors disadvantagious representation of the temper of the dissenters ( wherein he intimates , that the excluding them from publick offices , would incline 'em in future dangers to desert the publick service ( the foreboding of which seems equivalent to an advice to them , and a menace to us ) notwithstanding this , i say , we have reason to believe , that the consideration of the common safety , and their gratitude for their indulgence , which they now expect , would engage 'em to shew an equal zeal to what they did before , tho' they should not be wholly on equal terms with us , since they could not reasonably hope for so kind a treatment from the papists , as they have had from us , thirdly , to what the author says , to prove , that it does not seem agreeable to the judgment of the parliament of england , that any such test should be impos'd here ; i answer , that as the substituting the new oaths , and the declaration or test against popery instead of the oath of supremacy did not repeal the statute that enjoyns the sacrament test in england ; so neither can it with the least shadow of reason be alledged , that the english act for the abrogating the oath of supremacy in ireland , &c. ought to be construed as intended , to prevent the imposing of it here , in case a general indulgence should be granted to the protestant dissenters in this kingdom . fourthly , to the first argument produc'd by the author , to prove a sacrament test to be as unreasonable as 't is dangerous ; viz. that it will put the protestant dissenters into worse circumstances , than they are in at present ; i may with great justice and reason , reply , that whatever hardships the dissenters may pretend , they should be under by those restrictions ; i am sure the members of the establish'd church would be in far worse circumstances than they now are in , if an indulgence should be granted without those clauses . first , 't is too notorious to be denied , that the conformists at sligo , and crum , at inniskillen and derry , did appear at least as early , and act as zealously for this government as the dissenters ; and consequently the conformists will have reason to think themselves severely dealt with , if no other way can be found of rewarding the services of the former , without the apparent hazarding the most valuable rights of the latter , by granting the dissenters such an indulgence , and by admitting them into such offices as may give 'em power and opportunity to alter the whole frame of the present church government . secondly , as to what is said concerning the sacraments not being a fit test of admission into offices ; i observe , first , that the arguments he makes use of in this matter , are much the same with those that were urg'd in the late reign , for the taking off the penal laws and test . secondly , i answer more distinctly . that by this sacramental test , we do not prostitute that holy institution to mean and worldly purposes , as our author insinuates ; but religion being the great band of humane society , 't is highly reasonable , that those persons should be rewarded , as well as intrusted with employments in the state that give the greatest evidences of their piety to almighty god ; and if this argument of our authors be valid , 't will not only conclude against this but all other religious tests ; and then the most scandalous neglects of holy duties , must not be accounted a sufficient bar to an admission into the most considerable offices , for fear of prostituting the ordinances of divine worship , and of driving unworthy persons to a participation of those sacred mysteries ; and if , as our author says , the interest of religion is very little concerned in the posture of receiving the holy sacrament ; why should any person seperate from the communion of the establish'd church , on account of that which our author is pleas'd to call a trivial matter , and a trifle : but if any man refuse to give the state so trivial and inconsiderable a mark of his complyance to its orders and injunctions : there is no reason why such an one should be intrusted with the management of the civil and military offices , or that they should be esteemed such vseful persons , that it should be thought the interest of the government to comprehend ' em . the case that our author puts of a man endued with eminent wisdom ; integrity , &c. is scarcely to be be suppos'd ; for no man surely , that deserves that character , will unqualifie himself to serve his king , his countrey , and his temporal interest too , by refusing to receive the holy sacrament in such a posture , which our author acknowledges , is more expressive of our reverence to our saviour , than that which is in use among the dissenters . however , as a reward to those that have been more than ordinarily remarkable for their services to his majesty , and are now in any civil , or military employment , it may perhaps be thought convenient , that persons so qualified , may be excepted as nominees , and hold their offices , notwithstanding their refusal of the sacramental test . lastly , whereas our author says , that the establish't church will be no way indanger'd by the indulgence he is pleading for , i answer that tho' the honours and revenues of the clergy are now secur'd to 'em , yet we cannot foresee the difficulties the conforming clergy may possibly contest with , in asserting the rites of the church , if nonconformists were qualified for civil offices ; and besides , we are far less concern'd for the security of our temporal interest , than for the establishment of our antient , holy and peaceable religion . i am far from detracting from the good services which the dissenters did the king and the nation , in being joynt instruments with the conformists in the preservation of derry and inniskillin ; nor would i exclude 'em from a capacity of concurring to preserve their country again . but as in the late troubles common safety , and the publick interest of the nation did oblige 'em to take up arms , so if a like juncture should happen , ( which god forbid ) they may be in the same circumstances to serve their king and country as before , tho' they be not legally qualified for offices , by a general and unlimited indulgence . as to the authors commendations of the peaceable temper of the dissenters of this kingdom , it is to be observed , that they have not had the same opportunities of discovering their unpeaceable turbulency towards their neighbours , as their brethren in scotland at present have , or of expressing their dissatisfaction to the government , as both they and the dissenters in england have formerly had ; but if ever they should be in the like circumstances here , we have no great reason to expect much more favourable usage , nor the government a more dutiful obedience from them . good nature and common prudence will indeed direct us to provide for our own security , by condescending to all the reasonable requests of our dissenting friends ; but no motives ought to prevail on us , to make such large concessions to them , as will in all probability shake the very foundations of the establish'd church . dublin , printed by joseph ray at the nags-heads in essex-street , . an account of the persecutions and oppressions of the protestants in france plaintes des protestants cruellement opprimez dans le royaume de france. english claude, jean, - . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; oxford (uk) : - (eebo-tcp phase ). a wing c estc r ocm this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the early english books online text creation partnership. this phase i text is available for reuse, according to the terms of creative commons . universal . the text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. early english books online. (eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) an account of the persecutions and oppressions of the protestants in france plaintes des protestants cruellement opprimez dans le royaume de france. english claude, jean, - . p. printed for j. norris, london : . attributed to jean claude. cf. nuc pre- . reproduction of original in huntington library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- france -- early works to . huguenots -- early works to . dissenters, religious -- france. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - taryn hakala sampled and proofread - taryn hakala text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion an account of the persecutions and oppressions of the protestants in france . london , printed for j. norris . . an exact account of the cruel oppressions and persaecutions of the french protestants . the cruelties exercis'd of late on the protestants in france , do appear so detestable to all , who have not divested themselves of humanity , that no wonder the authors of them use their utmost endeavours to lessen what they cannot conceal . were not this worse than barbarous usage , a project of a long contrivance , a man might for charity 's sake , suppose this their palliating it , to be an acknowledgment of their own displeasure at it . however , their boldness is inexcusable , who shall endeavour to impose on the world in matters known ; not by gazetts , and news-letters , but by an infinite number of fugitives of all conditions , who have nothing left but tears and miseries to bring along with them into foreign nations . 't is certainly too barbarous to oppress innocent people in their own countrey ; and afterwards to stifle their complaints in other places where they are driven ; and by this means deprive them of a compassion which the bare instincts of nature never refuse to the miserable . yet this is the course our persecutors of france have held ; their cruelty must be attended with impostures , that the mischiefs which they have acted may pass undiscovered . i think we should be much to blame , if we suffer them to go on in this second design , as they have done in the first ; and therefore we shall choose some principal instances , whereon we shall make such reflections , as thereby to judge with greater evidence and exactness on the whole proceeding . and as we shall offer nothing but what shall be perfectly true ; so we shall advance nothing in our reflections , but what all the world of reasonable people will allow . to begin with matters of fact : there 's no body but knows , that a while after his present majesty of france came to the crown , there arose in the kingdom a civil war ; which proved so sharp and desperate , as brought the state within an hairs breadth of utter ruine . 't is also known , that in the midst of all these troubles , those of the reformed religion kept their loyalty in so inviolable a manner , and attended it with such a zeal and extraordinary fervour , that the king found himself obliged to give publick marks of it , by a declaration made at st. germains , in the year . then as well at court , as in the field , each strove to proclaim loudest the deserts of the reformists ; and the queen mother her self readily acknowledged , that they had preserved the state : this is known by all , but 't will hardly be believed , though it be too true , what our enemies themselves an hundred times told us ; and which the sequel has but too shrewdly confirmed , that this was precisely the principal and most essential cause of our ruine ; and of all the mischiefs which we have since suffered . endeavours were used to envenom all these important services in the kings and his ministers minds , by perswading them , that if in this occasion , this party could conserve the state ; this shewed , they could likewise overthrow it , should they have ranked themselves on the other side ; and might still do it , when such alike occasion should offer it self . that therefore this party must be suppressed , and the good they have done no longer regarded ; but as an indication of the mischief , which they may one day be capable of doing . this diabolical reasoning , which hinders subjects from serving their prince , to avoid drawing on themselves chastisements , instead of recompences , was relish'd as a piece of most refined policy . for as soon as the kingdom was settled in peace , the design was advanced of destroying the reformists ; and the better to make them comprehend that their zeal had ruined them , the cities which had shewed most of it , were first begun with . immediately then , on slight pretences , they fell on rochel , montaubon , and milan ; three towns , where those of the reformed religion had most signalized themselves for the interests of the court ; rochel underwent an infinite number of prescriptions , montaubon and milan were sackt by the soldiers . but these being but particular stroaks and meer preludes , which decided nothing , they tarried not long before they made appear the great and general machius , they were to use in the carrying on of their intended design to the last extremity . 't will be a difficult matter to give an exact account of these several methods : for never humane malice produced such multiplicity of them ; every day brought forth new ones for twenty years together . to take only notice of the chief of them ; which were , first , law suits in courts of justice . secondly , deprivations from all kinds of offices and employs ; and in general , of all ways of subsistance . thirdly , the infraction of edicts , under the notion of explications of them . fourthly , new laws and orders . fifthly , juggles and amusing tricks . sixthly , the animating of people , and inspiring them with hatred against us . these are the most considerable means , which the persecuters have employed to attain their ends , during several years ; i say , during several years ; for what they designed , being no easie matter , they needed therefore time , to order their engins ; not to take notice of their traverses and interruptions by forrain wars ; yet whose success have not a little contributed to encrease their courage , and confirm them in the design which they had against us . the first of these means has had an infinite extent . we should begin with the recital of all the condemnations of churches , or suppressions of exercises of religion , and all the other vexations which have hapned by the establishing of commissaries ; this was a snare dexterously laid immediately after the treaty of the picenees , the king under pretence of repairing the edict of nants , sent them in the provinces . the roman catholic commissary was every where his majesties intendant ; who was besure a fit man for the purpose , armed with the royal authority , and who was well instructed in the secret aim . the other , was either some hungry officer , a slave to the court , or some poor gentleman , who had usually neither intelligence requisite in these sort of affairs , nor the liberty of speaking his sentiments . the clergy had set them up ; he was their ambulatory spirit . the syndicks were received before them as formal parties in all our affairs ; the assignations were given in their name , the prosecutions also ; and as well the discords of the commissaries , as the appeals from their ordinances , must be finally decided in the kings council . thus in general , all the rights of the churches , for the exercises of religion , the burying places , and all such dependancies , were called into a review , and consequently exposed to the fresh pursuits of the clergy , and the ill intention of the judges . in which there was not the least dram of equity ; for the edict having bin once executed , according to the intention of him that made it , there needed no second touches ; it being moreover , wholly unlikely those of the reformed religion , who had bin ever in the kingdom the suffering party , could usurp any thing therein ; and extend its limits beyond what belong'd to them . but there were other designs in hand than the providing against the contraventions , and therefore by this order , the greatest part of the churches cited for the justifying of their rights , saw themselves soon condemned one after another , by decrees of council , how good and sufficient soever their titles and defences were . scarcely passed a week , wherein these kind of decrees were not made ; and if it hapned , that the modesty of the judges saved any of them , by the great evidence of their right , as this sometimes hapned ; besides that , the number was small , in comparison of those condemned , the judges often received order to condemn them , when they shewed they could not in conscience do it . but the oppressions of this kind , did not terminate in the bare condemnation of churches ; for particular persons had their part . in ordinary and civil affairs , where the matter concerned a piece of land , perhaps , a house , a debt between a roman catholick and a person of our religion ; religion was to be sure always one of the chief heads of the accusation ; the monks , the emissaries , the confessors , and all the whole tribe of that crew , interessed themselves in the affair . in courts of justice , all the cry was , i plead against an heretick , i have to do with a man of a religion odious to the state ; and which the king would have extirpated . by this means , there was no longer any justice to be expected , few judges were proof against this false zeal , for fear of drawing the fury of the whole cabal against him , or passing for a favourer of hereticks . 't is not to be imagined how many unjust sentences these sort of prejudices have given , in all the courts of the kingdom ; and how many mens families have bin ruined by them : when any one complained , the answer was ready , you have the remedy in your own hands ; why do you not turn catholick . yet all this had bin nothing , had the persecution kept here , and not proceeded to fasten on the reputation , the liberty , and even the very lives of persons , by a general inundation ( as a man may term it ) of criminal processes . writings were printed at paris , and sent from thence to all cities and parishes of the kingdom , which impowred the curates , churchwardens and others , to make an exact enquiry into whatsoever the pretended reformists might have done , or said for twenty years past , as well on the subject of religion as otherwise , to make information of this before the justices of the place ; and punish them without remission . so have we seen for several years , in execution of these orders , the prisons every where fill'd with these kind of criminals ; neither were false witnesses lacking ; and that which was most horrible , was , that though the judges were convinced they were knights of the post , yet they maintained them , and carry'd them throw such points , as they knew to be untrue . they condemned innocent and vertuous persons to be whipt , to the gallies , to banishment and publick penances . and if a spark of honor or conscience , at any time hindred them , yet there was always at least an impunity for the false witness . this kind of persecution fell chiefly on the ministers ; for of a long time they might not preach , without having for auditors , or to speak better , observators , a troop of priests , monks and missionaries , and such kind of people , who made no scruple to charge them with things , which they not so much as thought of ; and turn others into a contrary meaning . they also went so far as to devine the thoughts , to make crimes ; for as soon as ever any minister spake of egypt , pharaoh , the israelites , of good or bad people , ( as 't is difficult not to speak of these matters , when they explained the scripture ) these spies never failed to report , that by egypt , and the wicked , they meant the catholicks , and by the israelites , the pretended reformists . the judges concerned themselves in this , and what is most strange , the ministers of state themselves respected these interpretations of thoughts , as evident proofs . on these grounds , the magistrates filled the prisons whith these kind of poor people , keeping them therein for whole years together , and often inflicted on them several corporal penalties . 't is already seen by this first kind of persecution , what were the usages shewed in france to the reformists before they came to the utmost violence . but we shall see them appear more , in what we have to add , touching the privation of offices and employs , and in general , of the means of gaining a livelihood ; which is the second way we mentioned , that has been used to effect our ruine . 't is not hard to comprehend , that in a great kingdom , as france is , where the protestants were dispersed over all parts , there were an infinite number , who could not subsist nor maintain their families , but by the liberty of serving the publick , either in offices , arts , trades , or faculties , each according to his calling . henry the great , was so well convinced of the necessity and justice of this , that he made it an express article , the most distinct perhaps and formal , of all contained in his edict : and therefore 't was here the persecutors thought themselves obliged to use their utmost endeavours . in this regard , they began with the arts and trades ; which under several pretences , they rendered almost inaccessible to the protestants , by the difficulties of arriving to the mastership of them , and by the excessive expences , they must be at to be received therein , there being no candidate , but was forced for this purpose to maintain law suits , under the weight of which , they for the most part fell , not being able to hold them out . but this not being sufficient , by a declaration made in . they were reduced to one third , in the towns where the protestants were more in number than the other inhabitants ; and they were forbidden to receive any therein till this diminution was made , which at one stroke excluded all the pretenders . some time after they absolutely drove all the reformists from the consulships , and all other municipal officers of the cities , which was in effect the depriving them of the knowledg of their proper affairs , and interests , to invest wholly the catholics with them . in . the king issued out an order , which deprived them in general of all kind of offices and employs , from the greatest to the smallest : they were made incapable so much as to exercise any employ in the custom-houses , guard , treasury , or post-offices ; to be messengers , coach-men , or waggoners , or any thing of this nature . in the year . by a decree of council , all notaries , attorneys , solicitors , and sergeants , making profession of the reformed religion , were rendered uncapable throughout all the kingdom . a year after , all lords and gentlemen of the reformed religion were ordered to discharge their officers and servants of the said religion , and not make use of them in any case , without other reason than that of their religion . in . all officers belonging to the kings houshold , and those of the princes of the blood , were also rendred uncapable of holding their places . the councellors and other officers of ayds , and chambers of accounts , and those of seneschalship , baily wicks , and royalties , admiralry , provostships , and marshal's courts , treasury excise , and others , who belonged to the toll-offices , and such like businesses , were ordered to leave their places in favour of the catholicks . in . all secretaries belonging to the king and great officers of france , as well titulary , as honorary ones , and their widows , were deprived by a revocation of all their priviledges of what nature soever they were . they also deprived all those that had purchased any priviledges for the exercising of any professions , as merchants , surgeons , apothecaries , and vintners , nd all others , without exception . nay , they proceeded to this excess , that they would not suffer any midwives of the reformed religion to do their office , and expresly ordained for the future , our wives should receive no assistance in that condition , but from roman catholicks . 't is not to be exprest how many particular persons and families they reduced every where , by these strange and unheard of methods , to ruine and misery . but because there were yet many which could sustain themselves ; other methods of oppression must be invented : to this end they issued out an edict from the council , by which the new converts , as they call them , were discharged from any payments of their debts for three years . this , for the most part , fell on the reformists , who , having had a more particular tye of interest and affair with these pretended converts , because of their communion of religion , were reckoned amongst their chief creditors : by this order they had found the secret to recompense those that changed , at the charge of those who continued firm : and this they did likewise by another way ; for they discharged the converts of all the debts , which those of the religion had contracted in common , which by consequence fell on the rest . add to this , the prohibition to fell or alienate their estates , on any pretence whatever , the king annulling and breaking all contracts , and other acts relating to that matter : if it did not appear , that after these acts , they had stayed in the kingdom a whole year : so that the last remedy of helping themselves with their estates in extream necessity , was taken from them . they deprived them likewise of another , which seemed the only one remaining , which was , to seek their bread elsewhere , by retiring into other countries , there to get their living by labour , since this was not permitted them in france . by repeated edicts the king forbad them to leave his kingdom , on severe penalties , which drove them to the last despair ; since they saw themselves reduced to the horrible necessity of dying with hunger in their own countrey , without daring to go to live elsewhere . but the cruelty of their enemies stopt not here , for there yet remained some gleanings in the provinces , though very few , and as thin as those in pharaoh's dream . the intendants in their districts had order to load the reformed with taxes , which they did , either by laying upon them the tax of the new catholicks , who were discharged thereof on favour of their conversion , or by laying exorbitant taxes , which they called duties , that is to say , he who in the ordinary roll was assessed at forty or fifty livers , was charged by this impostion at seven or eight hundred . thus had they nothing more left , for all was a prey to the rigour of the intendants . they raised their taxes by the effectual quartering of dragoons , or imprisonment , from whence they were not freed till they had paid the utmost farthing . these were the two first engins or machins which the clergy made use of against us : to which they added a third , which we have termed the infractions of the edict of nantes , under pretence of explication . those who would know their number and quality , need only read the books written and published on this subject ; as well by the jesuite menier , an author famous for his illusions ▪ as by one beanard , an officer in the presidial court of besier in languedoc . there you will find all the turns , which the meanest and most unworthy sophistry could invent , to elude the clearest texts of the edict , and to corrupt the sincerity thereof . but because we do here give you only a brief account of our , troubles , we will content our selves with observing some of the principal , issuing from this fountain : what was there , for example , more clear and unquestionable in the edict than this ; viz. that 't was given with an intention to maintain those of the religion , in all the rights that nature and civil society give to men. yet in . there came out an edict , that children might at the age of seven years , abjure the reformed religion , and embrace the catholick , under pretence , that the edict did not precisely mark , that at this age they should continue at their parents disposal . who sees not that this was a meer trick , seing that on one hand , the edict forbad to take the children from their parents by force , or fair means : and on the other hand , the edict supposed and confirmed all the natural rights , of which , without controversie , this is one of the most inviolable . was there ever a more manifest infraction of the edict , than that , which forbad those of the protestant religion , who had passed over to the roman , to return to that they had left , under pretence , that the edict did not formally give them in express terms this liberty . for when the edict permits generally all the kings subjects liberty of conscience , and forbids the perplexing and troubling them , and offering any thing contrary to this liberty . who sees not that this exception , touching the pretended relapsers , is so far from being an explication of the edict , that 't is a notable violation of it . whereunto we may add the charge given to the roman catholicks not to change their religion , and embrace the reformed . for when the edict gives liberty of conscience , it does it in proper terms , for all those , who are , and shall be of the said religion . yet if we believe the clergy , this was not henry the great 's meaning , intending only to grant it to those , who made profession of it , at the time of the making his edict . that of nantes gave also to the reformed , the priviledges of keeping small schools in all places , where they had the exercise of their religion , and by this term of small or little schools , according to the common explication , those were always understood , where one might teach latin and humanity . this is the sence , which has been ever given in all the kingdom , to this expression , which is still given when it concerns the roman catholicks . yet by a new interpreation , this permission was restrained to the bare liberty of teaching to read , and write , as if the reformed were unworthy to learn any more ; and this on purpose , to tire out the parents , and drive them to this extremity , either not to know what to do with their children , or be forced to send them to the roman catholicks for education . the edict gave them the liberty in all places where they had churches , to instruct publickly their children , and others , in what concerns religion , which visibly establisht the right of teaching them theology , seeing their theology is nothing else but this religion . and as to colleges , wherein they might be instructed in liberal sciences , the edict promised letters pattents in good form . yet 't was supposed the edict gave no right to the reformed to instruct them in theology , nor to have colleges , and on this supposition , three academies were condemned , all that remained . that of sedan , although grounded on a particular edict , was supprest as the rest , and even before them . but we must go further , and seeing we have undertaken , to shew in this abridgment , the principal things they have done to exercise our patience , before they came to the utmost fury . we are not to pass over the new orders , or new laws , which were to us as so many new inventions to torment us . the first of these orders , which appeared , was touching the manner of buryals , and entering the dead . the number of attendants were reduced to thirty persons in those places where the exercise of our religion was actually established , and to ten where it was not . orders were also issued out to hinder the communication of provinces with one another , by circulary letters , or otherwise ; though about matters of alms and disposal of charity . prohibitions were likewise made of holding colloquies in the interval of synods , excepting in two cases , the providing for churches destitute by the deaths of their ministers ; and the correction of some scandals . they likewise took away from those places , allowed by the edict , which they call'd exercises de fief , all the marks of the temples , as the bell , the pulpit , and other things of this nature . they were likewise forbidden to receive their ministers in synods to have any deciding voice there , or to note them in the catalogue of those that belong'd to churches . others forbad the singing of psalms in private houses , as also some that commanded them to cease singing even in their temples when the sacrament passed by , or at the time of any procession . others were made to hinder marriages , such times as were forbidden by the romish church . others forbad ministers to preach any where , except in the place of their usual residence . others forbad their setling in places , unless sent by the synods , though the consistories had call'd them thither according to their usual forms . others were made to hinder the synods from sending to any churches more ministers than were there in the preceding synod . others , to hinder those that design'd for the ministry , to be educated in foreign universities . others banish'd all foreign ministers , though they had been ordained in the kingdom , and spent there the greatest part of their lives . others forbad ministers , or cardinals for the ministry to reside in places where preaching was forbidden , or nearer than six miles of them . others forbad the people to assemble in the temples , under pretence of praying , reading , or singing of psalms , except in the presence of a minister , placed there by the synod . one ridiculous one was made to take away all the backs of the seats in the churches , and reduce them all to an exact uniformity . another , to hinder the churches that were a little more rich , to assist the weaker , for the maintenance of their ministers , and other necessities . another to oblige parents to give their children , who changed their religion , great pensions . another to forbid marriages betwixt parties of different religions , even in the case of scandalous cohabitation . another to prohibit those of the religion , from that time , to entertain in their houses any domesticks or servants that were roman catholicks . another which made them uncapable of being tutors or guardians ; and consequently put all the minors , whose fathers dyed in the profession of the protestant religion , under the power and education of roman catholicks . another forbidding ministers and elders to hinder any of their flock , either directly or indirectly , to embrace the roman religion , or to dissuade them form it . another forbidding jews and mahometans to embrace the reformed religion ; and the ministers either to instruct or receive them into it . another subjecting synods to receive such roman catholick commissaries as should be sent them from the king , with an express order to do nothing , but in their presence . another for bidding the consistories to assemble oftner than once in fifteen days , and in presence of a catholick commissary . another forbidding consistories to assist , on pretence of charity to the poor sick persons of their religion ; and ordaining that the sick should be carried into their hospitals , strictly forbidding any man to entertain them in their houses . another confiscating , in favour of hospitals , all the lands , rents , and other profits of what nature soever , which might have appertained to a condemned church . another forbidding ministers to come nearer than three leagues to the place where the priviledges of preaching was in question or debate . another confiscated to the hospitals all the revenues and rents set apart for the maintenance of the poor , even in such churches as were yet standing . another subjecting sick and dying persons to the necessity of receiving visits , sometimes from judges , commissionaries , or church-wardens ; sometimes of curates , monks , missionaries , or other ecclesiasticks , to induce them to change their religion , or require of them express declarations concerning it . another forbidding parents to send their children before sixteen years of age to travel in forreign countries , on any pretence whatsoever . another prohibiting lords or gentlemen to continue the exercise of religion in their houses , unless they had first produced their titles before the commissaries , and obtained from them a license to have preaching . another which restrained the right of entertaining a minister to those only , who were in possession of their lands ever since the edict of nantes , in a direct or collateral line . another which forbad churches called baillage , to receive into their temples any of another bailywick . another which enjoined physitians , apothecaries , and chirurgeons , to advertise the curates or magistrates of the condition of sick protestants , that the magistrates or curates might visit them . but amongst all these new laws , those which have most served the design and intention of the clergy , have been on one hand , the prohibition of receiving into their temples any of those who had changed their religion , nor their children , nor any roman catholick of what age , sex , or condition soe●er , under pain of forfeiting their churches , and the ministers doing publick pennance , with banishment and confiscation of their estates ; and on the other fide , the setting up in all the temples a particular bench for the catholicks to sit on ; for by this means , as soon as any one resolved to change his religion , they needed only to make him do it in private , and to find him the next morning in the temple , to be observed there by the catholicks , who were in their seat. immediately informations were made , and afterwards condemnations , in all the rigour of the law. the roman catholicks needed only to enter into the temple , under pretence , that they had a place there , and then they slipt in amongst the croud , and immediately this was a contravention to the declaration , and an unavoidable condemnation . 't is by this means they have destroyed an infinite number of temples and churches , and put into irons a great number of innocent ministers ; for villains and false witnesses were not wanting in this occasion . all these proceedings were so violent , that they must needs make a strong impression in the reformists minds , whereunto these things tended . and in effect , there were many of them , that bethought themselves of their safety , by leaving the kingdom , some transported themselves into one kingdom , and some into another , according as their inclinations led them . but this was what the court never intended , for more than one reason ; and therefore to hinder them , they renewed from time to time this decree , which we have mentioned , which strictly prohibited , under the most severe penalties , any to depart the kingdom without leave ; and to this end they strictly guarded all passages on the frontiers . but these precautions did not answer their expectations , and 't was better to blind the people , by hopes of abating this rigorous usage at home ; and to this end in . the king revoked several violent decrees , which produced the effect expected . for though the judicious saw well enough , that this moderation sprang not from a good principle , and that , in the sequel , the same decrees would be put in execution , yet the most part imagined they would still confine themselves within some bounds in our regard , and that they would not pass to a total destruction . we have often drawn the same conclusions from the several verbal declarations , which came many times from the kings own mouth , that he pretended not to indulge us , but he would do us perfect justice , and let us enjoy the benefits of the edicts in their whole extent , that he would be very glad to see all his subjects re-united to the catholick religion , and would for the effecting this , contribute all his power , but there should be no bloud shed , during his reign , on this account , nor any violence exercised . these precise and re-iterated declarations , gave us hopes the king would not forget them ; and especially in essential matters , he would let us enjoy the effects of his bounty and equity . 't was the more expected by a letter , he wrote to the elector of brandenburgh , the copies of which the ministers of state took care to disperse through the whole kingdom . his majesty assured him , that he was well satisfyed with the behaviour of his protestant subjects , from whence he drew this natural conclusion , that he intended not then to destroy us . to which we may add the managements used sometimes in the council , where churches were conserved , at the same time when others were crdered to be demolish'd ; to make the world believe , they observed measures of justice , and that those which they condemned , were not grounded on good titles . sometimes they softned several too rigorous decrees ; other times they seemed not to approve of the violences offered by the intendants and magistrates ; even to the giving of orders to moderate them . in this manner did they hinder the execution of a decree made in the parliament of rouen , which enjoyned those of the reformed religion to fall on their knees , when they met the sacrament . thus did they stop the prosecutions of a puny judge of charenton , who ordered us to strike out of our liturgy a prayer which was composed for the faithful , that groaned under the tyranny of antichrist . 't is thus also , that they did not extreamly favour another persecution which began to come general in the kingdom against the ministers , under pretence of obliging them to take an oath of allegiance , wherein other clauses were inserted , contrary to what ministers owe to their charges and religion . 't was thus also they suspended the execution of some edicts , which themselves had procured , as well to tax the ministers , as to oblige them to reside precisely in the place where they exercised their ministry . with the same design the syndic's of the clergy , had the art to let the principal churches of the kingdom to be at rest , for many years without disturbance in their assemblies ; whilst they in the mean time , desolated all those in the country . they suspended also the condemnation of the universities , and reserved them for the last . it was also in this view , that at court , the first seemed unable to belive , and at last not to approve of the excesses , which one marillac an intendant of poitu , committed in his province : a man poor and cruel , more fit to prey on the high-ways , than to be intendant of a province ; though indeed they had a clause expresly to make these expeditions . but amongst all these illusions , there 's none more remarkable , than five or six , which will not be improper here to take notice of : the first was , that at the very time , when at the court they issued out all the decrees , declarations , and edicts , which we have spoken of here before , and which they caused to be put in execution with the greatest rigour , at the same time , that they interdicted their churches , demolished their temples , deprived particular persons of their offices and employments , reduced people to poverty and hunger , imprisoned them , loaded them with fines , banish'd them , and in a word , ravag'd almost all ; the intendants , governours , magistrates , and other officers in paris , and over all the kingdom , coolly and gravely gave out , the king had not the least intention to touch the edict of nantes , but would most religiously observe it . the second was , that in the same edict , which the king publish'd to forbid roman catholicks to embrace the reformed religion , which was in the year . that is to say , at a time when they had already greatly advanced the work of our destruction ; they caused a formal clause to be inserted in these terms , that he confirmed the edict of nantes , as much as it was or should be needful . the third , that in the circular letters which the king wrote to the bishops and intendants , to oblige them to signifie the pastoral advertisement of the clergy to our consistories , he tells them in express terms , that his intention was not that they should do any thing that might attempt upon what had been granted to those of the reformed religion , by the edicts and declarations made in their favour . the fourth , that by an express declaration publish'd about the latter end of the year . the king ordained , that ministers should not remain in the same church , above the space of three years , nor return to the first , within the space of twelve ; and that they should be thus translated from church to church , at least twenty leagues distant from the other ; supposing by a manifest consequence , that his design was yet to permit the exercise of religion to the ministers in the kingdom for twelve years at least . though indeed they at that moment design'd the revocation of the edict , and had resolved it in the council . the fifth consists in a request presented to the king , by the assembly of the clergy at the same time , that they were drawing an edict to revoke that of nantes , and put into the hands of the procurer general to frame it ; and in the decree which was granted on this request , the clergy complain'd of the misrepresentations which the ministers are wont to make of the roman church , to which they attribute doctrines which they do not hold , and beseech his majesty to provide against it . and also expresly declared , that they did not yet desire the revocation of the edict , upon which the king by his decree expresly forbad the ministers to speak either good or hurt , directly or indirectly of the church of rome in their sermons ; supposing , as every one may see , that 't was his intention still to let them preach ; were ever such illusions known ! but was there ever any greater than this which they put in the very edict we speak of ? the king after having cancelled and annul'd the edict of nantes , and all that depended thereon , after having interdicted for ever all publick religious exercises , he also for ever banish'd all the ministers from his kingdom , and expresly declares , that his will is , that his other subjects , who are not willing to change their religion , may remain where they are in all liberty , enjoy their estates , and live with the same freedom as heretofore , without any molestation on pretence of their religion , till it shall please god to enlighten and convert them . these were amusements and snares to entrap them , as it has since appeared , and it still appears every day by the horrible usages they suffer , and of which we shall speak in what follows . but we shall , first , mention a preparatory machin , which the persecutors have not fail'd to employ to effect their design , and which we have reckoned to be the sixth in order . it consists in disposing insensibly the people by degrees to desire our destruction ; to approve of it when done , and to diminish in their mind the horror which naturally they must have at the cruelties and injustices of our persecutors contrivances . for this parpose several means have been used , and the commonest have been the sermons of the missionaries and other controversial preachers , with which the kingdom has been for some years stockt , under the title of royal missions . there were fitting youths , chosen for this purpose , who had such an education given them , which was so far from making them moderate , as rather enflamed them ; so that 't is easy to comprehend what actors these are , when they not only found themselves upheld , but saw themselves moreover set on , and had express orders to inspire their hearers with choler . and so well did they acquit themselves herein , that 't was not their fault if popular emotions have not followed thereon in great cities , yea in paris it self , had not the prudence of the magistrates hindred them . to the preachers we must join the confessors and directors of mens consciences , the monks , the curates , and in general , all the ecclesiasticks from the highest to the lowest ; for they being not ignorant of the courts intention in this matter , every one strove to shew most zeal , and aversion to the reformed religion , because every one found his interest lay therein , this being the only way to raise and establish his fortune . in this design of animating the people , there past few days wherein the streets did not ring , as well with the publication of decrees , edicts , and declarations against the protestants , as also with satyrical and seditious libels , of which the people in the towns of france are very greedy . but these things served only for the meaner sort of people , and the persecutors had this mortification to see this design disapproved by all those who were a degree above the mobile . wherefore they employed the pens of some of their authors , who had acquired any reputation in the world ; and amongst others , that of the author of the history of theodosius the great , and that of mr. maimburg , heretofore a jesuite . he publish'd his history of calvinism , of which he has since had the leasure to repent , by the smart and pertinent answers which have been given him : their example has been followed by several others ; and monsieur arnaud , who will always make one in these matters , would not deny himself the satisfaction of venting his choler ; and at the same time endeavour to recover the favour he has lost at court. but although his apology for the catholicks was a work as full of fire and passion as the bigots themselves could wish , yet 't was not agreeable , because his person was not ; he was so ill gratified for it , that he complained thereof to the arch-bishop of rheims , in a letter , the copies whereof were dispersed over all paris . amongst other things , he exaggerated his misfortune , and compared himself with another , who for much less services , received twenty thousand livers , as a reward from the king. this more and more shewed the character of the person . however they needed not him , not wanting violent writers , amongst whom we must not forget one mr. soulier , formerly ( as they say ) a taylor , and at present author of the history of the edicts ●f pacification ; nor mr. nicole , once a great jansenist , and now a proselyte of the archbishops of paris ; author of the book entituled , protestants convinced of schism : nor the author of the journal des scavants , who , in his ordinary gazets highly affirms . that the catholick faith must be planted by fire and sword , alledging for the proof thereof a king of norway , who converted the nobles of his country , by threatning them , to stay their children before their eyes , if they would not consent to have them baptized , and to be baptized themselves . for a long time we have seen in paris , and elsewhere , nothing but such sort of writings to such a height was passion come . whilst all these things , which we have here observed , were done in france , they by great steps advanced to their end . 't is not to be imagined the reformed neglected their common interests or did not all that respected a just and lawful defence . they frequently sent , from the furthest provinces , their deputies to the court ; they maintained their rights before the council ; thither they brought their complaints from all parts . they employed their deputy general to solicit their interests , as well with the judges and ministers of state , as with the king himself . sometimes also they presented general addresses , in which they exposed their grievances , with all the humility and deference that subjects owe their soveraigns . but they were so far from being heard , that their troubles were still encreased , and their second condition became worse than the first . the last petition , presented to the king himself , by the deputy general , in march , . was exprest in terms most submissive , and most capable of moving pity , as every one may judge , having been since printed ; and yet it produced no other fruit , but the hastning of what they had long resolved , namely , to use open force to accomplish our ruine . this was effectually done some months after , and executed in a manner so terrible and violent , that , as we said in the beginning , there are few in europe , how distant soever from the notice of the common accidents of the world , who have not heard the report of it ; but 't is certain , the circumstances are not known to all , and therefore we shall give an account of them in few words ; if it be but to stop the mouth of their impudence , who publisht abroad , that no violences have been offered in france , and the conversions there made , were with free consent . at first they took this measure , to quarter soldiers in all their provinces , almost at the same time , and chiefly dragoons , which are the most resolute troops of the kingdom . terror and dread marched before them , and as it were , by consent , all france was filled with this news , that the king would not longer suffer any hugonots in his kingdom ; and that they must resolve to change their religion , nothing being able to keep them from it . they began with bearn , where the dragoons did their first executions ; these were followed soon after in high and low guienne , xantoigne , aunix , poitu , high languedoc , vivarets , and dauphine ; after which they came to lionois , gevennes , low languedoc , provence , valeës , and the country of geix , afterwards they fell on the rest of the kingdom , normandy , bourgoigne , nivernoix , and berry ; the countries of orleans , tourain , anjou , britany , champagne , picardy , and the isle of france , not excluding paris it self , which underwent the same fate ; the first thing , the intendants were ordered to do , was to summon the cities and commonalties . they assembled the inhabitants thereof , who profest the reformed religion , and there told them , 't was the king's pleasure they should without delay become catholics ; and if they would not do it freely , they would make them do it by force , the poor people , surprised with such a proposal , answered , they were ready to sacrifice their estates and lives to the king , but their consciences , being gods , they could not in that manner dispose of them . there needed no more to make them immediately bring the dragoons , which were not far off . the troops immediately seized on the gates and avenues of the cities ; they placed guards in all the passages , and often came with their swords in their hands , crying , kill , kill , or else be catholics , they were quartered on the reformists at discretion , with a strict charge , that none should depart out of their houses , nor conceal any of their goods or effects , on great penalties , even on the catholics , that should receive or assist them in any manner . the first days were spent in consuming all provisions the house afforded , and taking from them whatever they could see , money , rings , jewels , and in general , whatsoever was of value . after this , the pillaged the family , and invited , not only the catholics of the place , but also , those of the neighbouring cities and towns , to come and buy the goods , and other things which would yield money . afterwards they fell on their persons , and there 's no wickedness or horror which they did not put in practise , to force them to change their religion . amidst a thousand hideous cries , and a thousand blasphemies , they hung men and women by the hair or feet , on the roofs of the chamber , or chimney hooks , and smoakt them with whisps of wet hay , till they were no longer able to bear it , and when they had taken them down , if they would not sing , they hung them up immediately again . they threw them into great fires kindled on purpose ; and pulled them not out till they were half roasted . they tyed ropes under their arms , and plunged them to and again into wells , from whence they would not take them , till they had promised to change their religion . they tyed them as they do criminals , put to the question ; and in this posture , with a funnel fill'd with wine , poured it down their throats , till the fumes of it depriving them of their reason , they made them say they would consent to be catholics . they stript them naked , and after having offered them a infamous indignities , they stuck them with pins from the top to the bottom . they cut them with penknifes , and sometimes with red hot pincers took them by the nose , and dragged them about their rooms , till they promised to become catholics , or that the cries of these poor wretches , that in this condition call'd on god for their assistance , constrained them to let them go . they beat them with staves , and dragged them , all bruised , to the churches , where their bare forced presance was accounted for an abjuration . they held them from sleeping seven or eight days , relieving one another to watch them night and day , and keept them waking . they threw buckets of water on their faces , and tormented them a ways , holding over their heads kettles turned downwards , whereon they made a continual noise , till these poor creatures had even lost their sences . if they found any sick , either men or women , that kept their beds , distempered with fevers , or other diseases , they had the cruelty to bring twelve drums sounding an alarm about their beds , for whole weeks together without intermission , till they had promised they would change . it hapned in some places , that they tyed fathers and husbands to the bed-posts , and before their eyes forced their wives and daughters . in another place rapes were publickly and generally permitted for many hours together . they pluckt off the nails from the hands and toes of others , which could not be endured without intollerable pain . they burnt the feet of others . they blew up men and women with bellows , even till they were ready to burst . if after these horrid usages , there were yet any that refused to turn , they imprisoned them ; and for this chose dungeons dark and noysom , in which they exercised on them all sorts of inhumanity . in the mean time they demolished their houses , desolated their hereditary lands , cut down their woods , and seized their wives and children , to imprison them in monasteries . when the souldiers had devoured and consumed all in a house , the farmers of their lands furnisht them with subsistance ; and to re-imburse them , they sold by authority of justice the fonds of their hosts , and put them in possession thereof . if some , to secure their consciences , and to escape the tyranny of these furious men , endeavoured to save themselves by flight , they were pursued , and hunted in the fields and woods , and were shot at like wild beasts . the provosts rode about the high-ways , and the magistrates of places had orders to stop them without exception . they brought them back to the places from whence they fled , using them like prisoners of war. but we must not fancy , that this storm fell only on the common sort , noblemen and gentlemen of the best quality were not exempted from it . they had soldiers quartered upon them in the same manner , and with the same fury as citizens and peasants had . they plundred their houses , wasted their goods , rased their castles , cut down their woods , and their very persons were exposed to the insolence and barbarity of the dragoons , no less than those of others . they spared neither sex , age , nor quality ; wherever they found any unwillingness to obey the command of changing their religion , they practised the same violences . there were still remaining some officers of parliament which underwent the same fate , after having been first deprived of their offices , and even the military officers , who were actually in service , were ordered to quit their post and quarters , and repair immediately to their houses , there to suffer the like storm ; if to avoid it , they would not become catholics . many gentlemen and other persons of quality , and many ladies of great age and antient families , seeing all these outrages , hoped to find some retreat in paris , or at the court , not imagining the dragoons would come to seek them so near the kings presence ; but this hope was no less vain , than all the rest ; for immediately there was a decree of council , which commanded them to leave paris in fifteen days , and return without delay to their own houses ; with a prohibition to all persons to entertain or lodge them in their houses . some having attempted to present adresses to the king , containing complaints of these cruel usages , humbly beseeching his majesty to stop the course thereof , received no other answer , than that of sending them to the bastile . before we proceed any further , 't will not be a miss to make some remarks ; the first shall be , that almost every where , at the head of these infernal legions , besides the commanders and military officers , the intendants also , and the bishops marched every one in his diocess , with a troop of missionaries monks , and other ecclesiasticks . the intendants gave such order as they thought most fitting to carry on conversions , and restrain natural pity and compassion ; if at any time it found a place in the hearts of dragoons , or their commanders , which did not often happen . and as for the bishops , they were there to keep open house , to receive abjurations , and to have a general and severe inspection that every thing might pass there according to the inten 〈…〉 on s of the clergy . the second thing observable is , that when the dragoons had made some to yield , by all the horrors which they practised , they immediately changed their quarters , and sent them to those who still persevered . this order was observed in this manner even to the end , insomuch that the last , that is to say , those who had shewed the greatest constancy , had , in fine , quartered on them alone all the dragoons , which at the beginning were equally dispers'd amonst the inhabitants of the place , which was a load impossible to be sustained . a third remark , which we shall make , is , that in almost all the considerable cities , they took care before they sent troops thither , to gain by mean of the intendants , or some other private way , a certain number of people , not only to change their religion themselves , when it should be seasonable , but also to assist them in perverting others . so that when the dragoons had sufficiently done their part , the intendant , with the bishop , and the commander of the forces , again assembled these miserable . inhabitant , already ruined , to exhort them to obey the king , and become catholics ; adding thereto most terrible threats , that they might over-awe them , and then the new converts failed not to execute what they had promised , which they did with the more success , because the people did yet put some kind of confidence in them . a fourth observation is , that when the master of the house , thinking to get rid of the dragoons , had obeyed and signed what they would , he was not freed from them for all this ; if his wife , children , and the meanest of his domesticks did not do the same thing ; and when his wife , or any of his children or family fled , they ceased not to torment them , till he had made them return : which oftentimes being impossible , the change of their religion did not at all avail them . the fifth is , that when these poor wretches fancied their consciences would be at rest by signing some form of an equivocal abjuration offered them ; a little while after these cruel men came to them again , and made them sign another , which plunged them into such depths , as cast them into the utmost despair . nay farther , they had the boldness to make them acknowledge , that they embraced the roman religion of their own accord ; without having bin induced thereunto by any violent means . if after this they scrupled to go to mass , if they did not communicate , if they did not tell their beads ; if by a sigh escaped from them , they signified any unwillingness , they had immediately a fine laid upon them , and they were forced to receive again their old guests . in fine , for a sixth remark ; as fast as the troops ravaged in this manner the provinces , spreading terror and desolation in all parts ; orders were sent to all the frontier countries and sea-port towns , to guard well the passages , and stop all such who pretended to escape from france : so that there was no hope of these poor wretches saving themselves by flight . none were permitted to pass , if he brought not along with him a certificate from his bishop or curate , that he was a catholick : others were put in prison , and used like traytors against their country . all strange vessels lying in the ports were searched ; the coasts , bridges , passages to rivers , and the high-ways , were strictly guarded , both night and day . the neighbouring states were also required not to harbour any more fugitives , and to send back again such as they had already received . attempts were also mad to seise on , and carry away some , who had escaped into foreign countries . whilst all this was acting in the kingdom , the court were consulting to give the last stroak , which consisted in repealing the edict of nantes ; much time was spent in drawing up the matter and form of this new edict . some would have the king detain all the ministers , and force them as they did the laity , to change their religion , or condemn them to perpetual imprisonment . they alledged for their reason , that if they did not do it , they would be as so many dangerous enemies against them in foreign nations . others on the contrary affirmed , that as long as the ministers continued in france , this their presence would encourage the people to abide in their religion , whatsoever care might be taken to hinder them ; and that supposing they should change , they would be but as so many secret adversaries nourished in the bosom of the church of rome ; and the more dangerous on the account of their knowledge and experience in controversial matters . this last reasoning prevailed ; 't was then resolved on to banish the ministers , and to give them no more than fifteen days time to depart the kingdom . as to what remained , the edict was given to the procurer-general of the parliament of paris , to draw it up in such a form as he should judge most fitting . but before the publishing of it , two things were thought necessary to be done ; the first to oblige the assembly of the clergy , separately to present to the king a request concerning the matter above mentioned , in which also they told his majesty , that they desired not at present the repealing the edict of nantes ; and the other to suppress in general , all kind of books made by them of the reformed religion , and to issue out an order for that purpose . by the first of these things , the clergy thought to shelter themselves from the reproaches , which might be cast on them as the authors of so many miseries , injustices an oppressions which this repeal would still occasion : and by the other , they pretended to make the conversions much more easie ( as they styled them ) and confirm those which had bin already made , by taking from the people all books , which might instruct , fortifie , and bring them back again . in fine , this revocative edict of nantes , was signed and published on thursday , being the th of october , in the year . 't is said the chancellor of france , shewed an extream joy in sealing it ; but it lasted not long , this being the last thing he did . for as soon as he came home from fountainbleau , he fell sick , and dyed within a few days . 't is certain , that this mans policy , rather than his natural inclination , induced him in his latter years to become one of our persecutors . the edict was registred in the parliament of paris , and immediately after in the others . it contains a preface , and twelve articles . in the preface , the king shews that henry the great 's grandfather did not give the edict , and lewis his father did not confirm it , by his other edict of nismes , but in the design of endeavouring more effectually the re-union of their subjects of the pretended reformed religion , to the catholick church ; and that this was also the design which he had himself at his first coming to the crown . that 't is true , he had bin hindred by the wars , which he was forced to carry on against the enemies of his state ; but that at present being at peace with all the princes of europe , he wholly gave himself to the making of this re-union . that god having given him the grace of accomplishing it , and seeing the greatest and best part of his subjects of the said religion had embraced the catholick one , these edicts of nantes and nismes consequently became void and useless . by the first article , he suppresses and repeals them , in all their extent ; and ordains that all their temples ; which are found yet standing in his kingdom , shall be immediately demolished . by the second , he forbids all sorts of religious assemblies of what kind soever . the third , prohibits the exercises of religion to all lords and gentlemen of any quality , under corporal penalties and confiscation of their esates . the fourth , banishes from his kingdom all the ministers , and enjoins them to depart thence , within fifteen days after the publication of this edict , under the penalty of being sent to the gallies . in the fifth and sixth , he promises recompences and advantages to the ministers and their widows , who should change their religion . in the seventh and eighth , he forbids the instructing of children in the pretended reformed religion , and ordains that those who shall be born henceforward shall be baptised , and brought up in the catholick religion , enjoyning parents to send them to the churches , under the penalty of being fined livers . the ninth gives four months time to such persons as have departed already out of the kingdom to return , otherwise their goods and estates to be confiscated . the tenth , with repeated prohibitions , forbids all his subjects of the said religion to depart out of his realm , they , their wives and children , or to convey away their effects , under pain of the gallies for the men , and of confiscation of body and goods for the women . the eleventh , confirms the declarations heretofore made against those that relapse . the twelfth declares , that as to the rest of his subjects of the said religion , they may , till god enlightens them , remain in the cities of his kingdom , countries and lands of his obedience , there continue their commerce , and enjoy their estates , without trouble or molestation upon pretence of the said religion , on condition , that they have no assemblies under pretext of praying , or exercising any religious worship whatever . in order to put this edict in execution , the very same day that it was registred and published at paris , they began to demolish the church of charenton . the eldest minster thereof was commanded to leave paris within twenty four hours , and immediately to depart the kingdom . for this end they put him into the hands of one of the kings footmen , with orders not to leave him till he was out of his dominions . his collegues were little better treated , they gave them forty eight hours to quit paris , and then left them upon their parole . the rest of the ministers were allowed fifteen days , but it can hardly be believed to what vexations and cruelties they were all exposed . first of all , they neither permitted them to dispose of their estates , nor to carry away any of their moveables or effects , nay they disputed them their books and private papers , one pretence , that they must justify , their books and papers did not belong to the cosistories wherein they serv'd , which was a thing impossible , since there were no consistories , that then remained . beside , they would not give them leave to take along with them either father or mother , or brother or sister , or any of their kindred , though there were many of them infirm , decay'd and poor , which could not subsist but by their means ; they went so far , as even to deny them their own children , if they were above seven years old ; nay , some they took from them that were under that age , and even such as yet hang'd upon their mothers breasts . they refused them nurses for their new born infants , which the mothers could not give suck . in some frontier places they stopped and imprisoned them , upon divers ridiculous pretences ; they must immediately prove that they were really the same persons , which their certificates mentioned ; they were to know immediately whether there were no criminal process or informations against them ; they must presently justify , that they carryed away nothing that belonged to their flocks ; sometime after they had thus detained and amused them , they were told that the fifteen days of the edict were expired , and that they should not have liberty to retire , but must go to the gallies . there is no kind of deceit and injustice which they did not think of to involve them in troubles . as to the rest , whom the force of persecution and hard usage constrained to leave their houses and estates , and to fly the kingdom , it is not to be imagined what dangers they exposed them to . never were orders more severe or more strict , than those that were given against them . they doubled the guards in posts , cities , high-ways , and foards , they covered the country with solders , they armed even the pesants to stop those that passed , or to kill them : they forbad all the officers of the customs to suffer any goods , moveables , marchandize , or other effects , to pass . in a word , they forgot nothing that could hinder the flight of the persecuted , even to the interrupting almost all commerce with neighbouring nations : by this means they quickly filled all the prisons in the kingdom ; for the fear of the dragoons , the horror of seeing their consciences forced , and their children taken away , and of living for the future in a land where there was neither justice nor humanity for them , obliged every one to think of an escape , and to abandon all to save their persons . all these poor prisoners have been since treated with unheard of rigours , shut up in dungeons , loaded with heavy chains , almost starved with hunger , and deprived of all converse , but that of their persecutors . they put many into monasteries , where they experience none of the least cruelties ; some there are so happy as to dye in the midst of their torments , others have at last sunk under the weight of the temptation , and some by the extraordinary assistance of gods grace , do still sustain it with an heroick courage . these have been the consequences of this new edict in this respect ; but who would not have believed that the twelfth article would have shelter'd the rest of the reformed ; that had a mind still to stay in the kingdom , since this article exprefly assures them , that they may live there , continue their trade , and enjoy their estates , without being troubled or molested upon pretence of their religion . yet see what they have since done , and yet do to these poor wretches . they have not recall'd the dragoons and other soldiers which they dispatcht into the provinces before the edict : on the contrary , they to this day commit with greater fury the same inhumanities , which we have before represented : besides this , they have marched them into provinces , where there were none before , as normandy , picardy , le berry , champaigne , nivernois , orleans , belessois , and the lsle of france . they do the same violence there , exert the same fury they do in other provinces . paris it self , where methinks this article of the edict should have been best observed , because so near the kings presence , and more immediately under the government of the court , paris , i say , was no more spared than the rest of the kingdom . the very day that the edict was published , without more delay , the procurer-general , and some other magistrates , began to send for heads of families to come to their houses . there they declared to them that 't was absolutely the kings will that they should change their religion , that they were no better than the rest of his subjects , and that if they would not do it willingly , the king would make use of means , which he had ready , to compel them . at the same time they banish'd by letters under the privy seal , all the elders of the consistory , together with some others , in whom they found more of constancy and resolution ; and to disperse them , chose such places as were most remote from commerce , where they have since used them with a great deal of cruelty , some complyed , others are yet under sufferings . the diligence of the procurer-general and magistrates , not succeeding so fully as they wish'd , though threats and menaces were not wanting , monsieur seignelay , secretary of state , would also try what influence he could have within his division at paris . for this end , he got together about five or six score merchants , and others into his house , and after having shut the doors , forthwith presented them with the form of an abjuration , and commanded them in the kings name to sign it ; declaring , that they should not stir out of doors till they had obeyed . the contents of this form were , not only that they did renounce the heresie of calvin , and enter into the catholick church , but also that they did this voluntarily , and without being forced or compelled to it . this was done in an imperious manner , and with an air of authority , yet there were some that dared to speak , but they were sharply answer'd , that they were not to dispute it , but to obey ; so that they all sign'd before they went out . to these methods they added others more terrible , as prisons , actually seizing of their effects , and papers ; the taking away of their children , the separation of husbands and wives ; and in fine , the great method , that is to say , dragoons and guards . those that most firmly stood out , they sent to the bastile , and to the fort l'eveque ; they confin'd them to their own or other houses , where they lay concealed for fear of discovery ; they plunder'd those of many others , not sparing their persons , just as they had done in other places . thus the th article of the edict , which promised some relaxation , and a shadow of liberty , was nothing but an egregious deceit to amuse the credulous , and keep them from thinking to make their escape , a snare to catch them with the more ease . the fury still kept its usual course , and was heated to such a degree , that not content with the desolations in the kingdom , it entred even into orange , a soveraign principality , where the king of right has no power , and taking ministers away from thence by force , remov'd them into prisons . thither the dragoons were sent , who committed all kind of mischief ; and by force constrained the inhabitants thereof , both men , women and children , and the very officers of the prince to change their religion . and this is the state of things in the year . and this is the accomplishment of the dealing which the clergy has shewed us three years since , towards the end of their pastoral letter ; you must expect mischiess more dreadful and intolerable , then all those , which hitherto your revolts and schisms have drawn down upon you . and truly they have not been worse than their words . there are some in the kingdom who still continue firm , and their persecutions are still continu'd to them . there are invented every day new torments , against those whom force has made to change their religion , because they are still observed to sigh , and groan under their hard servitude ; their hearts detesting what their months have profest , and their hands signed . as to such that have escaped into foreign countreys , who are at least persons , their estates are confiscated ; this being all the hurt which can be done to them at present . i say at present ; for 't is not to be questioned , but our persecutors are contriving to extend their cruelties farther . but we must hope in the compassions of god , that whatsoever intentions they may have in destroying the protestant religion in all places , he will not permit them to effect their designs . the world will surely open its eyes ; and this which they now come from doing with a high hand , and a worse then barbarous fury , will shew not only the protestants ; but the wise and circumspect catholicks , what they are to expect , both one and the other , from such a sort of people . in effect , he that shall give himself the leisure to reflect on the matters of fact which we come now from relating , which are things certain , and acted in the face of the sun , he shall see not only the protestants supprest , but the king's honour sullied , his countreys damnified ; all the princes of europe interessed , and even the pope himself , with his church and clergy , shamefully discredited . for to begin with the king himself : what could be more contrary to his dignity , then to put him upon breaking his word , and perswading him that he might with a safe conscience violate , revoke , and annul so solemn an edict as that of nantes . to palliate in some sort the violence of this proceeding , they make him say in this new edict , that the best and greatest part of the reform'd religion has imbraced the catholick ; and therefore the execution of the edict of nantes , and whatsoever else has been done in favour of the same religion , remains void . but is not this an elusion unworthy of his majesty , seeing that if this best and greatest part of his subjects of the reformed religion have embraced the catholick ; they have done it by force of arms , and by the cruel and furious oppression which his own troops have laid upon them . perhaps one might thus speak , had his subjects changed their religion of their own free will , although that in this case too , the priviledges of the edict continue for those that remain . but after having forced them to change by the horrible inhumanities of his dragoons ; after having deprived them of the liberty which the edict gave them ; to say coldly , that he only revokes the edict , because it is now useless , is a raillery unbefitting so great a prince . for it is as much as if he said , that he was indeed obliged to continue to his protestant subjects all the priviledges due to them ; but having himself overthrown them by a major force , he finds himself at present lawfully and fairly disengaged from this obligation : which is just as if a father , who himself had cut his childrens throats , should glory in the being henceforward freed from the care of nourishing and protecting them . are other kings wont thus to express themselves in their edicts ? what they make him moreover say , to wit , that henry the great , his grandfather , gave only the edict of nantes to the protestants , that he might the better effect their re-union to the roman church ; that lewis the th also , his father , had the same design , when he gave the edict of nismes ; and that he himself had entred therein at his coming to the crown , is but a pitiful salvo . but suppose ( seeing they are willing we should do so ) the truth of this discourse , and take we it simply , and according to the letter , in the sense wherein they gave it us , what can we conclude thence , but these following propositions : that henry the great , and lewis the th , gave only the edicts to our fathers to deceive them , and with an intent to ruine them afterwards with the greater ease , under the mask of this fraud . that not being able to do this , being hindred by other affairs , they have committed this important secret to his present majesty , to the end he should execute it when he met with an opportunity . that his present majesty entring into the thought of this at his first coming to the crown , he only confirm'd the edicts and declarations of . and . with other advantagious decrees to the reformed religion , but to impose on them the more finely , ( lay snares in their way ) or if you please , crown them , as they crown'd of old the sacrifices ; that all that has been done against them , since the peace of the pirenees , till this time , according to the abridgment which we have made of it , has been only the execution of a project , but of a project far more ancient than we imagine , seeing we must date it from the edict of nantes , and ascend up to henry the great : in fine , that what has been till now , has been a great mystery , but is not one at present ; seeing the king by this new edict discovers it to all the world , that he may be applauded for it . will it not be acknowledged that the enemies of france , who are willing to discredit the conduct of its kings , and render them odious to the world , have now an happy opportunity . henry the great gives his edict to the protestants with the greatest solemnity imaginable , he gives it them as a recompence of their services ; he promises solemnly to observe it ; and as if this was not enough , he binds himself thereunto with an oath ; he executes it to the utmost of his power , and they peaceably enjoy'd it to the end of his reign : yet all this is but a meer snare , for they are to be dragoon'd at a proper time : but being himself surprized by death , he could not do it , but leaves it in charge to lewis the th his son. lewis the thirteenth ascends the throne , issues out his declaration immediately , that he acknowledges the edict of nantes as perpetual and irrevocable , it needing not a new confirmation , and that he would religiously observe every article of it , and therefore sends commissioners to see it actually executed . when he begins a war , he protests he designs not at religion , and in effect he permits the full liberty of it , in those very towns he takes by assault : he gives his edict of nismes , as the edict of a triumphant prince , yet declares therein he understands , that of nantes should be inviolably kept , and shows himself to the last as good as his word . but this is only intended to lull the protestants asleep , in expectation of a favourable occasion to destroy them . lewis the fourteenth , at his coming to the crown confirms the edict , and declares , that he will maintain the reformed in all their priviledges ; he afterwards affirms in another declaration , how highly he is satisfied in their services ; and mentions his design of making them to enjoy their rights . but this is but a meer amusement , and an artifice to intrap them , the better to colour over the project of ruining them at a convenient time . what a character now of the kings of france will this afford , to its enemies , and foreign nations ; and what confidence do they think , will be henceforward put in their promises and treaties ; for if they deal thus with their own subjects , if they caress them only to ruine them , what may strangers expect from ' em . consider we a while what they make the king say , that at his first coming to the crown , he was in the design which he now comes from executing . they would say without doubt , from the time he actually took in hand the reins of government ; for he was too young before , to enter personally on any design of this nature : he enter'd thereon then precisely at the time , when the civil wars were ended . but what does this mean , but that he undertook this design , at the very time when the protestants came from rendring him the most important service subjects were ever capable of . they came from rendring him the highest testimonies of loyalty , when the greatest part of his other subjects had taken up arms against him . they had vigorously opposed his enemies progress ; rejected the most advantagious offers , kept towns for him , yea whole provinces ; receiv'd his servants and officers into their bosoms , when they could not find safety elsewhere ; sacrificed their estates to him , their lives , their fortunes ; and in a word , done all with such a zeal , as becomes faithful subjects in so dangerous a conjuncture . and this is the time when the king enters on the design of destroying and extirpating them . this so confirms the truth of what we said in the beginning , that it puts it out of all question , that the project of their destruction was grounded on the services they had rendred the king. do christian ethics allow these most unchristian policies ? is it not a strange thing , that we must be taught this important secret , and all europe besides ; for although the protestants have done nothing in this occasion but their duty , it could never be imagined their duty should be made their crime , and their ruine should spring from whence should come the safety . god has brought light out of darkness , but the unchristian politicks of france , on the contrary , has brought darkness out of light. however they cannot deny but that in this new edict , the king is made to say , he has entred on the design to distroy the protestant party , in the very time wherein they have signaliz'd and distinguisht themselves with great success for the interest of the crown , which will furnish perhaps matter enough to thinking men for reflexion , as well within as without the kingdom ; and will shew them what use is made of services , and what recompence is to be expected for them . but we shall say no more of the expressions of the new edict , but rather consider the matter of it . was ever a worse and harder usage than that which we have suffered for the space of twenty years , which have been employed informing the late tempest which has fallen upon us . it has been a continual storm of decrees , edicts , declarations , orders , condemnation of churches , desolation of temples , civil and criminal processes , imprisonments , banishments , pennances , pecuniary mults , privation of offces and employs , depriving parents of their children , and all those other persecutions which we have already briefly sum'd up . we are told on one hand , that the king would continue to us the edict of nants , and he delivered himself on several occasions to that effect ; and on the other hand we were made to suffer in our estates , our reputations , our persons , our families , in our religion , and our consciences , and all by unjust and indirect ways ; by unheard of inventions , by oppressions , and publick vexation , and sometime under-hand dealings ; and all this under the vail of the kings authority , and because this was his good pleasure . we know very well the authority of kings , and the respect and submission with which we should receive their orders . and therefore have we , during all these unsupportable usages , a patience , and an obedience so remarkable , that it has been an admiration of the catholicks themselves , our countrymen . but it must be acknowledged that those who put his majesty on dealing thus with us , or have used his name and authority for this , could not do him otherwise a greater dishonor than they have done . for after all , those kings who would have themselves esteemed for their justice and equity , govern not their subjects after this manner . they are not for putting all to an uncertainty , filling all places with lamentation and terror . they seek not their satisfaction in the tears , and groans of their innocent people , nor are they pleased with keeping their subjects in a perpetual agitation . they love not to have their names mention'd with terror , nor meditate continual designs of extirpating those , who give constant and unquestionable proofs of their loyalty ; much less to invent cruel projects , which like mines , in their time shall destroy their own natural subjects ; for what else have been these slie and equivocal declarations , counter-orders , and revocative edicts . there are three things , very remarkable , in this whole affair , the first is , that as long as they have been only in the way , the true authors of the persecution have not concealed themselves , but the king , as much as they could : 't is true , the decrees , edicts , and declarations , and other things , went under the name of his majesty ; but at the request of the agents , and factors for the clergy : and whilst they were busied in these matters , the king declared openly his intention of maintaining the edicts , and that 't was abuses which he design'd to correct . the second is , that when they came to the last extremities , and to open force , then they have concealed themselves as much as they could , set forth the king at his full length . there was nothing beard but these kind of discourses , the king will have it so , the king has taken it in hand , the king proceeds further than the clergy desires ; by these two means they have had the address to be only charg'd with the lesser parts of the cruelties , and to lay the most violent , and odious part at the kings door . the third thing which we should remark is , that the better to obtain their ends , they have made it their business to perswade the king , that this work would crown him with glory , which is a horrid abuse of his credulity , an abuse so much the greater , by how much they would not have themselves thought the authors of this council ; and when any particular person of them are ask'd this day , what they think of it , there are few of them but condemn it . in effect , what more false an idea could they give to his majesty of glory , than to make it consist in surprising a poor people , disperst over all his kingdom , and living securely under his wings and the remains of the edict of nants ; and who could not imagine there were any intentions of depriving them of the liberty of their consciences , of surprizing and overwhelming them in an instant , with a numerous army , to whose discretion they are delivered ; and who tell them that they must either by fair means or foul , become roman catholicks , this being the kings will and pleasure . what a falser notion of glory could they offer him , than the putting him in the place of god , making the faith and religion of men to depend upon his authority , and that hence forward it must be said in his kingdom , i don't believe because i am perswaded of it , but i believe , because the king would have me do it ; which to speak properly , is , that i believe nothing , and that i 'le be a turk , or a jew , or whatever the king pleases . what falser idea of glory , then to force from mens mouths by violence , and a long series of torments ; a profession , which the heart abhors , and for which one sighs night and day , crying continually to god for mercy . what glory is there in inventing new ways of persecutions , unknown to former ages ; which indeed do not bring death along with them , but keep men alive to suffer , that they may overcome their patience and constancy by cruelties , which are above humane strength to undergo ? what glory is there in not contenting themselves to force those who remain in his kingdom , but to forbid them to leave it , and keep them under a double servitude , viz. both of soul and body ? what glory is there in keeping his prisons full of innocent persons . who are charged with no other fault , than serving god according to the best of their knowledge , and for this to be expos'd to the rage of the dragoons , or condemned to the gallies , and executions on body and goods ? will these cruelties render his majesties name lovely in his history , to the catholick or protestant world ? but we should be very loath to exaggerate any thing , which may violate the respect due to so great a prince ; but we do not think it a failure in our duty , fairly to represent how far these refined politicians have really interess'd his honour , in the sad misfortunes wherein they have plunged us , and how criminal they have thereby made themselves towards him . they have committed no less misdemeanours against their country , of which they are members , and for which a man would think they should have some consideration . not to speak here of the great number of persons of all ages , sexes and qualities , which they have out off from it by their fierce tempers ; although perhaps this loss be greater , than they were willing to imagine . it s certain , that france is a very populous country , but when these feavourish fits shall be over , and they shall in cold blood consider what they have done , they will find these diminutions to be no matter of triumph ; for 't is not possible , that so many substantial people , so many intire families , who distinguish themselves in the arts , in the sciences , civil and military , can leave a kingdom without one day being missed : at present , whilst they rejoyce in their spoils , possess themselves of the houses and estates , this loss is not felt ; 't is recompensed by booty , but it will not be always so : neither shall we insist here on that almost general interruption of traffick , which these most vnchristian persecutors have caused in the principal towns of the state ; although this be no small mischief : the protestants made up a good part of the trade , as well within the kingdom as without , and were therein so mixt with the catholicks , that their affairs were in a manner inseparable . they dealt as it were in common , when these oppressions came upon them ; and what confusions have they not produced ? how many industrious measures have they broken ? how many honest designs have they not disappointed ? how many manufactures ruined ? how many bankrupts made ? and how many families reduced to beggary ? but this is what the oppressors little trouble themselves about ; they have their bread gained to their mouths , they live in wantonness and ease ; and whilst others dye with hunger , their revenues are ascertain'd to them . but this hinders not the body of the estate to suffer , both in its honour and profit ; and we may truly say , that four civil wars could not have produced so much mischief , as time will shew to sprink from this persecution . but we will leave the consequence of this affair to time , and only say , that the edict of nantes , being a fundamental law of the kingdom ; and an agreement between two parties , by a reciprocal acceptation under the peaceable reign of henry the great ; by the publick faith , and by mutual oaths , as we have already seen ; this must certainly be of ill example to the interest of the state : that after having made a thousand infractions of it , it must be at length revok'd , cancel'd , and annul'd , at the motion of a cabal , who abuse their interest ; and hereby make themselves fit for enterprising , and executing any thing . after this violation , what can henceforward be thought firm and inviolable in france . i speak not of particular mens affairs , but of general establishments , royal companies courts of justice , and all other ranks of men interested in society , even they very rights of the crown , and form of government . there are in the kingdom a great many thinking men , i mean not your poets , and such like kind of flatterers , who make verses , orations , panegyricks , and sermons too for preferments and benefices ; but i speak of solid and judicious persons ; who see into the consequences of things ; and know well how to judge of them ; shall we think that these men , see not what is too visible , that the state is pierc'd through and through , by the same ●low given the protestants ; and that such a open revocation of the edict , leaves nothing firm or sacred . it 's to no purpose to alledge distinctions in the matter , and say that the pretended reform'd religion , was odious to the state , and therefore was thus undertaken . for not to mention the dangerousness of the example ; as to the general aversion to our religion in the minds of the catholicks , it is certain , that excepting the faction of the bigots , and what they call the propagators of the faith ; neither the commons , nor great people , have any animosity against us ; but on the contrary , do bemoan our misfortunes . not to touch further on this , who knows not what an easie matter it is to run down any cause , or render it odious or indifferent in the minds of the people . there are never wanting reasons and pretences , in matters of this nature ; one party is set up against another ; and that is called the state , right or wrong , which is the prevailing one : like as in religion , not the best and honestest , but the powerfullest , and boldest part , are termed the church . we must not judge of these things then from their matter , but their from . now if ever there was since the world stood , a matter authentick and irrevocable , it was the edict of nantes ; to revoke and cancel it , is to set up ones self above our obligations to god , as well as to men ; 't is to declare openly , that there are no longer any ties or promises in the world . and this is no more then the wise will easily comprehend , and i doubt not but they have done it already . some perhaps may make an objection on this occasion , which 't will be good to answer ; which is , that as the edict , consider it how we will , is become only a law of state by henry the great 's authority so it may likewise be revok'd and annul'd by lewis the th his grandson and successor . for things may be ended by the same means they have bin begun . if henry the great , has had the power to change the form of governing the state , by introducing a new law ; why has not lewis the th the same power to alter this form , and annul whatsoever his predecessor has done ? but this objection will soon be answer'd , by considering it's built upon a false principal , and offers a falser consequence . it is not the single authority of henry the great which has establish'd the edict . the edict is a decree of his justice , and an accord or transaction that past between the catholicks and the reformists . authoriz'd by the publick faith of the whole estate , and seal'd with the seal of an oath , and ratified by the execution of it ; now this renders the edict inviolable , and sets it above the reach of henry's successors ; and therefore they can be only the depositaries and executors of it , and not the masters to make it depend on their wills . henry the great never employ'd the force of arms to make the catholicks consent to it ; and though since his death , under the minority of lewis the th . there have bin assemblies of the states general , the edict has remain'd in full force ; 't was then , as we have already said , a fundamental law of the kingdom , which the king could not touch . but supposing this were not a work grounded on the bare authority of henry , which is false , it does not therefore follow , that his present majesty can revoke it . the edict is a royal promise , which henry the great made to the reformists of his kingdom , as well for himself as his successors for ever ; as we have already seen ; and consequently this is a condition or hereditary debt , charged on himself and posterity . moreover , it is not true , that henry the great , has changed any thing in the government of the state , when he gave liberty of conscience to his subjects ; for this liberty is matter of right , and more inviolable than all edicts , seeing that it is a right of nature . he has permitted a publick exercise of the reformed religion ; but this exercise was established in the kingdom before his edict , and if he has enlarged the priviledges of the reformed , as without doubt he has , he did not do it without the consent and approbation of the state ; and has herein violated nothing of his lawful engagements . but 't is not the same with lewis the th . who of his own pure authority , makes a real and fundamental change , against the concurrence of one part of his estate , and without the consulting the other ; hereby violating his own engagements , those of his kingdom , and even the laws of nature too . in fine , if we consider what means have been used to arrive at the revocation in question , how shall a man not ackowledge the state is sensibly interested therein . they are not contented to suppress the religious assemblies , and to null the protestants priviledges by unjust decrees ; but they also send them soldiers to dispute points of religion with them ; they are sack't like people taken by assault , forced in their consciences ; and for this purpose , hell it self is let loose upon them ; and this is the effects of a military , and arbitrary government , regulated neither by justice , reason , nor humanity . can it be thought , that , france will be at ease in this manner , or that wise people will think this an equitable way of governing ? there needs only another design , another passion to satisfie , another vengeance to execute ; and then , wo be to them who shall oppose it ; for the dragoons will not forget their office. to these two reflections , which respect the french king and his states , we may add a third , which will have regard to the interests of kings , princes , and other powers of europe , as well of one as of the other religion . we shall not be much mistaken , if we say , that they have a common and general concern herein ; inasmuch as these skilful artists in misery , do as much as they can to trouble the good understanding that is betwixt them and their people . we are perswaded , that their wise and just government will , in this respect , put them beyond all fear : but this hinders not examples of this nature , from being always mischievous , and naturally tending to beget in the minds of the vulgar , ( who commonly judge only of things in general ) suspitions and distrusts of their soveraigns , as if they dream'd of nothing but devouring their subjects , and delivering them up to the discretion , or rather , the fury of their soldiers . the greater moderation and justice that princes have , the less they are obliged to those who furnish people with matter for such dangerous thoughts , which may produce very ill effects . beside , is it not certain , that the princes and states of europe , cannot without a great deal of pleasure see france , which makes so great a figure in the affairs of the world , and gives them so powerful an influence , now put her self in such a condition , as that no just measures can be taken from her ? for after so scandalous and publick a violation of the word of three kings , and of the publick faith , what credit can be given for the future , to her promises or treaties ? it will not be sufficient to say , that they will have no force but what interest inspires ; but that they will hereafter depend on the interest or capriciousness of a sort of heady people , that will give nothing either to the laws of prudence or equity , but manage all by force . if they have had the power , to do within the kingdom what they have lately put in execution , what will they not do as to affairs without ? if they have not spared their own country-men , with whom they had daily commerce , who were serviceable to them , will they spare the unknown ? will they have more respect to truces or conventions of four days transaction , than to an edict of an hundred years continuance , and that the most august and solemn that ever was which yet they made no other use of then to amuse a people , and to involve them more surely in an utter desolation ? methinks they have resolv'd to bring things to this pass , that there being no more faith to be had in france , all her neighbours should be continually upon their guard against her , and the more so when she promises , then when she threatens ; more in peace then in war ; so that there is no more hopes of being at quiet , but what the surety of hostages , or the diminution of her forces can give . this being so in respect of all princes and states in general , what may the protestant princes and states in particular think , but that it is the design of france to ruine them all , and to make no stop till she has devoured them . every body knows , that the protestant princes understand their interests well enough , to be able to discern them through the clouds , wherewith they would cover them ; and 't is not doubted but they see , that this is a beginning or essay , which france expects shortly to give the last stroak to . the court there has suffer'd it self to be possess'd with gross bigotry , and a false zeal of catholicism . 't is the genius a ▪ la mode ; each there is become a persecutor , even to fire and sword ; and there are some perswaded , that this shall weigh down the ballance . vain glory is no small ingredient in this design , policy has her prospects , and mysteries in it too ; and as these prospects have no bounds , so her mysteries want not invisible springs , and surprising ways , which she will joyn when she pleases to the power of arms. she thinks the season is ripe , and she needs only to dare . the easiness she has found in making conquests and conversions swells her courage , and already some talk of nothing but a further progress in so fair a way . 't is to be hoped that protestant princes and states will from thence draw their just conclusions . as to catholick princes and states , they have too sagacious judgments , not to see how much they share in this affair . it will be made use of to break the good understanding which is betwixt them and the protestants , by amusing those with the fair pretext of the catholick religion , and cunningly inspiring these with jealousies of a general design to destroy them . if the catholick princes and states remove not these suspitions , if they suffer france still to aggrandize her self by her pretended zeal for catholicism , which at the bottom is but a mask , they may already be assured , that they are lost . it will signifie little to say , we are good catholicks as well as you , this will not secure them from dragoons , all that will not take the yoke shall be hereticks ; nay , worse than an heretick ; for now the greatest heresie is not to submit ; spain , germany and italy already know this in some measure . but it will not be thought a paradox , if , to all that we have said , we add , that the pope himself , and the whole body of the roman church , find themselves sensibly interess'd in the persecution of us . and yet we will say nothing herein , but what is evident truth , and which the wisest of the roman catholicks must agree to . for is it not the worst character that can be given of the roman clergy , to represent them as an order of men , who not only cannot endure any thing that is not subject to them in a religious , but also in civil society ; as men that are not content to anathematize all that displease them , but design nothing so much as to exterminate them , not only to exterminate them , but also to force their consciences , and inspire their opinions ; and propagate their way of worship by the knocking arguments of swords and staves ; as an order of men , who neither faith nor justice , who promise only to deceive , who for a while curb their fury only , that afterwards they may the more insult , that in peace as well as war , contrive only to overturn and destroy , that make allyances only to surprize , and finding themselves more powerful , deny those they have surprized the liberty to escape . these are the exact features and colours by which the roman clergy may be easily known , if we judge of them by the persecution in france , the like whereof was never seen to this day : the aegyptians and assyrians once persecuted the israelites , but forced them not to embrace the worship of their idols ; they contented themselves with making them slaves , without doing violence to their consciences . the heathens and the jews persecuted the primitive christians , forced their consciences indeed , but they had never granted them an edict , nor by persecuting them did violate the publick faith , nor hindred them to make their escape by flight . the arrians cruelly persecuted the orthodox , but besides that , they went not so far , as to make the common sort of people sign formal abjurations ; there was no edict or concordat between the two communions . innocent the d. by his croysades , persecuted the waldenses , and albigenses , but these people also had no edict . emanuel , king of portugal , furiously persecuted the jews , but he gave them leave to depart out of his kingdom , and they had no edict . it was the same with those remains of the moors , who had setled themselves in some cantons of the kingdom of granada , they were defeated in a war , and commanded to retire into the country from whence their ancestors came . in the last age the duke of alva exercised dreadful cruelties upon the protestants of the seventeen provinces , but he did not hinder them from flying , nor violated any edict ; and at the worst , death was their release . the inquisition is to this day in spain and italy , but they are countries , in which no religion , besides the roman , was ever permitted by edicts , and if the inquisitors may be accused of violence and cruelty , yet they cannot be convicted of perfidiousness . but in this last persecution of france , there are five things that strike the mind with horror ; they make the consciences and religion of men to depend soveraignly upon the will of a king , they violate a faith authentickly sworn to , they force men to be hypocrites , and wicked , by seeming to embrace a religion which they abhor ; they prohibit all flights or retiring out of the kingdom ; they do not put to death , but preserve life to oppress it with longer torments . if after this the court of rome and its clergy , dispersed over the rest of europe , disclaim not so odious and so criminal a conduct ; if they condemn it not , it will be an indelibel stain to the honour of their religion . not only protestants , who are of a different communion , but also in an infinite number of their own catholicks , will be mightily scandaliz'd thereat : nay , even the turks and jews and pagans will rise up in judgment against them . they may already know what they have bin condemned of , in what passed in the council of constance , concerning john huss , and jerom of prague , whom they put to death , notwithstanding the safe conduct of the emperor sigismund ; but there is something greater here : there only two men were concerned , here more than . those they put to death , and if they had done the same to these , they would have embraced their death with joy and comfort . the council thought its authority greater than sigismund's , but there cannot be produced one above that which has establish'd our edict . we are not ignorant of the different methods which the persecutors take to shelter themselves from publick condemnation . some take a speedy course to deny the fact ; and to perswade the world ; that force and violence have had no share in the conversions , but that they were soft , and calm , and voluntary ; and that if there were any dragoons concerned therein , 't was because the reformed themselves desired them , that they might have a handsom pretence to change their religion . was there ever seen so much impudence ? what will they not deny , who can deny what 's done in the face of the sun , and what a whole kingdom from one end of it to the other hath seen , and to this day sees ? for in the beginning of the year . whilst i am composing this sad rehearsal , they continue to exercise in france the same rage , that ended the preceding year , the same dragoons both in cities and countries execute the same fury against some lamentable remains of protestants , who will not fall down and worship . they are used like rebels in their persons , in their estates , in their wives , and in their children ; and if there be any difference , 't is in this that their sufferings are still increasing . yet if we will believe the clergy , haranguing the king , and the bishop of valence their speaker , he tells his majesty how miraculous his reign is , seeing such infinite number of conversions are made to the roman church , without violences and arms ; much less , saith he , by the force of your edicts , as by the example of your exemplary piety . if we will believe the greatest part of the abjurations which these poor opprest people , are forc'd to make , they speak indeed the same sence , viz. that they have done this without being constrain'd thereto . thus is the credulity of the publick impos'd on : they have seeds of imposture sown at their feet , which are to grow with the time . posterity who shall see these records , will belive they contain the truth ; here , say they , is what has bin told the king , who must not have falshoods offer'd him : here is the proper acts and deeds of those that were converted . why will not then posterity believe it , seeing that at present , there are indeed people impudent enough , or to speak better , paid well enough to publish it in strange countries ; and there are found credible persons enough to believe it . but i pray what likelihood is there , that persons already gone out of france , without any thing constraining them to it , should leave their houses , their lands of inheritance , their effects , and several their wives and children , for to wander about the world , and lead a miserable life for a humour . is there any likelihood , that persons of quality of both sexes , who enjoyed , , , thousand livers per annum , would abandon these their estates , not only for themselves , but for their successors ; expose themselves to the periss , and incommodiousness of long journies , and reduce themselves in a manner to beggary ; which is a condition the most insupportable in the world , to persons of quality ; and all this without any reason , without any occasion ? what likelihood that this thousand persons who have already escap'd , some of 'em into switzerland , others into germany , some into denmark , others into holland , some into suedeland , and others into england , and some into america , without seeing or knowing one another , yet have agreed to tell the same lie , and to say with one voice , that the protestants are cruelly persecuted in france ; and that by unheard of severities they are forc'd to change their religion ; altho' there is no such matter ? is it likely that the embassadors and envoys of foreign princes , should lye all of them in consórt , in telling them this news , wherein there is no truth ? but i pray , if in france the protestants thus voluntarily , and without constraint change their religion , & that the dragoons are cal'd in only as their good friends , whence happens this so strict & general guard on the frontiers , to hinder peoples departure ? how is it that the prisons of the kingdom are cram'd , with fugitives stopt by the way ? whence is it , that those who have chang'd , are watch'd with such great care to hinder their flight ; to the obliging them to deposit sums of money to secure them from the suspition of it ? this must be an epidemical distemper that has seiz'd on his majesties subjects , that shall make them fly thus without reason ? but is not this a fine cover , to say that the protestants have themselves call'd in the dragoons , to have the better pretence to change their religion ? it is about or more years since there was a bankset up to traffick for souls . mr. pelison , has for a long time bin the great dealer of paris , in this infamous trade of purchasing converts . these conversions have of late , bin the only way of gaining applause , and recompences at court , and in a word , a means of raising ones fortune ; and yet we must be told , that instead of being converted by these easie ways , we had rather choose the help of dragoons , that is , of being pillag'd . at least let any one tell us , why since these pretended voluntary conversions , the people not willing to go to mass , they have bin obliged to send them troops , and use them with the same severity as before . this is so gross and palpable an untruth , that others have undertaken to defend these violences , as being naturally of the genuine spirit of the catholick church ; and for this purpose , they have continually in their mouths that passage of the gospel , compelle intrare , compel them to come in , and the persecution which the orthodox of africk offer'd the donatists , &c. were this a place to dispute against these furious divines , we could easily show 'em the vanity of these allegations ; but we shall rather ask 'em , whether the jews and pagans had agreed upon an edict with the apostles , when our saviour says to them , compel them to come in . has st. augustin ever written , for he is cited in this matter , that we ought to be perfidious towards those whom we esteem as hereticks , when we promis'd to live with 'em like brethren and fellow citizens . the donatists , had they any edicts which would shelter 'em from the insults of the orthodox ? if we yield to this detestable divinity , what will become of all us christians ? for in short , the papist is as much an heretick to the protestants , as the protestants are to the papist ; yet they live together in peace , on the faith of alliances , treaties and promises . but these publick pests as much as in them lies have brought all things into confusion , and a state of war. they arm the catholicks against the protestants , teaching the catholicks by this example , that their religion obliges him to betray and surprise the protestants , when they can do it unpunish'd ; and knock ●ut their brains if they will not change their religion . they arm the protestant against the catholick ; for after all , what peace , and society can we have with people , who not only make no conscience to break their faith ; but on the contrary , make it a case of conscience to break it , when they shall find occasion . thus have they by their dragoons desolated a kingdom , and plunder'd above a thousand families . do we think this method , is pleasing to him , whom we both own to be the author of our faith ; he has said , that he will not suffer hell gates to ruine his church ; but he has not said , he will open hell gates for the propagating his church . now if there were any thing that looks like the gates of hell , it is the persecutions of france . whatsoever antipathy there may be between the see of rome and us , we will not believe that the present pope has had any part , or that the storm has fallen on us from him . we know he is a mild prince , and his temper leads to more moderate councils than those of his predecessors . moreover we know , the clergy of france do not always consult him in what they undertake ; and we have had often offered to us , what has bin done against rome , to induce us to submit our selves to the king's will in these other matters ; and how small a deference is paid to its authority . so that we hope the pope himself , considering us still as men and christians , will condole us , and blame the methods used against us , had he no other reason than the interest of religion . perhaps one day , it will be our turn to blame that which will be taken against him . however , 't is certain the protestants of france are the most fit objects of publick compassion , the world ever knew . some sigh and lament under a hard slavery , which they would willingly change for irons in algiers or turke . for there they would not be forced to turn mahometans , and might still entertain some hopes of liberty by the way of rans●m ▪ others are wandering about strange countries , stript of their estates , separated in all probability , for ever from their parents , their relations and friends , whom they have left in the most doleful condition imaginable husbands have left their wives , and wives their husbands ; fathers their children , and children their fathers . we have seen our estates vanish in a moment , our honest ways of living , our hopes , our inheritances . we have scarcely any thing left us but our miserable lives , and they are supported by the charity of our christian brethren . yet amongst all these afflictions we are not destitute of comfort ; we , if ever any did , do truly suffer for conscience sake ; the malice of our persecutors not being able to charge us with the least misdemeanour . we have served our king and the state with zeal and faithfulness . we have submitted to the laws and to magistrates ; and for our fellow-citizens , they have no reason to complain of us . we have for twenty years together suffered with an unexemplary patience all those furious and dreadful storms aforementioned . and when in vivaretz and cevennes , some have thought themselves bound in conscience to preach on the ruines of their temples illegally demolisht , their small number , which were but a handful of men , women and children , has only served to stir up more the resignation and obedience of our whole body . in these latter storms we have been like sheep , innocent and without defence . we then comfort our selves in the justice of our cause , and our peaceable deportment under it . but we comfort our selves likewise in the christian compassion shewed us by forrein princes , and more especially of his majesty of england , who has received us into his countries , succoured and relieved us , and recommended our distressed condition to all his subjects ; and we have found in them not only new masters , or the affections of new friends , but of real parents and brethren . and as these bowels of commiseration have been as balm to our wounds , so we shall never lose the remembrance of it , and hope we nor our children shall ever do any thing , by gods grace , unworthy any of these their protections . all our affliction then is , to see our religion oppressed in the kingdom of france ; so many churches wherein god was daily served according to the simplicity of the gospel , demolished , so many flocks dispers'd , so many poor consciences sighing and groaning under their bondage ; so many children deprived of the lawful education of their parent ; but we hope that at length the same god who heard heretofore the sighs of his people in the servitude of egypt , will also hear at this time the cries of his faithful servants . we call not for fire from heaven , we are for no resistance , we only pray that god would touch the hearts of our persecuters , that they may repent , and be saved together with us . we entreat such a deliverance , as he in his wisdom shall think fitting . however 't will be no offence to god nor good men to leave this writing to the world , as a protestation made before him , and them against these violences ; more especially against the edict of . containing the revocation of that of nants , it being in its own nature inviolable , irrevocable , and unalterable . we may , i say , complain amongst other things against the worse than inhumane cruelties exercised on dead bodies , when they are drag'd along the streets at the horse tayls , and dig'd out , and denyed sepulchers . we cannot but complain of the cruel orders to part with our children , and suffer them to be baptized , and brought up by our enemies . but above all , against the impious and detestable practise , now in vogue , of making religion to depend on the kings pleasure , on the will of a mortal prince , and of treating perseverance in the faith with the odious name of rebellion : this is to make a god of man , and to run back into the heathenish pride and flattery amongst the romans ; or an authorising of atheism or gross idolatry . in fine , we commit our complaints , and all our interests into the hands of that providence , which brings good out of evil , and which is above the understanding of mortals , whose houses are in the dust . an edict of the french king , prohibiting all publick exercise of the pretended reformed religion in his kingdom . lewes , by the grace of god , king of france and of navarre , to all present and to come , greeting . king henry the great , our grandfather of glorious memory , desiring to prevent , that the peace which he had procured for his subjects , after the great losses they had sustained , by the long continuance of civil and forreign wars , might not be disturbed by occasion of the pretended reformed religion , as it had been during the reigns of the kings his predecessors , had by his edict given at nantes , in the month of april , . regulated the conduct which was to be observed with respect to those of the said religion , the places where they might publickly exercise the same , appointed extraordinary judges , to administer justice to them ; and lastly , also by several distinct articles provided for every thing , which he judged needful for the maintenance of peace and tranquility in his kingdom , and to diminish the aversion which was between those of the one and other religion ; and this , to the end that he might be in a better condition for the taking some effectual course ( which he was resolved to do ) to reunite those again to the church , who upon so slight occasions had withdrawn themselves from it . and forasmuch as this intention of the king , our said grandfather , could not be effected , by reason of his suddain and precipitated death ; and that the execution of the foresaid edict was interrupted during the minority of the late king , our most honoured lord and father , of glorious memory , by reason of some new enter-prises of those of the pretended reformed religion , whereby they gave occasion for their being deprived of several advantages which had been granted to them , by the foresaid edict : notwithstanding , the king , our said late lord and father , according to his wonted clemency , granted them another edict at nismes , in the month of july , by means of which the peace and quiet of the kingdom being now again re-established , the said late king , being animated with the same spirit and zeal for religion , as the king our said grandfather was , resolved to make good use of this tranquility , by endeavouring to put this pious design in execution , but wars abroad , coming on a few years after , so that from the year , to the truce which was concluded with the princes of europe , in . the kingdom having been only for some short intervals altogether free from troubles , it was not possible to do any other thing for the advantage of religion , save only to diminish the number of places permitted for the exercise of the pretended reformed religion , as well by the interdiction of those which were found erected in prejudice to the disposal made in the said edict , as by suppressing the mix'd chambers of judicature , which were composed of an equal number of papists and protestants , the erecting of which was only done by provision , and to serve the present exigency . whereas therefore at length it hath pleased god to grant , that our subjects enjoying a perfect peace , and we our selves being no longer taken up with the cares of protecting them against our enemies , are now in a condition to make good use of the said truce , which we have on purpose facilitated , in order to the applying our selves entirely in the searching out of means , which might successfully effect and accomplish the design of the kings , our said grandfather and father , and which also have been our intention ever since we came to the crown ; we see at present ( not without a just acknowledgment of what we owe to god on that account ) that our endeavours have attain'd the end we proposed to our selves , forasmuch as the greater and better part of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion have already embraced the catholick , and sice by means thereof , the execution of the edict of nantes , and of all other ordinances in favour of the said pretended reformed religion is made useless , we judge that we can do nothing better towards the entire effacing of the memory of those troubles , confusion and mischief , which the progress of that false religion , hath been the cause of in our kingdom , and which have given occasion to the said edict , and to so many other edicts and declarations which went before it , or were made since with reference thereto , than by a total revocation of the said edict of nantes , and the perticular articles and concessions granted therein , and whatsoever else hath been enacted since in favour of the said religion . i. we m●k● known , that we , for these and other reasons us thereto moving , and of u●certain knowledg , full power and royal authority , have by the present perpetual and irrevocable edict , suppressd and annull'd , do suppress and annul the edict of the king , our said grand father , given at nantes in april , in its whole extent , together with the particular arcicles ratified the second of may , next following , and letters patent granted thereupon ; as likewise the edict given at nismes , in july . declaring them null and void , as if they had never been enacted , together with all the concessions granted in them , as well as other declarations , edicts , and arrests , to those of the pretended reformed religion , of what nature soever they may be , which shall all continue as if they never had been . and in pursuance hereof , we will , and it is our pleasure , that all the churches of those of the pretended reformed religion , scituate in our kingdom countries , lands , and dominions belonging to us , be forthwith demolished . ii. we forbid our subjects of the pretended reformed religion to assemble themselves , for time to come , in order to the exercise of their religion , in any place or house under what pretext soever , whether the said places have been granted by the crown , or permitted by the judges of particular places ; any arrests of our council , for authorizing and establishing of the said places for exercise , notwithstanding . iii. we likewise prohibit all lords , of what condition soever they may be , to have any publick exercise in their houses and fiefs , of what quality soever the said fiefs may be , upon penalty to all our said subjects , who shall have the said exercises performed in their houses or otherwise , of confiscation of body and goods . iv. we do strictly charge and command all ministers of the said pretended reformed religion , who are not willing to be converted , and to embrace the catholick apostolick and roman religion , to depart out of our kingdom and countries under our obedience , fifteen days after the publication hereof , so as not to continue there beyond the said term , or within the same , to preach , exhort , or perform any other ministerial function , upon pain of being sent to the galleys . v. our will and pleasure is , that those ministers who shall be converted , do continue to enjoy , during their lives , and their widows after their decease , so long as they continue so , the same exemptions from payments and quartering of souldiers , which they did enjoy during the time of their exercise of the ministerial function . moreover we will cause to be paid to the said ministers , during their lives a pension , which by a third part shall exceed the appointed allowance to them as ministers ; the half of which pension shall be continued to their wives , after their decease , as long as they shall continue in the state of widdow hood . vi. and in case any of the said ministers shall be willing to become advocates , or to take the degree of doctors in law , we will and vnderstand that they be dispensedwith , as to the three years of study , which are prescribed by our declarations , as requisite , in order to the taking of the said degree , and that after they have pass'd the ordinary examinations , they be forthwith received as doctors , paying only the moy●ty of those dues which are usually paid upon that account in every vniversity . vii . we prohibit any particular schools for instructing the children of those of the pretended reformed religion , and in general all other things whatsoever , which may imp●rt a concession of what kind soever , in favour of the said religion . viii . and as to the children which shall for the future be born of those of the said pretended reformed religion , our will and pleasure is , that henceforward they be baptized by the curates of our parishes ; strictly charging their respective fathers and mothers to take care they be sent to church in order thereto , upon forfeiture of livres or more , as it shall happen . furthermore , our will is , that the said children be afterwards educated and brought up in the catholick , apostolick and roman religion , and give an express charge to all our justices , to take care the same be performed accordingly . ix . and for a mark of our clemenctowards those of our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , who have retired themselves out of our kingdom , countries and territories , before the publication of this our present edict , our will and meaning is , that in case they return thither again , within the time of four months , from the time of the publication hereof they may , and it shall be lawful for them , to re-enter upon the possession of their goods and estates , and enjoy the same in like manner , as they might have done in case they had always continued upon the place . and on the contrary , that the goods of all those , who within the said time of four months , shall not return into our kingdom , countries or territories , under our obedience , which they have forsaken , remain and be confiscated in pursuance of our declaration of the th . of august last . x. we most expresly and strictly forbid all our subjects of the said pretended reformed religion , them , their wives or children , to depart out of our said kingdom , countries , or territories under our obedience , or to transport thence their goods or effects , upon penalty of the gally , for men , and of confiscation of body and goods for women . xi . our will and meaning is , that the declarations made against those who shall relapse , be executed upon them according t● their form and tenor. moreover , those of the said pretended reformed religion , in the meantime , till it shall please god to enlighten them as well as others , may abide in the several respective cities and places of our kingdoms , countries and territories under our obedience , and there continue their commerce , and enjoy their goods and estates , without being any way molested upon account of the said pretended reformed religion , upon condition nevertheless , as aforementioned , that they do not use any publick religious exercise , nor assemble themselves upon the account of prayer or worship of the said religion , of what kind soever the same may be , upon forfeiture above specified of body and goods . accordingly , we will and command our trusty and beloved counsellors , the people holding our courts of aids at paris , bayliffs , chief justices , provosts , and other our justices and officers to whom it appertains , and to their lieutenants , that they cause to be read , published and registred , this our present edict in their courts and jurisdictions , even in vacation time , and the same keep punctually , without contravening or suffering the same to be contravened ; for such is our will and pleasure . and to the end to make it a thing firm and stable , we have caused our seal to be put to the same . given at fountainbleau in the month of october , in the year of grace , and of our reign the . sealed with the great seal of green-wax , upon a red and green string of silk . signed lewes . this signifies the lord chancellors perusal . visa . le tellier . registred and published , the kings procurator or attorney general , requiring it , in order to their being executed according to form and tenor , and the copies being examined and compared , sent to the several courts of justice , bailywicks , and sheriffs courts of each destrict , to be there entred and registred in like manner , and charge given to the deputies of the said attorney general , to take care to see the same executed and put in force , and to certifie the court thereof . at paris in the court of vacations the d . of october , . signed de la baune . the profession of the catholick , apostolick , and roman faith , which the revolting protestants in france are to subscribe and swear to . in the name of the father , son , and holy ghost , amen . i believe and confess with a firm faith , all and every thing and things contained in the creed which is used by the holy church of rome , viz i receive and embrace most sincerely the apostolick and ecclesiastical traditions , and other observances of the said church . in like manner i receive the scriptures , but in the same sense as the said mother church hath , and doth now understand and expound the same , for whom and to whom it only doth belong to judge of the interpretation of the sacred scriptures ; and i will never take them , nor understand them otherwise than according to the unanimous consent of the fathers . i profess that there be truly and properly seven sacraments of the new law , instituted by our lord jesus christ , and necessary for the salvation of mankind , altho not equally needful for every one , viz. baptism , confirmation , the eucharist , penance , extream unction , orders and marriage ; and that they do confer grace ; and that baptism and orders may not be reiterated without sacriledge : i receive and admit also the ceremonies received and approved by the catholic church in the solemn administration of the forementioned sacraments . i receive and embrace all and every thing and things which have been determined concerning original sin and justification by the holy council of trent . i likewise profess , that in the mass there is offered up to god , a true , proper , and propitiatory sacrifice for the living and dead ; and that in the holy sacrament of the encharist , there is truly , really and substantially , the body and blood , together with the soul and divinity of our lord jesus christ ; and that in it there is made a change of the whole substance of the bread into his body , and of the whole substance of the wine into his blood , which change the catholick church calls transubstantiation . i confess also , that under one only of these two elements , whole christ and the true sacrament is received . i constantly believe and affirm , that there is a purgatory , and that the souls there detained , are relieved by the suffrages of the faithful . in like manner , i believe that the saints reigning in glory with jesus christ , are to be worshipped and invocated by us , and that they offer up prayers to god for us , and that their reliques ought to be honoured . moreover , i do most stedfastly avow , that the images of jesus christ , of the blessed virgin the mother of god , and of other saints , ought to be kept and retained , and that due honour and veneration must be yielded unto them . also i do affirm , that the power of indulgence was left to the church by christ jesus , and that the use there of is very beneficial to christians . i do acknowledg the holy catholick , apostolick and roman church , to be the mother and mistress of all other churches ; and i profess and swear true obedience to the pope of rome , successor of the blessed st. peter , prince of the apostles , and vicar of jesus christ . in like manner i own and profess , without doubting , all other things left defined and declared by the holy canons and general councils , especially by the most holy council of trent ; and withal , i do condemn , reject , and hold for accursed , all things that are contrary thereto ; and all those heresies which have been condemned , rejected , and accursed by the church . and then swearing upon the book of the gospel , the party recanting must say : i promise , vow and swear , and most constantly profess , by god's assistance , to keep intirely and inviolably , unto death , this self same catholick and apostolick faith , out of which no person can be saved ; and this i do most truly and willingly profess , and that i will to the utmost of my power , endeavour that it may be maintained and upheld as far as any ways belong to my charge ; so help me god and the holy virgin. the certificate which the party recanting is to leave with the priest , before whom he makes his abjuration . in. n. of the parish of n. do certifie all whom it may concern , that having acknowledged the falseness of the pretended reformed , and the truth of the catholick religion , of my own free-will , without any compulsion , i have accordingly made profession of the said catholick and roman religion in the church of n. in the hands of n. n. in testimony of the truth whereof , i have signed this act in the presence of the witnesses , whose names are under written , this — day of the month of the — year of the reign of our soveraign lord the king , and of our redemption — finis . popish treachery, or, a short and new account of the horrid cruelties exercised on the protestants in france being a true prospect of what is to be expected from the most solemn promises of roman catholick princes / in a letter from a gentleman of that nation, to one in england, and by him made english. gentleman of that nation. approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng persecution -- france. protestants -- france. - tcp assigned for keying and markup - aptara keyed and coded from proquest page images - elspeth healey sampled and proofread - elspeth healey text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion licensed and entred according to order . popish treachery : or , a short and new account of the horrid cruelties exercised on the protestants in france . being a true prospect of what is to be expected from the most solemn promises of roman catholick princes . in a letter from a gentleman of that nation , to one in england , and by him made english . london : printed and are to be sold by richard baldwin , in the old-baily . mdclxxxix . popish treachery : or , a short and new account of the horrid cruelties exercised in france , &c. the preface . it is not long since this letter was writ to me by a french gentleman , at my request , and for my particular satisfaction ; who as he is a person of much worth and integrity , and has been an eye-witness of most of the things whereof he speaks , so the readier faith and greater credit ought to be given to them . but his testimony alone need not to be rely'd on for the matters of fact he here relates , there are thousands of other french protestants , now in england , that confirm the truth of all ; and who having felt the smart of a severe persecution in france , are fled from thence to avoid the extream fury and insupportable violence thereof . now the unquestionable evidence i have for the certainty of what is advanced in the following account , and the desire of many to see it published in english , has made me consent so to expose it , hoping it may give some seasonable information , and satisfaction , to our people . for though most of them may have heard much talk of a persecution in france , and have generously and bountifully contributed their charity towards the relief of those miserable persecuted french protestants , who are come hither for refuge and succour , yet i have reason to believe that very few of them know any thing of the cruel manner wherewith the barbarous and inhuman papists have pursued that persecution ; this is what they will find set down in short , in the little relation here presented to them ; and they may there see a notorious example of the base treachery of popery , and of the cruelties which it holds , as a point of religion , to make protestants suffer ; over whom it pretends to have a soveraign and absolute dominion . so this little history not being perplex'd and embarressed with numerous and tedious circumstances , all sorts of people may thereby easily inform themselves of this persecution , as much as we ordinarily desire to know of such events . and besides that charity of our poor persecuted brethren and fellow protestants makes us concern'd therein , as being equally objects of the hatred and oppression of popery , so it may serve to prompt us to some reflections for our own interest : nam tua res agitur parces cum proximus ardet . when our neighbours house is on fire , it behooves us to take care of our own , and to use all lawful and convenient means to preserve it from the rage and fury of a merciless enemy . such has popery ever been to protestants , and from it , good lord still deliver england . ppoish treachery : or , a short and new account of the horrid crvelties exercised on the protestants in france , &c. sir , i cannot but wonder , as well as you , that no history of the persecution of the french protestants , has yet appeared in your language : 't is to be wished it were well known to all people of the reformed religion , that they might there see popery in its true colours , and be taught by that great example , to understand , that the promises it makes , are but lyes and snares , to deceive the honest faith and good nature of other men. they would there see , likewise , how by little and little it advanceth its affairs , still swearing that it has no design to proceed any further ; and how it , at length , adds inhumanity to perfidiousness , when it has once got to be uppermost : but we had enough to convince us of the treacherous and bloody spirit of popery , without the history of this late persecution . the massacre of the waldenses so often reiterated : the general massacre of the protestants all over europe , in the beginning of the reformation : the persecution and massacre of the low-countries , under philip the second : the massacre of st. bartholomew in france : the gun-powder treason in england : the massacre of ireland : the last persecution of hungary ; and the late one of the valleys of piedmont , shew sufficiently , how that communion thirsts after the blood of men , and is ingenious in satiating it self therewith , from time to time . however , sir , since you desire it , i will here draw you a short scheme of that great persecution , which ought to be an eternal advertisement to all protestants in the world , that popery spares neither oaths nor promises to delude them , and sticks at no frauds nor violences to obliterate them totally , if it were possible , from off the face the earth . and this relation i am now going to make you , will be so much the more faithful , as that i shall say nothing therein , but what my own eyes have seen , or what i other ways know for certain truth . the protestants of france , liv'd under the faith of many edicts , which promised them liberty of conscience , and equal priviledges with the rest of the french ; the most considerable of their edicts was that of nantes . henry the fourth , grandfather of his present majesty , having by their assistance and fidelity , put an end to the league which the papists had made , to hinder him from getting into the throne , was desirous to recompence the blood and lives which the hugonots had expended for his service ; and he did it by that famous edict which gave them the same priviledges as his other subjects enjoy'd , and he granted it to them , and to their posterity , for ever , under the title of perpetval and irrevocable ; so it was , as a law of the state , which was confirm'd by the kings , at their coming to the crown , and has been expressly so , by many edicts of lewis the th , and of lewis the th , now reigning . when this king came to the crown , he was very young ; the prince of conde stirr'd up civil wars to ravish it from him , and the greatest part of the papists sided with him , but the protestants were all of a constant and uncorrupted fidelity to their soveraign , so that they made all the prince's designs prove abortive , and preserv'd the scepter to him that yet bears it . after which , he gave them a publick declaration of his acknowledgment , and assur'd them of his favour and protection , during his whole reign ; but at the same time that he gave this publick declaration , and a thousand other private ones to particulalar persons , he even then began to form a design of ruining those who had saved him : he made reflection , that since , by their means , he had been settled in his throne , they might , in an other occasion , shake him out of it ; and upon this reflection it was that he resolved to ruine them , as he has in effect done . at first , he began with retrenching , by degrees , all the hugonots from his house , who had any imployment therein , and the which he had given them as a recompence of their faithful service to him ; insomuch , that in a short time , there was not a souldier in his whole guards , but what was of his own religion : merit was no longer consider'd in their persons ; he no more advanc'd any of them to the places of trust in the kingdom ; he put out those he had formerly preferred thereto ; and he set forth divers declarations , prohibiting them all kind of offices , arts and trades , so that none but papists could exercise , or profess any ; by which means , vast numbers of protestants were reduc'd to inevitable misery . he took their colledges and schools away from them , so that they had no master of their religion , to teach their children either to read or write . when he had done that , he then sent troops of missionaries into all the towns , to gain , as many as they could , by cunning tricks , or price of money ; and 't was a strange thing to see the shameful commerce this people made , of buying those whom extream poverty oblig'd to sell themselves . the misery was so great in some places , that they were forc'd to turn papists ; sometimes for ten crowns , sometimes for five , sometimes for two , sometimes for a great deal less . these missionaries walk'd about , every where , with baggs of money in their hands , and for the space of two years together , one saw hardly any other traders stirring up and down the kingdom , but these dealers for the souls of men , who bought them according to their profession , and the number of their families . at the same time , pensions , or imployments were given to those , of any consideration , who would turn papists . the king , by a declaration , gave liberty to children , at seven years of age , to choose a religion ; and the fathers of such children as became papists , were forced to give them yearly pensions , and always more than what they were well able ; by which means they seduced abundance of the younger sort , bringing mourning and desolation into many families , which for the most part of the time they utterly ruin'd . after this , they forbad their minister to speak any thing of controversie , or of what pass'd against them ; upon which prohibition , and divers others of the like nature , they daily made them say things that had never entred into their thoughts : they hired false witnesses to depose against them , who were often reduc'd to avow their lying testimonies ; and 't was frequently prov'd too , the priests , and others , had suborn'd them . but as their ruine was absolutely sworn , so nothing satisfy'd them ; their estates were confiscated , their persons cast into prison , banish'd , or condemn'd to some other shameful disgrace . there was no safety for any , they found ways to bring the most moderate into trouble , and especially , to destroy those who were capable of giving some good example to others . these are the degrees of the desolations of this people , and of the tears they have been made to shed for about twenty five years last past ; during which time , no body possess'd in peace what they had , and every one were in perpetual inquietudes for themselves , and for their children . but these were only the beginnings of their misery , and the essays of popish fury and perfidiousness : whilst on one hand they persecuted some , they assured others that the king had no design against their liberty . in almost all the edicts which his majesty set forth , he inserted some article to lull them asleep : he said , that not one tittle of the edict of nantes should be violated : and he insinuated , that his intention was only to interdict the religion , and to stop there . the elector of brandenburgh having had the bounty to intercede for them , the king of france gave him an answer , that is to be seen in many of the protestants writings ; by which he assur'd his highness , that so long as he liv'd , no wrong should be done to his subjects of the reform'd religion ; that he acknowledged them for good ones , and would maintain them in all their priviledges . in the mean time , he had taken from them many of these priviledges ; and what is remarkable at the same time that he wrote this letter to his highness of brandenburgh , he in the very self same instant caused many of their temples to be demolish'd , and others to be shut up ; put the ministers into prison ; oppressed private persons with heavy injustices ; and made those to mourn bitterly whom he said he would protect . he began a thing too , which had never been heard of in any age , not even in the savagest nations , or the most remote from christianity ; that is , he made children to be taken from their fathers and mothers , and to be put into convents , with a strict charge not to let their parents see them , not excepting even persons of the highest birth , and of families to which he had obligations that ought never to have been forgotten by him . he took away seven from the duke de la force , an ancient duke and peer of the kingdom , the eldest not being then twelve years old . he did the like by all those of the count de roy , whom he had some time before permitted to go and serve the king of denmark , in quality of general of his armies . in a word , at the same time that he promised to protect the hugonots , he even then did all he could to ruine them , and there was nothing but sighs and tears amongst them : one saw every where souls afflicted to the very grave ; some bewailing the loss of their pastors and temples ; others the dispersion and ruine of their families ; others the carrying away of their children ; and others trembled for fear of the same , or of greater misfortunes . in fine , do but mark now how far their fraud and cruelty went ; that edict of nantes was revoked which they had so often promis'd , and so often sworn should be inviolably observ'd ; and this fence being quite broke down , all that great people was abandon'd to the rage and fury of the souldiers . but , what is yet more notorious , to push on the cheat as far as the fraudulent wit of man could carry it , in the very act for cessation of the forementioned edict , this king declared , that he was desirous that all people should live quietly in their families ; and that the exercise of the protestant religion being interdicted , every one might live , in his own house , as he pleas'd . but at the same time that his majesty solemnly swore this promise , he sent his armies to surprize the protestants in their towns and houses , with orders , to plunder , burn , demolish , beat , and in short , to make them suffer all manner of evils could be devis'd , death only excepted ; which in this circumstance would have been look'd on as a great happiness . the king usurp'd the throne of god , and took upon him the empire over the conscience ; and in his name whole towns were summon'd , by puissant armies , to turn papists , and upon refusal , they were abandon'd to pillage and ruine , and to the same fury as enemy towns are wont to be when taken by storm . they seiz'd on all the avenues , and brought back those to the persecutors , who had escaped out of their hands : they beat , ransack'd , violated , and made this people suffer a thousand evils , without distinction either of age , sex , or quality , from the oldest to the youngest , male and female , noble , or ignoble , all were equally at the discretion of the souldiers : blasphemies , impieties and blows , were the arguments of this infernal mission ; and one may say , without exaggeration , that hell seem'd to be let loose , and that the devils were come to preach up popery on the earth . alas ! who can reckon the tears were shed in this sad occasion ? god alone knows their number , who doubtless has counted and gather'd them all into his bosom . the air ecchoed every where with grievous lamentations ; and i think , nothing more pittiful could be heard , than the crys and groans of this people , whilst they were in the hands of their tormentors . they dragg'd many of these poor creatures into the popish churches by the feet , by the hair of the head , or by ropes tied about their necks ; they hang'd them up at the tops of rooms , or out of the windows , by their heels , or by their hands ▪ they plung'd them into deep wells , and stinking mires , with toads and serpents , where they left them according to the time of their constancy ; they lighted great fires , and roasted some till they had changed their religion ; if their patience was longer than the cruelty of their persecutors , then they basted their naked legs with scalding grease , or boyling oyl . others they made to hold red hot coals in their hands ; burnt the soals of their feet ; tore the hair from their beards , and the nails from their fingers , and toes by the very roots ; larded their flesh all over with pins , and thrash'd them with sticks till they left them for dead . if they were sick , they beat drums , and sounded trumpets , night and day , in their ears , for 't was a general rule to hinder them from sleeping , and to set them in different postures ; sometimes standing upon one leg , holding up a hand in the air ; sometimes down on their knees , doing the like , &c. if they changed postures , through weariness , then they pinch'd and cudgell'd them till they were black and blue . sometimes they tied all the people of a family in a room together , and in sight of one another , they beat and bruis'd the men , and made the women suffer a thousand indignities . they would often carry them separately into chambers , to torment them , but so as they might hear each others crys ; and every one in suffering , suffer'd for themselves , and for the rest of their family , which they either saw in torments , or heard the crys thereof . in short , let any man but fancy to himself , what vast numbers of soulders , brutal , and let loose , are capable to invent and act in all manner of mischief and cruelty , and he will have an idea of the method whereby the protestants of france have been taught to become papists . o tempora ! o mores ! this great fury made those that could save themselves , fly into the woods , mountains and caves ; they wandred in the fields , exposed to all the injuries of the air , not having wherewith to live , or to cover themselves ; and not daring to stir but in the night , for fear of falling into the hands of their enemies , old and young , men and women , all wandred in the desarts ; and all these were but some members of sad families , fathers without children , and children without fathers ; wives without their husbands , and husbands without their wives ; a doleful spectacle , no doubt , to the eyes of men. but this is not all , the fury was so excessive that the sea-ports were every where shut for to hinder their flight , and above souldiers imployed to stop their passage on the frontiers , besides all the peasants whom they had made , and the priests enjoyn'd , to take up arms against them ; so that it was by great good providence , if any could save themselves amidst so many obstacles : and i don't believe there was one in forty but what was taken , after having gone , sometimes two or three hundred leagues , with all sort of misery and difficulty . the prisons were all full of these poor fugitives , and if any of them had ever changed their religion before , they were sent to the galleys ; a punishment in france , more ignominious and cruel than any death . one saw every where , in the provinces , the chains of these confessors , which they dragg'd along from one end of the kingdom to the other : tantaene animis coelestibus irae . the women were shav'd , and carry'd away to convents ; nor were they put in there many times , till they had first been at the mercy of certain people ▪ worse than the very dragoons , and who made them suffer things that modesty and civility permit me not to name : i shall only say that they shut several of them up for many months together , with murderers and highway men , and such like cattle . some were cast into deep dungeons where they never saw day-light , and they cloath'd them with filthy raggs , taken from the noisom carkases of dead persons , which they stripp'd before their faces . but the height of all evils , and that which had never entred into the heart of the wickedest of all the men history tells us of , was the sending whole vessels full of them to the new world , to be sold to the savages there ; men and women , young and old , noble or others , all were treated equally alike . in some places they made assemblies to pray to god , and there the dragoons massacred all they could light on , burnt the houses to which the fugitives retir'd , and those poor creatures with them . some they hang'd up on trees , and others they precipitated from the tops of high rocks , and they broke those on the wheel , limb after limb , whom they called the heads of these assemblies . but it would be endless to particularize all the various tortures , and unheard of cruelties , which the papists practic'd upon the protestants in france , for to force them to abjure their religion : i will only say , that they carry'd them to all the excess of fury and inhumanity that the devils themselves were capable to inspire . so that considering this persecution in all its circumstances , it may well be reckon'd the greatest and blackest that ever was amongst christians in any age. after they had in this manner dispersed so many families , ruined so many houses , made so many tears to be shed , and caus'd a general desolation , they at length made a publick spectacle and divertisement thereof . the kings players acted for many months together in paris , a comedy , call'd , merlin dragoon ; in which the persecutors and the persecuted were the persons represented , and the court and people went in crowds to laugh and divert themselves , at the oppressions and torments which the protestants had suffer'd ; and by this , as well as the rest , you may judge what share piety had in that vvork . now , though all these frauds , violencies and cruelties , and infinite numbers more have been acted towards the protestants of france , in the face of the sun , before millions of eye-witnesses , and are known to the greatest part of europe ; yet some are so unreasonably incredulous , that they will not be perswaded there has been any persecution in that kingdom ; and others have been so disingeniously confident , as to maintain in their oral and printed discourses , that there has been none . amongst these latter , is the bishop of meaux , monsieur varillas , father thomasin , monsieur brueis , &c. persons of great parts and learning , though of very little candour and integrity . nor indeed , is it any wonder to find such sons and champions of popery , deficient in those laudable and christian virtues ▪ since 't is very difficult , nay , almost impossible , for a man to be of the roman church , and not have his principles vitiated , and his morals depraved by her ; so different are the maxims and doctrines she imposes , from those which our saviour teacheth us in his holy gospel . but that which the ingenious author of the apolog. hist . urges , to prove the truth of the late persecution against the assertions of monsieur brueis , and the rest , seems sufficient to convince the unprejudic'd world of the reality thereof , and to invalidate those gentlemens arguments , and all other whatsoever to the contrary . above two hundred thousand persons , says he , of both sexes , of all ages , and of all conditions , the greatest part of which lived very well , at their ease , in their own houses , and many of them possess'd rich inheritances , considerable imploys , fair revenues , some to the value of three and four thousand pounds per annum . these , says he , have left all , and are most of them gone out of france , in a manner , quite naked . they have not only quitted their houses and estates , abandon'd their country , their friends , their parents , relations of all kinds , those that were nearest and dearest to them ; they have broke all the ties of nature and consanguinity , and of the most tender affection ; they have separated , if i may so say , from a part of themselves , from their own bowels . in this cruel separation , they have gone away from all they had most near and dear to them in the world , at the price of their liberties and their lives . they have done it to go and wander in unknown countries , in climates extreamly different from those where they had receiv'd their births , without having any thing certain , without hoping for any other subsistance there , than what they could gather from the charity of strangers . if this be not the effect of a violent persecution , what is then that madness which has got into the minds of all , and made them take so unparellell'd a resolution ? how has this fury communicated it self to so many people of all sorts , who lived very far asunder , and who had never known , or seen one another ? how has it gain'd , in so short a time , all the provinces of so great a kingdom as france is , and in those provinces , almost all who were , or had been of the reform'd religion , men and women , young and old , rich and poor , noble and ignoble ? let monsieur brueis now explain to us a little this unheard of prodigy , if he will perswade us that there has been no persecution in france . but whatsoever men are pleased to say , and think of it , i may with truth affirm , that above two hundred thousand of the kings most faithful subjects have voluntarily banished themselves from his kingdom to fly the persecution ; not to speak of many thousand others , persons , some of which have been condemned to the last punishments by the judges ; others have been massacred by the souldiers ; others have died in the galleys , others have been shut up in convents ; and others been embark'd and sent for america . new declarations more severe than the former are daily publish'd ; fresh orders are given for the guard of the frontiers ; the new converts are forc'd , with greater rigour than ever , to go to mass , to confess , and to receive the communion . they continue to fill the convents , prisons and galleys with confessors ; and they empty them from time to time by new embarkments for america . there where the assemblies continue , there they continue to massacre them . the dragoons perform their mission with the same zeal still ; and the judges cease not giving the same sights to the people of bodies drawn about on sledges , and cast dead upon the common highways ; and of martyrs conducted to punishment , and ending their lives by the hands of executioners . such is now the face of france : such is the concord and the union that reigns at present in this kingdom : such is the calm which the church enjoys , and that happy peace which the king has given it ; according to the style of monsieur brueis . what concord , o god! what union ! what calm ! what peace ! truly no patience is proof against the base dishonesty of this declaimer . who can suffer such like impudence ? but above all , who can without indignation read what he says in another place in the same spirit ? we see now , says he , that the wise conduct of this great prince has brought again into the church , the fairest days of christianity , &c. yes , these are , we know it but too well ; these are the fairest days , not of christianity , god forbid ! but of popery , of the roman church ; that cruel babylon , which is never so satisfied , as when she can make her self drunk with the blood of the saints and martyrs of jesus ; looks on such days , as her days of festival , as her days of triumph . so it was that she heretofore look'd on that sad and dreadful night of st. bartholomew , wherein many thousand protestants were massacred by the papists in times of peace , and in cold blood : one of her orators made the encomium thereof , with a thousand transports of admiration and joy , in a speech which he pronounced before pope gregory the xiii . o! memorable night , said he , and worthy to be ingrav'd in large characters in history , &c. that same night , i think the stars appear'd more bright and glorious than ordinary ; and the river sene had swelld its waters , that it might hurry away with a greater rapidness , the dead bodies of those impure persons , viz. of the reform'd , and discharge it self the sooner of them into the sea. o! thrice happy women , katharine , mother of the king ! &c. o! happy brothers of the king ! &c. o! day , in fine , full of joy and pleasantness , wherein you , holy father , having receiv'd this news , you assisted on foot at the processions you had order'd , for the rendring thanks for it to god , and to st. lewis , &c. what more agreeable news could have been told you ? and we , what happier beginning could we have wish'd for of your popedom ? let any one judge by these words , of the spirit of popery , and of that of her soveraign high priest ; and whether it be not the spirit of the impure and cruel babylon , rather than that of the church of jesus christ . i will now conclude , because i propos'd to my self to give you but a little abridgment , and an idea , only of this great persecution ; i doubt not but he , to whom vengeance belongs , will sooner or later revenge so many evils . lento quidem gradu divina procedit ira , sed tarditatem supplicii gravitate compensat . vengeance doth surely , tho' but slowly tread , and strikes with iron , tho' it walks with lead . you see , in this relation , the impostures and treacheries of popery , as to its oaths and promises ; to which no credit ought ever to be given , because it certainly never swears and promises , but to be perjur'd , and to break its word upon the first occasion . you likewise see here the degrees of its cruelties , and how by little and little it advances them , till it at length comes to the effusion of blood , and to open violence farewel . i am sir , your very humble and obedient servant . finis . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e apologetick hist . p p. . tome d . apologetick hist . tome d . p. . . apolog. hist . p . & , &c. murat . orat. . pro caro. a representation of the threatning dangers, impending over protestants in great brittain with an account of the arbitrary and popish ends, unto which the declaration for liberty of conscience in england, and the proclamation for a toleration in scotland, are designed. ferguson, robert, d. . approx. kb of xml-encoded text transcribed from -bit group-iv tiff page images. text creation partnership, ann arbor, mi ; 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(eebo-tcp ; phase , no. a ) transcribed from: (early english books online ; image set ) images scanned from microfilm: (early english books, - ; : ) a representation of the threatning dangers, impending over protestants in great brittain with an account of the arbitrary and popish ends, unto which the declaration for liberty of conscience in england, and the proclamation for a toleration in scotland, are designed. ferguson, robert, d. . [ ], p. s.n., [edinburgh : ] by robert ferguson. place and date of publication from wing. reproduction of the original in the harvard university library. created by converting tcp files to tei p using tcp tei.xsl, tei @ oxford. re-processed by university of nebraska-lincoln and northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. eebo-tcp is a partnership between the universities of michigan and oxford and the publisher proquest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by proquest via their early english books online (eebo) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). the general aim of eebo-tcp is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic english-language title published between and available in eebo. eebo-tcp aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the text encoding initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). the eebo-tcp project was divided into two phases. the , texts created during phase of the project have been released into the public domain as of january . anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. users should be aware of the process of creating the tcp texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. text selection was based on the new cambridge bibliography of english literature (ncbel). if an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in ncbel, then their works are eligible for inclusion. selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. in general, first editions of a works in english were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably latin and welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in oxford and michigan. % (or pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet qa standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. after proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of instances per text. any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of tcp data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a tcp editor. the texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level of the tei in libraries guidelines. copies of the texts have been issued variously as sgml (tcp schema; ascii text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable xml (tcp schema; characters represented either as utf- unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless xml (tei p , characters represented either as utf- unicode or tei g elements). keying and markup guidelines are available at the text creation partnership web site . eng protestants -- great britain -- early works to . great britain -- history -- james ii, - -- early works to . - tcp assigned for keying and markup - apex covantage keyed and coded from proquest page images - melanie sanders sampled and proofread - melanie sanders text and markup reviewed and edited - pfs batch review (qc) and xml conversion representation of the threatning dangers , impending over protestants in great brittain . with an account of the arbitrary and popish ends , unto which the declaration for liberty of conscience in england , and the proclamation for a toleration in scotland , are designed . neque enim satis amarint bonos principes , qui malos satis non oderint . plin. in panegyr . c. . sedem obtinet principis , ue sit domino locus . id . ibid. c. . tantum tibi licet , quantum per leges licebit , pacat. ad theodos. august . they are great strangers to the transactions of the world , who know not how many and various the attempts of the papists have been , both to hinder all endeavours towards a reformation , & to overthrow and subvert it where it hath obtained and prevailed . for beside the innumerable executions and murders committed by means of the inquisition to crush and stiffle the reformed religion in its rise and birth , and to prevent its succeeding and settlement in spain , italy , and many other territories ; there is no kingdom or state , where it hath so far prevailed as to come to be universally received and legally established , but it hath been through strange and wonderful conflicts with the rage and malice of the church of rome . the persecutions which the primitive christians underwent by vertu ' of the edicts of the pagan empero●s , were not more sanguinary and cruel , than what through the laws and ordinances of popish princes , have been inflicted upon those , who have testified against the heresies , superstitions , and idolatries , and have withdrawn from the communion of the papal church . nor were the martyrs that suffered for the testimony of jesus against heathenism , either more numerous or worthier of esteem for vertu ' , iustice and piety ; than they who have been slaughtered , upon no other pretence , but for endeavouring to restore the christian religion to the simplicity and purity of its divine and first institution , and to recover it from the corruptions , wherewith it was become universally tainted in doctrine , worship , and discipline . how have all the nations in europe been soak't with the blood of saints , through the barbarous rage of popish rulers , whom the roman bishops and clergy stirred up and instigated , in order to support themselves in their secular grandure , and in their tyranny over the consciences of men , and to keep the world in slavery under ignorance , errors , superstition and idolatry , which the reducing christianity again to the rule of the gospel , would have redeemed mankind from , and been an effectual means to have dissipated and subverted ? they of the roman communion , having strangely corrupted the christian religion in its faith , worship , and discipline , and having prodigiously altered it , from what it was in the doctrines and institutions of our saviour and his apostles ; they found no other way whereby to sustain their errors and corruptions , and to preserve themselves in the possession of that empire , which they had usurped over conscience , and in the enjoyment of the wealth and secular greatness , which by working upon the ignorance , superstition , lusts , and prophanness of people , they had skrewed and wound themselves into , but by adjudging all who durst detect or oppose them , to fire and sword , or to miseries , to which death in its worst shape were preferrable . nor have they for the better obstructing the growth , and compassing the extirpation of the reformed religion , omitted either the arts and subtlities of julian , or the fury and violence of gal●rius and di●cletian . whosoever hath not observed the craft and rage that have been employed and exerted against protestants for these . years , must have been very little conversant in histories , and strangely overlook't the conduct of affaires in the world , and the transactions in churches and states , during their own time . and tho the papists do not think it fit , to put their maxim's for preserving the catholick religion , and converting hereticks , in execution at all times , and in every place , yet some of their writers are so ingenuous , as to tell us the reason of it , and that they do not forbear it upon principles of christianity or good nature , but upon motives of policy and fear , lest the cutting one of our throats might endanger two of their own . however they have been careful not to suffer a period of twenty years to elapse since the beginning of the reformation , without affording us in some place or another , renewed evidences of papal charity , and of the roman method of hindring the growth of heresie , either by a massacre , war , or persecution , begun , and executed , upon no other account or provocation , but meerly that of our religion , and because we cannot believe and practice in the matters of god , as they do . and having obtained of late , great advantages for the pursuing their malice against us , more boldly and avowedly than at an other season , and that not only through a strange concurrence and conjunction of princes in the papal communion , who are more intoxicated with their superstitions and idolatries , or less wise , merciful , and humane , than some of their predecessors of that fellowship were , but through having obtained a prince intirely devoted unto them , & under the implicit guidance of their priests , to be advanced unto a throne , where such sometime used to sit , as were the terror of rome , the safeguard of the reformed religion , and the sanctuary of oppresed protestants ; they have thereupon both assumed a courage of stirring up new and unpresidented persecutions in divers places , against the most useful , best and loyallest of subjects , upon no other charge or allegation , but for dissenting from the tridentine faith , and denying subjection to the tripple crown , and are raised into a confidence of wholly extirpating protestancy , and of reestablishing the papal tyrannies and superstition , in the several countries whence they had been expelled , or stood so depressed and discountenanced , as that the votaries and partizans of their church , had not the sway and domination . nor need we any other conviction both of their design , and of their confidence of succeeding in it , than what they have already done , & continue to pursue in france , hungary and piedmont , wheretheir prospering to such a degree in their cruel and barbarous attempts , not only gives them boldness of entertaining thoughts of taking the like methods , and acting by the same measures , in all places where they find rulers at their beck , and under their influence , but to unite and provoke all popish monarchs to enter into a holy war against protestants every where , that by conquering and subduing those states and kingdoms , where the reformed religion is received and established , they may extirpate it out of the world , under the notion of the northern heresie . if principles of humanity , maxim's of interest , rules of policy , obligations of gratitude , ties of royal and princely faith , or the repeated promises , oaths , edicts , and declarations of soveraigns , could have been a security to protestants , for the profession of their faith and exercise of their worship , in the forementioned territories and dominions , they had all that could be rationally desired , for their safety and protection , in the free and open profession and practice of their religion ; whereas by a violation of all that is sacred among men , of a binding vertu unto princes ( except chains and fetters ) or that confer a right , claim , and security unto subjects , the poor protestants in those places , have been , and still are , persecuted with a rage and barbarity , which no age can parallel , and for which it is difficult to find words proper and severe enough , whereby to stamp a character of infamy , upon the treacherous , cruel , and savage authors , promoters , and instruments of it . nor do's it proceed from a malignancy of nature peculiar to the emperor , the french king , and the duke of savoy , above what is in other princes of the same communion , or that they are more regardless of fame , and less concerned how future generations will brand their memories , than other papal monarchs seem to be , that they have suffered themselves to be prevailed upon , to violate the promises and oaths they were bound by to their protestant subjects ; seeing the emperour is character'd for a person of a meek and gentle temper , and of the goodness of whose nature , thereremain some shadows interwoven with the bloody streaks of the hungarian persecution . and the french king tho he stand not much commended for sweetness and benignity of disposition , is known to be unmeasurably ambitious , of having his name transmitted to posterity in letters of greatness and honor , which his behaviour towards his subjects of the reformed religion , is no way 's adapted unto , but calculated to make him hereafter listed with nero and julian . as to the duke of savoy , there seems by the whole course of his other actions , to be a certain greatness of mind in him , not easily consisting with that savage and brutal temper , which the cruelties he hath exercised upon the protestants in piedmont , would intimate and denote . but it ariseth from the mischievousness and pestilency of their religion , their bigottry in it , and their having put themselves so entirely under the conduct of the clergy , particularly of the jesuites , who are for the most part a set of men , especially the latter , that through acting in the prospect of no other ends , but the grandure , wealth , and domination of the church of rome , do with an unlimited rage , and a peculiar kind of malice , persecute all that have renounced fellowship with it , and care not if they sacrifice the honor , glory and safety of monarchs , and bring their kingdoms into contempt and desolation , by rendring them weak , poor , and dispeopled , provided they may wreck their spleen , and revenge , upon those , whose religion is not only dissonant from theirs , but should it prevail to be the religion of the legislators and rulers of nations , those springs of wealth would be immediately dried up , by which their superior clergy , and all their religious orders are enriched and fed up in idleness . and should the people come to be generally imbued with principles of gospel , light and liberty , they would immediately shake off a blind and slavish dependence upon pope and priests , and thereby subvert the foundation upon which the monarchick grandure of the romish church and their whole religion is superstructed and destroy the engine by which they are inabled to lord it over the bodies , estates , and consciences of men . and if protestants every where , especially under popish rulers , were not under a strange infatuation , they would look for no fairer quarter from papists , than what their brethren have met with in france and piedmont , nor would they rely upon the faith of any king , that stiles himself a roman catholick , seeing sacred promises , tremendous oaths , and the most authentick declarations , are but papal arts , and tricks sanctified at rome , whereby to full subjects into a security , and delude them into a neglect of all means , for preserving themselves , and their religion , till their rulers can be in a condition , of obeying the decrees of the fourth lateran council , that enjoins kings to destroy and extirpate hereticks , under pain of excommunication , and of having both their subjects absolved from allegiance to them , and their territories given away to others ; and till without running any hazard , they may comply with the ordinance of the council of constance , which not only releaseth them from all obligation of keeping faith to hereticks , but requires them to violate it ; and accordingly made sigismond break his faith to john hus , whom in d●fiance of the security given him by that king , they caused to be condemned and burnt . nor is the practice and late example of the great louis , designed for less than a pattern , by which all popish princes are to act , and his proceedings are to be the coppy & moddel , which they who would merit the name of zealous catholicks , and be esteemed dutiful sons of the church , are to transcribe and limn out in lines of force , violence , and blood , and for the better corresponding with the original , to imploy dragoons for missionaries . and tho i will not say , but that there may be some popish princes , who through an extraordinary measure of good nature , and from principles of compassion , woven into their constitution , previously to all notices of revelation whether real , or pre●ended , and who through sentiments im●ib'd from a generous education , and their ●oming afterwards to be under the influence , ●nd management , of wise and discret counsellors , may be able to resist the malignant ●mpressions of their religion , and so be preserved , from the inhumanities towards ●hose of different perswasions from them in the things of god , which their priests would lay them under obligations unto , by the doctrines of the romish faith ; yet there appears no reason why an understanding man should be induced to believe , that the king of england , is likely to prove a prince , of that great and noble temper , there being more than enough , both to raise a jealousie and beget a perswasion , that there is not a monarch among all those who are commonly stiled catholicks , from whom protestants , may justly dread greater severities , than from him , or look for worse and more barbarous treatments . i am not ignorant , with what candor , we ought by the rules of charity and good manners , to speak of all men , whatsoever their religion is , nor am i unacquainted with what veneration and deference , we are to discourse of crowned heads ; but as i dare not give those flattering titles unto any , of which there are not a few in some of the late addresses , presented to the king , by an inconsiderable and foolish sort of dissenting preachers ; so i should not know , how to be accountable to god , my own conscience , or the world , should i not in my station as a protestant , and as a lover of the laws and liberties of my countrey , offer something , whereby both to undeceive that weak and short-sighted people , whom their own being accommodated for a season by the declaration of indulgence , hath deluded into an opinion , that his majesty cherisheth no thoughts of subverting our religion , and also further to enlighten and confirm others , in the just apprehensions they are possessed with , of the design carrying on in grear brittain , and ireland , for the extirpation of protestancy , and that the late declaration for liberty of conscience , is emitted in subserviency thereunto , and calculated by the court ; toward the paving and preparing the way , for the more facile accomplishment of it . and while mercinary sycophants , by their flatteries infect and corrupt princes , and by their representing them to the world , in colours disagreable from their tempers and dispositions , and in milder and fairer characters , than any thing observable in them , either deserveth , or correspondeth with , do delude subjects , into such opinions of them , as beget a neglect of means for preserving themselves ; 't is become a necessary duty , and an indispensable service to mankind , to deal plainly and above board , that so by describing kings as they are , and setting them in a true and just light , we may prevent the peoples being further imposed upon , or if through suffering themselves to be still deceived , they come to fall under miseries and persecutions , they may lay all their distresses , and desolations , at the door of their own folly , in not having taken care , how to avoid , what they were not only threatned with , but whereof they were warned and advertised . for as i am not of sr. roger l'estranges mind , that if we cannot avoide being distrustful of our safety , yet it is extreamly vain , foolish , and extravagant to talk of it ; so i am very sensible how many of the french ministers , by painting forth their king more like a god than a man , and by possessing their people with a belief of wisdom , justice , grace , and mercy in him , of which they knew him destitute , they both emboldned him , to attempt what he hath perpetrated , and laid them under snares , which they know not how to disentangle themselves from , in order to escape it . nor would the king of england , have acted with that neglect of the future safety of the papists , nor have exposed them to the resentment , and hereafter revenge of three nations , by the arbitrary and illegal steps he hath made in their favour , if he intended any thing less , than the putting protestants for ever out of capacity and condition , of calling them to a reckoning , and exacting an account of them , which neither he , nor they about him , can have the weakness to think they have sufficiently provided against , without compelling us by an order of à la mode france missionaries to turn catholicks , or by adjudging us to mines and galleys , according to the versailles president , for our heretical stubborness , or which is the more expeditious way of converting three kingdoms , to cause murder the protestant inhabitants , according to the pattern , which his loyal irish catholicks , endeavoured to have set anno . for the conversion of that nation . had his majesty been contented with the bare avowing , and publishing himself to be of the communion of the church of rome , and of challenging a liberty , tho against law , for the exercise of his religion , it might have awakened our pity , and compassion , to see him embrace a religion , where there are so many impediments of salvation , and in doing whereof , he was become obnoxious unto the imprecation of his grandfather , who wished the curse of god , to fall upon such of his posterity , as should at any time turn papists ; but it would have raised no intemperated heats in the minds of any against him , much less have alienated them , from the subjection and obedience , which are due unto their soveraign , by the laws of the several kingdoms , and the fundamental rules of the respective constitutions . or could he have been contented , with waving the rigorous execution of the laws against papists , of whatsoever quality , rank , or order they were , and with the bestowing personal , and private favours , upon those of his religion , it would have been so far from begetting rancor or discontent in his protestant subjects , that they would not only have connived at , and approved such a procedure , and those little benignities and kindnesses , but had the papists quietly acquiesced in them , and modestly improved them , it might have been a means of reconciling the nation to more lenity towa 〈…〉 them for the future , and might have i● fluenced our legislators , when god sh 〈…〉 vouchsafe us a protestant on the throne , 〈◊〉 moderate the severities to which by th● laws in being they are obnoxious , and 〈◊〉 render their condition as easie , and safe , 〈◊〉 that of other subjects , and only to take car 〈…〉 for precluding them such places of powe● and trust , as should prevent their being ab 〈…〉 to hurt us , but could bring no damage or i● convenience upon themselves . but th● king instead of terminating here , an● allowing only such graces and immun 〈…〉 ties to the popists , as would have been 〈◊〉 nough , for the placing them in the priva 〈…〉 exercise of their religion , with security 〈◊〉 them , and without any threatning dange● to us . he hath not only suspended all th● penal laws against roman catholicks , but 〈◊〉 hath by an usurped prerogative , that is par 〈…〉 mount to the rules of the constitution , and 〈◊〉 all acts of parliament , dispensed with , an● disabled the laws that enjoin the oath of a 〈…〉 legeance and supremacy , and which appoi 〈…〉 and prescribe the tests , that were the fence● which the wisdom of the nation ha 〈…〉 erected , for preserving the legislative a 〈…〉 thority , securing the government , and keeping places of power , magistracy and offic 〈…〉 in the hands of protestants , and thereby 〈◊〉 continuing the protestant religion , and engli 〈…〉 liberties , to our selves , and the generation that shall come after us . and as if this wer● not sufficient , to awaken us to a consideration of the danger we are sin , of havin● our religion supplanted and overthrown ▪ he hath not only advanced the most viole 〈…〉 papists , unto all places of military comman 〈…〉 by sea and land ; but hath established many of them , in the chief trusts and offi 〈…〉 of magistracy , and civil judicature , so th 〈…〉 there are scarce any continued in powe● and employment , save they who have 〈◊〉 ther promised , to turn roman catholicks , 〈◊〉 who have engaged , to concur and assist 〈◊〉 the subverting our liberties , and religion , u● der the mask and disguise of protestan 〈…〉 〈◊〉 is already evident , that it is beyond the ●●lp , and relief , of all peaceable and civil ●eans , to preserve and uphold the protestant ●eligion in ireland , and that nothing but force ●nd an intestine war , can retrieve it unto , ●nd reestablish it there , in any degree of safe 〈…〉 . nor is it less apparent , from the arbi●●ary and tyrannous oath , ordained to be ●●quired of his majesties protestant subjects 〈◊〉 scotland , whereby they are to swear o●●dience to him without reserve , that our re●●gion is held only precariously in that king●●m ; and that whensoever he shall please to ●●mmand the establishment of popery , and 〈◊〉 enjoin the people to enter into the com●union of the church of rome , he expects 〈◊〉 have his will immediately conformed ●nto , and not to be disputed or controlled . ●ut lest what we are to expect from the ●ing , as to the extirpation of the reformed ●eligion , and the inflicting the utmost seve●ties upon his protestant subjects , that papal ●ge , armed with power , can inable him un●● , may not so fully appear , from what hath ●een already intimated , as either to awa●en the dissenters out of the lethargy , into which the late delaration hath cast them , or 〈◊〉 quicken those of the church of england , to ●hat zealous care , vigilancy , and use of all lawful means , for preserving themselves , ●nd the protestant religion , that the impen●ent danger , wherewith they are threatned ; ●equires at their hands ; i shall give that farmer confirmation of it , from topicks and motives of credibility , moral , political , and ●istorical , as may serve to place it in the ●rightest light , and fullest evidence , that a ●atter future and yet to come , which is on●● the object of our prospect and dread , and ●ot of our feeling and experience , is capa●le of . it ought to be of weight upon the minds ●f all english protestants , that the king of ●eat brittain , is not only an open and avowed ●apist , but as most apostates use to be , a ●ery bigot in the romish religion , and who 〈◊〉 the leige letter from a jesuite to a bro●●er of the order tells us , is resolved either to convert england to popery , or to die a martyr . nor were the iewish zealots , of whose rageful transports , iosephus gives us so ample an account , nor the dervises among the turks , and indians , of whose mad attempts , so many histories make mention , more brutal in their fanatical heats , than a popish bigot useth to be , when favoured with advantages , of exerting his animosity against those who differ from him , if he be not carefully watched against , and restrained . beside the innumerable instances of the tragical effects of romish bigottry , that are to be met with in books of all kinds , we need go no further for an evidence of it , than to consult the life of dominick , the great instigator and promoter of the massacre of the waldenses , and the founder of that order , which hath the management of the bloody inquisition ; together with the life of henry the third of france , who contrary to the advice of maximilian the emperor , and the repeated intreaties of the wisest of his own councellors , the chancellor de l'hospital , and the president de thou , not only revived the war and persecution against his reformed subjects , after he had seen what judgments , the like proceedings had derived upon his predecessors , and how prejudicial they had proved to the strength , glory , and interest of his crown and kingdom , but he entred into a league with those that sought to depress , abdicate , and depose him , and became the head of a faction for the destroying that part of his subjects , upon whom alone he could rely for the defence of his person , and support of his dignity . nor were the furies of the duke de alva heretofore , or the present barbarities of louis the fourteenth , so much the effects of their haughtie and furious tempers , as of their bigottry in their inhumane and sanguinary religion . that the king of england , is second to none , in a blind and rageful popish zeal , his behaviour both while a subject , and since he arrived at the crown , doth not only place it beyond the limits of a bare suspition , but affords us such evidences of it , as that none in consistency with principles of wisdom , and discretion , can either question or contradict it . to what else can we ascribe it , but to an excessive bigottry , that when the frigat wherein he was sailing to scotland anno . struck upon the sands , and was ready to sink , he should prefer the lives of one or two pittiful priests , to those of men of the greatest quality , and receive those mushrom's into the boat , in which himself escaped , while at the same time , he refused to admit , not only his own brother-in-law , but divers noblemen of the supreamest rank , and character , to the benefit of the same means of deliverance , and suffered them to perish , tho they had undertaken that voyage out of pure respect to his person , and to put an honor upon him , at a season , when he wanted not enemies . nor can it proceed from any thing but a violent and furious bigottry , that he should not only disoblige and disgust the two universities , of whose zeal to his service , he hath received so many seasonable and effectual testimonies , but to the violation both of the laws of god and the kingdom , offer force to their consciences , as well as to their rights and franchises , and all this in favour of father francis , whom he would illegally thrust into a fellowship in cambridg , and of mr. farmer , whom he would arbitrarily obtrude into the headship of a colledg in oxford , who as they are too despicable to be owned , and stood for , in competition against two famous universities , whose greatest crime , hath been an excess of zeal for his person , and interest , when he was duke of york , and a measure of loyalty , and obedience , unto him , since he came to the crown , beyond what either the rules of christianity , or the laws of the kingdom , exact from them ; so he hath way's enough of expressing kindness , and bounty , to those two little contemptable creatures , and that in methods as beneficial to them , as the places into which he would thrust them , can be supposed to amount unto , and i am sure with less scandal to himself , and less offence to all protestants , as well as without offering inj 〈…〉 to the rights of the university , or of co● pelling those learned , grave , and vene 〈…〉 ble men , to perjure themselves , and act 〈◊〉 gainst their duties and consciences . t 〈…〉 late proceedings towards dr. burnet , a 〈…〉 not only contrary to all the measures of j● stice , law , and honor , but argue a stran 〈…〉 and furious bigottry in his majesty for po 〈…〉 ry , there being nothing else into which 〈◊〉 man can resolve the whole tenor of his pr● sent actings against him. seeing setting 〈◊〉 side the doctor 's being a protestant , and a m● nister of the church of england , and his havin● vindicated the reformation in england , fro● the calumnies , and slanders , wherewith 〈◊〉 was aspersed by sanders , & others , of the roman communion , and the approving himself in some other writings , worthy of th● character of a reformed divine , and of tha● esteem which the world entertains of him for knowledg in history , and all other part 〈…〉 of good learning ; there hath nothing occurred in the whole tenor and trace of hi● life , but what instead of rebuke and censure , hath merited acknowledgments , and the retributions of favour and prefermen● from the court. whosoever considers , his constant preaching up passive obedience to such a degree and height , as he hath done , may very well be surprised at the whole method of their present actings towards him , and at the same time that they find cause to justify the righteousness of god , i● making them the instruments of his persecution , whom in so many way 's he had sought to oblige , they may justly conclude that none save a bigotted papist could be the author of so infutable , as well an illegal , and unrighteous returns . for as to all whereof he is accused , in the criminal letters against him , bearing date the . of april . i my self am both able to assert his innocence , and dare assure the world , that none of the persons whom he is charged to have conspired with against the king , would have been so far void of discretion , ( knowing his principles ) as to have transacted with 〈◊〉 in matters of that kind ; but whether 〈◊〉 letters since that , to the earl of midle 〈…〉 , with the paper , inclosed in one of 〈…〉 m , have administred any legal ground 〈◊〉 their second citation , i shall not take up 〈…〉 me to determine , and will only say , that 〈◊〉 i heartily wish , he had not in those letters 〈…〉 orded them , any probable pretence , for 〈…〉 oceeding against him , so there are excesses 〈◊〉 loyalty in them , to attone for the utmost 〈…〉 discretions , his words are capable of being 〈…〉 rested unto , nor can any thing but papal malice , and romish chicanerie , construe , and ●ervert them , so far contrary to his inten 〈…〉 on s , as to make crimes , and much less to 〈…〉 ake treasons of them . now as nothing , 〈…〉 n be of more portentous omen to british ●nd irish protestants , than to have a popish 〈…〉 igott exalted to rule over them ; so thro 〈◊〉 concurrence of ill nature , and a deficien●y in intellectuals , met in him with his fu●ious zeal and bigottry , they are the more ●o expect , whatsoever his power inables him ●o inflict , that is severe and dreadful . 't is possible , that a ruler may be possessed with a ●ondness , and valuation of popery , as the only religion , wherein salvation is to be obtained , and thereupon in his private judgment and opinion , sentence all to eternal flames , who cannot herd with him in ●he same society ; and yet he may thro a great measure of humanity , and from an extraordinary proportion of compassion , and meekness , woven into his nature , hate the imbrucing his hands in their blood , or treating those with any harshness , whose supposed misbelief is their only crime ; and that finding them in all other respects , vertuous , peaceable and industrious , he may leave them to the decretive sentence of the soveraign and infallible judg , without disturbing , or medling with them himself . nor is it impossible , but that there may be a prince so far bigotted in popery , as to have inclination , and propensity , to force all under his authority , to be of his religion , or else to destroy and extirpate them , yet thro being of that largeness of understanding and political wisdom , as to be able to penetrate into the hazards of attempting it , and to foresee the consequences that may ensue upon it , in reference to the peace and safety of his government , as well as the wealth and power of his dominions , he may come to check and stiffle his furious inclinations , and chuse rather , to leave his subjects at quiet , than to impoverish , weaken , and dispeople his countrey , either by destroying them , or by driving them to abandon his territories , in order to find a shelter , and sanctuary , in other places . but where ( as in the king of england ) a small measure of understanding , accompanied with a large share of a morose , fierce , and ill nature , and these attended with insolency and pride , as they usually are in weak and froward people , come to have a bigottry in such a religion as popery , superadded to them , whose doctrines and principles instigate , and oblige , to cruelty , towards all of other perswasions , there protestants , do find nothing , that may incourage to hope for security , and protection , under a prince of that temper and complexion ; but all that does affect and impress their minds , bidds them prepare for persecution , and to look for the utmost rigours and severities , that pride , malice , brutal zeal , backt and supported with force and power , can execute and inflict . and how much such a princes religion , proves too weak to restrain him from uncleannesses , and other immoralities , by so much the more , is he to be dreaded , in that he thinks to compound for and expiate crimes of that nature , by his cruelty to hereticks , and his offering them up in sacrifices of attonement to the triple crown . nor are the priests either displeased with , or careful to diswade princes , from offences of that kind , tho they know them to be great provocations to god , and of mischievous example to subjects , seeing they are masters of the art of improving them , to the service of holy church , and the advantage of the catholik faith. for instead of imposing , upon those royal transgressors , the little and slavish pennances , of pilgrimages , whippings , and going barefoot ; they require them to make satisfactions for those and the like crimes , by the pious and meritorious acts of murdering protestants , and of extirpating the northern heresie . and as one of the french whore's of state is reported to have been a person that hath principally instigated to all the cruelties against the reformed in france ; so no doubt but as she did it under the influence and conduct of her confessors to compensate for her adulteries , so she advised and perswaded louis to it upon motives of the same nature . nor do they who have the guidance of consciences at whitchal want matter of the same kind , to improve and work upon , and as there are of the licentious femal's that will be glad of attoning for their filthy pollutions by acts so agreeable to the articles of their religion ; so there are some who as they have influence enough upon the king to councel him to the like method's , so they will find him sufficiently disposed to compound for his loathsome and promiscuous scatterings at a rate so sutable to his temper , as well as to the doctrines of the papal faith. if any be deluded into a good opinion of his majesty , and brought to flatter themselves with expectations of their being protected in the profession of the protestant religion , they may be easily undeceived and prevailed upon to change their sentiments , if they will but consider his behaviour towards protestants in the post wherein he formerly stood , and what his carriage was to them , while he was fixed in a meanner and more subordinate station than now he is . tho there have been many whose behaviour in their private condition , would have rendred them thought worthy to rule , if their actions after their advancement to governing power had not confuted the opinion entertained concerning them ; yet there have been very few that have approved themselves 〈◊〉 just and merciful after their attaining to soveraignty , whose carriage in an inferior station , had been to th● dammage , and general hurt of mankind , 〈◊〉 far as their narrow power and intere●● would extend . it ought therefore to lay u● under a conviction , what we are to expec● from his majesty on the throne , when w● find the whole thread and series of his conduct while a subject , to have been a continued design against our religion , and an uninterrupted plot for the subversion of our laws and liberties . 't is sufficiently known how active he alway's was to keep up and inflame the differences among protestants , and how he was both a great promoter of all the severe laws made against dissenters , and a continual instigator to the rigorou● execution of them : so that his affirming it to have been ever his judgment that none ought to be oppressed and persecuted for matters of religion , nor to be hindred in worshipping god according to their several perswasions ; serves only to inform us , either with what little honesty , honor , and conscience h● acted , in concurring to the making of the foresaid laws , or what small faith and credit is now to be given to his declaration , and to what he hath since the emission of it repeated both in his speech to mr. penn , and in his letter to mr. alsop . and to omit many other instances of his kindness and benignity to the fanaticks , whom he now so much huggs and caresseth ; it may not be amiss to remember them , and all other protestants , of that barbarous and illegal commission issued forth by the council of scotland , while he , as the late kings high commissioner , had the management of the affaires of that kingdom ; by which every military officer that had command over twelve men was impower'd to impannel juries , try , condemn , and cause to be put to death , not only those who should be found to disclaim the kings authority , but such as should refuse to acknowledg the kings new modelled supremacy over that church ; in the pursuance and execution of which commission , some were shot to death , others were hang'd or drowned , and this not only during the conti 〈…〉 〈◊〉 o● the reign of his late majesty , ●ut 〈◊〉 〈…〉 e a year and a half after the pre●●nt king came to the crown . but what ●eed is there of insisting upon such little par●●culars , wherein he was at all times ready 〈◊〉 express his malice to protestants , seeing 〈…〉 e have not only dr. oates's testimony , 〈…〉 d that of divers others , but most authen 〈…〉 ck proofs from mr. coleman's letters , of 〈…〉 s having been in a conspiracy several years 〈…〉 r the subversion of our religion , upon the 〈…〉 eritorious and sanctified motive of extir 〈…〉 ating the northern heresie . of which be 〈…〉 de all the evidence that four successive ●arliaments arrived at , i know several who 〈…〉 nce the duke of york ascended the throne have had it confirmed unto them by ●ivers forraign papists , that were less re●●rved , or more ingenuous than many of 〈…〉 hat communion use to be . to question 〈…〉 he existence of that plot , and his present majesties having been accessory unto , and in 〈…〉 he head of it , argues a strange effrontery and 〈…〉 mpudence thro casting an aspersion of weakness , folly and injustice not only upon those three parliaments that seem'd to have re●ained some zeal for english liberties , but by fastning the same imputations upon the 〈…〉 ong parliament , which had shew'd it self at all times more obsequious to the will of the court , than was either for their own honor , or the safety and interest of the kingdom , and who had expressed a veneration for the royal family , that approached too much unto a degree of idolatry . whosoever considers that train of councels wherein the king was many years engaged , and whereof we felt the woful effects in the burning of london ; the frequent prorogation and dissolution of parliaments ; the widening and exasperating differences among protestants ; the ●●irring up and provoking civil magistrates and ecclesiastical courts , to persecute dissenters ; and the maintaining correspondencies with the pope and catholick princes abroad , to the dishonor of the nation and danger of our laws and religion , cannot avoid being apprehensive what we are now to look for at his hands , nor can he escape , thinking that he esteems his advancement to the crown , both a reward from heaven for what he hath done and plotted against these three kingdoms , and an opportunity and advantage administred unto him for the perfecting and accomplishment of all those designes with which he hath been so long bigg and in travel for the destruction of our religion , the subversion of our laws , and the reestablishment of popery in these dominions . the conduct and guidance under which his majesty hath put himself , and the fiery temper of that order to whose government he hath resigned his conscience , may greatly add to our fears , and give us all the jealousie and dread that we are capable of being impressed with in reference to matters to come , that there is nothing which can be fatal to our religion or persons , that we may not expect the being called to conflict with and suffer . for tho most of the popish ecclesiasticks , especially the regulars , bear an inveterate malice to protestants , and hold themselves under indispensable obligations of eradicating whatsoever their church stiles heresie , and have accordingly been alway's forward to stirr up and provoke rulers , to the use and application of force for the destruction of protestants , as a company of perverse and obstinate hereticks , adjuged and condemned to the stake and gibbet by the infallible chaire ; yet of all men in the communion of the romish church , and of their religious orders , the jesuites are they who do most hate us , and whose councels have been most sanguinary , and alway's tending to influence those monarchs , whose consciences they have had the guiding and conducting of , to the utmost cruelties and barbarities towards us . what our brethern have had measured out to them in france thro father de la chaise's influence upon that king ' , and thro the bewitching power and domination he hath over him in the quality of his confessor , and as having the direction of his conscience , may very well allarm and inform us what we ought to expect from his majesty of great brittain , who hath surrendred his conscience to the guidance of father peters , a person of the same order , and of the like mischievous and bloody disposition that the former is . 't is well observed by the author of the reasons against repealing the acts of parliament concerning the test , that cardinal howard's being of such a meek and gentle temper that is able to withstand the malignity of his religion , and to preserve him from concurring in those mischievous councels , which his purple might seem to oblige him unto , is the reason of his being shut out from acquaintance with , and interest in the english affaires transacted at rome , and that whatsoever his majesty hath to do in that court is managed by his ambassador under the sole direction of the jesuites . so that it is not without cause , that the jesuite of leige in his intercepted and lately printed letter , tells a brother of the order what a wonderful veneration the king hath for the society , and with what profound submission he receives those reverend fathers and hearkens to whatsoever they represent . nor is his majesties being under the influence of the iesuites thro having one of them for his confessor , and several of them for his chief councellors and principal confidents , the only thing in this matter that awakens our fear in what we are to expect from his armed power , excited and stirred by that fiery tribe ; but there is another ground why we ought more especially to dread him , and that is his being entred and enrolled into the order and become a member of the society , whereby he is brought into a greater subjection and dependence upon them , and stands bound by ties and engagements of being obedient to the commands of the general of the iesuites , and that not only in spirituals , but in whatsoever they shall pretend to be subservient to the exaltation of the church , and for upholding the glory of the triple crown . this is a mystery which few are yet acquainted with , and which both his majesty , and the order judgd it their interest to have industriously concealed , but whereof the world may ere long receive that convictive intelligence , that there will be no room left for suspecting the truth of it , and whereof a jesuite in the late printed letter from liege hath given us already sufficient intimation , both in telling us , that the king of england stiles himself a son of the society , and how that he wrote to father de la chaise , that he would account every injury done to the jesuites to be a wrong committed against himself . neither is it so surprising as it may seem at first view , that the king should list himself a member of the order , seeing there have been four other crowned heads of whose entrance and matriculation into the society , there is all the evidence and assurance imaginable . and tho one of them is acknowledged to have been in the classis of the directors , while the other three are generally believed to have been in the form of the directed , yet such was the power of the society over them all , that a great part of the cruelty exercised towards protestants both in the last age and in this , is to be ascribed to that implicite and blind obedience which they were bound to yield to the injunctions of the order , and to the commands of the general . philip the second of spain , who was the first king that entred into the order , and who did it upon motives of policy in hopes by their means to have compassed the universal monarchy which he was aspiring after , and who thro being in the classis of directors , had advantages of using and improving , and not of being in that degree of servitude unto them which the others have been ; yet to what barbarous cruelties did they overrule and instigate him , not only to the destruction of unconceivable numbers of his subjects , whose only crime was that they could not believe as the church of rome doth , which issued in the depopulating some of his dominions , and his being deposed from the soveraignty in others but to the sacrificing his son and heir prince charles , whom to gratify the society , he caused upon an accusation of his favouring the low countrey hereticks , and the being himself tainted with lutheranism to be murdered in is own court and palace . sigismond of po 〈…〉 d , who was the second crowned head admitted into the order , thro complying with he councels , and serving the wrath , rage ●nd passions of the jesuites , in endeavouring ●o suppress religion in swedland to which he was heir , and in striving to subvert their civil rights , drew upon himself the resentment and wrath of that nation to such a degree , that they abdicated him and his heirs from the government , and advanced another to the throne . casimire who was also king of poland is reckoned to be the ●hird soveraign prince that entred into the society , and he thro coming under the domination of the iesuites , and being bound to follow their directions , and to execute whatsoever the general of the order thought fit to enjoin for the promotion and benefit of the church , became not only an instrument of a severe persecution against all sort of dissenters from the romish faith , so that many were put to death , and more driven to abandon their countrey , but through committing many things in the course of his government that were prejudicial to the rights , and thereupon disgustful to the polish nobility , they conceived such an aversion and hatred for him , that to avoid the effects of their resentment and indignation , he was forced to lay down his crown , and to chuse to end his day 's in france in no higher a post , and under no more glorious a character , than that of abbot of saint german . there is a fourth prince , and who is yet in being , that is generally believed to be enrolled into the order , and the persecution he hath carried on in hungary , contrary to his natural temper , and to all the : rules of interest and policy , and to the violation of his promises and oaths for continuing unto them the liberty of their religion , is both too probable an evidence of it , and a strong confirmation of the cruelties which the iesuites instigate princes unto over whom they have influence , and whom they have wheedled into engagments of obeying their commands and pursuing their injunctions . and as the desolating of hungary thro a long and bloody war , and the tempting the turks to invade the austrian territories , are some of the effects that have ensued upon the emperor's complying with the fierce and heady councels of the iesuites ; so we have not seen all the mischiefs that the persecution , which they have engaged him in against protestants is like to issue in , tho beside the disgusting several electoral princes and states in germany , and the furnishing the ottoman potentate with encouragements of continuing the war , there are wonderful advantages afforded by it , to embolden the french king in his encroachments upon the empire , which otherway's he would not have dared to attempt , and whereof the result at last may prove fatal to the imperial dignity and to the whole house of austria . now what the protestants in great brittain and ireland ought to dread from the king , upon his being entred into a society that hath breathed nothing but fire and blood since its first institution , i leave to the serious consideration of all men who value their lives , liberties and estates , and that do not think of renouncing their religion , and turning papists . nor is it to be imagined that the king , before he can be supposed well setled on the throne , and while under a declining state of body , as well as in an advanced age , having the weight of four and fifty upon his shoulders , beside something else that he is obliged to the earl of southesk for , which i shall not mention , would have taken so many bold , wide , and illegal stepps for the supplanting our religion and laws , and for the introduction and establishment of popery and tyranny , and this not only to the losing and disobliging his former votaries and partizans , but to the strange allarming and disgusting most persons of honor , quality , and interest in the three kingdoms , were he not beside the being under the sway of his own bigottry , and the strong ballance of a large measure of ill nature , bound by ties of implicite obedience to the commands of that extravagant and furious society , to the promoting of whose passions and malice , rather than his own safety and glory , or the lasting benefit of the roman catholicks themselves , the whole course of his government hitherto seems to have been shapen and adapted . the occasion and subject of the late contest between him and the pope , which hath made so great a noise not only at rome , but thro all europe , may serve to convince us both of the extraordinary zeal he hath for the society , and of the transcendent power they have over him , and that 't is no wonder he should exact an obedience without reserve from his subjects in scotland , seeing he himself yields an obedience without reserve to the iesuites . 't is known , how that by the rules of their institution no iesuite is capable of the myter , and that if the ambition of any of them should tempt him to seek or accept the dignity of a prelate , he must for being capacitated thereunto , renounce his membership in the order . yet so great is his majesties passion for the honor and grandure of the society , and such is their domination and absolute power over him , that no less will serve him , neither would they allow him to insist upon less , than that the pope should dispense with father peters being made a bishop , without his ceasing to be a iesuite , or the being transplanted into another order . and this the old gentleman at rome hath been forced at last to comply with , and to grant a dispensation whereby father peters shall be capable of the prelature , notwithstanding his remaining in the ignatian order , the iesuites thro their authority over the king not suffering him to recede from his demand , and his majesties zeal for the society not permitting him to comply either with the prayers , or the conscience and honour of the supream pontiff . not only the kings unthankfulness unto , but his illegal proceedings against , and his arbitrary invading the rights of those who stood by him in all his dangers and difficulties , and who were the instruments o● preventing his exclusion from the crown , and the chief means , both of his advanc 〈…〉 ment to the throne , and his being kept in are so many new evidences of the ill w 〈…〉 he bears to all protestants , and what they a to dread from him as occasions are admin 〈…〉 stred of injuring and oppressing them : a 〈…〉 may serve to convince all impartial a 〈…〉 thinking people , that his popish malice to o 〈…〉 religion is too strong for all principles of h 〈…〉 nor and gratitude , and able to cancel t 〈…〉 obligations , which friendship for his pers 〈…〉 and service to his interest , may be suppos 〈…〉 to have laid him under to any heretofor had it not been for many of the church 〈◊〉 england , who stood up with a zeal and v 〈…〉 gour for preserving the succession in t 〈…〉 right line , beyond what religion , co 〈…〉 science , reason , or interest could co 〈…〉 duct them unto , he had never been able 〈◊〉 have out-wrestled the endeavours of thr 〈…〉 parliaments for excluding him from the i 〈…〉 perial crown of england : and had it n 〈…〉 been for their abetting and standing by 〈◊〉 with their swords in their hands upon th 〈…〉 duke of monmouth's descent into the kingdom anno . he could nothave avoid 〈…〉 the being driven from the throne , and th 〈…〉 having the scepter wrested out of his han● whosoever had the advantage of knowin 〈…〉 the temper and genius of the late king , an 〈…〉 how affray'd he was of embarking into an 〈…〉 thing that might import a visible hazard t 〈…〉 the peace of his government , and dra 〈…〉 after it a general disgust of his person ; wi 〈…〉 be soon satisfied that if all his protestant subjects had united in their desires , and co● curred in their endeavoures , to have ha 〈…〉 the duke of york debarred from the crow 〈…〉 that his late majesty would not have on● scrupled the complying with it , and th 〈…〉 his love to his dear brother , would hav● given way to the apprehension and fear 〈◊〉 forfeiting a love for himself in the hear 〈…〉 of his people , especially when what wa 〈…〉 required of him , was not an invasion upo● the fundamentals of the constitution of th 〈…〉 english monarchy nor dissonant from th 〈…〉 practice of the nation in many repeated i 〈…〉 stances . nor can there be a greater evidence 〈◊〉 the present kings ill nature , romish bi 〈…〉 ry , and prodigious ingratitude , as well 〈◊〉 of the design he is carrying on against our 〈…〉 ligion and laws , than his carriage and be 〈…〉 viour towards the church of england ; tho 〈◊〉 cannot but acknowledg it a righteous 〈…〉 gment upon them from god , and a just 〈…〉 nishment for their being not only so un 〈…〉 ncerned for the preservation of our reli 〈…〉 n and liberties in avoiding to close with 〈…〉 e only methods that were adapted there 〈…〉 to , but for being so passionate and indu 〈…〉 ious to hasten the loss of them thro put 〈…〉 g the government into ones hands , who 〈…〉 s they might have foreseen ) would be 〈…〉 e to make a sacrifice of them to his belo 〈…〉 d popery , and to his inordinate lust after 〈…〉 spotical and arbitrary power . and as the 〈…〉 ly example bearing any affinity to it , is 〈…〉 t of louis the th , who in recompence to 〈◊〉 protestant subjects for maintaining him 〈◊〉 the throne , when the late prince of con 〈…〉 assisted by papists would have wrested the 〈…〉 own from him , hath treated them with barbarity , whereof that of a●●iochus to 〈…〉 ards the jews , and that of diocletian and 〈…〉 aximian towards the primitive christians 〈…〉 ere but scanty and impersect draughts ; so 〈…〉 ere wants nothing for compleating the pa 〈…〉 lel between england and france but a little 〈…〉 ore time and a fortunate opportunity , and 〈…〉 en the deluded church men will find that 〈…〉 er peters is no less skilful at whitehall for 〈…〉 nsforming their acts of loyalty and merit 〈…〉 wards the king into crimes and motives 〈◊〉 their ruin , than pere de là chaise hath shewn 〈…〉 mself at versailles , where by an art peculiar 〈◊〉 the iesuites , he hath improved the loyalty 〈…〉 zeal of the reformed in france for the house 〈◊〉 bourbon , into a reason of alienating that 〈…〉 onarch from them , and into a ground of 〈◊〉 destroying that dutiful and obedient peo 〈…〉 . it will not be amiss to call over some 〈◊〉 his majesties proceedings towards the 〈…〉 urch of england , that from what hath 〈…〉 en already seen and felt , both they and all 〈…〉 glish protestants may the better know what they are to expect and look for hereafter . tho it be a method very unbecoming a prince , yet it shews a great deal of spleen , to turn the former persecution of dissenters so maliciously upon the prelatical and conforming clergy , as his majesty doth in his letter to mr. atsop in stiling them a party of protestants , who think the only way to advance their church , is by undoing those churches of christians that differ from them in smaller matters . whereas the severity that the fanaticks met with , had much of its original at court , where it was formed and designed upon motives of popery and arbitrariness ; and the resentment and revengful humour of some of the old prelates and other church men that had suffered in the late times was only laid hold of , the better to justify and improve it . and tho it be too true that many of the dignified rank , as well as of the little levites were both extreamly fond of it , and contentiously pleaded for it ; yet it is as true that most of them did it not upon principles of judgment and conscience , but upon inducements of retaliation for conceived injuries , and upon a belief of its being the most compendious method to the next preferment and benefice , and the fairest way of standing recommended to the favour of the two royal brothers . nor is it unworthy of observation , that some of the most virulent writers against liberty of conscience , and others of the most fierce instigators to the persecuting dissenters , among whom we may reckon parker bishop of oxford and cartwright bishop of chester , are since adressing for the declaration of indulgence became the means of being gracioully lookt upon at whitthall , turned foreward promoters of it , tho their success in their diocesses with their clergy hath not answered their expectations and endeavoures . for as these two mytred gentlemen will fall in with and justify whatsoever the king hath a mind to do , if they may but keep their seas and enjoy their revenues , which i dare say that rather than lose they will subscribe not only to the tridentine faith but to the alcoran ; so it is most certain that they two as well as the bishop of durham have promised to turn roman catholicks ; and that as crew hath been several times seen assisting at the celebration of the mass , and that as cartwright payd a particular respect to the nuncio at his solemn entrance at windsor , which some temporal lords had so much conscience and honor as to scorn to do , so the author of the leige letter tells us that parker not only extreamly favours popery , but that he brands in a manner all such for atheists who continue to plead for the protestant religion . 't is an act of the same candor and good nature in the king with the former , and another royal effect of his princely breeding as well as of his gratitude , when he endeavours to cast a farther odium upon the church of england , and to exasperate the dissenters against her , by saying in the forementioned letter to mr. alsop that the reason why the dissenters enjoyed not liberty sooner , is wholly owing to the sollicitation of the conforming clergy ; whereas many of the learned and sober men of the church of england , could have been contented that the nonconforming protestants should have had liberty long ago , provided it had been granted in a legal way ; and the chief executioners of severity upon them were such of all ranks , orders , and stations as the court both set on and rewarded for it . 't is not their brethrens having liberty that displeaseth modest & good men of the church of england ; but 't is the having it in the virtu ' of an usurped prerogative over the laws of the land , and to the shaking all the legal foundations of the protestant religion it self in the kingdom . and had the declaration of indulgence imported only an exemption of dissenters and papists from rigours and penalties , i know very few that would have been displeased at it ; but the extending it to the removing all the fences about the reformed doctrine and worship , and laying us open both to the tyranny of papists , and the being overflowed with a deluge of their superstitions and idolatries , as well as the designing it for a means to overthrow the established chur 〈…〉 is that which no wise dissenter no more t 〈…〉 a conformable man knows how to digest . 〈◊〉 i am not of sr. roger l'estranges mind , w 〈…〉 after he hath been writing for many yea 〈…〉 against dissenters with all the venom and m 〈…〉 lice imaginable , and to disprove the wisdo 〈…〉 justice , and convenience of granting th 〈…〉 liberty , hath now the impudence 〈◊〉 publi 〈…〉 that whatsoever he formerly wrote ; bears an exact conformity to the present resolutions of state , in that the liberty now vouchsased is an act of grace issuing from the supream magistrate , an 〈…〉 not a claim of right in the people . and as to r 〈…〉 cited expressions of the king , they are onl 〈…〉 a papal trick whereby to keep up heats an 〈…〉 animosities among protestants , when both th 〈…〉 inward heats of men are much allay'd , and th 〈…〉 external provocations to them are wholly removed , and they are meerly iesuitick method's by which our hatred of one another may b 〈…〉 maintained , tho the laws inabling one part 〈…〉 to persecure the other , which was the chie 〈…〉 spring of all our mutual rancour and bitterness , be suspended . it would be the sport and glory of the ignatian order , to be able to make the disabling of penal laws as effectual to the supporting differences among protestants , a● the enacting and rigorous execution of them , was to the first raising , and the continuing them afterwards for many years . and if the foregoing topicks can furnish the king arguments whereby to reproach the church of england , when he thinks it seasonable and for the interest of rome to be angry with them ; i dare affirm he will never want pretences of being discontented with & of aspersing fanaticks , when he finds the doing so , to be for the service of the papal cause . and if the forementioned instances of his majesties behaviour to the church of england to which he stands so superlatively obliged , be neither testimonies of his ingenuity , evidences of his gratitude , nor effects of common , much less royal justice ; yet what remains to be intimated , do's carry more visible marks of 〈…〉 malice and design both against the le 〈…〉 established church and our religion . for 〈…〉 ing satisfied with the suspension of all 〈◊〉 laws , by which protestants and they 〈◊〉 the national communion might seem to be 〈…〉 urious to papists in their persons and e 〈…〉 tes , such as the laws which make those , 〈…〉 ho shall be found to have taken orders in 〈…〉 e church of rome , obnoxious to death , or 〈…〉 ose other statutes by which the king hath 〈…〉 ower & authority for levying two thirds of 〈…〉 eir estates that shall be convicted of recu 〈…〉 cy ; but by an usurped prerogative and an absolute power he is pleased to suspend all 〈…〉 e laws by which they were only disabled 〈…〉 rom hurting us , thro standing precluded 〈…〉 rom places of power and trust in the government . so that the whole security we have in time to come for our religion , depends upon the temperate disposition and good nature of those roman catholicks that shall be advanced to offices and employments , and does no longer bear upon the protection and support of the law ; and i think we have not had that experience of grace and favour from papists , as may give us 〈…〉 just confidence of fair and candid treatment from them for the future . now that we may be the better convinced , how little security we have from his majesties promise in his declaration , of his protecting the arch bishops , bishops and clergy , and all other his subjects of the church of england , in the free exercise of their religion as by law established , and in the quiet and full enjoyment of their possessions , without any molestation or disturbance whatsoever , which is all the tenour that is left us ; 't is not unworthy of observation how that beside the suspending the bishop of london ab officio , and the vice chanceller of cambridg both ab officio and beneficio , and this not only for actions which the laws of god and the kingdom make their duty , but thro a sentence inflicted upon them by no legal court of judicature , but by five or six mercinary persons supported by a tyrannous and arbitrary commission , his majesty in his proclamation for toleration in scotland , ●earing date the . of february , doth among many other laws , cass , disable and dispense with the law enjoining the scots test , tho it was not only enacted by himself while he represented his brother as his high commissioner ; but hath been confirmed by him in parliament since he came to the crown . surely it is as easie to depart from a promise made in a declaration , as 't is to absolve and discharge himself from the obligation of a law which he first concurred to the enacting of , and gave the creating fiat unto as the late kings commissioner , and hath since ratified in parliament after he was come to the throne . as there is no more infidelity , dishonor and injustice , so there is less of absolute power and illegality , in doing the one than the other . nor is it possible for a rational man to place a confidence in his majesties royal word for the protection of our religion , and the church of england men's enjoying their possessions ; seeing he hath not only departed from his promise made to the council immediately after his brothers death , but hath violated his faith given to the parliament of england at their first session , which we might have thought would have been the more sacred and binding , by reason of the grandure , state and quality of the assembly to which it was pledged . if we consider how much protestants suffered , what number of them was burnt at the stake as well as murderd in goals , beside the vast multitudes , who to avoid the rage and power of their enemies , were forced to abandon their countrey and seek for shelter in forraign parts , and what endeavoures of all kinds were used for the extirpation of our religion under queenmary ; we may gather and learn from thence what is to be dreaded from james the ii. who is the next popish prince to her that since the reformation hath sat on the throne of england . for tho there be many things that administer grounds of hope , that the papists will not find it so easie a matter to bring us in shoals to the stake , nor of that quick and easie dispatch to suppress the protestant religion , and set up popery , at this time as they found it then ; yer every thing that occurs to our thoughts , or that can affect our understandings , serves not only to persuade us into a belief that they will set upon and endeavour it , but to work us up to an assurance that his majesty would take it for a di 〈…〉 ution of his glory , as well as reflection upon his zeal for the church of rome , not to attempt what a woman had both the courage to undertake , and the fortune to go thro with . and there is withal a concurrence of so many things both abroad and at home at this juncture , which if laid in the ballance with the motives to our hope of the papists miscarrying , may justly raise our fears of their prospering to a very sad and uncomfortable height . whosoever shall compare these two princes together , will find that there was less danger to be apprehended from mary , and that not only upon the score of her sex , but by reason of a certain gentleness and goodness of nature which all historians of judgment and credit ascribe unto her ; than is to be expected from the present king , in whom a sourness of temper , fierceness of disposition , and pride joined with a peevishness of humour not to bear the having his will disputed or controlled , are the principal ingredients into his constitution , and which are all strangely heightned and enflamed by contracted distempers of body , and thro furious principles of mind which he hath imbib'd from the iesuites , who of all men carry the obligations arising from the doctrines of the popish religion to the most outragious and inhumane excesses . nor can i forbear to add , that whereas the cruelty which that princess was hurried into , even to the making her cities common shambles , and her streets theatres of murder for innocent persons , for which she became hated while she lived , and her memory is rendred infamous to all generations that come after , was wholly and entirely owing to her religion , which not only proclaims it lawful , but a necessary duty of christianity , and an act meriting a peculiar crown of glory in heaven , to destroy hereticks ; 't is to be feared there will be found in the present king a spice of revenge against us as we are englishmen , as well as a measu 〈…〉 heap't up and running over of furious 〈◊〉 zeal against us as we are protestants . 〈◊〉 the wrath he bears unto us for our depar 〈…〉 from the communion of the romish chu 〈…〉 and our rebellion against the triple crow 〈…〉 the war wherein many of the kingdom wer 〈…〉 engaged against his father , and the issue of it in the execution of that monarch , is what he hath been heard to say , that he hopes to revenge upon the nation . and all that the city of london underwent thro that dreadful conflagration . of which he was the great author and promoter , as well as the rescuer and protector of the varlets that were apprehended in their spreading and carrying on the fire , is but earnest in respect of what is designed farther to be payd them , for the having been the great supporters of that war , both by continued recruites of men , and repeated supplies of treasure . tho it was queen mary's misfortune , and proved the misery of protestants , that she was under the influence of popish bishops , and of religious of several orders , by whom she was whetted on and provoked to those barbarities where-with her reign is stained and reproached ; yet she had no iesuites about her , to whom all the other orders are but punies in the arts of wheedling and frighting princes forward to cruelty . the society being then but in its infancy , and the distance between its institution , which wasin the year . and the time of her coming to the crown , which was anno . not affording season enough for their spreading so far abroad as they have since done , nor for the perfecting themselves to that degree in the methods of butchery , and in the topicks whereby to delude monarchs , to serve and promote their sanguinary passions , as they have in process of time attained unto . nor have the protestants now any security for their religion , whereby it or themselves may be preserved from the attempts of his majesty for the extirpation of both , but what our predecessors in the same faith had in the like kind , tho not to the same measure and degree , when queen mary arrived at the throne . for tho our religion was of late fenced about with more laws , and we had royal promises oftner repeated for the having 〈◊〉 preserved , and our selves protected in the profession of it ; yet it is certain that it had not only received a legal establishment under , king edward the vi , but had the royal faith of queen mary laid to pledg in a promise made to the men of suffolk , that nothing should be done towards its subversion , or whereby they might be hindred in the free exercise of it . but as neither law nor promise could prove restraints upon mary , to hinder her from subverting religion , and burning protestants ; so the obligation of gratitude that she was under to the men of suffolk for their coming in so seasonably to her assistance against the duke of northumberland , who was in the field with an army in the name of the lady jean gray , whom the council had proclaimed queen , could not excuse them from sharing in the severity that others met with , it being observed that more of that county were burnt for religion , than of any other shire in england . and 't is greatly to be feared , that this piece of her example , will not escape being conformed unto by the king in his carriage towards those that eminently served him , as well as all the rest of it in his behaviour towards protestants in general . nor is it possible to conceive that the papists living at that ease and quietness which they did under his late majesty , of whose being of their religion they were not ignorant , as appears by the proofs they have wouchsav'd the world of it since his death , would have been in so many plots for destroying him , and at last have hastned him to his fathers , as can be demonstrated whensoever it is seasonable , had they not been assured of more to be attempted by his successor for the extirpation of protestants , than charles could be wrought up unto , or prevailed upon to expose his person and crown to the danger and hazard of . for as 't is not meerly a princes being a papist , and mild , gentle , and favorable to catholicks , that will content the fiery zealots of the roman clergy and the regular orders , but he must both gratify their ambition in exalting them to a condition above all others , and serve their inhuman lusts and brutal passions , in not suffering any to live in his dominions that will not renounce the northern heresie ; so it is not more i 〈…〉 edible that they should dispatch a prince by an infusion in a cup of tea or chocolate , whom tho they knew to be a papist yet they found too cold & slow in promoting their designs ; than that they should have murder'd another by a consecrated dagger in the hand of ravailac , the one being both more easie to be detected , and likelier to derive an universal hatred and revenge upon them than the other . and as the kings being conscious of that parrici●● committed upon his brother , plainly tells us that there is nothing so abominable and barbarous , which he hath not a conscience that will swallow and digest , so the promotion of the catholick cause being the motive to that horrid crime , we may be sure that what is hitherto done in favour of papists , falls much short of what is intended , there being something more meritorious than all this amounts unto , needful to attone for so barbarous a villany , which can be nothing else but the extripating the protestant religion out of the three kingdoms . nor is it probable that the present king , who is represented for a person ambitious of glory , would lose the opportunities , wherewith the present posture of affaires in the world presents him , of being the umpire and arbiter of christendom , and of giving check to the grandure and usurpations of a neighbouring monarch , to whom all europe is in danger of becoming enslaved ; if he were not swallowed up in the thoughts of a conquest over the consciences , laws , and liberties of his own people , and of subjugating his dominions to the sea of rome , and had he not hopes and assurances of aid and assistance therein from that monarch , as he is emboldned and encouraged thereunto by his pattern and example . what the papists have all along been endeavouring for the subversion of our religion during and under the reigns of protestans princes , may yet farther inform and confirm us , what they will infallibly attempt upon their having gotten one into the throne , who is not only in all things of the●●●n faith , but of an humour agreeable unto their desires , and of a temper every way suited and adapted to their designes . tho the protestant religion had obtained some entrance into several states and kingdoms , and had made some considerable spread in europe , before it came to be generally received , and established upon foundations of law in england ; yet they of other countries , were little able to defend themselves from the power and malice of the church of rome , and of popish princes , and many of them were very unsucceful in endeavours of that nature , till england , in queen elizabeths time by espousing their cause and undertaking their quarrel , not only wrought out their safety but made them flourish . this the court of rome and the priests grew immediately sensible of , and have therefore moulded all their counsels ever since against england , as being both the bulwark of the protestant religion , and the ballance of europe . all the late attempts for the extirpation of the protestant religion in france and elsewhere , are much to be ascribed to the confidence the papists had in the late king and his brother of their giving no discouragement nor obstruction to so holy a design ; and thereupon as the first edicts for infringing the liberty , and weakning and oppressing protestants in france , and the persecution in hungary , commenced and bore date with the restoration of the royal family , and multiplied , and encreased from year to year as they grew into farther assurance of the royal brothers approving as well as conniving at what was done ; so that for the abolition of the edict of nant's and the total suppression of the reformed religion in france , was emitted upon his present majesties being exalted to the throne , and the encouragement he gave them to a procedure , which as he now justifies he will hereafter imitate . it were to suppose english protestants exceedingly unacquainted with the history of their own nation , to give a long deduction of what the papists have attempted fo● the extirpation of our religion , while we had princes on the throne whose belief and principles in christianity , led them to assert and defend the reformation , and who had courage as well as integrity to punish those that conspired against it . their many conjurations against queen elizabeth's person , and their repeated endeavours of bringing in forraigners , and of betraying the nation to the spaniards , who were to convert the kingdom as they had done the west-indies by killing the inhabitants , are sufficiently known to all who have allowed themselves leasure to read , or who have been careful to remember what they have been often told by those that have inspected the memoires of those times . the gunpowder plot with the motives unto it , and the extent of the mischief it was shapen for , together with the insurrection they were prepared for in case it had succeeded , and the forraign aid they had been solliciting and were promised , and all for the extirpation of english hereticks , are things so modern , and which we have had so many times related to us by our fathers , that it is enough barely to intimate them . the irish massacre in which above two hundred thousand were murderd in cold blood , and to which there was no provocation but that of hatred to our religion , and furious zeal to extirpate hereticks , ought at this time to be more particularly reflected upon , as that which gives us a truè scheme of the manner of the church of rome's converting protestant kingdoms , and being the copy they have a mind to write after , and that in such characters and lines of blood as may be sure to answer the original . at the season when they both entred upon and executed that hellish conjuration , they were in a quiet and peaceable enjoyment of the private exercise of their religion , yea had many publick meeting-places , thro the means of the queen and many great friends which they had at court , and were neither disturbed for not coming to church , nor suffered any severities upon the account of their profession ; but that ●ould not satisfie , nor will any thing else 〈…〉 less they may be allowed to cut the 〈…〉 roats , or make bonefires , of all that will 〈…〉 ot join with them in a blind obedience to 〈…〉 e sea of rome , and of worshipping st. pa 〈…〉 ick . the little harsh usarges which the papists at any time met with there or in england , they derived them upon themselves 〈…〉 y their crimes against the state , and for their conspiracies against our princes and their protestant subjects . for till the pope had ●aken upon him to depose queen elizabeth , and absolve her subjects from their allegiance , and till the papists had so far approved that act of his holiness as to raise rebellions at home and enter into treasonable confedaracies abroad , there were no laws that could be stiled severe enacted in england against papists , and the making of them was the result of necessity in order to preserve our selves , and not from an inclination to hurt any for matters of meer religion . such hath always been the moderation of our ru 〈…〉 ers , and so powerful are the incitements to lenity which the generality of protestants through the influence and impression of their religion , especially they of a more generous education , have been under towards those of the roman communion , that nothing but their unwearied restlessness to disturb the government and destroy protestants , hath been the cause either of enacting those laws against them that are stiled rigorous , or of their having been at any time put into execution . and notwithstanding that some such laws were enacted as might appear to savour of severity , yet could they have but submitted to have dwelt peaceably in the land , they would have found that their meer belief and the private practice of their worship , would not have much prejudiced or endangered them , and that tho the laws had been continued unrepealed , yet it was only as a hedg about us for our protection , and as bonds of obligation upon them to their good behaviour . to which may be added , that more protestants have suffered in one year , by the laws made against dissenters , and to the utmost height of the penalties which the violation of them imported , and that by the instigation of papis 〈…〉 and their influence over the late king and his present majesty , than there have papists from the beginning of queen elizabeth's reign to this very day , tho there was a difference in the punishments they underwent . however we may from their many and repeated attemps against us , while we had princes that both would and could chasten their insolencies , and inflict upon them what the law made them obnoxious unto for their outrages , gather and conclude what we are now to expect , upon their having obtained a king imbu'd with all the persecuting and bloody principles of popery , and perfectly baptised into all the doctrines of the councils of lateran and constance . and it may strengthen our faith as well as increase our fear , of what is purposed against and impends over us , in that they cannot but think that the suffering our religion to remain in a condition to be at any time hereafter the religion of the state , and of the universality of the people , may not only prove a means of retrieving protestancy in france , and of assisting to revenge the barbarities perpetrated there upon a great and innocent people , but may leave the roman catholiks in england exposed to the resentment of the kingdom , for what they have so foolishy and impudently acted both against our civil rights , and established religion , since james the ii. came to the crown ; and may also upon the government 's falling into good hands , and magistrates coming to understand their true interest , which is for an english prince to make himself the head of the protestant cause and to espouse their quarrel in all places , give such a revolution in europe as will not only check the present career of rome , but cause them repent the method's in which they have been ingaged . these things we may be sure the papists are aware of , and that having proceeded so far , they have nothing left for their security from punishments because of crimes committed , but to put us out of all capacity of doing our selves right and them justice ; and he must be 〈…〉 ll who do's not know into what that must necessarily hurry them . it being then as evident as a matter of this nature is capable of , what we are to expect and dread from the king both as to our religion and laws ; we may do more than presume that the late declaration for liberty of conscience , and the proclamation for a toleration , are not intended and designed for the benefit and advantage of the reformed religion , and that whatsoever motives have influenced to the granting and emitting of them , they do not in the least flow or proceed from any kindness and goodwill to protestant dissenters . and tho many of those weak and easie people may flatter themselves with a belief of an interest in the kings favour , and suffer others to delude them into a perswasion of his bearing a gracious respect towards them ; yet it is certain , that they are people in the world whom he most hates , and who when things are ripe for it , and that he hath abused their credulity into a serving his ends as far as they can be prevailed upon , and as long as the present juggle can be of any advantage for promoting the papal cause , will be sure not only to have an equal share in his displeasure with their brethren of the church of england , but will be made to drink deepest in the cup of fury and wrath that is mingling and preparing for all protestants . no provocation from their present behaviour , tho it is such as might warm a person of very cool temper , much less offences of another complexion administred by any of them , shall ever tempt me to say they deserve it , or cause me to ravel into their former and past carriages , so as to fasten a blott or imputation upon the party or body of them , whatsoever i may be forced to do as to particular persons among them . for as to the generality , i do believe them to be as honest , industrious , useful , and vertuous a people ( tho many of them be none of the wisest nor of the greatest pr 〈…〉 spect ) as any party of men in the kingdo 〈…〉 and that wherein soever their carriage ( eve 〈…〉 abstracting from their differences with thei 〈…〉 fellow protestants in matters of religion hath varied from that of other subjects they have been in the right , and have acte 〈…〉 most agreeably to the interest & safety of th 〈…〉 kingdom . but it can be no reflection upo 〈…〉 them , to recall into their memories , tha 〈…〉 the whole tenor of the kings actings towards them both when duke of york and since he came to the crown , hath been such 〈◊〉 might render it beyond dispute , that the 〈…〉 are so far from having any singular room i 〈…〉 his favour , that he bears them neither pit 〈…〉 nor compassion , but that they are the objects of his unchangeable indignation . fo 〈…〉 not to mention how the persecutions , tha 〈…〉 were observed alway's to relent both upon his being at any distance from the late king● and upon the abatement of his influence 〈◊〉 any time into counsels , were constantl 〈…〉 revived upon his return to court , and wer 〈…〉 carried on in degrees of severity proportionable to the figure he made at whitehall an 〈…〉 his brothers disposedness and inclination t 〈…〉 hearken to him ; surely their memories can not be so weak and untenacious , but the 〈…〉 must remember how their sufferings wer 〈…〉 never greater , nor the laws executed wit 〈…〉 more severity upon them , than since hi 〈…〉 majesty came to ascend the throne . as it is no 〈…〉 many years since he said publickly in scotland , that it were well if all that part of th 〈…〉 kingdom , ( which is above half of the nation ) where the dissenters were known t 〈…〉 be most numerous , were turned into a hunti 〈…〉 field , so none were favoured and promote 〈…〉 either there or in england , but such as wer 〈…〉 taken to be the most fierce and violent of a 〈…〉 others against fanaticks . nor were me preferred either in church or state for the learning , vertu ' or merit , but for the passionate heats and brutal rigours to dissenters . and whereas the papists from the ve 〈…〉 first day of his arrival at the governmen 〈…〉 had beside many other marks of his grac 〈…〉 〈…〉 s special testimony of it , of not having 〈…〉 e penal statutes to which they stood liable 〈…〉 t in execution against them ; all the laws 〈◊〉 which the dissenters were obnoxious , ●ere by his majesties orders to the judges , 〈…〉 stices of the peace , and all other officers 〈…〉 vil and ecclesiastical most unmercifully exe 〈…〉 ted . nor was there the least talk of lenity dissenters , till the king found that he 〈…〉 uld not compass his ends by the church of 〈…〉 gland , and prevail upon the parliament 〈…〉 r repealing the tests , and cancelling the 〈…〉 her laws in force against papists , which if 〈…〉 ey could have been wrought over unto , 〈…〉 e fanaticks would not only have been left 〈…〉 ttiless , and continued in the hands of the 〈…〉 rious church-men to exercise their spleen 〈…〉 pon , but would have been surrendred as a 〈…〉 crifice to new flames of wrath , if they of 〈…〉 e prelatical communion had retained 〈…〉 eir wonted animosity , and thought it for 〈…〉 eir interest to exert it , either in the old or 〈◊〉 fresh method's . but that project not suc●eeding , his majesty is forced to shift hands , 〈…〉 d to use the pretence of extending com●assion to dissenting protestants , that he may ●he more plausibly and with the less hazard , ●●spend and disable the laws against papists , ●nd make way for their admission into all ●ffices civil and military , which is the first 〈…〉 ep , and all that he is yet in a condition to 〈…〉 ke , for the subversion of our religion . and ●ll the celebrated kindness to fanaticks , is ●nly to use them as the catt's paw , for ●ulling the chesnut out of the fire to the monkey , and to make them stales under whose ●hroud and covert , the church of rome may undermine and subvert all the legal foundations of our religion , which to suffer themselves to be instrumental in , will not in the issue turn to the commendation of the dissenters wisdom or their honesty . nor is there more truth in the kings declaring it to have been his constant opinion , that conscience ought not to be constrained , nor people forced in matters of meer religion , than there is of justice in that malicious insinuation , ( in his letter to mr. alsop ) against the church of england , that should he see cause to change his religion , he should never be of that party of protestants , who think the only way to advance their church , is by undoing those churches of christians that differ from them in smaller matters : forasmuch as he is in ●●e mean time a member of the most persecuting and bloody society , that ever was cloathed with the name of a church , and whose cruelty towards protestants he is careful not to arraign , by fastning his offence at severity upon differences in smaller matters , which he knows that those between rome and us are not , nor so accounted of by any of the papal fellowship . it were to be wished that the dissenters would reflect and consider , how when the late king had emitted a declaration of indulgence anno . upon pretended motives of tenderness and compassion to his protestant subjects , but in truth to keep all quiet at home , when in conjunction with france he was engaging in an unjust war against a reformed state abroad , and in order to steal a liberty for the papists to practice their idolatries , without incurring a suspition himself of being of the romish religion , and in hope to wind up the prerogative to a paramount power over the law ; and how when the parliament condemned the illegality of it , and would have the declaration recalled , all his kindness to dissenters not only immediately vanished , but turned into that rage and fury , that tho both that parliament addressed for some favour to be shew'd them , and another voted it a betraying of the pretestant religion to continue the execution of the penal laws upon them , yet instead of their having any mercy or moderation exercised towards them , they were thrown into a furnace made seven times hotter , than that wherein they had been scorched before . and without pretending to be a prophet , i dare prognosticate and foretel , that whensoever the present king hath compassed the ends , unto which this declaration is designed to be subservient , namely the placing the papists both in the open exercise of their religion , and in all publick offices and trusts , and the getting a power to be acknowledged vested in him over the laws ; that then instead of the still voice calmly whispered from whitehall , they will both hear and feel the blasts of a mighty rushing wind , and that upon pretended occasions arising from the abuse of this indulgence , or for some alledged crimes wherein they and all other protestants are to be involved , ( tho their supiness and excess of loyalty continue to be their greatest offences ) this liberty will not only be withdrawn and the old church of england severities revived , but some of the new à là mode à france treatments come upon the stage , and be pursued against them , and all other perverse and obstinate british hereticks . the declaration for liberty of conscience , being injurious to the church of england , and not proceeding from any inward and real good will to the dissenters ; it will be worth our pains to inquire into and make a more ample deduction of the reasons upon which it was granted , that the grounds of emitting it being laid under every man's view , they who have addressed may come to be asham'd of their simplicity and folly , they who have not may be farther confirmed both of the unlawfulness and inconveniency of doing it , and that all who preserve any regard to the protestant religion and the laws of england , may be quickned to the use of all legal and due means for preventing the mischievous effects , which it is shapen for , and which the papists do promise themselves from it . the motives upon which his majesty published the declaration may be reduced to three , of which as i have already made some mention , so i shall now place every one of them in its several and proper light , and give such proofs and evidence of their being the great and sole inducements for the emitting of it , that no rational man shall be able henceforth to make a doubt of it . the first , is the kings winding himself into a supremacy and absoluteness over the law , and the getting it acknowledged , and calmly submitted unto and acquiesced in by the subjects . the monarchies being legal and not despotical , bounded and regulat 〈…〉 by laws , and not to be exercised acco●ding to meer will and pleasure , was th 〈…〉 which he could not digest the though 〈…〉 of when a subject , and had been hea 〈…〉 to say that he had rather reign a day in th 〈…〉 absoluteness that the french king doth , th 〈…〉 an age tied up and restrained by rules as 〈…〉 brother did . and therefore to persuade t 〈…〉 prince of orange to approve what he h 〈…〉 done in dispensing with the laws , and 〈…〉 obtain him and the princess to join wi 〈…〉 his majesty and to employ their inter 〈…〉 in the kingdom for the repealing the t 〈…〉 acts , and the many other statutes ma 〈…〉 against roman catholicks , he used this arg●ment in a message he sent to their roy 〈…〉 highnesses upon that errand , that the ge 〈…〉 ting it done would be greatly to the a●vantage and for the increase of the prorog 〈…〉 tive ; but this these two noble prince 〈…〉 of whose ascent to the throne all pr●testants have so near and comfortable prospect , were too generous as well 〈…〉 wise to be wheedled with , as knowin 〈…〉 that the authority of the kings and quee 〈…〉 of england is great enough by the rul 〈…〉 of the constitution , without grasping at new prerogative power , which as the la 〈…〉 have not vested in them , so it would b 〈…〉 of no use but to inable them to do hur 〈…〉 and indeed it is more necessary both fo 〈…〉 the honor and safety of the monarch , an 〈…〉 for the freedom and security of the peopl 〈…〉 that the prerogative should be confined withi 〈…〉 its ancient and legal channels , than be left t 〈…〉 that illimited and unbounded latitude , whic 〈…〉 the late king and his present majesty have e●deavoured to advance and screw it up unto 〈…〉 that both the declaration for liberty of co●science in england , and the proclamation for toleration in scotland , are calculated for ra●sing the soveraign authority to a transce●dent power over the laws of the two kingdoms , may be demonstrated from the papers themselves , which lay the dispensin 〈…〉 power before us in terms that import n 〈…〉 less than his majesties standing free an 〈…〉 solved from all ties and restraints , and 〈◊〉 being cloathed with a right of doing ●hatsoever he will. for if the stile of 〈…〉 yal pleasure to suspend the execution of 〈…〉 ch and such laws , and to forbid such 〈…〉 d such oaths to be required to be taken , 〈…〉 d this in the virtu ' of no authority decla 〈…〉 d by the laws , to be resident in his ma 〈…〉 sty , but in the virtu ' of a certain vagrant 〈…〉 d indeterminate thing called royal prero 〈…〉 tive , as the power exercised in the english ●eclaration is worded and expressed , be not 〈…〉 ough to enlighten us sufficiently in the 〈…〉 atter before us ; the stile of absolute power ●hich all the subjects are to obey without re●●rve , whereby the king is pleased to chalk ●efore us the authority exerted in the scots ●roclamation , for the stopping , disabling , and 〈…〉 spensing with such and such laws as are 〈…〉 ere referred unto , and for the granting 〈…〉 e toleration with the other liberties , immu●●ties , and rights there mentioned , is more 〈…〉 an sufficient to set the point we are dis●oursing beyond all possibility of rational ●ontrol . as 't is one and the same kind ●f authority that is claimed over the laws ●nd subjects of both kingdoms , tho for some ●ertain reasons it be more modestly desig●ed and expressed in the declaration for a ●iberty in england , than it is in the proclama●ion for a toleration in scotland ; so the utmost that the czar of mosco , the great mo●ull , or the turkish sultan ever challenged over their respective dominions , amounts only to an absolute power , which the king both owns the exertion of , and makes it the fountain of all the royal acts exercised in the forementioned papers . and as the improving this challenged absolute power into an obligation upon the subjects to obey his majesty without reserve , is a paraphrase upon despotical dominion , and an advancing it to 〈◊〉 pitch , above what any of the ancient or modern tyrants ever dream't of , and beyond what the most servile part of mankind was ever acquainted with till the present french king gave an instance of it , in making his ●eer will and pleasure to be the ground and argument upon which his reformed subjects were to renounce their religion , and to turn roman catholicks ; so it is worth considering whether his maj. who glories to imitate that forraign monarch , may not in a little time make the like application of this absolute power , which his subjects are bound to obey without reserve ; and whether in that case , they who have addressed to thank him for his declaration , and thereby justified the claim of this absolute power , being that upon which the declaration is superstructed , and from which it emergeth , can avoid paying the obedience that is demanded as a duty in the subject inseparably annexed thereunto . that which more confirms us , that the english declaration and the scotts proclamation , are not only designed for the obtaining from the subjects an acknowledgment of an absolute power vested in the king , but that no less than the usurpation and exercise of such a power , can warrant and support them , are the many laws and rights , which a jurisdiction is challenged over and exerted in reference unto in the papers stiled by the forementioned names . all confess a royal prerogative setled on the crown , and appertaining to the royal office ; nor can the supream magistrature be executed and discharged to the advantage and safety of the community , without a power affixed unto it of superceding the execution of some laws at certain junctures , nor without having an authority over the rights of particular men in some incident cases ; but then the received customes of the respective nations , and the universal good , preservation and safety of the people in general , are the measures by which this prerogative in the crown is to be regulated , and beyond which to apply or exert it , is an usurpation and tyranny in the ruler . all the power belonging to the kings and queens of england and scotland , ariseth from an agreement and concession of the people , wherein it is stipulated what rights , liberties and priviledges they reserved unto themselves , and what authority and jurisdiction they delegated and made over unto the soveraign , in order to his being in a condition to protect and defend them , and that they may the better live in peace , freedom , and safety , which are the ends for which they have chosen kings to be over them , and for the compassing whereof they originally submitted unto , and pitched upon such a form of civil administration . nor are the opinions of particular men of what rank or order soever they be , to be admitted as an exposition of the extent of this prerogative , seeing they thro their dependencies upon the king , and their obnoxiousness to be influenced by selfish and personal ends , may enlarge it beyond what is for the benefit of the community ; but the immemorial course of administration , with the sense of the whole society signified by their representatives in parliament upon emerging occasions , are to be taken for the sense , paraphrase , and declaration of the limits of this royal and prerogative power ; and for any to determine the bounds of it from the testimonies of mercinary lawyers , or sycophant clergy-men , in cases wherein the parliament have by their votes and resolutions setled its boundaries , is a crime that deserves the severest animadversion , and which it is to be hop'd a true english parliament will not let pass unpunished . now a power arising from royal prerogative to suspend , and disable a great number of laws at once , and they of such a nature and tendency , as the great security of the people consists in their being maintained , and which the whole community represented in parliaments have often disallowed and made void princes medling with , so as to interrupt their execution and course , is so far from being a right inherent in the crown , that the very pretending unto it , is a changing of the government , and an overthrowing of the constitution . fortescue say's , that rex angliae populum gubernat non merâ potestate regiâ , sed politicâ ; quia populus iis legibus gubernatur quas ipse fert ; the king of england doth not so properly govern by a power that is regal , at by a power that is p●litical , in that he is bound to rule by the laws● which the people themselves chuse and enact . an● both bracton and fleta tell us , that rex angliae habet superiores , viz. legem per quam factus est rex , ac comites & barones qui debent ●i fraenum ponere ; the king of england hath for superiors , both the law by whi 〈…〉 he is constituted king , and which is the measur 〈…〉 of his governing power , and the parliament whic● is to restrain him , if he do amiss . and thereupon we have not only that other saying of bracton , that nihil aliud potest rex , nisi id solum quod jure potest ; the king can do nothing , but wha● he can do by law : but we have that famous passage in our parlament rolls , non est ulla regis prerogativa , quae ex justitiâ & aequitate quicquam derogat ; that there is no prerogative belongs to the king by which he can decline from acting according to law and justice ▪ so careful were our ancestors both in england and scotland to preserve their laws from being invaded and superceded by their kings ; that they have not only by divers parliamentary votes and resolutions , and by several st 〈…〉 tutes , declared all dispensations by the king ▪ from laws and enjoined oaths , to be null and void , and not admittable by the iudges or other executors of law and justice ; but they have often impeached , arraigned , and condemned those to one penalty or another , that have been found to have counselled and advised kings to an usurpation of power over , the laws , and to a violation of established and enacted rules . it would draw this discourse to a length beyond what is intended , should i mention the several laws against papists as well as against dissenters , that are suspended , stopt , disabled , and dispensed with , in the two fore-mentioned royal papers , and it would be an extending it much more , should i make the several reflections that the matter is capable of , and which a person of a very ordinary understanding cannot be greatly to seek for ; i shall therefore only take notice of two ●r three efforts which occur there of this ●oyal prerogative and absolute power , which ●s they are very bold and ample exertions ●f them for the first time ; so should the ●ext exercises of them be proportionable , 〈…〉 ere will be nothing left us of the protestant ●eligion , or of english liberties , and we must ●e contented to be papists and slaves , or else 〈◊〉 stand adjudged to tyburn and smithfield . one is the suspending the laws which en 〈…〉 in the oaths of allegeance and supremacy , ●nd the prohibiting that these oaths be at any 〈…〉 me hereafter required to be taken ; by which ●●ngle exercise of royal prerogative and absolute ●ower , the two kingdoms are not only a●ain subjected to a forraign iurisdiction , the miseries whereof they groaned under for several ages ; but as the king is hereby deprived of the greatest security , he had from ●is subjects both to himself and the government , ●o the crown is robb'd of one of its chiefest ●ewels , namely an authority over all the sub●ects , which was thought so essential to sove●aignty & royal dignity , that it was annexed to the imperial crown of england , & adjudged inherent in the monarch , before the reformed religion came to be received & established . and it concerns their royal highnesses of orange , to whom the right of succeeding to the crown● of great brittain unquestionably belongs , to consider whether his majesty may not by the same authority , whereby he alienates and gives away so considerable and inherent a branch of the royal iurisdiction , transferr the succession it self , and dispose the inheritance of the crown to whom he pleaseth . nor will they about him , who thrust the last king out of the throne to make room for his present majesty , much scruple to put a protestant successor by it , if they can find another papist as bigotted as this to advance unto it . however were they on the throne to morrow , here is both a forraign iurisdiction brought in and set up to rivall and controll theirs , and they are deprived of all means of being secured of the loyalty and fealty of a great number of their subjects . nor will his majesties certain knowledg and long experience ( whereof he boasts in the scots proclamation ) that the catholicks , as it is their principle , to be good christians , so it is to be dutiful subjects , be enough for their royal highnesses to rely upon , their religion obliging them to the contrary towards princes , whom the church of rome hath adjudged to be hereticks . a second instance wherein this pretended royal prerogative is exercised paramount to all laws , and which nothing but a claim of absolute power in his majesty can support , and an acknowledgment of it by the subj●st● make them approve the declaration for liberty of conscience , and the proclamation for toleration ; is the stopping , disabling and suspending the statutes whereby the tests were enacted , and thereby letting the papists in to all benefices , offices , and places of trust , whether civil , military , or ecclesiastick . i do not speak of suspending the execution of those laws , whereby the being priests , or taking orders in the church of rome , or the being reconciled to that church , or the papists meeting to celebrate mass , were in one degree , or another made punishable , ( tho the kings dispensing with them by a challenged claim in the crown be altogether illegal ) for as diverss of these laws were never approved by many protestants , so nothing would have justified the making of them , but the many treasons and conspiracies that they were from time to time found guilty of against the state. and as the papists of all men have the least cause to complain of the injustice , rigour , and severity of them , considering the many laws more cruel and sanguinary that are in force in most popish countries against protestants , and these enacted and executed meerly for their opinions and practices in the matters of god , without their being chargeable with crimes and offences against the civil government under which they live , so were it necessary from principles of religion and policy to relieve the roman catholicks from the forementioned laws , yet it ought not to be done but by the legislative authority of the kingdoms , and ●or the king to assume a power of doing it in the vertue of a pretended prerogative , is both a high usurpation over the laws , and a violation of of his coronation oath . nor is it any commendation either of the humanity of the papists , or of the meekness and truth of their religion , that while they elsewhere treat those who differ from them in faith and worship with that barbarity , they should so clamorously inveigh against the severities which in some reformed states they are liable unto , and which their treasons gave the rise and provocation unto at first , and have been at all times the motives to the infliction of . but they alone would have the allowance to be cruel wherein they act consonantly to their own tenets ; and i wish that some provision might be made for the future , for the security of our religion , and our safety in the profession of it , without the doing any thing that may unbecome the merciful principles of christianity , or be unsutable to the meek and generous temper of the english nation , and that the property of being sanguinary may be left to the church of rome as its peculiar priviledg and glory , and as a more distinguisting character than all the other marks which she pretends unto . that which i am speaking of , is the suspending the execution of those laws , by which the government was secured of the fidelity of its subjecte , and by which they in whom it could not confide were meerly shut out from places of power and trust , and were made liable to very small damages themselves , and only hindred from getting into a condition of doing mischief to us . all governments have a right to use means for their own preservation , provided they be not such as are inconsistent with the ends of government , and repugnant to the will and pleasure of the supream soveraign of mankind , and it is in the power of every legislative assembly to declare who of the community shall be capable or incapable of publick imploys , and of possessing offices , upon which the peace , welfare , and security of the whole politick body does depend . without this n 〈…〉 government could subsist , nor the people b 〈…〉 in safety under it ; but the constitution woul 〈…〉 be in constant danger of being subverted● and the priviledges , liberties , and religion of the subjects laid open to be overthrown . and should such a power in legislators , be upon weak suspitions and il 〈…〉 grounded jealousies , carried at any tim● too far , and some prove to be debarre● from trusts , whose being imployed woul● import no hazard ; yet the worst of that would be only a disrepect shewn to individual persons , who might deserve more favour and esteem , but could be of no prejudice to the society , there being alway's 〈◊〉 sufficient number of others , fit for the discharge of all offices , in whom an entire confidence may be reposed . and 't is remarkable , that the states general of the unite● provinces , who afford the greatest liberty to all religions , that any known state i● europe giveth ; yet they suffer no papists to come into places of authority and iudicature ▪ nor to bear any office in the republick tha● may either put them into a condition , o● lay them under a temptation of attempting any thing to the prejudice of religion , o● for the betraying the liberty of the provinces ▪ and as 't is lawful for any government to preclude all such persons from publick trusts , of whose enmity , and ill will to the establishment in church or state , they have either a moral certainty , or just grounds of suspition ; so 't is no less lawful to provide tests for their discovery and detection , tha● they may not be able to mask and vizo● themselves in order to getting into offices , and thereupon of promoting and accomplishing their mischievous and malicious intentions . nor is it possible in such a case , but that the tests they are to be tried by , must relate to some of those principles by which they are most eminently distinguished from them of the national settlement , and in reference whereunto they think it most piacular to dissemble their opinion ▪ nor have the papists cause to be offended , that the renouncing the belief of transubstantia●●on should be required as the distinguishing ●ark whereby upon their refusal , they may ●e discerned , when all the penalty upon their ●eing known , is only to be excluded from a ●●are in the legislation , and not to be admitted ●o employments of trust and profit ; seeing it ●ath been and still is their custome , to require ●he ; belief of the corporal presence in the sacra●ent , as that upon the not acknowledgment whereof we are to be accounted hereticks , ●nd to stand condemned to be burnt , which is ●omewhat worse than the not being allowed ●o sit in the two houses of parliament , or ●o be shut out from a civil or military ●ffice . neither are they required to declare ●uch less to swear , that the doctrine of transubstantiation is false , or that there is no 〈…〉 ch thing as transubstantiation , ( as is affirmed 〈…〉 n a scurrilous paper written against the loyalty of the church of england ) but all ●hat is enjoined in the test acts , is that , 〈◊〉 a. b. do declare , that i do believe that there 〈◊〉 not any transubstantiation in the sacrament 〈◊〉 the lords supper , or in the elements of bread ●nd wine , at or after the consecration thereof by ●ny person whatsoever . tho the parliament ●as willing to use all the care they could , for ●he discovering papists , that the provision for ●ur security , unto which those acts were de●igned , might be the more effectual ; yet ●hey were not so void of understanding , as ●o prescribe a method for it , which would ●ave exposed them to the world for their ●olly , 't is much different to say , swear , or ●eclare , that i do believe there is not any transub●●antiation , and the saying or declaring that ●here is not a transubstantiation ; the former ●eing only expressive of what my sentiment or opinion is , and not at all affecting the doctrine it self , to make , or unmake it , other ●han what it is , independently upon my judgment of it ; whereas the latter does prima●ily affect the object and the determination of its existence to such a mode as i conceive ●t ; and there are a thousand things which i can say that i do not believe , but i dare not say that they are not . now as 't is the dispensing with these laws that argues the kings assuming an absolute power ; so the addressing by way of thanks for the declaration wherein this power is exerted , is no less than an owning and acknowledging of it , and that it rightfully belongs to him . there is a third thing which shame or fear would not suffer them to put into the declaration for liberty of conscience in england , but which they have had the impudence to insert into the proclamation for a toleration in scotland , which as it carries absolute power written in forehead of it , so it is such an unpresidented exercise of despoticalness , as hardly any of the oriental tyrants or even the french leviathan would have ventured upon . for having stop't , disabled , and suspended all laws enjoining any oaths , whereby our religion was secured , and the preservation of it to us and our posterity was provided for ; he imposeth a new oath upon his scots subjects , whereby they are to be bound to defend and mantain him , his heirs and lawful successors in the exercise of their absolute power and authority against all deadly , the imposing an oath upon subjects hath been always look't upon as the highest act of legislative authority , in that it affects their consciences , and requires the approbation , or disapprobation of their minds and judgments , in reference to whatsoever it is enjoined for ; whereas a law that affects only mens estates may be submitted unto , tho in the mean time they think that which is exacted of them to be unreasonable and unjust . and as it concerns both the wisdom and justice of law-givers to be very tender in ordaining oaths that are to be taken by subjects , and that not only from a care that they may not prostitute the name of god to prophanation when the matter about which they are imposed , is either light and trival , or dubious and uncertain ; but because it is an exercise of jurisdiction over the souls of men , which is more than if it were only exercised over their goods , bodies , and priviledges ; so never any of our kings pretended to a right of enjoining and requiring an oath that was not first enacted and specified in some law ; and it would have been heretofore accounted a good plea for refusing such or such an oath , to say there was no statute that had required it . it was one of the articles of high treason ( and the most material ) charged upon the earl of strafford , that being lord deputy of ireland , he required an oath of the scotts who inhabited there , which no law had ordained or prescribed ; which may make those councellors who have advised the king to impose this new oath , as well as all others that shal require it to be taken upon his majesties bare authority , to be a little apprehensive , whether it may not at some time rise in judgment against them , and prove a forefeiture of their lives to justice . and as the imposing an oath not warranted by law is a high act of absolute power , and in the king an altering of the constitution ; so if we look into the oath it self , we shall find this absolute power strangly manifested and displayed in all the parts and branches of it , and the people required to swear themselves his majesties most obedient slaves and vassalls . by one paragraph of it , they are required to swear that it is unlawful for subjects on any pretence or for any cause whatsoever to rise in arms against him , or any commissioned by him ; and that they shall never resist his power or authority ; which as it may be intended for a foundation and means of keeping men quiet when he shall break in upon their estates and overthrow their religion , so it may be designed as an encouragement to his catholick subjects , to set upon the cutting protestants throats , when by this oath their hands are tied up from hindring them . it is but for the papists to come authorised with his majesties commission , which will not be denied them for so meritorious a work , and then there is no help nor remedy , but we must stretch out our necks , and open our breasts , to their consecrated swords , and sanctified daggers . nay if the king should transfer the succession to the crown from the rightful heir to some zealous romanist , or alienat and dispose his kingdoms in way of donation and gift to the pope , or to the society of the iesuites , and for the better securing them in the possessio● hereafter , should invest and place them i● the enjoyment of them while he lives ; th● scotts are bound in the virtue of this oat● tamely to look on , and calmly to acquiesc● in it . or should his physitians advise him to 〈◊〉 nightly variety of matron's and maids , as th● best remedy against his malignant and venemous heats ; all of that kingdom are boun● to surrender their wives and daughters to him with a du'tiful silence and a profound veneration . and if by this oath he can secur● himself from the opposition of his dissenting subjects in case thro recovery of their reason a fit of ancient zeal should surprise them ▪ he is otherway's secured of an asiatick tameness in his prelatical people , by a principl● which they have lately imbib'd , but neithe● learned from their bibles nor the statutes o● the land. for the clergy upon thinking that the wind would alway's blow out of one quarter , and being resolved to make that a duty by their learning , which their interest at that season made convenient ; have preached up the doctrine of passive obedience to such a boundless height , that they have done what in them lyes , to give up themselves and all that had the weakness to believe them , fettered and bound for sacrifices to popish rage and despotical tyranny . but for my self ( and i hope the like of many others ) i thank god i am not tainted with that slavish and adulatory doctrine , as having alway's thought that the first duty of every member of a body politick , is to the community , for whose safety , and good , governours are instituted , and that it is only to rulers as they are found to answer the main ends they are appointed for , and to act by the legal rules that are chalcks out unto them . whether it be from my dulness , or that my understanding is of a perverser make than other mens , i cannot tell ; but i could never yet be otherway's minded , than that the rules of the constitution and the laws of the republick or kingdom , are to be the measures both of the soveraigns commands , and of the subjects obedience ; and that as we are not to invade what by concessions and stipulations belongs unto the ruler , so we may not only lawfully , but we ought to defend what is reserved to our selves , if it be invaded and broken in upon . and as without such a right in the subjects , all legal governments , and mixt monarchies , were but emptie names , and ridiculous things ; so wheresoever the constitution of a nation is such , there the prince who strives to subvert the laws of the society is the traitor and rebel ; and not the people who endeavour to preserve and defend them . there is yet another branch of the foresaid oath , that is of a much more unreasonable strain than the former , which is , that they shall to the utmost of their power assist , defend , and maintain him in ●he exercise of this absolute power and authority ; which being tack't to our obeying without reserve , make us the greatest slaves , that either are , or ever were in the universe . our kings were heretofore bound to govern according to law ( and so is his present majesty , if a coronation oath , and faith to hereticks , were not weaker than sampson's cords proved to be ) but instead of that , here is a new oath imposed upon the subjects by which they are bound to protect and defend the king in his ruling arbitrarily . it had been more than enough to have required only a calm submitting to the exercise of absolute power ; but to be injoined to swear to assist and defend his majesty and successors in all things wherein they shall exert it , is a plain destroying of all natural as well as civil liberty , and a robbing us of that freedom that belongs unto us both as we are men , and as we are born under a free and legal government . for by this we become bound to dragg our brethren to the stake , to cutt their throats , plunder their houses , embrew our hands in the blood of our wives and children , if his majesty please to make these the instances wherein he will exert his absolute power , and require us to assist him in the exercise of it . as it was necessary to cancell all other oaths and tests , as being directly inconsistent with this ; so the requiring the scotts to swear this oath , is the highest reveng he could take for their solemn league and covenant and for all other oaths , that lust after arbitrariness , and popish bigottry , will pronounce to have been injurious to the crown . but no words are sufficient to express the mischiefs wrapt up in that new oath , or to declare the abhorrency that all who value the rights and liberties of mankind ought to entertain for it , nor to proclaim the villany of those who shall by addresses give thanks for the proclamation . there may a fourth thing be added , whereby it will appear that his majesties assuming absolute power , stands recorded in capital letters in his declaration for liberty of conscience . for not being contented to omit the requiring the oaths of allegeance and supremacy and the test oaths to be taken , nor being satisfied to suspend for a season the enjoining any to be demanded to take them ; he tells us that it is his royal will and pleasure that the foresaid oaths shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken , which is a full and direct repealing of the laws in which they are enacted . it hath hitherto passed for an undoubted maxim , that eorum est tollere , quorum est condere , they can only abrogate laws , who have power and authority to make them , and we have heretofore been made believe , that the legislative power was not in the king alone , but that the two houses of parliament had at least a share in it ; whereas here by the disabling and suspending laws for ever , the whole legislative power is challenged to be vested in the king , and at one dash the government of england is subverted and changed . tho it hath been much disputed whether the king had a liberty of refusing to assent to bills relating to the benefit of the publick that had passed the two houses , and if there be any sense in those words of the coronation oath of his being bound to govern according to the laws quas vulgus elegerit , he had not ; yet none till now , that his majesty doth it , had the impudence to affirm that he might abrogate laws without the concurrence and assent of the lords and commons . for to say that oaths enjoined by laws to be required to be taken , shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken , is a plain cancelling and repealing of these laws , or nothing of this world ever was or is , nor can the wisdom of the nation in parliament assembled , find words more emphatical to declare their abrogation , without saying so , which at this time it was necessary to forbear , for fear of allarming the kingdom too far , before his majesty be sufficiently provided against it . for admitting them to continue still in being and force , tho the king may promise for the nonexecution of them , during his own time , ( which is even a pretty bold undertaking ) yet he cannot assure us that the oaths shall not be required to be taken at any time hereafter , unless he have provided for an eternal line of popish successors , which god will not be so unmerciful as to plague us with , or have gotten a lease of a longer life than methusalah's , which is much more than the full century of years wished him in a late dedication by one that stiles himself an irishman , a thing he might have foreborn telling us , because the size of his understanding fully declares it . however here is such a stroke and exercise of absolute power as dissolves the government , and brings us all into a state of nature , by discharging us from the ties , which by vertue of fundamental stipulations , and statute laws we formerly lay under ; forasmuch as we know no king but a king by law , nor no power he has but a legal power . which thro disclaiming by a challenge that the whole legislative authority does reside in himself , he hath thrown the gantles to three kingdoms , and provokes them to a trial , whether he be ablest to maintain his absoluteness or they to justify their being a free people . and by virtu ' of the same royal will and pleasure , that he annulls ( which he calls suspending ) the laws enjoining the tests and the oaths of allegeance and supremacy , and commands that none of these oaths and declarations shall at any time hereafter be required to be taken ; he may in some following royal papers , give us whitehall , or hampton court edicts , conformable to those at versailles , which at all times hereafter we shall be bound to submitt unto , and stand obliged to be ruled by instead of the common law and statut● book nor is the taking upon him to stamp us new laws , exclusively of parliamentary concurrence , in the virtu ' of his royal prerogative , any thing more uncouth ' in it self , or more dissagreeable to the rules of the constitution and what we have been constantly accustomed unto , than the cassing , disabling and abrogating so many old ones , which that absolute , out of date , as well as ill favoured thing upon monarchs , called a parliament , had a share in the enacting of . i will not say that our addressers were conscious , that the getting an absolute power in his majesty , to be owned and acknowledged , was one of the ends for which the late declaration was calculated and emitted , but i think i have sufficiently demonstrated both that such a power it issueth and flows from , and that such a power is plainly exercised in it . which whether there coming now to be told and made acquainted with it , may make them repent what they have done , or at least prevent their being accessory to the support of this power in other mischievous effects that are to be dreaded from it , i must leave to time to make the discovery , it being impossible to foretel what a people fallen into a phrenzie may do in their paroxism's of distraction and madness . nor was the seruing himself into the possession of an absolute power , and the getting it to be owned by at least a part of the people , the only motive to the publishing the declaration for liberty of conscience in england , and the proclamation for a toleration in scotland ; but a second inducement , tha● sway'd unto it , was the undermining an subverting the protestant religion , and the opening a door for the introduction and establ●●hment of popery . nor was it from any compassion to dissenters , that these two roya● papers were emitted , but from his majestie● tender love to papists , to whom as there arise many advantages for the present , so the whole benefit will be found to redound to them in the issue . we are told ( a● 〈…〉 ave already mentioned ) that the king is ●esolved to convert england , or to die a martyr ; ●nd we may be sure that if he did not think ●he suspending the penal laws , and the dis●ensing with requiring of the tests , and the ●ranting liberty and toleration , to be means admirably adapted thereunto , he would not have acted so inconsistently with himself , nor in that opposition to his own designes , as to have disabled these laws , and vouch sav'd the freedom that results thereupon . especially when we are told by the leige iesuite , that the king being sensible of his growing old , finds himself thereby obliged ●o make the greater hast , and to take the larger steps , lest thro not living long enough to effect what he intends , he should not only lose the glory of converting three kingdoms , but should leave the papists in a worse condition than he found them . his highness the prince of orange very justly concludes this ●o be the thing aim'd at by the present indulgence , and therefore being desired to approve the suspension of the test acts , and to cooperate with his majesty for the obtaining their being repealed ; was pleased to answer , ●hat while he was , as well as prosesseth himself a protestant , he would not act so unworthily as ●o betray the protestant religion , which he necessarily must , if he should do as he was desired . her royal highness the princess of orange , has likewise the same apprehension of the tendency of the toleration and indulgence , and therefore was pleased to say to some scotts ministers that did themselves the honor , and performed the duty that became them , in going to wait upon her , that she greatly commended their having ●o accession to the betraying of the protestant religion , by their returning home to take the benefit of the toleration . what an indelible reproach will it be to a company of men , that pretend to be set for the defence of the gospel , and who stile themselves ministers of iesus christ , to be found betraying religion , thro justifying the suspension of so many laws whereby it was established and supported , and whereby the kingdoms were fenced about , and guarded against popery ; while these two noble princes to the neglect of their own interest in his majesties favour , and to the provoking him to do them all the prejudice he can in their right of succession to the imperial crowns of great brittain , do signify their open dislike of that act of the king , and that not only upon the account of its illegality and arbitrariness , but by reason of its tendency to supplant and undermine the reformed religion . and they are strangely blind that do not see how it powerfully operates , and conduceth to the effecting of this , and that in more way's and method's than are easie to be recounted . for thereby our divisions , are not only kept up at a time , when the united councels and strength of all protestants is too little against the craft and power of rome ; but they who have addressed to thank the king for his royal papers , are become a listed and enrolled faction , to abet and stand by the king in all that naturally follows to be done for the maintaining his declaration , and justifying of the usurped authority from which it issues . 't is matter of a melancholy consideration , and turns little to the credit of dissenters , that when they of the church of england , who had with so great indiscretion promoted things to that pass , which an easie improvement of would produce what hath since ensued , are thro being at last enlightned in the designes of the court , come so far to recover their witts , as that they can no longer do the service they were wont , and which was still expected from them ; there should be a new tribe of men muster'd up to stand in their room , and who by their vows and promises made to the king in their addresses , have undertaken to perform , what others have the conscience , and honesty , as well as the wisdom , to refuse and decline . nor are the divisions among protestants only hereby upheld and maintained ; but our animosities and rancours are both continued and enflamed . for while they of the established way are provoked and exasperated to see all the legal foundations both of the protestant religion and their church subverted ; the addressing-dissenters are emboldned , to revenge themselves upon the national clergy , in terms of the utmost opprobry , virulence , and reproach , for their accession to the sufferings which they had endured . surely it would have been not only more generous , but much more christian , and becoming good as well as wise men , to have made no other retaliations but those of forgiveness and pardon for the injuries they had met with , and to have offered all the assistances , they could give , to their conformable brethren , for the stemming and withstanding the deluge of popery and tyranny that is impetuously breaking in upon the kingdoms . and as this would have united all protestants in bonds of forbearance and love not to be dissolved thro petty differences about discipline , forms of worship , and a few rites , and ceremonies ; so it would in the sense and judgment of all men , have given them a more triumphant victory over those that had been their imprudent and peevish enemies , than if they were to enjoy the spoiles of the conformable clergy , by being put into possession of their cures and benefices . the relation i have stood in to the dissenting party , and the kindness i retain for them above all other , make me heartily bewail , their losing the happiest opportunity , that was ever put into their hands , not only of improving the compassion , which their calamities had raised for them in the hearts of the generality , into friendship and kindness , but of acquiring such a merit upon the nation , that the utmost favoures which a true english protestant parliament could hereafter have shewed them , would have been accounted but slender as wel as just recompences . nor can i forbear to say , that i had rather have seen the furnace of afflictions made hotter for them , tho it should have been my own lot to be thrown into the most scorching flames , than to have beheld them guilty of those excesses of folly towards themselves , and of treachery to religion , and the laws of their countrey , which their present ease , and a shor● opportunity afforded them of acquiring gain , have hurried and transported so many of them into . it plainly appears with what aspect upon our religion the declaration for liberty of conscience was emitted , if we do but observe the advantages the papists have already reapt by it . how is the whole nation thereupon , not only overflow'd with swarms of lo●●sts , and all places filled with priests and iesuites , but the whole executive power of the government , and all preferments of honor , interest , and profit are put into roman catholick hands ? so that we are not only exposed to the unwearied and restless importunities of seducers , but through the advancement of papists to all offices civil , and military , if not ecclesiastick ; the covetous become brib'd , the timorous threatned , and the prophane are baited with temptations sutable to their lusts , and they that stand resolved to continue honest are laid open not only to the bold affronts of priests and fryers , the insolencies of petulant popish justices , the chicaneries and oppressions of the arbitrary commission court , but to the rage of his majesty , and the danger of being attaqu'd by his armed squadrons . to which may be added , that by the same prerogative and absolute power that his majesty hath suspended the laws made for the protection of our religion ; he may disable and dispense with all the laws by which it is set up and established . and as it will not be more illegal and arbitrary to make void the laws for protestancy , than to have suspended those against popery ; so i do not see how the adressers that have approved the one , can disallow or condemn the other . for the king having obtained an acknowledgment of his absolute power , and of his royal prerogative paramount to laws on his exercising it in one instance ; it now depends meerly upon his own will ( for any thing these thanks-giving gentlemen have to say against it ) whether he may not exert it in another , wherein they are not likely to find so much of their ease and gain . there is a third inducement to the emitting those royal papers , which tho at the first ●iew , it may seem wholly to regard forraig●ers , yet it ultimately terminates in the sub●ersion of our religion at home , and in the kings putting himself into a condition of ●xercising his absolute power in whatsoever acts he pleaseth over his own subjects , whe●her after the french fashion in commanding them to turn catholicks because he will ●ave it so , or after the manner of the grand ●eignior to require them to submit their necks to the bow string ; because he is jea●ous of them , or wants their estates to pay ●is janizaries . the united provinces are they whom he bore a particular spleen and indignation unto , when he was a subject , and upon whom he is now in the throne , he resolves not only to wreak all his old malice , but by conquering and subduing them ( if he can ) to strengthen his absoluteness over his own people , and to pave his way for overthrowing the protestant religion in great brittain , without lying open to the hazards that may otherwise attend and ensue upon the attempting of it . and instead of expecting nothing from him , but what may become a brave and generous enemy , they ought to remember the encouragement that he gave heretofore to two varlets , to burn that part of their fleet which belong'd to amsterdam , an action as ignominious as fraudulent , and that might have been fatal to all the provinces , if thro a happy and seasonable detection and the apprehension of one of the miscreants , it had not been prevented . he knows that the states general are not only zealous assertors of the protestant religion , but alway's ready to afford a sanctuary and a place of refuge to those , who being oppressed for the profession of it elsewhere , are forced to forsake their own countries , and to seek for shelter and relief in other parts . and as he is not unsensible , how easie the withdrawment and flight is into these provinces , for such as are persecuted in his dominions ; so he is aware , that if multitudes , and especially men of condition and estates , should for the avoiding his cruelty betake themselves thither , that they would not be unthoughtful of all ways and means , whereby they might redeem their country from tyranny , and restore themselves to the quiet enjoyment of their estates and liberties at home . but that which most enrages him is the figure which the two princes do make in that state ( of whose succession to the crown the protestants in brittain have so near a prospect ) and the post which the prince filleth in that government , so that he dare neither venture to difinherit them , nor impose upon , them such terms , and conditions , as their consciences will not suffer them to comply with , while either these states remain free , or while such english and scotts as retain a zeal for religion and the ancient laws and rights of their respective countries , can retreat thither under hopes of admission and protection . and so closely are the interests of all protestants in england and scotland , woven and inlaid with the interest of the united netherlands , and such is the singular regard that both the one and the other bear to the reformed religion , the liberty of mankind and their several civil rights ; that it is impossible for his majesty to embarque in a design against the one , without resolving at the same time upon the ruin of the other . neither will the one be able to subsist , when once the other is subdu'd and enslaved . as philip the ii. of spain , saw no way so compendious for the restoring himself to the soveraignty and tyrannous rule over the dutch , as the subjugating of england that hel'p to support and assist them , which was the ground of rigging out his formidable armado , and of his design against england in . so his brittish majesty , thinks no method so expeditious for the enslaving his own people , as the endeavouring first to subdue the dutch. and as upon the one hand it would be of a threatning consequence to holland , could the king subjugate his own people , extirpate the protestant religion out of his dominions , and advance himself to a despotical power ; so upon the other hand , could he conquer the dutch , we might with the greatest certainty date the woful fate of great brittain , and the loss of all that is valuable to them as men and christians , from the same moment and period of time . they are like the twins we read of , whose destiny was to live and die together ; and which soever of the two is destroyed first , all the hope and comfort that the other can pretend unto , is to be last devoured . now after the advances which his majesty hath made towards the enslaving his subjects , and the subverting the reformed religion in his kingdoms , he finds it necessary before he venture to give the last and fatal stroke at home , and to enter upon the plenary exercise of his absolute power , in laying parliaments wholly aside , in cancelling all laws to make way for royal edicts or declarations of the complexion of the former , and in commanding us to turn roman catholicks , or to be dragoon'd ; i say he thinks it needful before he proceed to these , to try whether he can subdue and conquer the dutch , and thereby remove all hopes of shelter , relief , comfort , and assistance from his own people , when he shall afterwards fall upon them . and how much soever the court endeavoures to conceal its design , and strives to compliment the states general into a confidence that all alliances between them and the crown of england shall be maintained and preserved ; yet they not only speak their intentions by several open and visible actions , but some of them cannot forbear to tell it , when their blood is heated and their heads warm'd with a liberal glass and a lusty proportion of wine . thence it was that a governing papist lately told a gentleman after they two had drunk hard together , that they had some work in england that would employ them a little time , but when that was over they would make the dutch fly to the end of the world , to find a resting place . delenda est carthago is engraven upon their hearts , as being that without which rome cannot arrive at the universal monarchy that it aspires after . it was upon a formed design of a war against the united provinces , that the king hath for these two years stirr 〈…〉 up and incited , as well as countenanced a 〈…〉 protected the algerines in their piracies , th 〈…〉 thro their weakning and spoiling the du 〈…〉 before hand , it may be the more easie a ma●ter for him to subdue them , when he sh 〈…〉 think fit to begin his hostilities . 't is in o●der to this , that he hath entred into ne● and secret alliances with other princes , th● purport of which is boldly talk't of in lo●don , but whether believed at the hague i ca●not tell . for as monsr . barrillion and mons● bonrepos present transactions at whitehal relate to something else than meerly to the a●fair of hudsons bay ; so prince georges erran● to denmark , is of more importance than bare visite , or a naked compliment to hi● brother . 't is upon this design that all tha● great marine preparation hath been so lon● making in the several ports of england ; bu● to the hindring the execution whereof som● unexpected and not foreseen accidents hav● interposed . and it is in subserviency not to be disquieted at home , while he is carrying on this holy war abroad , that the declaratio● for liberty of conscience in england , and the proclamation for a toleration in scotland , are granted and published . 't is well enough known how that after the french king had , among many other severities exercised against protestants , made them uncapable of employments and commands ; yet to avoid the consequences that might have ensued thereupon , while he was engaged in war against the emperor , the king of spain , and the states of holland , and to have the aid ' of his reformed subjects ; he not only intermitted and abated in many other rigours towards them , but in anno . restored them to a capacity of being employed and preferred . and that this did not flow from any compassion , tendernes or good will , towards them , his carriage since the issue of that war , and the miserable condition he hath reduced them unto , do's sufficiently testify and declare . nor can we forget , how that the late king , after a rigorous execution of the penal laws for several years against dissenters ; yet being to enter into an unjust ●ar against the united provinces anno . ●ot only forbore all proceedings of that kind , ●ut published a declaration for suspending the ●xecution of all those laws , and for the al●owing them liberty of assembling to wor●hip god in their separate meetings , with●ut being hindred or disturbed . what ●rinciple that proceeded from , and to what ●nd it was calculated , appeared in his beha●iour to them afterwards , when neither the ●anger the nation was in from the papists , ●or the application of several parliaments ●ould prevail for lenity towards them , much less for a legal repeal of those impo●itick and unreasonable statutes . nor does ●he present indulgence flow from any kindness to fanaticks , but it is only an artifice to stiffe their discontents , and to procure their assistance for the destroying of a forraign protestant state. and it may not be unworthy of observation , that as the declaration of indulgenct anno . bore date much about the same time with the declaration of war against the dutch ; so at the very season that his present majesty emitted his declaration for liberty of conscience , there were commissions of reprisal prepared and ready to be grantrd to the english east india company against the hollanders , but which were suppressed upon the courts finding that they whom the suspending the execution of so many laws , and the granting such liberties , rights and immunities to the papists , had disgusted and provoked , were far more numerous and their resentments more to be apprehended , than they were , whose murmurings and discontents they had silenced and allay'd by the liberty that was granted . now as it will be at this juncture , when the protestant interest is so low in the world , and the reformed religion in so great danger of being destroyed , a most wicked as well as an imprudent act , to contribute help and aid to the subjugating a people , that are the chief protectors of the protestant religion that are left , and almost the only asserters of the rights and liberties of mankind , so it may , fill the addressers with confusion and shame that they should have not only justified an act of his majestys that is plainly designed to such a mischievous end , but that they should by the promises and vows that they have made him , have emboldned his majesty to continue his purposes and resolutions of a war against the dutch. which as it must be funestous and fatal to the protestant cause , in case he should prosper and succeed ; so howsoever it should issue , yet the addressers , who have done what in them lyes to give encouragement unto it , will be held betrayers of the protestant religion , both abroad and at home , and judged guilty of all the blood of those of the same faith with them , that shall be shed in this quarrel . that liberty ought to be allowed to men in matters of religion , is no plea whereby the kings giving it in an illegal and arbitrary manner , can be maintained and justified . since ever i was capable of exercising any distinct and coherent acts of reason , i have been alway's of that mind , that none ought to be persecuted for their consciences towards god in matters of faith and worship . nor is it one of those things that lye under the power of the soveraign and legislative authority , to grant or not to grant ; but it is a right setled upon mankind antecedent to all civil constitutions and humane laws , having its foundation in the law of nature , which no prince or state can legitimately violate and infringe . the magistrate as a civil officer can pretend or claim no power over a people , but what he either derives from the divine charter , wherein god , the supream instituter of magistracy has chalk't out the duty of rulers in general , or what the people upon the first and original stipulation , are supposed to have given him in order to the protection , peace and prosperity of the society . but as it does no where appear that god hath given any such power to governors , seeing all the revelations in the scripture , as well as all the dictates of nature , speak a contrary language , so neither can the people upon their chusing such a one to be their ruler , be imagined to transferr and vest such a power in him , for as much as they cannot divest themselves of a power , no more than of a right , of believing things , as they arrive with a credibility to their several and respective understandings . as it is in no mans power to believe as he will , but only as he sees cause ; so it is the most irrational imagination in the world , to think they should transferr a right to him whom they have chosen to govern them , of punishing them for what it is not in their power to help . nor can any thing be plainer , than that god has reserved the empire over conscience to himself , and that he hath circumscribed the power of all humane governore to things of a civil and inferior nature . and had god convey'd a right unto magistrates of commanding men to be of this or that religion , and that because they are so , and will have others to be of their mind ; it would follow that the people may conform to whatsoever they require , tho by all the lights of sense ▪ , reason and revelation , they are convinced of the falsehood of it : seeing whatsoever the soveraign rightfully commands , the subjects may lawfully obey . but tho the persecuting people for matters of meer religion , be repugnant to the light of nature , inconsistent with the fundamental maximes of reason , directly contrary to the temper and genious , as well as to the rules of the gospel , and not only against the safety and interest of civil societies , but of a tendency to fill them with confusion , and to arm subjects to the cutting of one anothers throats ; yet governors may both deny liberty to those whose principles oblige them to destroy those that are not of their mind , and may in some measure regulate the liberty which they vouch save to others , whose opinions tho they do not think dangerous to the peace of the community , yet thro judging them erroneous and false , they conceive them dangerous to the soules of men . as there is a vast difference betwixt tolerating a religion , and approving the religion that is tolerated ; so what a government doth not approve , but barely permitts and suffers , may 〈◊〉 brought under restrictions as to time , plac 〈…〉 and number of those professing it , that sha 〈…〉 assemble in one meeting ; which it wer 〈…〉 an undecency , to extend to those of th 〈…〉 justified and established way . now wha 〈…〉 soever restrictions , or regulations , are e 〈…〉 acted , and ordained by the legislative a●thority , in reference to religions or religio 〈…〉 assemblies ; they are not to be stop't , disable 〈…〉 or suspended , but by the same authority th 〈…〉 enacted and ordained them . the king say 〈◊〉 very truely , that conscience ought not to 〈◊〉 constrained , nor people forced in matters of me 〈…〉 religion ; but it does not from thence follo 〈…〉 ( unless by the logick of whitehal ) th 〈…〉 without the concurrence of a parliamen 〈…〉 he should suspend and dispense with the law 〈…〉 and by a pretended preroragtive , relieve an 〈…〉 from what they are obnoxious unto by th 〈…〉 statutes of the realm . his saying , that th 〈…〉 forcing people in matters of religio 〈…〉 spoils trade , depopulates countries , discour 〈…〉 geth strangers , and answers not the end 〈◊〉 beinging all to an uniformity , for which it 〈◊〉 employ'd ; would do well in a speech to th 〈…〉 houses of parliament , to perswade them t 〈…〉 repeal some certain laws , or might do we 〈…〉 to determine his majesty to assent to suc 〈…〉 bills as a parliament may prepare and offe 〈…〉 for relieving persons in matters of co 〈…〉 science ; but does not serve for what it 〈◊〉 alledged , nor can it warrant his suspending th 〈…〉 laws by his single authority . and by th 〈…〉 way , i know when these very argument 〈…〉 were not only despised by his majesty , an 〈…〉 ridiculed by those who took their cue fro 〈…〉 court , and had wit to do it , as by the pr●sent bishop of oxford in a very ill natur 〈…〉 book , called ecclesiastical polity ; but whe 〈…〉 the daring to have mentioned them , woul 〈…〉 have provok'd the then duke of york's i 〈…〉 dignation , and have exposed the party th 〈…〉 did it to discountenance and disgrace . t 〈…〉 question is not , what is convenient to 〈◊〉 done in some measure and degree , and 〈◊〉 reference to those whose religion does n 〈…〉 oblige them to destroy all that differ fro 〈…〉 ●om , when they have opportunity for it ; 〈…〉 t the point in debate is , who hath the le●●l power of doing it , and of fixing its bounds ●●d limits . it was never pretended that the 〈…〉 ing ought to be shut out from a share in spending and repealing laws ; but that the ●●le right of doing it belongs to him , is ●hat cannot be allowed , without changing 〈…〉 e constitution , and placing the whole le 〈…〉 slative authority in his majesty . and as it is 〈◊〉 usurpation in the king to challenge it , and 〈◊〉 treachery in english subjects to acknowledg 〈…〉 ; so the inconveniences , that this , or that ●arty , are in the mean time exposed unto , 〈…〉 ro the laws remaining in force , are ra●●er to be endured , than that a power of 〈…〉 ving case and relief ( farther than by con 〈…〉 vance ) should be confessed to reside in ●●y one , in whom the laws of the com●unity have not placed it . 't is better to ●●dergo hardships under the execution of ●●just laws ; than be released from our ●roubles , by a power usurped over all laws . ●or by the one , the measures of government , 〈◊〉 well as the rights and priviledges of a na 〈…〉 on , are destroy'd ; whereas by the other , ●●ly a part of the people are afflicted and ●●duly dealt with . while we are govern'd 〈◊〉 laws , tho several of them may be in 〈…〉 st and inconvenient , yet we are under a ●●curity as to all other things which those ●aws have not made liable ; but when we ●ll under an illimited prerogative and abso 〈…〉 e power , we have no longer a title 〈◊〉 , or a hedg about any thing , but all lies ●●en to the lust and pleasure of him , in ●hom we have owned that power to be 〈…〉 ated . a liberty is what dissenters have 〈◊〉 right to claim , and which the legislative ●uthority is bound by the rules of justice 〈…〉 d duty as well as by principles of wisdom 〈…〉 d discretion to grant . and i am sorry 〈…〉 at while they stood so fair to obtain it 〈◊〉 a legal and parliamentary way , any of 〈…〉 em by acknowledging a right in another 〈◊〉 give it , and that in a manner so subver 〈…〉 e of the authority of parliaments , should 〈…〉 ve rendred themselves unworthy to receive it from them , to whom the power of bestowing it does belong . not but that a toleration will be alway's due to their principles , but i know not whether the particular men of those principles , who have by their addresses betray'd the kingdom , may not come to be judged to have forfeited all share in it , for their crime committed against the constitution , and the whole politick society . nor is there any thing more just and equal , than that they who surrender and give away the rights both of legislators and subjects ; should lose all grace and favour from the former , and all portion among the latter . and how much soever some protestant dissenters , may please themselves with the liberty , that at present they enjoy in the vertue of the two royal papers ; yet this may serve to moderate them in their transports of gladness , that they have no solid security for the continuance of it . for should a parliament null and make voide the declaration for liberty , and impeath the judges for declaring a power vested in the king to suspend so many laws , and for forbearing upon the kings mandat to execute them ; the freedom that the dissenters possess , would immediately vanish , and have much the same destiny that the liberty had , which was granted unto them by the declaration of indulgence anno . or should the parliament be willing to grant ease and indulgence to all protestants , by a bill prepared for repealing of all the laws formerly made against them , and should only be desirous to preserve in force the laws relating to the oaths of allegiance and supremacy , and the statutes which enjoin the tests , of whose execution we never more wanted the benefit in order to our preservation from popery , and which an english parliament cannot be supposed willing to part with , at a time when our lives , estates , and religion , are so visibly threatned to be swallowed up , and destroyed by the papists ; in that case we may confidently believe , that the king instead either of assenting to such a bill for separate favour to protestants , or persevering in his compassion and kindness of continuing the suspension of the laws against dissenters , he would from an inveterate enmity as well as from a new contracted resentment , be stirred up and enraged to the putting the laws in execution with greater rigor and severity , than hath been seen , or felt heretofore . and all that the addressers would then reap by the declaration ; would be to undergo the furious effects of brutal rage in their persecutors , and to be unpittyed by the kingdom , and unlamented by their fellow protestants . or should his majesty in favour to his good catholicks , resolve against the meeting of a parliament , or to adjourn and prorogue them whensoever he shall find , that instead of confirming what he hath done , they shall make null his declaration , vote his pretended prerogative illegal and arbitrary , and fall upon those mercinary and perjured villains , who have allowed him a power transcendent to law ; yet even upon that supposal , which is the best that can be made to support mens hopes in the continuance of the present liberty , the protestant dissenters would have but slender security , all the tenure they have for the duration of their freedom being only precarious , and depending meerly upon the kings word and promise , which there is small ground to rely upon . nor can he be true to them , without being false to his religion , which not only gives him leave to break his faith with hereticks , but obligeth him to it , and to destroy them to boot , and that both under the pain of damnation , and of forfeiting his crown and losing his dominions . and how far the promise and royal word of a catholick monarch is to be trusted unto , and depended upon , we have a modern proof and evidence in the behaviour of louis de grand towards his reformed subjects , not only in repealing the many edicts made and confirmed by himself , as well as his ancestors , for the free exercise of their religion ; but in the method's he hath alway's observed , namely to promise them protection in the profession of their faith , and practi●● of their worship , when he was most ste● fastly resolved to subvert their religion , a 〈…〉 was about making some fresh advan 〈…〉 and taking some new step for its extirpati●● thus when he had firmly purposed , not 〈◊〉 suffer a minister to continue a year in t●● kingdom , he at the same time , publish●● an edict , requiring ministers , to serve b 〈…〉 three years in one place , and not to retur● to the church , where they had first officiate● till after the expiration of twentie years . 〈◊〉 the same manner , when he had resolve● to repeal the edict of nantes , and had giv● injunction for the draught , by which it w●● to be done ; he at the same season , gave th● protestants , all assurances of protection , an● of the said edicts being kept inviolabl●● to which may be added , that shameful an● detestable chicanery , in passing his sacre● and royal word , that no violence shoul● be offered any for their religion , tho at th●● very moment , the dragoons were upo● their march , with orders of exercising a 〈…〉 manner of cruelties , and barbarities , upo● them . so that his majesty of great brit 〈…〉 tain , hath a pattern lately set him , an● that by the illustrious monarch , whom h● so much admires , and whom he makes i● his ambition , and glory , to imitate . no● are we without proofs already , how insigni ficant the kings promises are , ( except to de lude ) and what little confidence , ought t● be put in them . the disabling , and suspen ding , the th statute of his late parliame●● in scotland , wherein the test was confirmed and his departing from all his promises registred in his letter , as well as from those contained in the speech made by the lor● commissioner , pursuant to the instruction● which he had undoubtedly received , together with his having forgotten and recede● from all his promises made to the church o● england both when duke of york , and since he came to the crown , are undeniable evidences , that his royal word , is no more sacred , nor binding , than that of some other monarchs ; and that whosoever of the 〈…〉 rotestants , shall be so foolish , as to rely ●pon it , will find themselves as certainly ●isappointed , and deceived , as they of the 〈…〉 ormed religion elsewhere , have been . 〈…〉 d while they of the established way , find 〈◊〉 small security by the laws , which the ●ing is bound by his coronation oath to ob●erve ; the dissenters cannot expect very ●uch , from a naked promise , which as it ●ath not a solemn oath to enforce it , so 't is ●oth illegal in the making , and contrary to 〈…〉 he principles of his religion to keep . nor is 〈◊〉 unworthy of observation , that he hath ●ot only departed from his promises , made ●o the church of england ; but that we are told , 〈◊〉 a late popish pamphlet , entitled , a new test 〈◊〉 the church of englands loyalty , published 〈…〉 as it self say's ) by authority , that they were 〈…〉 ll conditional ( to wit by vertue of some ●●ntal reservation in his majesties breast ) ●nd that the conformable clergy , having fai 〈…〉 ed , in performing the conditions , upon which they were made ; the king , is ab●olved , and discharged , from all obliga●ion , of observing them . the church of england ( say's he ) must give his majesty leave ●ot to nourish a snake in his bosom , but rather ●o withdraw his royal protection , which was pro●ised , upon the account , of her constant fidelity . which as it is a plain threatning of all the legal clergy , and a denunciation of the un●ust and hard measure , thy are to look for ; so it shakes the foundation , upon which all credit unto , and relyance upon , his majesties word , can be any way 's placed . for tho threatnings may have tacit reserves , because ●he right of executing them , resides in the threatner ; yet promises are incapable of all ●atent conditions , because every promise vests 〈◊〉 right in the promise , and that in the vir●ue of the words in which it is made . but 〈◊〉 is the less to be wondred at , if his majesty 〈…〉 y to equivocations and mental reserves , being ●oth under the conduct of that order , and a member of the society , that first taught and ●racticed this treacherous piece of chica●erie . however it may inform the dissen 〈…〉 s , that if they be not able to answer the end , for which they are depended upon ; or be not willing in the manner and degree , that is expected ; or if it be not for the interest , of the catholick cause , to have them indulged ; in all these cases , and many more , the king may be pronounced , acquitted , and discharged , from all the promises , he hath given them , as having been meerly stipulatory , and conditional . and as he will be sure then , finem facere ferendae alienae personae , to lay aside the disguise that he hath now put on ; so if they would reflect either upon his temper or upon his religion , they might now know , hand gratuitam in tanta superbia comitatem , that a person of his pride would not stoop to such flattery , ( as his letter to mr. alsop expresseth ) but in order to some design . but what need other proof , of the fallaciousness of the two royal papers and that no protestants can reasonably depend upon the royal word , there laid to pledg for the continuation of their liberty ; but to look into these two papers themselves , where we shall meet expressions , that may both detract from our belief , of his majesties sincerity , and awaken us to a just jealousie , that the liberty , and toleration , granted by them , are intended to be of no long standing and duration . for while he is pleased to tell us , that the granting his subjects , the free use of their religion for the time to come , is an addition to the perfect enjoyment of their property , which has never been invaded by his majesty since his coming to the crown ; he doth in effect say , that his fidelity , truth , and integrity , in what he grants in reference to religion , is to be measured , and judged , by the verity that is in what he tells us , as to the never having invaded our property . and that i may borrow an expression from mr. alsop , and to no less a person than to the king himself , namely , that tho we pretend to no refined intellectualls , nor presume to philosophise upon mysteries of government , yet we make some pretence to the sense of feeling , and whatever our dulness be , can discern , between what is exacted of us according to law , and what we are rob'd of by an exercise of arbitrary power . for not to sist upon the violent seisure of mens goods , by officers , as well as souldiers , in all parts of england , which looks like an invasion upon the properties of the subject ; nor to dwell upon his keeping an army on foot in time of peace , against the authority , as well as without the countenance of law , which our ancestors would have stiled an invasion upon the whole property of the kingdom ; i would sain know , by what name we are to call his levying the customs , and the additional excise , before they were granted unto him by the parliament , all the legal establishment of them upon the nation , having been only , during the late kings life , till the settlement of them upon the crown was again renewed by statute . it were also worth his majesties telling us , what titles are due to the suspending the vice chancellor of cambridg a beneficio , and the turning the president of maudlins in oxford out of his headship , and the suspending dr. fairsax from his fellowship , if they be not an invasion upon our property ; seeing every part of this , is against all the known laws of the kingdom , and hath been done by no legal court , but by a set of mercinary villains , armed with an arbitrary commission , and who do as arbitrarily exercise it . and as the end unto which that inquisition court was instituted , was to robb us of ours rights and priviledges at the meer pleasure of the king ; so the very institution of it , is an invasion both upon all our laws , and upon the whole property of the nation , and is one of the highest exercises of despotical power , that it is possible for the most absolute and unlimited monarch to exert . among all the rights reserved unto the subjects by the rules of the constitution , and whereof they are secured by many repeated laws and statutes , there are none that have been hithero less disputed , and in reference to which our kings have been farther from claiming any power and authority , than those of levying money without the grant as well as the consent of parliament , and of absolving and discharging debtor ; from paying their creditors , and of acquitting 〈◊〉 from being sued and imprisoned in case of no 〈…〉 payment ; and yet in defiance of all law and to the subverting the rights of the peo 〈…〉 ple and the most essential priviledg and i 〈…〉 risdiction of parliaments , and to a plain chan 〈…〉 ging the ancient legal constition into an absolute and despotical governing power , the king ( they say ) is assuming to himself a 〈…〉 authority , both of imposing a tax of five pound per annum upon every hackney coach , and of releasing and discharging all debtors , of whom their creditors cannot claim and demand above ten pound sterling ; which as they will be signal invasions upon property , and lea●ing cases for the raising money in what other instances he pleaseth , by a hamp●on cour● or a whitehall edict , without standing in need of a parliament , or being obliged to a dependance upon their grant , for all taxes to be levied upon the subjects , as his predecessors have heretofore been ; so they may serve fully to instruct us what little security either the dissenters have as to being long in the possession of their present liberty , or protestants in general of having a freedom continued unto them of professing the reformed religion , if we have nothing more to rely upon for preventing our being abridged and denyed the liberty of our religion , than we have had for preserving our property from being invaded and broken in upon . we may subjoin to the clause already mentioned , that other expression , which occurs in the foresaid declaration , viz. that as he freely gives them leave to meet and serve god after their own may and manner , so they are to take special care , that nothing be preached or taught amongst them , which may any ways ●end to alienate the hearts of the people from his majesty , or his government ; which words as they import the price at which the dissenters are to purchase their freedom ( whereof we shall discourse anon ) so they admirably serve to furnish the king with a pretence , of retrenching their liberty whensoever he pleaseth , nor are they inserted there for any other end , but th●● 〈…〉 on a plea , of their having abused his gra 〈…〉 us indulgence to the alienating the hearts of 〈◊〉 his people from him , they may be adjud 〈…〉 d to have thereby deservedly forfeited , 〈…〉 th all the benefits of it , and of his royal 〈…〉 our . nor is it possible for a protestant 〈…〉 nister to preach one sermon , which a 〈…〉 ish critick , or a romish bigot , may not 〈…〉 ily misconstrue , and pervert , to be an 〈…〉 enation of the peoples hearts , from the kings 〈…〉 son , and government . and of which as we 〈…〉 ve heard many late examples in france , so 〈◊〉 will be easie to draw them into president , 〈…〉 d to imitate them in england . i might add , 〈…〉 e observation of the ingenious author of 〈…〉 e reflections on his majesties proclamation for 〈◊〉 toleration in scotland ; namely , that where 〈…〉 s the king gives all assurance to his scotts ●ubjects , that he will not use invincible necessity ●gainst any man , on the account of his per●uasion , he does thereby leave himself at a li●erty , of dragooning , torturing , burning , and ●oing the utmost violences , all these being ●incible to a person of an ardent love to god , ●nd of a lively faith in jesus christ ; and which accordingly many thousands have been ●riumphantly victorious over . nor is it likely that this new and uncouth phrase of ●ot using an invincible nec 〈…〉 , would have found room in a paper of that nature , if it had not been first to counceal some malicious , and mischievous design , and then to justify the consistency of its execution , with what is promised in the proclamation . moreover , were there that security intended by these two royal papers , that protestant dissenters might safely rely upon ; or did the king act with that sincerity , which he would delude his people into a belief of , there would then be a greater agreeableness than there is , betwixt the declaration for liberty of conscience in england , and the proclamation for a toleration in scotland . the principle his majesty pretends to act from , that conscience ought not to be constrained , and that none ought to be persecuted for meer matters of religion , would obliege him to act uniformly , and with an equal extention of favour to all his subjects , whose principles are the same ; and against whom he hath no exception , but in matters meerly religious . whereas the disparity of grace , kindness , and freedom , that is exercised in the declaration , from that which is exerted in the proclamation , plainly shews , that the whole is but a trick of state , and done in s●bserviency to an end , which it is not yet seasonable to discover and avow . for his circumscribing the toleration in scotland , to such presbyterians as he stiles moderate ; is not only a taking it off from its true bottom , matters of meer religion , and a founding it upon an internal quality of the mind , that is not discernable , but it implyes the reserving a liberty to himself of withdrawing the benefits of it from all scots dissenters , thro fastning upon them a contrary character , whensoever it shall be seasonable to revive persecution . and even as it is now exerted to these moderate ones , it is attended with restrictions , that his indulgence in england is no ways clog'd with . all that the declaration requires from those that are indulged , is that their assemblies , be peaceably , openly , and publickly held , that all persons be freely admitted to them , that they signify and make known to some justice of the peace , what places they set apart for these uses ; and that nothing be preached or taught amongst them , which may any ways tend to alienate the bear●s of the people from the king or his government ; whereas the proclamation , not only restrains the meetings , of the scots presbyterians to private houses , without allowing them either to build meeting houses , or to use out-houses or barns ; but it prohibits the hearing any ministers , save such as shall be willing to swear , that they shall to the utmost of their power , assist , defend , and maintain the king , in the exercise of his absolute power against all deadly . nor is it difficult to assign the reason , of the difformity that appears in his majesties present actings , towards his dissenting protestan● subjects in those two kingdoms . for should there be no restriction upon the toleration in scotland , to hinder the greatest part of the presbyterians from taking the advantage of it ; the bishops and conforming clergy would be immediately forsaken by the generality if not all the people , and so an ●ssue would not only be put to the division among protestants in that kingdom , but they would become an united , and thereupon a formidable , body against popery , which it is not for the interest of the roman catholicks to suffer , or give way unto . whereas the more unbounded the liberty is , that is granted to dissenters in england , the more are our divisions not only kept up , but increased and promoted , ( especially thro this freedom's arriving with them in an illegal way , without both the authority of the legislative power , and the approbation of a great part of the people ) it being infallibly certain , that there is a vast number of all ranks and conditions , who do prefer the abiding in the communion of the church of england , before the joining in fellowship with those of the separate and dissenting societies . upon the whole , this different method of proceeding towards dissenting protestants in matters meerly religious , shews that all this indulgence , and toleration , is a trick to serve a present juncture of affairs ; and to advance a popish and arbitrary design ; and that the dissenters have no security for the continuance of their liberty , but that when the court and jesuitick end , is compassed and obtained , there is another course to be steered towards them ; and instead of their hearing any longer , of liberty and toleration , they are to be told , that it is the interest of the government , and the safety , and honor of his majesty , to have but one religion in his dominions , and that all must be members of the catholick church , and this because the king will have it so , which is the argument that hath been made use of in the making so many converts in france . they who now suffer themselves to be deluded into a confidence in the royal word , will not only come to understand what mr. coleman meant , in his telling pere de la chaise , that the catholicks in england had a great work upon their hand , being about the extirpation 〈◊〉 that heresie , which hath born sway so long 〈◊〉 this northern part of the world ; but they wi●● also see and feel , how much of the desig 〈…〉 of rome was represented in that passage 〈◊〉 the popes nuncio's letter dated at bruxel 〈…〉 aug. . . wherein upon the confidenc● which they placed in the duke of york , whic● is not lessened since he came to the crown he takes the confidence to write , that the● hop'd speedily to see the total and final ruin 〈◊〉 the protestant party . and as protestant dissenters , have no secu ▪ rity by the declaration , and proclamation , fo● the continuance of their liberty , so the● that have by way of thanksgiving addresse● to the king for those royal papers , have no● only acted very ill in reference both to the laws and rights of the kingdoms , and of religion in general , but they have carried very unwisely in relation to their own interest , and the avoiding the effects of that resentment , which most men are justly possessed with , upon the illegal emission of these arbitrary and prerogative papers . i shall not enter upon any long discourse , concerning this new practice of addressing in general , it having been done elsewhere some years ago , but i shall only briefly intimate , that it was never in fashion , unless either under a weak and precarious government , or under one that took illegal courses , and pu●sued a different interest from that of the people and community . as he who ruleth according to the standing laws of a countrey , over which he is set , needs not seek for an approbation of his actions from a part of his subjects ; the legality of his proceedings being the best justification of him that governs , and giving the truest satisfaction to them that are ruled ; so he who enjoy's the love of all his people , needs not look for promises of being assisted , stood by and defended , by any one party or faction among them ; there being none from whom he can have the least apprehension of opposition and danger . it was the want of a legal title in oliver crom●el , and his son richard to the government , that first begot this 〈…〉 vice of addressing , and brought it upon 〈…〉 e stage in these brittish nations ; and it was 〈…〉 e arbitrary procedures of the late king , as 〈…〉 is of his present majesty , and their acting 〈…〉 on a distinct bottom from that of the three 〈…〉 ingdoms , that hath revived , and does con 〈…〉 nue it . nor is there any thing , that hath 〈…〉 ndred those two princes more contempti 〈…〉 e abroad , and proclaimed them weaker 〈◊〉 home , than their recurring unto , and 〈…〉 lliciting , the flatteries and aid , of the 〈…〉 ercinacy , timorous , servile , and for low 〈…〉 nd personal ends byass'd part of their 〈…〉 ubjects , and thereby telling the world , 〈…〉 at neither the generality nor the most ho 〈…〉 orable of their people have been united in 〈…〉 heir interest , nor approvers of the coun 〈…〉 els that have been taken and pursued . and 〈…〉 f any thing did ever cast a dishonor upon 〈…〉 he english nation , it hath been that loath 〈…〉 ome flattery , and slavish sycophancy , wherewith the addressers , both now , and ●or some years past , have stuff't their ap●lications to the two royal brothers . the thr●n● that is sustained and upheld by the pillars of law and justice , needs not to 〈…〉 hew out unto its self other supporsers , nor 〈…〉 lean upon the crooked and weak s 〈…〉 lts , of the insignificant , and for the most part de 〈…〉 ceitful as well as b●ib'd vows , of a sort of men , who will be as ready upon the least disgust , to cry cruci●y to morrow , as they were for being gratified , may be in their ●usts , humours , and revenges , and at the best in some separate concern , to cry hosanna to day . i shall decline prosecuting what concerns the honor , or dishonor , of him , to whom the adresses are made , or how politick , or impolitick , the countenancing and encouraging them is ; and shall apply my self to this new set of addressers , and endeavour to shew how foolish as well as criminally they have acted . nor is it an argument either of their prudence or honesty , or of their acting with any consistency to themselves , that having so severely inveighed against the addresses , that were in fashion a few years ago , and having fastned all the imputations and reproaches upon those that were accessory to them , which that rank of addressers could be supposed to have deserved , they now espouse the practice which they had condemned , and in reference to as arbitrary and an unjustifiable an act of his present majesty , as the most illegal one the late king was guilty of , or the worst exercise of prerogative , for which any here●ofore either commended , or promised to stand by him . for tho the matter and subject of the a●bitrary act of him now upon the tbrone , be not as to every branch of it so publickly scandalous , as some of the arbitrary proceedings of the late king were , ( as relating to a favour which mankind hath a just claim unto ) yet it is every way as illegal , being in reference to a priviledg , which his majesty hath no authori●y to grant and bestow . and were it not that there are many dissenters , who preserve themselves innocent at this juncture , and upon whom the temptation that is administred makes ▪ no impression ; the world would have just ground to say , that the phanaticks are not governed by principles , but that the measures they walk by , are what conduceth to their private and personal benefit , or what lyes in a tendency to their loss and prejudice . and that it was not the late kings usurping , and exerting , an arbitrary and illegal power , that offended them ; but that they were not the objects in whose favour it was exercised . 't is also an aggravation of their folly as well as their offer●c● , that they should revive a practice which the nation was grown asham'd of , and whereof they who had been guilry begun to repent , thro having seen that all the former declarations , assurances , and promises of the royal brothers , which tempted to applications of that kind , were but so many juggles , peculiar to the late breed of the family , for the deceiving of mankind ; and that never one of them was performed and made good . but the transgression , as well as the imprudence , of the present addressers , is yet the greater , and they are the more criminal and inexcusable before god and men , in that they might have enjoyed all the benefits of the kings declaration , without acknowledging the justice of the authority by which it was granted , or making themselves the scorn and contempt of all that are truely honest and wise , by their servile adulations , and their gratulatory scribles unbecoming englishmen and protestants . they had no more to do , but to continue their meetings , as they had sometimes heretofore used to do , without taking notice that the present suspension of the laws , made their assembling together more safe , and freed them from apprehension of fines and imprisonments . nor could the king , how much soever displeased with such a conduct , have at this time ventured upon the expressing displeasure against them ; seeing as that would have been both to have proclaimed his hypocrisie , in saying , that conscience ought not to be constrained , nor people forced in matters of meer religion , and a discovering the villanous design in subserviency to which the declaration had been emitted ; so it were not possible for him , after what he hath published , to single out the dissenters from amongst other protestants ; and to fall upon all , before matters are more ripe for it , might be a means of the abortion of all his popish projections , and of saving the whole reformed interest in great brittain . neither would the church of england men , have envied their tranquillity , or have blamed their carriage ; but would have been glad that their brethren had been eased from oppressions , and themselves delivered from the grievous and dishonorable task of prosecuting them , which they had formerly been forced unto by court injunctions and commands . and as they would have by a conduct of this nature had all the freedom which they now enjoy , without the guilt and reproach which they have derived upon themselves by addr●ssing ; so such a carriage , would have wonderfully recommended them to the favour of a true english parliam 〈…〉 which tho it will see cause to condem 〈…〉 the kings usurping a power of suspending t 〈…〉 laws , and to make void his declaratio 〈…〉 yet in gratitude to dissenters for such a behaviour , as well as in pitty and compassio 〈…〉 to them as english protestants , such a parliament would not fail to do all it could to give them relief in a legal way . where as if any thing enflame and exasperate t 〈…〉 nation , to revive their sufferings , it wi 〈…〉 arise from a resentment of the unworth 〈…〉 and treacherous carriage of so many 〈◊〉 them , in this critical and dangerous ju 〈…〉 cture . but the terms , which thro their a 〈…〉 dressing , they have owned the receivi 〈…〉 their liberty and indulgence upon , does in peculiar manner enhance their guilt again 〈…〉 god , and their countrey , and strangely ad 〈…〉 to the disgust and anger , which lovers 〈◊〉 religion , and the laws of the nation hav 〈…〉 conceived against them . for it is hot onl 〈…〉 upon the acknowledgment of a preroga 〈…〉 in the king over the laws , that they hav 〈…〉 received and now hold their liberty ; b 〈…〉 it is upon the condition , that nothing be preach 〈…〉 or taught amongst them that may any ways tend 〈◊〉 alienate the hearts of the people from his majesti 〈…〉 person and government . he must be of an u 〈…〉 derstanding ▪ very near allied unto , and approaching to that of an irish man , who do 〈…〉 not know what the court sense of that clau 〈…〉 is ; and that his majesty thereby intends , th 〈…〉 they are not to preach against popery , nor t 〈…〉 set forth the doctrines of the romish church i 〈…〉 terms that may prevent the peoples being i 〈…〉 ●ected by them , much less in colours th 〈…〉 may render them hated and abhorred . t 〈…〉 accuse the kings religion of idolatry , or 〈◊〉 affirm the church of rome to be the apoc 〈…〉 lyptick babylon , and to represent the articl 〈…〉 of the tridentine faith , as faithful ministers 〈◊〉 christ ought to do ; would be accounted a 〈…〉 alienating the hearts of their hearers from t 〈…〉 king and his government ; which as they 〈◊〉 in the foresaid clause required no● to do , 〈◊〉 they have by their addressing confessed t 〈…〉 iustice of the terms , and have undertaken 〈◊〉 〈…〉 old their liberty by that tenor. and to give 〈…〉 em their due , they have been very faithful 〈…〉 itherto , in conforming to what the king 〈…〉 xacts , and in observing what themselves have 〈…〉 ented to the equity of . for notwithstan 〈…〉 ing all the danger from popery , that the na 〈…〉 on is exposed unto , and all the hazard that 〈…〉 e souls of men are in , of being poysoned 〈…〉 i th romish principles ; yet instead of prea 〈…〉 ing or writing against any of the doctrines of 〈…〉 e church of rome , they have agreed among 〈…〉 emselves , and with such of their congre 〈…〉 ations as approve their procedure , not so 〈…〉 uch as to mention them ; but to leave the 〈…〉 rovince of defending our religion , and of 〈…〉 etecting the falshood of papal tenets , to the 〈…〉 astors and gentlemen of the church of eng 〈…〉 nd . and being ask'd ( as i know some of 〈…〉 em that have been ) why they do not preach 〈…〉 gainst antichrist , and confuse the papal do 〈…〉 rines ; they very gravely reply , that by prea 〈…〉 ing christ , they preach against antichrist ; 〈…〉 nd that by teaching the gospel , they re 〈…〉 te popery ; which is such a piece of fraudu 〈…〉 ent and guilful sub●erfuge , that i want words 〈…〉 o express the knavery and criminalness of it . what a reserve and change have i lived to see 〈…〉 n england , from what i beheld a few years 〈…〉 go . it was but the other day , that the con 〈…〉 rmable clergy were represented by some of 〈…〉 he dissenters , not only as favourers of 〈…〉 opery , but as endeavouring to hale it in upon 〈…〉 s by all the methods and ways that lay within 〈…〉 heir circle ; and yet now the whole defence of 〈…〉 e reformed religion must be entirely de 〈…〉 olved into their hands ; and when all the 〈…〉 ces are pulled up , that had been made to 〈…〉 inder popery from overflowing the nation , 〈…〉 ey must be left alone , to stemm the inun 〈…〉 ation , and prevent the deluge . they among 〈…〉 e fanaticks that boasted to be the most avo 〈…〉 ed and irreconcilable enemies of the church 〈…〉 f rome , are not only become altogether si 〈…〉 ent , when they see the kingdom pesterd with 〈◊〉 swarm of busie and seducing emissaries ; but 〈…〉 e both turned advocats for that arbitrary 〈…〉 aper whereby we are surrendred as a prey 〈…〉 nto them , and do make it their business to detract from the reputation , and discourage the laboures of the national ministers , who with a zeal becoming their office , and a learning which deserves to be admired , have set themselves in opposition to that croaking fry , and have done enough by their excellent , and unimitable writings to save people from being deluded and perverted , if either unanswerable consutations of popery , or demonstrative defences of the articles and doctrines of the reformed religion , can have any efficacy upon the minds of men . among other fulsom flatteries adorning a speach made to his majesty by an addressing dissenter , i find this hypocritical and shameful adulation , namely , that if there should remain any seeds of disloyalty in any of his subjects , the transcendent goodness exerted in his declaration would mor●isie and kill them ; to which he might have added with more truth , that the same transcendent goodness had almost destroyed all the seeds of their honesty , and mortied their care and concernment for the interest of iesus christ , and for the reformed religion . their old strain of zealous preaching against the idola●ry of rome , and concerning the coming out of babylon my people , are grown out of fashion with them in england , and are only reserved , and said by , to recommend them to the kindness , and acceptation of forraign protestants , when their occasions and conveniencies draw them over to amsterdam . whosoever comes into their assemblies , would think for any thing that he there hears delivered from their pulpits , that she which was the whore of babylon a few years ago , were now become a chast spouse ; and that what were heretofore the damnable doctrines of popery , were of late turned innocent and harmless opinions . the kings declaration , would seem to have brought some of them to a melius inquirendum , and as they are already arrived to believe a roman catholick the best king , that they may in a little time come to esteem papists for the best christians . the keeping back nothing that is profitable to save such as hear them , and the declaring the whole counsel of god ; that are the terms upon which they receiyed their commission from iesus christ , and wherein they have pauls practice and example for a pattern , would seem to be things under the power of the royal prerogative , and that the king may supercede them by the same authority , by which he dispenses with the penal statutes . which as it is very agreeable unto , and imported in his majesties claim of being obeyed without reserve ; so the owning this absolute power with that annex of challenged obedience , does acquit them from all obligations to the laws of christ , when they are found to interfere with what is required by the king. but whether gods power , or the kings , be superior , and which of the two can cassate the others laws , and whose wrath is most terrible ; the judgment day will be able and sure to instruct them , if all means in this world prove insufficient for it . the addressers know upon what conditions they hold their liberty ; and they have not only observed how several of the national clergy have been treated for preaching against popery ; but they have heard how divers of the reformed ministers in france ( before the general suppression ) were dealt with , for speaking against their monarchs religion ; and therefore they must be pardoned , if they carry so , as not to provoke his majesty , tho in the mean time thro their ●●lence , they both betray the cause of their lord and master , and are unfaithful to the soules of those , of whom they have taken upon them the spiritual guidance . as for the papers themselves that are stiled by the name of addresses , i shall not meddle with them , being as to the greatest part of them , fitter to be exposed and ridicul'd , either for their dulness and pedantry , or for the adulation and sycophancy with which they are fulsomly stuff● ; than to deserve any serious consideration , or to merit reflections that may prove instructive to mankind . only as that address wherein his majesty is thanked for his restoring god to his empire over conscience , deserveth a rebuke for its blasphemy ; so that other which commends him for promising , to force the parliament to ra●i●y his declaration , ( tho by the way all he says is , that he does not doubt of their concurrence , which yet his ill succ 〈…〉 upon the closetting of so many member 〈…〉 and his since dissolving that parliament shews that there was some cause for the doub 〈…〉 ting of it ) i say that other address , merits severe censure for its insolency against th 〈…〉 legislative authority . and the authors of 〈◊〉 ought to be punished , for their crime com 〈…〉 mitted against the liberty and freedom 〈◊〉 the two houses , and for encouraging th 〈…〉 king to invade and subvert their most essen 〈…〉 tial and fundamental priviledges , and withou 〈…〉 which , they can neither be a council , judi 〈…〉 cature , nor lawgivers . after all , i hope the nation will be so in 〈…〉 genuous , as not to impute the miscarriages 〈◊〉 some of the nonconformists , to the whole part 〈…〉 much less to ascribe them to the principles o 〈…〉 dissenters . for as the points wherein the 〈…〉 differ from the church of england , are purel 〈…〉 of another nature , and which have no re 〈…〉 lation to politicks , so the influence , that the 〈…〉 are adapted to have , upon men as member 〈…〉 of civil societies , is to make them in a specia 〈…〉 manner regardful , of the rights , and fran 〈…〉 chises , of the community . but if some nei 〈…〉 ther understand the tendency of their ow 〈…〉 principles , nor are true and faithful unto them these things are the personal faults of thos 〈…〉 men , and are to be attributed to their ig 〈…〉 norance , or to their dishonesty ; nor are thei 〈…〉 carriages to be counted the effects of thei 〈…〉 religious tenets , much less are others of the party to be involved under the reproach an 〈…〉 guilt of their imprudent and ill conduct 〈…〉 which there is the more cause to acknow 〈…〉 ledg , because tho the church of england , ha 〈…〉 all the reason of the world , to decline addressing , in that all her legal foundation , a 〈…〉 well as security , is shaken by the declaration yet there are some of her dignitaries and c 〈…〉 gy , as well as divers of the members of he 〈…〉 communion , who upon motives of ambition covetousness , fear , or courtship , hav 〈…〉 enrolled themselves into the li●● of addre 〈…〉 sers ; and under pretence of giving thanks 〈◊〉 the king , for his promise of protecting 〈◊〉 arch-bishops , bishops , and clergy , and a 〈…〉 〈…〉 erof the church of england in the free exer 〈…〉 of their religion , as by law established ; 〈…〉 ve cut the throat of their mother , at 〈…〉 ose breasts they have suckt till they are 〈…〉 own fat , both by acknowledging the usur 〈…〉 prerogative upon which the king assumes 〈◊〉 right and authority of emitting the de 〈…〉 ration ; and by exchanging the legal stand●●g , and security of their church , into that 〈…〉 ecarious one of the royal word , which 〈…〉 ey fly unto as the bottom of her subsistence , 〈…〉 d trust to as the wall of her defence . and 〈◊〉 most of the members of the separate so 〈…〉 ties , are free from all accession to ad 〈…〉 essing , and the few that concurred were 〈…〉 eerly drawn in by the wheedle and impor 〈…〉 nity of their preachers ; so they who are 〈◊〉 the chiefest character , and greatest repu 〈…〉 tion for wisdom and learning among 〈…〉 e ministers , have preserved themselves 〈…〉 om all folly and treachery of that kind . the apostle tells us , that not many wise , not ●any noble are called ; which as it is verified 〈◊〉 many of the dissenting addressers , so it ●ay serve for some kind of apology , for their 〈…〉 ow and sneaking , as well as for their in 〈…〉 iscret and imprudent behaviour in this mat●er . and it is the more venial in some of ●hem , as being not only a means of ingra 〈…〉 iating themselves ( as they phansie ) with ●he king , who heretofore had no very good ●pinion of them ; but as being both an easie ●nd compendious method of attoning for offences against the crown , of which they were strongly suspected ; and a cheap and expenceless way of purchasing the pardon of their relations , that had stood actually 〈…〉 ccused of high treason . nor is it to be doubted , but that as the king will retain very little favour and mercy for fanaticks when once he has served his ends upon them ; so they will preserve as little kindness for the papists , if they can but obtain relief in a legal way . and as there is not a people in the kingdom , that will be more 〈…〉 oyal to princes , while they continue so to govern , as that fealty by the laws of god 〈…〉 or man remains due to them ; so there are none of what principles or communion soever , upon whom the kingdom it its whole interest come to ly at stake , may more assuredly and with greater confidence depend , than upon the generality of dissenting protestants , and especially upon those that are not of the pastoral order . the severities that the dissenters lay under before , and their deliverance from oppression and disturbance now , seconded with the kings expectation and demands of thanksgiving addresses , were strong temptations upon men void of generosity and greatness of spirit , and who are withall of no great political wisdom , nor of prospect into the consequences of councils and tricks of state , to act as illegally , in their thanks , as his majesty had done in his bounty . so that whatsoever animadversion they may deserve , should they be proceeded against , according to their demerit ; yet it is to be hoped , that both they , and the addressers of the former stamp , may all find room in an act of indemnity , and that the mercy of the nation towards them , will triump over and get the better of its iustice. as it would argue a strange and judicial infatuation , should they proceed to farther excesses , and think to escape the punishment due to one crime , by comitting and taking sanctuary in another , thro improving their compliments into actions of treachery ; so all their hope of pardon , as well as of lenity and moderation , from a true protestant and rightly constituted authority , depends upon their conduct and behaviour henceforward , and their not suffering themselves to be hurried , and deluded , into a co-operation with the court , for the obtaining of a popish parliament . all their endeavours of that kind would but more clearly detect , and manifest , their treachery to religion and the kingdom , it not being in their power to ontvote the honest english part of the people , so as to help the king to such a house of commons as he desires ; and were it possible , that thro their assistance , in conjunction with violence and tricks used in elections and returns by the court , such a ●ouse of commons might be obtained , as would be serviceable to arbitrary and papal ends ; yet neither the king nor they , would be the ne●rer the compassing what is aimd at ; it being demonstrable that the majority of the house of lords , are never to be wrought over to justify this illegal declaration ; or to grant the king a power of suspending laws , at his pleasure ; nor to give their assent to a bill for repealing the test acts , and the statutes that enjoin and require the oaths of allegeance and supremacy . and if they should be so far left of god , and betrayd by those among themselves whom the court hath gained , as to become guilty of so enormous an act of folly and villany ; and should the election of the next parliament , be the happy juncture they wait for , and the improving their interest , as well as the giving their own votes , for the choice of papists into the house of commons , be what they mean by an essential proof of their loyalty and of the sincerity of their humble addresses , and that whereby they intend to demonstrate , that the greatest thing they have promised , is the least thing they will perform for his majesties service and satisfation : as in that case , they will deserve to forfeit all hopes of bei 〈…〉 forgiven ; so it would be an infidelity to go 〈…〉 and men , and a cruelty to our selves 〈◊〉 our posterity , not to abandon them as betray 〈…〉 of religion ; expunge them out of the roll 〈◊〉 protestants ; strip them of all that where 〈…〉 free subjects have a legal right ; and not 〈◊〉 condemn them to the utmost punishment 〈…〉 which the laws of the kingdom adjudg th 〈…〉 worst of traitors and malefactors unto ▪ there are some , who thro hating of them do wish their miscarrying and offending t 〈…〉 so unpardouable a degree , that they ma 〈…〉 hereafter be furnished with an advantage both of ruining them , and the whole di●senting party for their sakes . but as the lov 〈…〉 that i bear unto them , and the perswasio 〈…〉 and belief i have of the truth of their religious principles , do make me exceeding solic 〈…〉 tous to have them kept and prevented , from being hurried and transported into so fata 〈…〉 and criminal a behaviour ; so i desire 〈◊〉 make no other excuse for my plain dealin 〈…〉 towards them , but that of solomon , who tell us , that faithful are the wounds of a friend , whi 〈…〉 the kisses of an enemy are deceitful ; and that h 〈…〉 who rebukes a man , shall find more favour afterwards , than he who flattereth with the tongu 〈…〉 postscript . since the fore-going sheets went to the press , and while they were printing off , there is come to my hands a new proclamation dated at windsor the . of iune . for granting further liberty in scotland , and which was published there by an order of the privy council of that kingdom bearing date at edinburgh the . of iuly . this super●●tation of one proclamation after another in reference to the same thing , is so apportio●ed and parallel to the late french method of emitting edicts in relation to those of the reformed religion in that kingdom , that they seem to proceed out of one mint , to be calculated for the same end , and to be designed for the compassing and obtaining the like effects . for as soon as an alarm was taken at the publishing of some unreasonable and rigorous edict , there used often to follow another of a milder strain , which was pretended to be either for the moderating the severities of the former , or to remove 〈…〉 d rectify what they were pleased to call 〈…〉 isconstructions unduly put upon it ; but 〈…〉 e true end whereof was only to stiffle and 〈…〉 tinguish the jealousies and apprehensions 〈…〉 at the other had begotten and excited , and ●hich had they not been calmed and allayd , 〈…〉 ight have awakened the protestants there 〈◊〉 provide for their safety by a timely with●rawing into other countries , if they had ●ot been provoked to generous endeavoures ●f preventing the final suppression of their ●eligion , and for obviating the ruin which 〈…〉 at court had projected against them and ●as hastning to involve them under . nor 〈…〉 es my suspition of his majesties pursuing ●e same design against protestants , which ●e great louis glories to have accompli 〈…〉 ed , proceed meerly from that conjun 〈…〉 ion of counsels that all the world observes ●etween whitehall and versailles ; nor meer●● from the kings abandoning his nephew ●nd son in law the prince of orange , and not 〈◊〉 much as interposing to obtain satisfaction 〈◊〉 be given him , for the many injuries , dam 〈…〉 ages , spoiles , and robberies , as well as 〈…〉 fronts done him by that haughty monarch ; ●hen one vigorous application could not 〈…〉 il to effect it ; nor yet meerly from that ●greeableness in their procedures , thro the ●ing of englands imitating that forraign po 〈…〉 ntate , and making the whole course that 〈…〉 at h been taken in france the pattern of 〈…〉 ll his actings in great brittain ; but i am ●uch confirmed in my fears and jealousies 〈…〉 y remembring a passage in one of mr. cole 〈…〉 ans letters , who as he very well knew what 〈…〉 e then duke of york , had been for many 〈…〉 ears ingaged in , against our religion and 〈…〉 ivil liberties , and under what vows and 〈…〉 romises he was , not to desist from prose 〈…〉 ting what had been resolved upon and un 〈…〉 ertaken ; so he had the confidence to say 〈…〉 at his masters design and that of the king of 〈…〉 ance , was one and the same ; and that this ●as no less , as he farther informs us than 〈…〉 e ex●●●pating the northern heresie . had the ●ing of england acted with sincerity from 〈…〉 at noble principle , that conscience ought not to be constrained , nor people forced in matters of meer religion , as he would delude weak and easie people to believe ; and had not all his arbitrary and illegal proceedings in granting liberty to dissenting protestants , been to subserve and promote other designes , which it is not yet seasonable and convenient to discover and avow ; he would have then acted with that conformity to the principle he professeth to be under the influence and government of , and with that consonancy and harmonious agreeableness , in all the degrees of indulgence , vouchsased to those of the reformed religion in england and scotland , that differ from them of the established way , that there would have needed no second proclamation apporting new measures of liberty and favour to scotts dissenters , seeing they would have had it granted them at first in the same latitude and illimitedness , that it was bestowed upon the english nonconformists . but when princes carry on and pursue mischievous designes , under the palliations of religion , publick good , and the right of mankind ; it comes often to pass thro adapting their methods to what they mean and intend , and not to what they pretend and give out , that their crafty projections , by being not sufficiently accommodated to their purposes , prove ineffectual to the compassing what was aim'd at ; and this forceth them to a new game of falsehood and subtilety , but still under the old varnish and gloss , and obligeth them to have recourse to means that may be more proportioned than the former were , for their reaching the end that they ubtimately drive at . thence it is that those rulers , who are engaged in the prosecution of wicked and unjustifiable designes , are necessitated not only to apply themselves to opposite methods towards different parties , and those such as must be suited and apportioned to their discrepant interests , without the accommodating of which they can neither hope to mould them to that tame and servile compliance , nor work them up to that active and vigorous abetting of their malicious and crasty projections as is necessary for the rendring them succesful ; but they are forced to vary their proceedings towards one and the same party , and that as well when the ways they have acted in towards them are found inadequate to the end unto which they were calculated , as when the mischief hid under them comes to be too soon discovered . this weak and short-sighted people fancy to arise from an uncertainty in princes councels , and from their being at no consistency with themselves ; but they who can penetrate into affairs and that do consider things more narrowly , can easily discern , that all this variation , diversity , and shifting of methods in rulers actings , proceed from other causes , and that it is their stability and perseverance in an illegal and wicked design , that compels them to those crooked and contrary courses , either for the gaining the unwary and ill applyed concurrence of their subjects , to the hastning distress and desolation upon themselves , or for the throwing them into that lethargy , and under that supiness , as may hinder them from all endeavours of obstructing and diverting the evils , that their governours are seeking to bring upon them . nor is there a more certain indication , of a princes being engaged in a design , contrary to the good and happiness of the society , over which he is set ; than his betaking himself to illegal ways , upon pretence of promoting the ease and benefit of his people ; or according as he finds his subjects to differ in their particular interests , his applying himself to them in methods , whereof the contrariety of the one to the other , renders them the more proper and adapted to ensnare the divided factions , thro accosting each of them with something that they are severally fond of . legal means are always sufficient to the pursuing and compassing legal ends : and whatsoever is for the general good of the community , may either be obtained by courses , wherein the generallity find their united interest and common felicity , or else by application to a parliament freely and duly chosen , which as it represents the whole politick society , so there may be expected most compassion and tenderness , as well as wisdom and prudence , for redressing the grievances , easing the troubles , and providing for the benefit and safety of all that are wrapt up in and represented by them . and as every prince , who sincerely seeks and pursues the advantage of his people , will so adjust and attemper all his actions towards them , that his whole carriage shall be uniform , and all the exercises of his governing power , meet in the benefit of the community , as so many lines from a circumserence uniting in their centre ; so there needs no other proof that these two or three late actions of his majesty , which a foolish sort of men are apt to interpret for favours , and to account them effects of compassion and kindness ; are but to conceal his malice , and to subserve as well as cover some fatal and pernicious design , that he is carrying on against his protestant subjects , than that while he is gratifying a few of them in one thing , he is at the same time robbing all of them of many ; and that while he is indulging the dissenters with a freedom from the penal laws for matters of religion , he is invading the properties , and subverting the civil rights of the three nations , and changing the whole constitution of the government . he that strips us of what belongs unto us as we are english and scotts men : cannot mean honestly in the savours he pretends to vouchsafe us as we are christians ; nor can he that is endeavouring to enslave our persons , and to subject our estates to his arbitrary lust and pleasure , intend any thing else by this kindness granted to fanaticks in matters of religion , than the dividing them from the rest of the people , in what concerns the civil interest and external happiness of the community , and to render them an engaged faction to assist and abet him in enthralling the kingdoms . whosoever considers the whole tenor of his majesties other actings , in proroguing and dissolving parliaments , when he finds them uncompliant with his 〈…〉 pish and despotical ends ; his keeping on 〈…〉 ot a formidable ar●● , against all the 〈…〉 aws of the land , and upon no other in 〈…〉 ention , but to maintain him in his usurpa 〈…〉 on s over our rights , and to awe us into 〈…〉 tame and servile submission to his preroga 〈…〉 ve will ; his filling all places of judicature , ●ith weak as well as treacherous persons , who instead of administring justice may be ●he instruments of tyranny ; his robbing men of their estates , by judicial forms , and under ●retence that nullum tempus occurris r●gi , after they have been quietly enjoyed by the subjects for several hundred years ; his advan●ing none to civil or military employs , but whom he hath some confidence in , as to the finding them ready to execute his despotical ●njunctions ; and his esteeming no persons loyal and faithful to himself , save those who ●re willing to be●●●y their countrey , and be rebells and traitors against the legal constitution : i say whosoever considers all this , and a great deal more of the same hue and complexion , cannot imagine ( unless he be under a judicial blindness and a strange insatuation ) that any thing arriving from the king , tho it may be a matter wherein they may find their present ease and advantage should proceed from compassion and good will to his protestant subjects , but that it must be only in order to promote a distinct interest from that of his people , and for the better and more easie accomplishing of some wicked and unjustifiable design . and tho his majesty would have us believe , that the reasons moving him to the emission of this ●● proclamation , were the s 〈…〉 istruous interpretations which either have , or may be made , of some restrictions in his former ; yet it is not difficult even without being of his privy council , to assign a truer motive , and a more real and effectual cause of it . for as that of the th of february , came forth attended with so many limitations , not casie to be digested by men of wisdom or honesty , lest if it had been more unconfined and extensive , and should have opened a door for all scotts dissenters to have gone in and taken the benefit of it , the generality of protestants in that kingdom , abstracting from the bishops , cura●es , and a few others , should have joined in the separate interest , and thereby have become an united body against popery ; but upon finding that hardly any would purchase their freedom from the penal laws , at so dear a rate , as to do things so unbecoming men and christians , as the conforming to the terms therein prescribed obliged them unto ; and that as they of the national communion were alarm'd and disgusted , so few or none of the dissenting fellowships were pleased ; and that both were not only angry at the many illegal favours , and threatning advantages , bestowed upon the papists , but were grown so sensible of the design carrying on against the protestant religion , and the liberties and priviledges of the subject , that tho they could not renounce their respective tenets in the matters wherein they differed , yet they were willing to stifle their heats and animosities , and to give that encouragement , aid , and assistance to one another , as was necessary for their common safety : upon these considerations , his majesty ( if he would have spoken sincerely ) ought to have said , that he had published this new proclamation , in order to hinder scots protestants from uniting , for their mutual defence , against turkish tyranny , and romish idolatry , and in hopes thereby to continue and exasperate their undue and passionate heats , and to keep them not only in divided and opposit interests , but to make them contribute to the suppressing and ruining each other , or at least to look on unconcernedly , till he have ripened his designes against them both , and be prepared for extirpating the reformed religion , and for subverting the fundamental as well as statute laws , and for bringing such to the stake and gibbet , as shall have the integrity to assert the one , or the courage to plead for the other . and yet in this last proclamation , wherein he grants a more illimited freedom , than in the former , and promiseth to protect all in the exercise of their protestant religion , as he disdainfully and ignominiously calls it ; there is a clause that may discourage all honest men from owning their liberty to the authority that bestows it , and from which it is derived and conveyed to them . for not being satisfied to superstruct his pretended right , of suspending , s 〈…〉 pping , and disabling laws , upon his soveraign authority and prerogative royal , but as knowing that these give no such pre-eminence and iurisdiction over the laws of the kingdom , he is pleased to challeng unto himself an absolute power , as the source and spring of that exorbitant and paramount claim , which he therein exerciseth and exerts . and forasmuch as absolute power , imports his majesties being loose and free from all ties and restraints , either by fundamental stipulations , or superadded laws ; it is very natural to observe , that he allows the government under which we were born , and to which we were sworn and stood bound , to be hereby subverted and changed , and that thereupon we are not only absolved and acquitted , from the allegiance and fealty , we were formerly under to his majesty , but are indispensably obliged by the ●ies and engagements that are upon us , of maintaining and defending the constitution and government , to apply our selves to the use of all means and endeavours against him , as an enemy of the people , and a subverter of the legal government , wherein all the interest he had , or could lawfully claim , was an official trust , and no● an absolute 〈◊〉 or a despo●icat dominion , the first whereof he hath deposed a●d abdicated himself from , by challenging and usurping the latter . and should any scots dissenter , either in his entrance upon the liberty granted by this proclamation , or in addressing by way of thankfulness for it , take the least notice of this freedom's flowing from the king , which cannot be done , without recognising this absolute power in his majesty as the fountain of it , he is to be lookt upon as the worst of traitors , and deserves to be proceeded against both for his aecession unto , a 〈…〉 justifying the subversion of the laws , libe 〈…〉 ties , and government of his country , an● for betraying the rights of all free-bor● men . for those few reflections in th● fore going sheets , which this new proclamation may not only seem to render useless and frustrate the end whereunto they wer● intended , but may make the publishing an● animadversions upon that , which the kin● by departing from , does himself censure an● condemn , be esteemed both a faileur i● in genuity and candor , and a want of rega 〈…〉 to those measures of justice , which ough● to be observed towards all men , and mor● especially towards crowned heads ; i shal● only say that as the proclamation arrived wi 〈…〉 me too late , to hinder and prevent the communication of them to the publick ; so i have this farther to add in justification o● their being published , that it will thereby appear , that what his majesty stiles sinistruo 〈…〉 interpretations made of some restrictions mentioned in his former , are no other than the just , natural , genuine , and obvious constructions , which they ly open unto , and are capable of , and which a man cannot avoid fastning upon them , without renouncing all sense and reason . and while the king continues to disparage and asperse all sober and judicious reflections upon that royal paper , by charging upon them the unjust and reproachful character of sinistruous interpretations ; it is necessary as well as equal , that the whole matter should be pl●i●ly and impartially represented to the world , and that the 〈◊〉 ●be re 〈…〉 tted and l●●t to the understanding and 〈…〉 ass ' 〈…〉 part of mankind who are the calumniators and slanderers , they who accuse the proclamation of importing such principles , consequences , and tendencies , or he and his ministers , who think they have avoided and answered the imputations fastned upon it , when they have loaded them with hard and uncivil terms . for tho he be pleased to assume to himself an absolute power , which all are bound to obey without reserve , and in the virtue of which 〈…〉 e suspends , stops , and disables what laws he ●leaseth , yet i do not know but that his 〈…〉 ntellectuals being of the size of other mens , 〈…〉 nd that seeing neither his soveraignity , 〈…〉 or catholicalness , have vested in him an 〈…〉 nerrability , why we may not enter our 〈…〉 lea and demurr to the dictates of his judgment , tho we know not how to withstand the efforts of his power . nor shall i sub 〈…〉 oin any more , save that whereas his ma 〈…〉 esty declares so many laws to be disabled to 〈…〉 ll intents and purposes , he ought to have remembred , that beside other intents and purposes that several of them may hereafter serve unto as the papists may possibly come to have experience ; there is one thing in reference to which , he cannot even at present , hinder & prevent their usefulness and efficacy , and that is not only their raising and exciting all just resentments in the minds of free-born and generous men , for his challenging a power to suspend and cassate them , but their remaining and continuing monuments of his infidelity to the trust reposed in him , of his departure from all promises made at and since his entring upon the government , and of his invading and subverting all the rules of the constitution . finis . pag. col . . lin . . after court put . ibid. lin . . r. knew . p. . col . . l. . r. account . ibid. l. . r. inpemperate . ibid. col . . l. . r. in . p. . col . . l. . aite● order put . p. . col . . l , . for an● . as . p. . col . . l. . r. stirred up . ibid. l. penult . . judg . p. . col . . in the margin r. rot. parl. . hen. . p. . col . . l. . r. obsole●e . p. . col . . l. . r. promisee . p. . col . . l. . r. reverse . notes, typically marginal, from the original text notes for div a -e hist. of the times . proef. to h 〈…〉 hist. of th 〈…〉 times . p. 〈◊〉 de laudib . leg. angl. c. . bract. lib. 〈…〉 cap. . fle 〈…〉 lib. . c. . lib. 〈…〉 cap. 〈…〉 rol. parl. . hist. ▪ num. . see mr. alsops speech to the king.