The lawyer outlaw'd, or, A brief answer to Mr. Hunts defence of the charter with some useful remarks on the Commons proceedings in the last Parliament at Westminster, in a letter to a friend. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 1683 Approx. 141 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47876 Wing L1266 ESTC R25476 08988646 ocm 08988646 42140 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47876) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 42140) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1289:1) The lawyer outlaw'd, or, A brief answer to Mr. Hunts defence of the charter with some useful remarks on the Commons proceedings in the last Parliament at Westminster, in a letter to a friend. L'Estrange, Roger, Sir, 1616-1704. 38 p. Printed by N.T. for the author, [London] : 1683. Attributed to Roger L'Estrange--Wing. Reproduction of original in the Union Theological Seminary Library, New York. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hunt, Thomas, 1627?-1688. -- Defence of the charter, and municipal rights of the city of London. Popish Plot, 1678. London (England) -- Charters, grants, privileges. 2003-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-02 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-02 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Lawyer Outlaw'd ; Or a BRIEF ANSWER To Mr. HUNTS Defence of the CHARTER . With some Useful REMARKS ON THE Commons Proceedings IN THE LAST PARLIAMENT At WESTMINSTER . In a Letter to a Friend . Printed by N. T. for the Author , MDCLXXXIII . SIR , YOur importunities have at last prevail'd , and since abler Pens have hitherto declin'd to espouse the quarrel , I will for once force my own inclination to silence and reservedness , and briefly give you my thoughts on that unlucky Pamphlet , call'd , A Defence of the Charter and Municipal Rights of London . The Author , I find , is a Gentleman of the long Robe , a person so well known of late for his unweary'd diligence , and extraordinary faculty in scribling ▪ that I need not give you any other Character of him , but that some three years ago he writ a Book in vindication of the Bishops Right of Judicature in Parliament ; and for this piece of service expected no less than to be made Lord-Chief-Baron of the Exchequer in Ireland . But missing of that Preferment , he grows peevish and angry with the Court and Clergy , and to be even with both , and perhaps to appease his angry Brethren of the Separation for his former Mercenary undertaking , he adds a Baboons Tail to his Picture , a Postscript to his Book , the most virulent and malicious , that has yet escap'd the hands of Justice . Ever since , he has continu'd firm to the Cause , laid aside his useless Law , and zealously imploy'd his better Talent against the Church and State , in favour of the Faction ; and this about the Charter is the last effort of that wise Head-piece , which he has stuff'd with such a miscellany of wild Paradoxes , interwoven with some impertinent Truths , that 't is far more difficult to digest them into method , than to answer and confute them . First , to lay a solid foundation for his great design , he tells us , That Monarchs , as well as Republicks , have often erected Municipal Cities , and by their Charters bestow'd upon them several Franchises and Priviledges , as to choose their own Magistrates , and governby their own Laws , while subservient to the publick Laws of the Sovereign Authority , pag. 1. This is certainly very true ; but how far it makes for the Charter of London , against the Quo Warranto , is a Mystery not to be comprehended by every vulgar capacity : for 't is no less plain in History , that not only Tyrants and Vsurpers , as he mentions , but just and lawful Sovereigns , have divers times suppress'd such Municipal Cities , for good and necessary causes , as for being disloyal to their Prince , or factious and seditious against the Government ; and then the main Question will be , How far the City of London has of late been guilty of such Crimes , as by Law deserve the like Punishment ? This , in short , is the plain state of the Question ; for 't is most unreasonable to think , that any King or Republick ever gave their Municipal Cities any such Liberties or Immunities , as were not forfeitable upon their abusing the Power they receiv'd ; when otherwise , neither Prince nor People cou'd be secure from the insolence of such uncontroulable Citizens , without a standing Army to keep them in awe . But our Gentleman , it seems , is unwilling to touch upon this critical point of speculation ; and as the Defence of the Charter is the least part of his Pamphlet , so now he runs quite from the purpose , to tell the King like a dutiful Subject , He may , if He please , take His Quietus-est , and let His people govern themselves ; For it is impossible ( saith he ) that mankind should miscarry in their own hands , pag. 2. Now , since they have often miscarry'd in the hands of Princes , is it not more expedient for the publick good , if this Maxim will hold , that the Prince shou'd mind his own private business , and not trouble himself with the Government , which the People can do better without Him ? This is Mr. Hunt's new Model of Government , who out of pure love and kindness to the Monarchy , chalks out a ready way for his Sovereign to ease Himself of all the thorns and prickles of His Crown , and become a glorious King like His Father ; And therefore seems very angry , that the Court , ( i. e. the King ) should be troubl'd with the Power of appointing Officers in any City or Corporation in the Kingdom , tho' it be found of absolute necessity for the keeping His Crown upon His Head , and protecting His best Subjects from a Band of Associators and Ignoramus-Juries . Oh! But by this new form of Corporations , it will be in the power of a Popish Successor to put the Government of all Corporated Towns in England into the hands of Papists ▪ p 5. And without it , I say , it will be no less in the power of the Faction , to put the same Government into the hands of Fanaticks . What a Bugbear is this Popish Successor ! whose very Name turns the brains of a Whig into a Magnifying-glass , that will transform Ants into Gyants , and Mole-hills into Mountains ! We have as good Laws as the wit of man can devise , to secure us from the encroachments of Popery , and to disable Papists from bearing any Office , Civil or Military , either in or out of Corporations : and yet this Popish Successor , who possibly may never succeed , this great Goliah , can break through all those Laws , and will certainly do it , to curry favour with a handful of Papists , and make himself a Slave to the Pope . This is not all ; For this mode ( saith he ) of incorporating Cities and Towns , doth ipso facto change the Government ; for that One of the Three States , an essential part of the Government , which is made up of the Representatives of the People , and ought to be chosen by the People , will by this means have five sixth parts of such Representatives , upon the matter , of the Courts nomination , and not of the Peoples choice ; — and at the next turn we shall have a Parliament of Papists and Red-coats , pag. 6. O profound Politician ! has not our Government been Regal and Monarchical from the beginning ? how then can the House of Commons , in comparison but a late Institution , necessary not for the Being , but for the Well-being of the Monarchy , be an Essential part of it ? Or how can any Rul●r be term'd a Monarch , that has 500 Demagogues Joynt-Governours with Him ? These , and such other Republican Maxims , have been in a great measure the main foundation of all the miseries and confusions we suffer'd under the late Tyranny of the Rump-Parliament ; and after our sad experience of those Tragical times , surely we have reason to think , that none but such as wou'd bring us back to the same calamities , and sing the second part to the same Tune , would now endeavour to assert or maintain them : yet they are so very familiar to our Irish Chief-Baron , that there is hardly a page in most of his Pamphlets , but has a strong tincture of them . In his great and weighty Considerations considered , he says , The Parliament derive Their Authority from the same Original the King derives His ▪ The King hath not His Power from Them , nor They theirs from the King : They Both derive their Authority from the consent of the People , either tacit or express , in the first institution of the Government , or in the subsequent alterations of it , pag. 16. Is not this a rare Assertor of the Monarchy , that makes both Houses thus co-ordinate with the Prince , and all the Three subordinate to the People ; turns the Governed into Govornours , and leaves to the King the Title only , but to His Subjects the Power and Dominion ? The Law tells us , That all Authority and Jurisdiction , Spiritual and Temporal , is derived from the King , 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. § . 3. And Plowden , as great a Lawyer perhaps as Mr. Hunt , says , That the King has the sole Government of His Subjects , fol. 234 , a. How then can Mr. Hunt make the People the Original of Power , since all is derived from the Prince ? or how can either or both Houses of Parliament pretend of themselves to have any share in the Government , which is wholly in the King ? or claim any Authority or Jurisdiction over the People , but as deriv'd from the Sovereign ? Let us therefore explode these Republican Notions , that have cost us so dear , and cannot in the least avail either Parliament or People , but will always make the Prince jealous of their proceedings , who can better hear the complaints and humble Petitions of his dutiful Subjects , the constant * stile of our ancient Acts of Parliament , than the Imperious dictates of his fellow-Governours ; for , experience confirms what Lucan long since has told us , Nulla fides Regni sociis , omnisque potestas Impatiens consortis erit . But how shou'd this new form of Corporations make their Representatives in Parliament , not of the Peoples choice , but of the Courts nomination , is not very intellig●ble in my apprehension : since every Cobler can tell , the Free-men of Corporations , and not their Officers , have the sole power of electing their Representatives . Where then is the danger of a Parliament of Papists and Red-coats , ( tho' there had been no Law to disable the former from sitting in the House , till they forswear themselves , or abjure their principles ) unless the major part of the Free-men of England , which I hope shall never happen , be suppos'd to embrace the Popish Religion ? We have seen , to our cost and to our shame , a pretended Parliament of Red-coats and Round-heads , which like the Aegyptian Locusts devour'd all the fruit of the Land , and turn'd Europes Paradise into a Field of Blood ; and this blessing we owe to Mr. Hunt's poor harmless Dissenters ; which I hope will make us so wise for the future , as never to give them the like opportunities . It were endless to follow this lawless Scribler through every page and paragraph , or severally to take notice of all his incoherences , and impertinent digressions . To come therefore close to the business of the Charter , we must turn over many pages , and step from the beginning almost to the end of his Pamphlet , to find out something that may seem to the purpose . Three points he offers at last in defence of the Charter , which he says to the Londoners , he comes to defend against theirs , and he might add as well , his own , reason and understanding , p. 31. For if he has a grain of Law or sense left , he knows that of these points the first is impertinent to what he undertakes , and the rest but fallacious cavillings , to impose upon the Vulgar , and make them obstinate to their cost . First , he says , That the Dissenters , tho' Excommunicate , have a vote in the Election of their Officers . 2ly . That the Common-Council cannot destroy or surrender the Charter . 3ly . That the Sherivalties of London and Middlesex are in the City by Common or Statute-Law ; and consequently not to be displac'd , but by Act of Parliament , tho' with the consent of every individual Citizen , p. 32. For the first , he takes a world of pains to prove , that the Excommunication of Dissenters does not render them uncapable of giving their Vote in the Election of the City-Officers . And what then ? Is the Charter never to be forfeited , while the Dissenters have a Vote or Suffrage in such Elections ? or are they so numerous in the Common-Council , as to out-vote the Members of the Church of England ? are their tender consciences still so plyable , as to receive the Sacrament in their Parish-Church to serve a turn , and run to a Conventicle all the year after ? to take Tests and Oaths to get into Imployments , and break all with a breath to promote the Good Old Cause ? nay , venture to forfeit their Ears to the Pillory , and their Souls to the Devil , to help off an active Brother catch'd by the Tongue ? These are the harmless Clients of our Irish-Chief-Baron , of whom we may well say with the Poet , — Mille adde catenas , Effugiet tamen hac sceleratus vincula Proteus . These , I mean , not the mis-led or seduc'd , but the Heads and Ring-leaders of the Faction , who always hold with the Hare , and run with the Hound , and make conscience of nothing but Conformity , and yet conform for Preferment . To these their deluded followers owe all the severities of late used against them , and the City this so-much-talk'd-of Quo Warranto , with all the unlucky consequences , which Mr. Hunt says are like to attend it : there being no other way to rescue the Government out of their hands , or secure His Majesty's Crown and Dignity , and the Lives of his good Subjects , from pack'd Juries , and perjur'd Ignoramus's . But they have ( says our Lawyer ) an utter abhorrence against Popery and the Plot , and joyn forwardly and zealously against it , p. 16. 'T is true , they make a great noise and bussle about that horrid Conspiracy , but in reality they have done more than the Papists were able to do , to stifle and confound it . They attaqu'd the Church of England , whilst in the heat of prosecuting the Conspirators , and labour'd under the Umbrage of the Popish-Plot , to carry on another of their own , to subvert the establish'd Government , and insensibly to decoy us into Presbytery , and their darling Commonwealth ; as the Tryal and Condemnation of their Proto-Martyr Colledge ; their Green-ribbon-Clubs , and Ignoramus-Juries ; their Vox Patriae's , and Vox Populi's ; their Appeal from the Countrey to the City ; the Speech of their Noble Peer ; and in short , the tendency of all their Seditious Libels , back'd with the Depositions of several Witnesses ▪ do as plainly demonstrate , as Coleman's Letters and Execution prove the wicked designs of the Papists . They inveigl'd some of the principal Discoverers of the Popish-Plot to espouse their Party , and vilifie the Church ; which frightn'd many a Loyal Gentleman , that cou'd not forget the Contrivances of the late times , where Popery was the First , but Monarchy the Last Act of the Tragedy , and made them suspect these same persons , now their hand was in , might at last be wrought upon , to turn against the obedient Sons of the Church , whom they had already stigmatiz'd with the ignominious Names of Tories , Masqueraders , and Church-Papists . In short , they contriv'd so many shams and silly stories , as made the very truth questionable ; and when they saw the English Plot was not like to embroil the Nation , they invited a number of profligate wretches out of Ireland , gave them Cloaths and Money in abundance , and took so much pains to set up these unmanageable Tools , that in fine they dash'd both Plots to pieces , one against the other . Are we not then beholding to our true-blew-Protestants , after all these fine exploits , for their abhorrence against Popery and the Plot , and to Mr ; Hunt , for his zealous vindication of their Proceedings ? He was formerly suspected to be a man of no Religion ; but now , like a generous Soul , he owns his Party in their greatest distress , and openly declares against the Church of England , as Betrayers of God's Cause , and the Peoples Liberties . Some of little understanding among you ( saith he ) that thus behave your selves , are excusable , as misguided by some of your Ministers , who are in good earnest begging Preferments , Dignities and Benefices for themselves , by offering and betraying our Church to a voluntary Martyrdom , p. 12. I need not comment upon this scurrilous Reflection , 't is enough to say , 't is the product of Mr. Hunt's own Brains , who , according to his Fee , tho' against his conscience , spoke for his Clyents ; for Lawyers , he tells us , ( and who more fit to know ? ) have Opinions to sell at any time , tho' they have not the least colour of Reason to support them , p. 19. If this Confounder both of Law and Gospel , be thus for fouling his own Nest , we need not wonder at his frequent snarlings at the Loyal and Christian Resolutions of our Reverend Clergy , or expect better usage from a man that openly sides with the Enemies of our Church . I come now to his second point , which is so wild and so extravagant a paradox , as deserves rather to be laugh'd at by men of sense , than to be answer'd or confuted : since , besides several that have done it within these two years past , there are not many Corporations in England , whose Charters have not been surrendred by their Common-Council , without so much as consulting their Common-halls ; and yet were never question'd for it , as Betrayers of their Trust , or of the Liberties of the People . But he drives home the Nail in his 3d. assertion , where he says , that the Sherivalties of London and Middlesex , or the right of choosing their Sheriffs , ( the main point now in dispute , and what most concerns the King , after our late experience , to have in His own disposal ) cannot be parted with , without an Act of Parliament , tho' with the consent of every individual Citizen . But sure the Gentleman is not in earnest ; for I hope he will allow us , that tho' alone they cannot , yet with the consent and approbation of the Common-hall , or of every Citizen , the Common-Council may surrender the Charter : who then , the Charter being thus surrendred , has the power of choosing the Sheriffs , when the Corporation , the City and the County is dissolv'd , neither Mayor nor Alderman , Citizen nor Free man to found ? The Inhabitants in general cannot choose them , for they have no right now to do it , neither do they receive any new power by the surrender of the Charter ; and yet the Free-men cannot , when there is no such thing in being , no more in London than in Westminster , or any other Dissolv'd Corporation . But to be short in a Case so plain , since the Gentleman requires an Act of Parliament for displacing the Citizens Right of choosing their Sheriffs , here is One ready to his hand , for taking away , upon their neglect or misgovernment , all their Franchises and Liberties , and consequently this power of electing their own Officers and Magistrates ; an Act found by the prudence of our Ancestors , so necessary for to maintain the publick Peace , and keep that over-grown City within the bounds of duty , that Henry IV. tho' he sought occasions to ingratiate himself with the People of London , the better to secure his Usurpation , yet cou'd not be wrought upon by their intreaties to have any material part of it alter'd , much less annull'd or repeal'd . The Act take as followeth . 280 . Edwardi 3 i. cap. 10 o. BEcause that the Errors , Defaults and Misprisions , which be notoriously used in the City of London , for default of good Governance of the Mayor , of the Sheriffs , and the Aldermen , cannot be enquired nor found by people of the same City : it is ordained and established , That the said Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , which have the Governance of the same City , shall cause to be redressed and correated the Defaults , Errors , and Misprisions above-named , and the same duly punish from time to time upon a certain pain ; that is to say , at the first Default a Thousand Marks to the King , and at the second Default two Thousand Marks , and at the third default , that the Franchise and Liberty of the City be taken into the King's hand . And be it begun to enquire upon them at St. Michael next coming , so that if ▪ they do not cause to be made due redress , as afore is said , it shall be enquired of their Defaults by Enquests of people of Foreign . Counties ; that is to say , of Kent , Essex , Sussex , Hertford , Buckingham , and Berk , as well at the King's Suit , as others that will complain . And if the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , be by such Enquests thereto assigned , Indiaed , they shall be caused to come by due Process before the King's Justices , which shall be to the same ▪ assigned out of the said City , before whom they shall have their . Answer , as well to the King as to the Party . And if they put them in Enquests , such Enquests shall be taken by Foreign People , as afore is said . And if they be Attainsed , the said pain shall incurr and be levied of the said Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , for default of their Governance . And nevertheless , the Plaintiffs shall recover the treble Damages against the said Mayor , Sheriffs , and Aldermen . And because that the Sheriffs of London be Parties to this business , the Constable of the Tower , or his Lieutenant , shall serve in the place of the Sheriffs , to receive the Writs , as well Originals of the Chancery as Judicials , under the Seal of the Justices , to do thereof execution in the said City . And Process shall be made by Attachment , and Distress , and by Exigent , if need be : so that at the King's Suit the Exigent shall be awarded after the first Capias returned , and at the third Capias returned at the Suit of the Party . And if the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen have Lands or Tenements out of the City , Process shall be made against them by Attachments and Distresses , in the same Counties where the Lands or Tenements be . And that every of the said Mayors , Sheriffs and Aldermen , which do appear before the said Justices , shall answer particularly for himself , as well at the peril of other which be absent , as of himself . And this Ordinance shall be holden firm and stable , notwithstanding any manner Franchise , Priviledges or Customs . And this Ordinance shall extend to all Cities and Boroughs of the Realm , where such Defaults or Misprisions be used , and not duly corrected nor redressed : saving that the Enquests shall be taken by Foreign people of the same County where such Cities or Boroughs be . And that the pain of those of the said Boroughs and Tolws , which shall be thereof Attainted , shall be judged by the Discretion of the Justices , which shall be thereto assigned . This Act was a great Curb to the people of London , and kept them for many years after , very obsequious and dutiful to their Sovereign ; but in process of time , finding it was not duly put in execution , they began to forget it at last , and wou'd now and then break out into some extravagance , which afterwards cost them very dear . Finding therefore themselves very uneasie under this restraint , tho' neither in Edward III. nor his Successor's Reign they durst motion to have that Statute repeal ▪ d , yet when the Vsurper Henry IV. came to the Crown , they labour'd hard to get themselves rid of it , but cou'd gain no more than the following Clause ; which many in London , who always think ill of the King and His Ministers , will think of no great advantage to the Defence of the Charter . OUR Lord the king considering the good and lawful Behaviour of the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen , and of all the Commonalty of the same City of London towards him , and therefore willing to ease and mitigate the Penalty aforesaid , by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and of the Commons aforesaid , hath Ordained and Established , That the Penalty aforesaid , as well of the Thousand Marks , and of the two Thousand Marks , and of the seizure of the Franchise comprized in the said Statute , shall not be limited in a certainty , but that the Penalties in this case be by the advice and discretion of the Justices thereto assigned , as other Cities and Boroughs be within the Realm ; And that the Remnant of the same Statute , and the Process thereof , stand in their force , 1 H. 4. cap. 15. Now , I appeal to Mr. Hunt's own Judgment , provided he has so much moral honesty , to speak nothing of his skill in the Laws , as will qualifie him for an Irish Chief-Baron , Whether or no these two Statutes be not as plain against the Charter , supposing the Mayor , Sheriffs and Aldermen to have been negligent in their duty , and a fortiori if they and the Common-Council be found guilty of the Crimes laid to their charge , as Magna Charta or the Petition of Right is for the Liberty and Property of the Subject ; For , that 't is neither Treason nor Felony , nor yet the Subversion of the Government , but Crimes of a far inferiour nature , that are meant by the Errors and Misdemeanors mentioned in the said Acts , is apparent by another Statute made some three years after , by the same King Edward III. where it is Enacted , That the Mayor and Aldermen of London shall rule and redress the defaults of Fishers , Butchers , and Poulters , and put the same in execution , upon the pain late ordained touching the City of London , 31 Ed. 3. cap. 10. Now , if the whole City , for a bare neglect of duty in their Officers , as for omitting to punish the Misdemeanors of silly Trades-men , were by these Acts of Edward III. so grievously punishable , as for the first Offence to forfeit a Thousand 〈…〉 no less in the 〈◊〉 value than 2000 l of our now 〈…〉 so much in the 〈◊〉 use and price of things ) 〈…〉 for the second offence , and for the third to forfeit their Franchise and Liberties to the King : what shall be thought of others , if they are found not only to have laid an Illegal Arbitrary Tax upon their fellow-Subjects , and in a tumultuous manner invaded their Properties ; but wink'd at , if not encourag'd , the publishing of Treasonable Papers and Pamphlets ; and instead of suppressing others , presented their Prince with a most Scurrilous one of their own , by way of Petition , to tax His Majesty with misgovernment , and endeavour to bring Him into hatred and contempt with his People ? As for the aforesaid Clause of 1 H. 4. tho' intended for ( as really it was ) a great favour to the City , that they shou'd not for every trisling fault be oblig'd to pay such a vast Fine as a Thousand Marks , twenty times greater than that sum now ; yet if their Crimes had been found of a transcendent nature , striking at the very Root and Life of the Government , we may be sure the Justices , by vertue of this very Clause , wou'd have immediately seiz'd their Charter , without bringing them to any further Tryal . So that this Clause , tho' in small inferiour misdemeanors it be a great advantage to the City , yet in Crimes of State , where the Crown and the Monarchy are concern'd , 't is no less an advantage to the King. Thus , Sir , you have seen how well Mr. Hunt has defended the Charter against all the Power both of Law and Reason , and you will find him altogether as happy in the rest of his undertakings . I omit his impertinence on the Play , call'd , The Duke of Guise , his unmannerly application of the Characters , and his framing of Parallels where little or no similitude can be found : Yet en passent I cannot but pity the condition our Lawyers INNOCENT and GENTLE PRINCE is reduc'd to , by the slie insinuations and bewitching flatteries of this and such other Sycophants of the Faction , who puff'd him up , and possess'd him with such chymerical hopes of a Crown , as made him forget his Obedidence to his Princes will , and the positive command of his Natural Father ; Natural , I say , because in our Laws the Maxim is , Qui ex damnato coitu nascuntur , inter liberos non computantur , i.e. Bastards are not counted amongst Sons , Coke 1 Instit. f. 3. or as Littleton says , A Bastard is quasi nullius filius , because he cannot be Heir to any , apud Coke 2 Instit. § . 188. Now , if by Law this Prince can be Heir to none , what a madness it was to advise him to aspire to Three Hereditary Kingdoms , or think to carry them tamely by Popular Applause , when nothing but the Sword can establish a crack'd Title ? But the best people of England ( says this non-sensical Scribler ) have no other way left to shew their Loyalty to the King , and love to their Religion and Government , in the long intervals of Parliament , than by Prosecuting His Son , for the sake of the King , and his own Merit , with all the demonstrations of the highest esteem , p. 28. They are certainly very hard put to it , if this ( not to PROSECUTE his silly Latinism ) be the only shift they can make to express their Loyalty , when Children can tell , they might , if they had any , better shew it , by prostrating themselves at His Majesty's feet , and declaring their readiness to venture their Lives and Fortunes in defence of His Sacred Person , and the Rights of His Crown , against all the attempts of the Popish Plotters and Whiggish Associators . 'T is true , some of the best People in England have had , for the King's sake , and in some measure for his own Merits , sufficient kindness for his Grace , and still wish him more Grace and consideration , than to continue obstinately disobedient , contrary to common Prudence , and to all the ties and obligations of Nature , of Duty , and of Gratitude : But as for Mr. Hunt's best People of England , tho' pretended his only Friends , they have been upon all occasions his real Enemies , made a Property and a Tool of him , to set him up , like another Perkin Warbeck , in opposition to the Royal Line ; and if that succeeded , to kick him down again , as they did Richard Cromwell , to make room for Themselves and their darling Commonwealth . But to return from this digression , and examine what is left yet unanswer'd of this idle Pamphlet : I find our Chief-Baron wou●d-be has stumbl'd at last on those two famous Statutes of Edward III * to prove , that Parliaments must be held once every year ; which ( saith he ) is confirm'd by an Act of this King , call'd , the Trienial Act , p. 21. But by his Lordships good leave ▪ these Statutes , if well consider'd , will be found to have been made rather to oblige the Commons ( who then grumbl'd no less at the frequent calling , than the Factious do now at the long intermission of Parliaments ) to send their Representatives to the King 's Great Councel , than to bind the King to summon them when there was no occasion for their meeting ; and therefore , to make the case more plain , the conditional Clause , If need be , which may aptly refer to the whole period , is expresly provided in the said Statutes . For to affirm , it was absolutely enacted that a Parliament shou'd be held once every year , whether there was any , or no need of their meeting , when the choosing of Members was so troublesom , and their expences eundo morando & ad propria redeundo so chargeable to the people , besides the great Taxes they usually granted , is altogether unreasonable . As for the Triennial Act of this * King , it makes more against than for his Lordships design ; since it requires but to have a Parliament once in three years , and not sooner , without some extraordinary occasion ; which , I doubt not , but His Majesty , according to His late most Gracious Declaration , will see punctually observ'd , as He has been pleas'd to do in the whole course of His Reign . And the Statute of Provisors , 25 Ed 3. is no less impertinent to his purpose ; for tho' it be the Right of the Crown of England , and that the Law of the said Realm is such , that upon the mischiefs and damages which happen to His Realm , the King ought , and is bound by Oath , with the accord of His People in Parliament , to make remedy and Law , in removing the mischiefs and damages which thereof ensue : Yet if His People in Parliament prove peevish and obstinate , and will not accept of His Majesty's gracious Condescensions , nor of the expedients by Him propos'd ; who then is to be blam'd , the King or His People ? How many Proposals and Overtures of accomodation have been made by His Majesty to His last Parliament at Westminster ? and how undutifully they were rejected by some Leading-Members in the House of Commons ? How often did he offer to consent to any reasonable expedient they cou'd find out , for securing the establish'd Religion , in case of a Popish Successor ? But all was slighted , as if nothing but the Subversion of the Monarchy was able to secure some Gentlemen in their Religion , that were shrewdly suspected to have none to lose : This discourse , I know , will not relish with our Irish Chief-Baron , who seems already very angry , that a Cabal ( as he calls the Loyal Addressers of the Nation ) shou'd take upon themselves to arraign the Proceedings of our latest Parliaments , p. 8. And yet his unmannerly Worship , because he thinks 't is a Priviledge peculiar to the Godly to speak evil of Dignities , scruples not to rail at the best Parliament that ever met in his time , which really was ( what he scoffingly calls it ) a Parliament of famous Loyalty ; tho' in their latter days , when by the Death of several good Members , too many of the old Leaven had crept in , that vigor was much abated , which they always express'd in their former resolutions ; and for which this Factious Lawyer presumes to say , that obliquely they gave the Papists many assistances , p. 14. and in plain terms calls them , the corrupt Villains of the late Long-Parliament . Considerations consider'd . p. 19. But to clear this point , without insisting upon retortions and recriminations ; I say , to arraign the Proceedings of the Parliament , in its true and legal sense , that is , of King , Lords , and Commons , is a very great and a very hainous Crime , not to be conniv'd at , or endur'd in any Subject whatsoever ; because it tends to the vilifying , and consequently to the subverting the Government ; for as Seneca well observ'd , Nihil valet Regum potestas , nisi prius valeat authorit as : If Princes lose their Authority , the awe and reverence due to them from the People , they have lost their Power and Command , and are in effect more than half Depos'd . But to arraign the Proceedings of the Parliament , when this Name is abusively appropriated to the House of Commons , to whom this lawless Scribler attributes a high and uncontroulable Power , ( p. 9. ) as if the King and Lords were only Cyphers , the Crime is not near so unpardonable as some people wou'd have us believe . I am sure Mr. Justice Hutton in his Argument against Ship-money , ( which so pleas'd even that Rebellious Conventicle of Forty-One , who swallow'd up the King's Prerogative and the Peoples Liberties in their Parliament-Priviledges , that they gave express Orders to get it printed ) thought it no such Crime to say , I know not whether the last meeting in Parliament , either by ill choice of the Members of the House , or by the great encrease of the number , or by the ambitious humour of some Members of that House , who aim'd more at their own ends and designs , than the good of the Commonwealth , things were so carry'd , not as was us'd in ancient times , but so disastrously that it hath wrought such a distast of this course of Parliaments , as we and all that love the Commonwealth have just cause to be sorry for it . p. 33. Nevertheless , I must confess , that even in this sense 't is not becoming every private Pen to censure or condemn them , upon every slight occasion ; and the motives must be very extraordinary , when such practices are allowable . Yet when we consider , that matters have been so carry'd on for some years past , that of necessity we must e●ther mislike our Princes Wisdom and Councils , for Proroguing and Dissolving so many Parliaments ; or conclude , as undoubtedly we must , that the unseasonable heat of the Leading-Members in the House of Commons , necessitated His Majesty to take such unwelcom resolutions : And withal , when we find , not only the King , but the generality of the Nation in their repeated Addresses , express their dislike to the Proceedings of a prevailing Party in that House ; all Loyal Subjects , I think , concern'd in the election of such Members , ought to be so just to Themselves and the Publick as to declare their own Integrity , and their constant affection to the King , that the world may see they are no Abettors of the unwarrantable resolutions of their Representatives ; who perhaps ran into such unusual extravagancies , in hopes to be seconded by their Principals . But tho' the occasion be never so extraordinary , it must nevertheless be granted for an undeniable Maxim , that whatsoever misdemeanors any Members of that Honourable House happen to commit ▪ it ought not to reflection the House in general , nor yet the errors of the whole House at any time , put either Prince or People out of love with that wholsom and excellent Constitution . For such is the instability of Mundan affairs , that ( as the Poet said ) Nihil est ab omni parte beatum ; there is nothing upon Earth but hath its failings , and even the best of Governments has sometimes its own inconveniences : Thus Princes are now and then apt to give too much credit to their flattering Favourites , and be led for a while by their evil Counsels till time and experience convince them of their error ; and 't is pla●n , the wisest Assembly that ever sate ●n the House of Commons cannot be always free free from the like mistakes , but are sometimes mpos'd upon , by the plausible pretences of some designing Politicians , and cunningly decoy'd in , to act contrary to their inclination to their interest , and their duty . Of this kind we have several remarkable passages in the Intestine-Troubles of Forty-One , where a few Factious Members in both Houses insensibly inveigl'd the rest , and inflam'd the whole Nation into a general combustion ; And these four years past can sufficiently furnish us with fresh instances almost of the like nature , but that through the great Prudence of our Sovereign and His Most Honourable House of Lords , mindful of their Fathers miscarriages , all these endeavours prov'd abortive and unsuccessful . If we ser●ously consider what measures some persons of greater parts than honesty made use of at that time , as well in as out of Parliament , we shall find cause enough to admire how people that pretend so much Religion & Loyalty , so much affection to their King and Countr●y , cou'd be wrought upon to run head-long into such extravagant courses , so destructive of the Prerogative-Royal , and of the Peace and Settlement of the Three Kingdoms . The horrid Popish-Plot , which has already cost us so many Millions in our Trade and Commerce , and , I am afraid , a great deal more in our Credit and Reputation abroad , was made a stalking-horse by the ambitious to attain to their expected Greatness , of being chief Ministers , if not chief Magistrates of all the K's Dominions : And because His Majesty , wisely considering it was impossible to make a just and impartial enquiry into that hellish Conspiracy , whi●e the people were so far transported with heat and passion , * which nothing but time cou'd cure ; and withal discovering what use some designing Demagogues intended to make of this Plot against the Monarchy , thought it convenient , or rather necessary , sometimes to Prorogue , sometimes to Dissolve his Parliament , and call another , in hopes to meet with one of a better temper , and more moderation ; Our cunning Machiavellians took hold of this opportunity , to enflame the unthinking multitude , and make them believe their All was betray'd , without a speedy Parliament , to enquire into the Popish-Plot , and redress the Grievances of the Nation ; and therefore they clamour'd , it was absolutely necessary they shou'd all joyn in a Petition to His Majesty for that purpose : whereby they were sure , either to gain their point , and get the Parliament to sit , which they might model and influence , as they pleas'd ; or at least know the strength of their party by the number of Subscribers , and lessen His Majesty's credit in the hearts of his People . To this end Agents are sent about ▪ and the Petition is sign'd by many Legions of the Goaly Party . None so forward to subscribe this Petition to the Son , as they who petition'd for Justice aga●nst the Father . There you might see Presbyterians , Independents , Quakers , Brownists , and Anabaptists , all in a string , to petition His Majesty for a speedy Parliament . A mysterious Riddle to all sober and understanding men , that Fanaticks , who always but in Forty-One dreaded the face of that August Assembly , shou'd now be more zealous for their sitting , than the True-Protestants of the Church of England . It was certainly an Omen that cou'd portend no good either to Church or State ; and therefore , as the King had reason to mistrust there lay a Snake in the Grass , the Brethrens zealous petitioning to that purpose , did rather hinder than forward their meeting . At last , when it could not be thought the effect of the Fanaticks importunity , but of His Majesty's grace and goodness , the Parliament met on the 23 of Octob ▪ 1680 , and the King having solemnly renew'd them His former promises of complying with any thing they cou'd in reason propose , desir'd them to wave all unseasonable disputes , and hasten to settle the affairs of the Nation , and bring their meeting to a happy conclusion . The People were generally big with expectation , to see the issue of this famous Session , and doubted not but all their jealousies and distractions wou'd now be fully removed , the Three Nations settl'd and compos'd , and the Popish Plot speedily shifted to the bottom . Parturiunt montes . They sate almost for three entire months without any lett or interruption : and what have they done all this while towards the effecting these weighty matters that lay before them ? what great progress have they made towards the suppressing of Popery , or putting a period to that hellish Conspiracy ? They spent nine or ten days about my Lord Stafford's Tryal ; and when all expected the other Lords shou'd immediately follow , our charitable Patriots , tender it seems of shedding more Popish-Blood , sate down to breath themselves , and not a word more of the Papists to the end of the Chapter . The truth is , the Leading-Members , that govern'd all in the House of Commons , had other fish to fry . They were ferreting out Papists in Masquerade , or half-reform'd Protestants , now thought more dangerous than the profess'd Romanists . A Reformation they intended both in Church and State , and God knows where it shou'd have ended It was enough they fix'd the Popish-Plot by the conviction of my Lord Stafford ; but it seems it was their interest to keep it on foot for other purposes , perhaps in imitation of the wise Romans ; who thought it impolitick to demolish their great Rival Carthage , which , while standing , might serve to keep them from idleness and exercise their Valour . The Papists therefore must have a time to breath , and the Fanaticks are the great favourites of the House , while known Protestants of the Church of England , under the odious names of Abhorrers , are forc'd to bear the brunt , and suffer as Betrayers of the peoples Rights and Liberties , for obeying their Sovereigns Proclamation , tho' not repugnant to any known Law or Statute , but approv'd of by the Judges , and other Sages of the Law , and conformable to an express Act of Parliament in the like case provided . 13 Car. 2. c. 5. 'T is the peoples Right , I know , or to speak more properly , 't is their Duty , to petition their Prince for relief and redress of their Grievances ; but still 't is the undoubted Prerogative of the Sovereign to judge whether such Grievances be real or pretended ; fit to be granted , or necessary to be rejected : And when upon weighty considerations , as the Subject ought in duty to suppose , the Prince openly expresses his dislike to such Petitions , to importune him any further is very unmannerly , and plainly tending to Sedition . 'T is an undutiful part in Subjects ( saith our British Solomon ) to press their King , wherein they know before-hand he will refuse them . In his Speech to the Parliament . anno 1609. The evil consequences of these tumultuous Petitions are too well known to those that remember our late unhappy Confusions , to be dwelt upon , or describ'd in so small a Treatise . 'T is enough , that the wisdom of the Nation , both King and Parliament , after His Majesty's miraculous Restauration , have declar'd , It hath been found by sad experience , that tumultuous and other disorderly soliciting and procuring of hands by private persons to Petitions , Complaints , Remonstrances , Declarations , and other Addresses to the King , or to both or either Houses of Parliament , for alteration of matters establish'd by Law , redress of pretended Grievances in Church or State , or other publick Concernments , have been made use of , to serve the ends of Factious and Seditious persons gotten into power , to the violation of the publick Peace , and have been a great mens of the late unhappy Wars , Confusions and Calamities in this Nation . 13 Car. 2. c. 5. Besides , our Lawyers tell us , and King James declares in his Speech to the Parliament , on the last of March 1607 , * That Rex est Lex loquens ; and where the Law is silent , the King's will is a temporary Law. Upon what account then were the Abhorrers of the late tumultuous Petitions , so exactly resembling those of Forty , and so contrary to His Majesty's express Orders and Proclamation , censur'd or imprison'd ? what Crime have they committed , or Law have they violated ? or can there be any transgression , where there is no Law ; or Punishment , where there is no Transgression ? Oh! ( say they ) tho' there be no positive Law directly against Abhorrers , yet 't is the great Fundamental Law , Lex & consuetudo Parliamenti , and the Priviledge of Parliament , that they may judge what Crimes are punishable ex post facto , and by their arbitrary Power punish any man for what they please . This , I must confess , is a pretty knack to help us off at a dead lift , and will serve as well to vindicate the most exorbitant proceed●ngs of a mad Parliament , as self-preservation is generally wrested to justifie the horrid Conspiracies of Rebellious Subjects . It proves the great Earl of Strafford has been lawfully Executed , tho' his very Enemies then gave us reason to believe , and both King and Parliament since have declar'd , him Innocent ; And the known Laws of the Land are at this rate very defective , since they are not the entire Rule of the peoples Civil Obedience , but are further liable to be try'd by that mysterious Riddle , Lex & , consuetudo Parliamenti ; which neither our Fathers , nor We , were able to understand . 'T is an undoubted Maxim both in Law and Reason , that promulgation is absolutely necessary to the obligation of all positive constitutions , insomuch that the immediate Laws even of the Almighty , are not obligatory , where they were never preach'd , or made known . How then comes it to pass , that so many Loyal Subjects and good Protestants have been troubl'd upon the account of those mystical Riddles , Lex & consuetudo Parliamenti , and the Priviledges of Parliament , which were never publish'd or made known to the people , but lie dormant in the House of Commons , till started up as occasion requires ? It were to be wish'd , that Honourable Senate wou'd so far oblige the Nation , as to give them a true description of this Law and Custom of Parliament , and an exact account of their Priviledges ; that people might in some measure for the future be able to shun those dangerous rocks , and not be surpriz'd or shipwrack'd on such hidden shelves . Till then all those loud pretences of securing the Subject from Slavery and Arbitrary Government , must seem very ridiculous to the sober and judicious , who as they cannot be easily impos'd upon by outward appearances , to believe peoples words not suitable to their actions , will be apt to mistrust , that what these Gentlemen so stifly oppose in others , they design wholly for themselves . But to come closer to the purpose , let us suppose the Parliament has this Arbitrary Prerogative , to turn our most innocent actions into misdemeanors , and make what they please a breach of Priviledge : yet by what Authority can the House of Commons alone pretend to execute that Power ; or take upon them to be sole Judges , that cannot act as Justices of the Peace ? Our Ancestors , it seems , have brought their Hogs to a fair Market , who have struggled for many Ages to preserve themselves and Posterity from the unbounded rule of Arbitrary pleasure , and having wrested that Power from their Soveraign , like wise Politicians , have left it in the hands of their Fellow-Subjects , nay , of their Attorneys and Servants , to whom as such , they always allow'd their daily wages for their attendance in Parliament . 'T is certainly an odd kind of Liberty , that the people can neither be Fin'd nor Imprison'd by their Soveraign , unless for transgressing some known penal Law of the Land ; but their Deputies and Trustees may uncontroulably punish them for any thing they are pleas'd to call Criminal . Is this the great happiness of Freeborn Subjects , instead of one to have five hundred Masters , and see the Fundamental Laws of the Nation , Magna Charta , and all the good Statutes confirming and explaining the same , thus eluded and made useless by a pretended Custom of Parliament ? What are we the better at this rate , that by the Great Charter of the Liberties of England , c. 29 't is declar'd , That no Freeman shall be taken or Imprison'd , or be disseiz'd of his Freehold or Liberties , or his Free Customs , or be Outlaw'd , or Exil'd , or in any manner destroy'd , but by the lawful Judgement of his Peers , or by the Law of the Land ? Or that 28 Edw. 3. c 3. 't is enacted , That no man of what estate or condition he be , shall be put out of his Land or Tenements , nor taken , nor Imprison'd , nor disinherited , nor put to death , without being brought to Answer by due Process of Law. Or , to omit many others , that 42 Ed. 3. c. 3. It is assented and accorded for the good governance of the Commons , that no man be put to answer without Presentment before Justices , or matter of Record , or by due Process and Writ Original , according to the Old Law of the Land ; and if any thing be done to the contrary , it shall be void in Law , and holden for error . What are we the better , I say , to have these and several other Statutes to the same purpose , if they are not of force to secure us on all sides from the slavish yoke of Arbitrary Power ? If a breach be once made in these great Bulwarks of our Liberties , and that even by those Sentinels appointed to guard us from all Illegal Incroachments , where is our Security ? What will it avail the flock , that they are safe from Wolves , if they are in danger to be devour'd by the very Dogs that shou'd defend them ? Or to what purpose shou'd people struggle to avoid Scylla , if at the same time they suffer themselves to be swallow'd up in Charybdis ? 'T is an old saying ▪ Infeliciter aegrotat , cui plus mali venit a medico ●uam a morbo ; and we have found this too true by a dear-bought experience . God preserve us from receiving any further confirmations of it from those State-Empyricks , that labour to make us exchange the reality for the name , and the substance for the shadow , or Liberty . 'T is plain by the foregoing Statutes , that no man ought to be taken or Imprison'd , without being brought to Answer by due course of Law ; and that none can be brought thus to answer , without Presen●ment before Justices , or matter of Record , or by due Process and Writ Original , according to the old Law of the Land. What pretence then have the House of Commons , who can bring none to Answer in this manner , to any right or legal power to take or Imprison any Criminal whatsoever ? 'T is true , the Common , and generally all men in Authority , are inclin'd to enlarge their own Jurisdiction , and stretch it as far as possible ; but sure a bare Vote of that House in favour of themselves , or a late practice never heard of in former Ages , shall not be of force enough in any Court of Justice to elude the solemn Acts of King and Parliament . Besides these Statutes , too plain to admit of any comment , even by the Common Law of this Realm no Subject can Imprison another , but our Ancient Courts of Record , and such as have the Kings express Commission for so doing . I say Courts of Record , because ( as appears by divers adjudg'd Cases in our Law Reports ) no other Court can Fine or Imprison the Subject : Courts ( saith Coke ) which are not of Record , cannot impose a Fine , or commit any to Prison , lib. 8. f. 38. And again , Nulla Curia , quae Recordum non habet , potest imponere finem , neque aliquem mandare carceri ; quia ista tantummodo spectant ad Curias de * Recordo . Now our best Lawyers will tell us , that the House of Commons is no Court of Record , nay properly speaking is no Court at all . 1. Because there is no Court , but what is establish ▪ d by the Kings Patent , by Act of Parliament , or by the Common-Law , i.e. the constant immemorial custom of former Ages . Plowdens Comment . fol. 319. and Coke 1 Instit. f. 260. But the House of Commons cannot pretend to have any Patent or Act of Parliament to be a Court , and yet the Common-Law makes nothing for their purpose : For they were never own'd as such , nor ever had as much as a Journal-Book , much less Records , till Ed. 6's . time : And moreover , it was never heard before Sir Edward Cokes fancy , there were two distinct Courts in the same Parliament ; since therefore the House of Lords is undoubtedly the Supream Court of all England , they are properly the High Court of Parliament , and consequently the House of Commons is no Court in Law. Secondly , There is no Court without a power of Tryal ; but the House of Commons have no power to try any Crime or Offence ; for they cannot ; nor ever pretended to examine upon Oath : And therefore since there can be no legal tryal without Witnesses , nor are Witnesses of any force in Law , unless examin'd upon Oath , the House of Commons not claiming the power to administer Oaths , cannot bring any matter to a Tryal , and consequently can be no Court. I must confess Sir Edward Coke ( who in his latter days thinking himself disoblig'd , was no friend to the Monarchy , and therefore took a great deal of pains to extol the Power of the Commons , in opposition to the Kings Prerogative and the Jurisdiction of the Lords ) is , or at least pretends to be , of another opinion . In the 4th . part of his Institutes he tells us , That the House of Commons is to many purposes a distinct Court , p 28. which he very Learnedly proves by this rare Demonstration , That upon signification of the Kings pleasure to the Speaker , they do and may Prorogue or Adjourn themselves , and are not Prorogu'd or Adjourned by the House of Lords , ib. Whereas ( to say nothing of Commissioners for examining Witnesses , or regulating any publick business , of Arbitrators , Referees and the like ) every Committee of Lords and Commons , tho never so few in number , must upon this account be a distinct Court , because they may thus Adjourn and Prorogue themselves , without their respective Houses . But he goes on , and to prove the House of Commons , is not only a Court , but a Court of Judicature and Record , he says p. 23. That the Clerks Book of the House of Commons is a Record , and so declared by Act of Parliament , 6 H. 8. c. 16. Whereas that House , as I have already hinted , had no such Book as a Journal , much less any Authentick Record , before the first year of Edward the sixth ; all their material Proceedings till then being drawn in Minutes by a Clerk appointed to attend them for that purpose , and by him entr'd of Record in the House of Lords : And therefore the words of the Statute are , That the Speakers License for Members going into the Country , be entred of Record in the Book of the Clerk of the Parliament , appointed for the Commons House : Which undoubtedly must be meant , not of the Commons , tho order'd now and then to wait upon them , but of the Lords Clerk , who alone is stil'd Clerk of the Parliament . I omit , that altho the Act had expresly call'd the Commons Book , a Record , yet this cou'd no more make it so , than the words of the Common-Law , Recordari facias loquelam in Curia Comitatus vel Baronis tui — & Recordum illud habere coram Justiciari●s nostris , &c. us'd in the Writt for removing a Plaint out of the Court-Baron , or County-Court to the Common-Pleas , can prove the County-Court and Court-Baron ; to be Courts of Record ; which yet Coke himself denyes in several places of his Institutes . See 1 Inst. f. 117. and 260. and Rolls in his Abridg. f. 527. This is not all , the Lords and Commons must be made all Fellows at Foot-ball , and of equal Authority , in point of Judicature : The Lords ( saith he ) in their House have Power of Judicature , and the Commons in their House have Power of Judicature , and both together have Power of Judicature , p 23 : But I wish , since the Lords Judicial Power , as well with as without the Commons , is beyond all dispute , this great Lawyer had so far oblig'd Posterity , as to have left us some convincing Argument to make the World believe the like of the House of Commons ; or at least given us some Instances of their using this Power in former Ages , as the Lords have done time out of mind . In the mean time , 't is a shrewd Argument against his Assertion , that in H. 4. time the Commons themselves in their Petition to the King , declar'd , That the Judgments of Parliament appertained only to the King and Lords , and not to the Commons ; and therefore they prayed the King out of his special Grace to shew unto them the said Judgments and the cause of them ; that so no Record might be made in Parliament against the said Commons , without their privity . To which the Bishop of Canterbury answer'd by the Kings command , That the Commons are Petitioners and Demanders , and that the King and Lords always had , and of right shall have the Judgments in Parliament , even as the Commons themselves have shewed ; saving that in Statutes to be made , or Grants and Subsidies , or such things as are to be done for the publick profit of the Realm , the King will have especially their advice and assent , 1 H. 4. Rol. Parl n. 79. Who now is to be believ'd , Sir Edward Coke attributing to the Commons , or the Commons themselves wholly disclaiming all Power of Judicature ? Or shall a single Lawyers Ipse dixit , or proofless assertion , be of greater weight , than so solemn a Declaration upon Record , approv'd off by King , Lords , and Commons ? But to be short , and to argue ad hominem against our late Demagogues at Wesminster , if they thought themselves a Court of Judicature and Record , as Sir Edward Coke is pleas'd to make them , 't is strange what cou'd be their motive ( unless to shew their Arbitrary Power to the World ) to Imprison so many of His Majesties Loyal Subjects , and after a long and chargeable Confinement , release them , without offering to bring them to any legal Tryal : For if these Gentlemen were reputed Criminal , they ought to have been try'd according to Law ; if Innocent , they shou'd not have been Imprison'd . And to say their Confinement was by the House design'd for a punishment of their suppos'd Misdemeanors , 't is contrary to common sense and to all Laws both humane and divine . For at this rate , people will be condemn●d before they are heard , and punish'd before they are convicted ; nay , which is worse than Abington-Law , to hang a man first , and try him after , they shall be punish'd at will , and never brought to a tryal . What can be safe , if this be admitted ? or who can be secure either of Life or Liberty , if a prevailing Faction in the House of Commons may toss him thus in a Blanket without any Rhime or Reason , contrary to the undoubted Right of the Subject , and the Fundamental Laws of the Nation ? But we are told , the Commons have often Imprison'd people for misdemeanors , and releas'd them again at their own Discretion . I wish they had shew'd us withal by what Authority or Law they committed them ; for a facto ad jus is no good argument with any man of sense or judgment . How many Appeals have been made to Rome , and provisions of Benefices procur'd from thence , during the Papal Usurpation ? Yet these being contrary to Law , the Authors were still punishable , and it was no excuse for any , that others had done the like before . The Commons have been a constituent part of the Great Council of the Kingdom , either since the 16th . of Henry I. as some Historians write , or since the 49th . of H. 3. in the year 1364. as most Authors agree ; and yet all this while we cannot find , that by their own Authority they imprison'd any Criminal , till in the 4th . of Ed. 6. about the year 1550 they committed Criketost to the Tower , when the King was an Infant , and all govern'd by the ambitious Duke of Somerset : who to be sure wou'd not expostulate with the House of Commons about such a trifle , as he thought it , whilst they forbore to question him for his more illegal and arbitrary Proceedings . Now , if there be no other argument to justifie the Commons imprisoning Delinquents , but the practice of their House since the 4th . of Ed. 6. 't is plain , the commitment of Criketost was illegal , because not justifiable by any former practice of that House ; and consequently , cou'd be no fit Precedent to be imitated in succeeding Parliaments . And if their first Essays of this kind were unwarrantable by Law , their subsequent Commitments cou'd be no better ; for , Quod ab initio non valuit , tractu temporis non convalescit . To what purpose then are such unwarrantable Examples alledg'd to justifie the late proceedings of the Commons , if not to prove one absurdity by another ? since they can hardly think of any thing , how wild and unreasonable soever ; but they may find one instance or another , to offer as a Precedent , in some of our former Parliaments . For experience tells us , this Great Council , much less the * meanest of the three Estates , ( tho' our modern Republicans wou'd fain snatch the great Priviledge of Infallibility from the Pope's Cushion , and place it in the Speakers Chair ) has not been always free from mistakes , but is found to have often deviated from Justice , Truth , and Loyalty . We must therefore , with Seneca , look , non qua●itur , sed qua eundum , not what is , but what ought to be done ; and consider , that 't is not the example of frail men , impos'd upon through ignorance , or led by passion , or private interest , but the approv'd Laws of the Land , ought to be the Rule both of the Magistrates Government , and of the Subjects Obedience . What! says a factious Petitioner , cannot the House of Commons imprison any Criminal ? Have they no authority to chastise their own Members , or punish the Invaders of their Priviledges ? Have they not often exerciz'd this Power ; and is it possible the King and Lords wou'd have so long conniv'd at their proceedings , had they been illegal or unjust ? Does not the House of Peers punish the Breakers of their Priviledges ; why then may not the House of Commons be allow'd to do the like ? These are the mighty arguments our great Champions for the House of Commons always insist upon ; but how weak and insignificant they are , is very obvious to any , tho' but meanly vers'd in our Laws , and the constitution of our Government . For my part , I have always been , and still am , as much for maintaining the just Priviledges of that House , as any man whatsoever ; 't is my interest to do it , and nothing but Truth and Loyalty shall ever induce me to speak against any of their Pretensions : yet I must say , the power they claim now-a-days , to punish all sorts of misdemeanors , and what they please to term a breach of Priviledge , is not to be endur'd by any free-born Subject ; For , besides that 't is needless , because such offences may , and by Law ought to be try'd in the ordinary Courts of Justice , 't is very dangerous to the Publick , least the Grand Inquest of the Nation , appointed to represent the Peoples Grievances , and pray redress , shou'd upon this account be diverted from pursuing those weighty affairs , by every sawcy Footman belonging to the meanest Burgess in their House . I confess , it were somewhat tolerable in the Commons to imprison and punish their own Members , for words by them spoken , or misdemeanors committed in the House : 1. Because by 4 H. 8. c. 8. they are not punishable elsewhere for any rashness in Parliament , that does not amount to Treason Felony , or breach of the Peace , which the Commons neither * can , nor I hope will , as in Forty-One , endeavour to protect . 2ly . Because 't is suppos'd , the Members upon their entring into that Assembly , unanimously agreed the lesser number shou'd always submit to the greater , and the major Vote be observ'd as the Act and Sense of the whole House ; if therefore by consent and original compact every single Member submits himself to the rest , he cannot complain , tho' otherwise they had no authority , if they imprison him for his misdemeanors , because scienti & volenti non fit injuria , provided always they exceed not the common Rules of Justice , nor the bounds of our establish'd Laws ; for then no private Act can bind a Subject , tho' made with his own free consent ; as appears by Clark's Case against the Mayor and Burgesses of St. Albans ; Coke lib. 5. p. 64. I cannot therefore but think the power assum'd of late years by the House of Commons over their fellow-Members , to expel them the House , when and for what they please , without any legal Tryal , ( which the Lords never practic'd against any of their Peers ) is in it self most unreasonable , and of very dangerous consequence ; as Mr. Prynne , tho' otherwise a great Champion for the Priviledges of Parliament , proves at large in divers of his Treatises ▪ The practice ( saith he ) of sequestring and expelling Commons by their fellow-Commons only , is a late , dangerous , unparliamentary Usurpation , unknown to our Ancestors , destructive to the Priviledges and Freedom of Parliaments , and injurious to those Counties , Cities , and Boroughs , whose Trustees are secluded : the House of Commons being no Court of Justice , to give either Oath or final Sentence , and having no more authority to dismember their fellow-Members , than any Judges , Justices of the Peace , or Committees , have to Dis-judge , Dis-justice , or Dis-committee their fellow Judges , Justices , or Committee-men , being all of equal Authority , and made Members only by the King 's Writ , and the Peoples Election , not by the Houses , or other Members Votes ; who yet now presume both to make and unmake , seclude and recal , expel and restore their fellow-Members at their pleasure , contrary to the practice and resolution of former Ages , to patch up a Factious Conventicle , instead of an English Parliament . In his legal Vindication of the Liberties of England ▪ p. 10. But whatever Power the Commons can pretend to have over their own Members , to say they can lawfully punish others , tho for a breach of Priviledge , much less for any other Crime , seems to me a very groundless Assertion , not warrantable by the Ancient Law and Custom of Parliament , but rather contrary to the Fundamental Constitutions of our Government : First , because 't is impossible to make out from whom this Power is deriv'd ; From the King ? The Factious will not own it , and none can prove it : For they have neither Patent nor Statute to shew for 't , nor yet any Legal Prescription , which is a constant immemorial Custom , such as the Lords have in point of Judicature , to warrant it ; the Ancientest President they can alledge , being that of 4 Ed. 6. or the Case of Ferrers referr'd to them by the Lords in the 34 H. 8 about sevenscore years ago . Do they deri●e it then from the People , from the Freeholders and Freemen , their Electors ? These have no such Power of themselves , they can Imprison none without His Majesties Commission ; and what they have not , sure they cannot give : Nemo dat , quod non habet . As for the Power given by the Electors to their chosen Members , who are order'd by the Writ of Summons to have from the persons they represent , Plenam & sufficientem potestatem , 't is no Judicial Power , nor Political Jurisdiction , which the People have not , and consequently cannot give , but only a Power of consenting as well for their Principals , as for themselves , to the Kings Laws and Ordinances . And certainly , if the King be the Suprem , and the only Suprem Governour of this Realm , as we affirm in the Oath of Supremacy ; and if all Authority and Jurisdiction Spiritual and Temporal be derived and deducted from the Kings Majesty , as 't is expresly declar●d 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. § 3. Or as Old Bracton saith , Ea quae sunt Jurisdictionis & pacis , ad nullum pertinent nisi ad regiam dignitatem . lib. 3. c. 24. Unless the Commons can make out they have their Power from the King , they can have no manner of Jurisdiction , and by consequence cannot lawfully Punish or Imprison any Criminal , if not perchance their own Members in the Cases aforesaid : Besides , in the first Parliament of Queen Mary 't is declar'd , That the most Ancient Statutes of this Kingdom do give , assign , and appoint the correction and punishment of all Offenders against the Regality and Dignity of the Crown , and the Laws of this Realm , unto the King 1 Mar. Sess. 3. c. What then are the breakers of the Commons Priviledges ; are they Offenders against the Dignity of the Crown , or the Laws of the Realm ? If so , they ought according to this Act to be punish'd by the King ; if not , they are not punishable at all : for to trouble any , that does not offend against the Crown , or the Law of the Land , is very Illegal and Arbitrary , and a high breach of the Liberty of the Subject . Secondly , because the Law has expresly provided where and how breaches of Priviledge ought to be punish'd , and gives the House of Commons no power to take any cognizance of them ; for by several Statutes it appears , that if a Parliament-man , or his Menial-servant , be Assaulted , Beaten or Wounded , in Parliament-time , Proclamation shall be made where the deed is done , that the Offendor shall render himself to the Kings-Bench within half a year after , there to be tryed ; and if the Offendor will not appear , he shall be Attainted of the Deed , and pay to the Party griev'd his double Damages , to be tax'd by the discretion of the Judges of the said Bench for the time being , or by Inquest , if need be , and also make Fine and Ransom at the Kings will. Moreover , it is accorded in the same Parliamenti , that likewise it be done in time to come in like Case , 5 H. 4. c. 6. and 11 H. 6. c. 11. As for the Commons freedom from Arrests ▪ 't is certainly a very Ancient Priviledge , granted by our Kings to that House , the better to enable them to attend the publick service , to which they were summon'd ; as appears by Edward the first 's Answer to the Templars , who having some Tenants in the Parliament , that were behind with their Rents , Petition'd the King to have leave to Distrain for the said Arrears in Parliament-time ; which he utterly refus'd , saying , Non videtur honestum quod Rex concedat quod illi de Consilio suo distring antur tempore Parliament . 18 Ed. 1. Rot. 7. in Thesaur . Receptoris Scaccar . Yet that it was not formerly held so sacred , nor did extend near so far , as some people now imagine , is plain from the Case of Thorpe 31 H. 6. Who , tho Speaker of the House of Commons at that time , was Imprison'd in the Fleet during the Prorogation of the Parliament , for a 1000. Marks Damages given against him for a Trespass done to the Duke of York . And the Parliament being Re-assembled , the Commons earnestly desir'd to have their Speaker discharg'd , but it was adjudg'd by the Lords , that he shou'd remain in Prison according to his Sentence , and they choose another Speaker : whereupon they elected Sir Thomas Charlton , and made no further clamours , as some now wou'd do , that their Priviledges were invaded , 31 H. 6 Rot. Parliam . n. 25 , 26 , &c. Seldens Baronage fol. 115. Now for the Tryal of a breach of this Priviledge , tho I find no positive or express Statute , that orders it to be decided in the ordinary Courts of Justice , yet that they may lawfully do it , is a plain consequence of the foregoing Acts of Parliament : For to argue a majori ad minus , since Assaults upon Parliament-men are far more Criminal than Arrests , if the ordinary Courts of Justice can try the greater , they may certainly try the lesser Crime . And accordingly they have often taken cognizance as well of this as other Priviledges of Parliament ; as appears in the Case of Done against * Welsh , and of * River against Cosyn , * Skewish against Trewynnard , and many others . But the most usual practice of former times was , to make application to the King and Lords for redress in this particular , for as Sir Edward Coke himself confesses , The determination and knowledge of this Priviledge belongs to the Lords of Parliament , in his select Cases 63. And therefore the House of Commons , upon the restraint of any of their Members or Menial Servants , of which themselves took no cognizance till of very late days , always made their humble request to the King and Lords for his enlargement . Thus when William Lake Servant to William Milred , a Member of the House , was taken in Execution of Debt , and Committed to the Fleet , the * Commons Petition'd the King and Lords for his Liberty . The like they did in Walter * Clarks Case ; and in the Case of William * Hide : And to omit several other Precedents , even in the 43 Eliz. when a Bill was preferr'd in the Star-Chamber against Belgrave a Member of that House , the Parliament then sitting , for Misdemeanors by him committed against the Earl of Huntington ; the Commons well knowing they had no Authority of themselves to protect their Member , made their earnest , but ineffectual , Application to the Lords for relief . Sir Simon D' Ewes Journals p. 612 And in the same Parliament a great asserter of Priviledges , upon a debate about Subpaena's , said openly in the House , Our use at this day is not warranted by Ancient course of Precedents ; for if a man had been Arrested upon a Subpaena , upon notice given , he shou'd have had a Writ of Priviledge , which of course Her Majesty must have allow'd : D'ewes Journals pag. 655. which is conformable to the Report made 18 Eliz. by Mr. Attourney of the Dutchy upon a Committee appointed for setting Mr. Halls man at Liberty ; That the Committee found no Precedent for setting at large by the Mace any person in Arrest , but only by * Writ ; and that by divers Precedents of Records perus'd by the said Committee , it appeareth that every Knight , Citizen or Burgess , which doth require Priviledge , hath us'd in that Case to take a Corporal Oath before the Lord Chancellor or Lord Keeper , that the Party for whom such Writ is pray'd , came up with him , and was his Servant at the time of the Arrest made , D'ewes p. 249. The famous Case of Ferrers , Burgess of Plimouth 34 H. 8. tho often alleadg'd in favour of the Commons , is so far from making any thing for their purpose , that it plainly shews they never offer'd till then to punish any breach of Priviledge , for altho they found , not only that the Sheriffs of London deny'd to deliver their Burgess , but that the Officers of the Counter beat their Serjeant and broke his Mace ; yet knowing they had no coactive Power of themselves , they were forc'd to repair to the upper House , ( which they wou'd never have done , had their own Authority been sufficient ) and complain to the Lords of the injury they receiv'd ; who judging the contempt to be very high , for the Commons greater satisfaction referr'd the punishment thereof wholly to themselves : which condescension , it seems , gave such encouragement to that House , in succeeding Parliaments , who have been always sure never to loose , but still to gain ground upon the Prerogative and the House of Peers , that now and then they made bold , even without any Warrant or direction from the Lords , to punish some breaches of Priviledge , and at last other misdemeanors . For King Edward the sixth , because of his Minority , and his two Sisters by reason of their Sex , being not so active , nor so fit for business , as their Predecessors , the Commons took hold on this opportunity to get themselves into Power , and endeavour'd by punishing Offenders to render themselves the more formidable to the People . From hence they proceeded to regulate Elections , and tho the Law is very plain and positive in this Case also ; yet the Commons have taken upon them of late days , not only to decide who is duely chosen , and who unduly return'd ; but have further assum'd the Power to punish the Offenders , contrary to divers Acts of Parliament in that Case provided : For by several Statutes it appears , That if the Sheriff makes an undue Return , his punishment is 200 l. one to the King , and the other to the party duely Elected ; besides a years Imprisonment without Bail or Mainprise : And the person unduely return'd is to continue a Member of the House , but at his own Charges , without any allowance from the place , for which he serves . As for the return , if any makes complaint thereof , It ought to be tryed , not by a Committee of Elections , but before the Justices of Assizes in the proper County , or by Action of Debt in any Court of Record ; as appears 11 H. 4. c. 1. and 8 H. 6. c. 7. and 23 H. 6. c. 15. These are the Laws for regulating Elections , and pursuant to them Queen Elizabeth , in whose time the Commons busi'd themselves too much in that matter , sent a notable check to the House in the 28 year of her Reign , for their medling with choosing and returning Knights of the Shire for Norfolk ; a thing ( said she ) impertinent for the House to deal withall , and only belonging to the Office and charge of the Lord Chancellor , from whom the Writs Issue and are return'd , D'ewes Journal , p. 393. Which Message wrought then so far upon the House , that for some years after they forbore to medle much in any thing of that nature , but apply'd themselves , when occasion requir'd , to the Lord Chancellor or Keeper , who proceeded therein as the Law directed , without taking any great notice of the Commons Votes or Resolves ; as we find by a remarkable Instance in the 35 of this Queen , when Sir Edward Coke then Speaker , was order'd by the House to attend upon my Lord Keeper , to move his Lordship to direct a New Writ for choosing a Burgess for Southwark instead of Richard Hutton , suppos'd to have been unduly elected ; and another for allowing Sir George Carew , who was duely elected , but not return'd , to be Burgess for Camelsford in Cornwall ; and a third for changing the name of John Dudley , return'd Burgess for New-Town in the County of Southampton , into the Name of Thomas Dudley , alleadg'd to be the same person , but his Name mistaken . My Lord Keeper answer'd , that the Returns for Southwark and Camelsford shou'd stand good , but as for the said John Dudley , he wou'd direct a new Writ for choosing another Burgess in his stead for Newtown , D'ewes Journals , p. 494. Now if this was the legal way of Proceeding in Queen Elizabeth's Reign , warranted by the Statutes lately quoted , and allow'd by the great Lawyer Sir Edward Coke , and the whole House of Commons at that time , by what Authority cou'd it be alter'd in succeeding Parliaments ? or is it just that the Ancient Precedents of former Ages shou'd be avoided by unwarrantable new-ones of later times ? Without question , had the House of Commons then known , they had any Power to mend the said Returns , or punish the Offendors , they wou'd never have sent their Speaker to wait on the Lord Keeper's pleasure about it ; and if that House had no such Authority , 't is strange how can their Successors pretend to have any . Thus we see the House of Commons was not in former times allow'd to regulate the Election of their own Members , nor to Imprison any for undue Elections or Returns , nor yet for a breach of Priviledge , much less for any other Crime or Misdemeanor . Nothing was heard in those better days of that terrible Sentence , Take him Topham ; not a word of the Subjects Imprisonment during the Will and Pleasure of the House of Commons . The sitting of Parliaments then was * short and sweet , dispatching more business in three days , than of late they have done in so many months . Their Study was , to Redress , not Create Grievances , and preserve or procure a good understanding betwixt the King and His People ; and not like Banbury-Tinkers , instead of mending one hole , make a great many . Oh! but ( say some ) the Connivance of King and Lords is a strong Argument that the Commons have done nothing herein contrary to Law. I Answer , 't is rather a very weak and frivolous Plea ; first , because tho the King be oblig'd by His Coronation-Oath to govern by Law , yet all knowing men will allow He has a Prudential Power to suspend the Execution of such Laws , as he thinks prejudicial to the publick Interest ; and consequently may , when he sees occasion , wink at some illegal attempts of His Subjects , to avoid a great Inconvenience . If thefore of late times the King , and if you will , the House of Lords , did connive at some unwarrantable resolutions of the Commons , rather than exasperate the whole House , too Jealous of their own Priviledges , and thereby frustrate the chief end of Calling His Parliament , the Security of the Publick ; it was Policy and great Prudence to wave it at that time , tho now 't is the height of Folly to make this a warrant for doing the like again , contrary to so many legal Presidents , and express Acts of Parliament . Secondly , because the gathering of Peter-pence in this Kingdom , has been conniv'd at by King , Lords and Commons , for divers Centuries of years ; yet it was an Illegal Tax upon the Subject , contrary to Magna Charta and the Fundamental Laws of the Nation , 25 H. 8. c. 21. Likewise the Clergy made divers Canons and Constitutions , which have been conniv'd at for several Ages both by King and Parliament ; yet are declar'd by 25 H. 8. c. 19 To be much prejudicial to the Kings Prerogative Royal , and repugnant to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm . The same may be said of the Ancient Custom of Archbishops and Bishops , declar'd by 1 Ed. 6. c. 2. to be contrary to the Common-Law of of the Land , tho practic'd and conniv'd at , time out of mind . And to omit several other Instances , Cardinal Wolsey for exercising his Legantine Power , and the whole Clergy for receiving it , tho conniv'd at for many years as well in as out of Parliament , were nevertheless found guilty in a Premunire in His Majesties Court of Kings-Bench . Connivance therefore is no good Argument of any things being legal , and the tolerating of a Custom , tho never so long , cannot warrant its continuance , while the Law is against it . Presidents indeed of former Ages , when legal and just from the beginning , are of great force in Judicial Proceedings ; but no new President of late days can have that weight in any Court of Justice , and to be sure will never be allow'd , if contrary to Law and the Authentick Records of Antiquity . But the House of Lords ( say they ) use to punish the Breaches of their Priviledges , and several other Misdemeanors ; why then may not the House of Commons do the like ? A most ridiculous parity ; for they might argue as well , the Court of Kings-Bench Fines and Imprisons Delinquents , therefore the Grand-Jury may do the like when they please . For the Commons in Parliament are really the Grand-Jury of the Nation , appointed to enquire after Briberyes , Extortions , Monopolies , and other publick Oppressions , and complain thereof to the King and Lords , and humbly pray redress ; yet they are no Judges in any Case themselves , but are * Parties , as being the Attorneys and Representatives of those that are injur'd . So far they are from having any Judicial Power , that they cannot as much as administer an Oath upon any occasion whatsoever ; which undoubtedly the Law wou'd not have deny'd them , but that they were never design'd for * Judges or punishers of any Criminal ; because qui negat Medium , negat & finem . But the House of Lords is not only a Court of Judicature , but the Supream Court of the whole Kingdom ; they are look'd upon by our Laws as persons of no less Integrity , than Honour , in the distribution of Justice ; and besides , are assisted by all the Judges of England , by the 12 Masters of Chancery , by the Kings Learned Council , and by His Attorney and Solicitor General ; in consideration whereof the same Laws have repos'd that extraordinary trust in this August Assembly , that to them alone it belongs to redress delays , and reform the erroneous Judgments of other Courts of Justice , and give a final decision to all manner of Appeals . Now by the Laws of other Nations , as well as ours , 't is the nature of Superior Courts , that they may determine matters tryable by an Inferior ; and therefore it must be allow'd , that tho the House of Commons cannot , because no Court of Judicature , yet the House of Lords , the dernier resort of all Suits and Actions , may , if they please , punish the Invaders of their Priviledges , notwithstanding that the Law directs them to be try'd in Inferiour Courts . Having thus sufficiently demonstrated , that the House of Commons have neither Common nor Statute-Law , nor yet any legal Precedents to warrant their Fining or Imprisoning the meanest of their Fellow-subjects , 't is high time , I think , tho a great deal more might be said on this subject very useful to be known , to give you a brief account of other Particulars , and examine whether the Remedies propos'd in Parliament by our late Mountebanks of State be not equally dangerous , if not really worse , than our Disease . But to expose the designs of some ill men there , and the unwarrantable Votes and Resolves they got pass'd in the Lower House , is a task no less tedious than difficult for me to undertake . I will therefore tell you in short , that notwithstanding all the noise and clamour they made about the Protestant Religion and the Liberty of the Subject , the Nation had too much reason to believe , they minded more their own ends , than the common good of the People . The Kings best Subjects , who having so many years experience of His Majesties most happy Government , declar'd themselves satisfi'd with His prudent management of Affairs , and in Obedience to His Royal Proclamation , express'd their aversion to all Tumultuous Petitions , were no more run down on the one side , than the Factious Fanaticks , even such as signaliz'd themselves in the late Rebellion , were countenanc'd and favour'd on the other ; insomuch that many were of opinion , people had no surer way to ingratiate themselves with some of the Leading Memberr , than openly to asperse the Government , and reflect upon the King and His Ministers as Favorers of Popery , and Designers of Arbitrary Power . 'T is almost incredible what pains they took to get the Notorious Anabaptist Ben. Harris discharg'd out of Prison , for no other reason that I find , but because a Dissenter , who with a great deal of favour was condemn'd only to the Pillory instead of Tyburn , for publishing that Treasonable Pamphlet , The Appeal . Neither is this all ; the main Bulwark of our Church must be broke down , the Penal Laws against the Non-conformists Repeal'd , to let in a Deluge of Sectaries , the scandal of the Reformation , who have nothing of Christianity but the Name , to Profane the Temple of God : And because this Project luckily miscarry'd , their Friends in the House endeavour'd to leave them a new kind of Dispensation , and the very last * day of their sitting , that with their dying breath they might testify to the World their great zeal for the Dissenters in general , of what sect or perswasion soever , to the admiration of most men , they pass'd the following Vote . Resolved , That it is the Opinion of this House , that the Prosecution of Protestant Dissenters upon the Penal Laws , is at this time grievous to the Subject , a weakening of the Protestant Interest , an encouragement to Popery , and dangerous to the Peace of the Kingdom . I need not comment upon this unwarrantable Resolve , by which our worthy Patriots , even without the King and House of Lords , once more were pleas'd to assume to themselves a Power of suspending , and consequently of making , Acts of Parliament . The encouragement this gave to the Republicans to pursue their wicked Designs against the Crown and the Church , like to have prov'd fatal to both , is enough to convince the World , they cou'd hardly do the Nation a greater mischief ; and that their confining several Gentlemen , tho contrary to Law and Reason , was not near so dangerous to the Government , as their breaking down the Rails of the Church , to let a swarm of Sectaries creep in at the Windows . It was observ'd with some admiration , how during this Session of Parliament , there was not one Fanatick Imprison'd , nor so much as question'd by the Commons for any Crime or Insolence whatsoever , very few Papists molested ; but the true Sons of the Church of England daily Prosecuted in vast numbers , to their great loss and vexation , tho it prov'd at last the eternal shame and confusion of the Authors . I cou'd not but smile to see the perplexity they were in , when one of the Judges , to his never-dying fame , for giving the first Precedent of that kind , made application to the House of Commons about the Execution of his Trust , and desir'd their Opinion whether he shou'd do Justice to one of their Prisoners , by granting the Writ of Habeas Corpus to Mr. Sheridan , then in the Custody of Serjeant Topham . Three several days the Case was stifly debated in the House , the Act read twice or thrice over , and yet no resolution taken . The Warrant of Committment , which order'd the Gentleman to be confin'd , without any Cause shown , During the Will and Pleasure of the House of Commons , was look'd upon so Illegal and Arbitrary a Procedure , even by several Members of the House , that Serjeant M. till he heard it was already made publick , wou'd have them immediately recal the Old , and grant a New Warrant more conformable to Law. Besides , the words of the Statute were so full , as admitted of no Comment , and so plain for the Liberty of the Subject , as made it undenyable , that Prisoners , unless for Treason or Felony , were still Bailable , by what Person or Persons soever Committed , not excepting the King and Council , much less the House of Commons , who had no Legal Power to Commit any Criminal . But still the point was very nice , and the Leading Members no less uncertain what resolution to take ; for if they openly declar'd against the Habeas Corpus , the Nation wou'd be much alarm'd , and suspect these Gentleman , instead of securing , intended to invade , the Subjects Liberty ; but if they allow'd the Writ , the delicious power of Imprisoning such as they had a picque to , was utterly lost , and all persons referr'd to the ordinary Courts of Justice , or upon their failure , to the House of Lords , the suprem Tribunal of England . At last Sir William Jones , like an Imperious Dictator , starts up to decide the matter , and having made a bawling Harangue concerning the Power of the House , and their Intention of not binding themselves by that Act , which yet must bind the King , tho it might as well be alleadg'd He did not intend it , he boldly concludes with threatning and daring the Judges to do their duty ; Precibusque minas regaliter addit : The same reasons ( says he ) which may be given for discharging such as are not Committed for breach of Priviledge , if it be grounded on the Act for the Habeas Corpus , will hold as strong for discharging of Persons Committed for breach of Priviledge ; and so consequently deprive this House of all its Power and Dignity , and make it insignificant . This is so plain and obvious , that all the Judges ought to know it ; and I think it below you to make any Resolve therein , but rather leave the Judges to do otherwise at their Peril ; and let the Debate fall without any question , See the Debates of the House , pag. 217. Was not this a rare Assertor of our Liberties , who instead of allowing us the benefit of the Laws , wou'd have us all made Beasts of burden to maintain the Grandeur of some Arbitrary Demagogues in the House of Commons ; and be content to turn Gally-Slaves , rather than their Power shou'd become useless or insignificant ? But I find this daring Speech did not frighten all the Judges ; for Baron Weston , to his immortal Renown , had still the courage to grant the Habeas Corpus , and rather expose himself to the malice of the Faction , than deny or delay Justice , contrary to his Oath . Our Religion and Liberty being thus secur'd , have we not reason to be fond of these worthy Patriots , who tugg'd so hard against Popery , the better to bring in Presbytery ; and to make sure that the Prince shou'd not use Arbitrary Power , took all possible care to keep it in their own possession . It was the Kings Prerogative in the days of yore to have the Power of making War and Peace , and declaring who shou'd be counted Friends , and who reputed Enemies to the Kingdom . But now the Tribunes of the People are willing to ease him of that trouble , and take upon themselves by the following * Vote , to declare some of His Majesties best Subjects and most Faithful Friends , Enemies to the King and Kingdom . Resolved , That all persons who advis'd His Majesty in His last Message to this House , to insist upon an Opinion against the Bill for excluding the Duke of York , have given pernicious Councel to His Majesty , and are promoters of Popery , and Enemies to the King and Kingdom : And this extravagant Vote they are pleas'd particularly to apply to four Noble Peers of the Realm , exposing them to the Rable , without the least colour of proof , for Promoters of Popery , and Enemies to their Soveraign ; for no other reason , but because they were truly Loyal , and free from the contagious leaven of the Faction . What a happiness it is , to live within the Walls of the House of Commons , where the Knave becomes Honest , and the Fool a Politician ? where People are sure never to be in the wrong , but always impeccable , and may freely rail and reflect upon their Betters , which without doors wou'd cost them very dear . Yet I cannot but wonder , why these Noblemen ( unless they , as well as many others , took that Character for a mark of Honour from the givers ) have taken no course , at least with the Printer and Bookseller , if not with the then Speaker , for ordering such Scandalous Votes to be publish'd , contrary to express * Acts of Parliament . For if the Kings immediate Command cannot be allow'd as a good excuse in Law for any Illegal Act , so that altho the Prince be unaccountable , yet the Minister is to suffer for his Obedience ; sure a Vote of the House of Commons shall not be thought of force , at least out of Parliament-time , to Protect any Offender from Justice ; because whatever Title the Members , within the sacred Walls of the House , may claim in some Cases to impunity , their Officers and Servants , who execute their Illegal Commands abroad , cannot in the least pretend to have any . But how shou'd these Noblemen be enemies to the King and Kingdom , for their advising His Majesty against the Bill of Exclusion , when the whole House of Peers , ( few discontented Lords Dissenting , who by their Lives and Conversation never shew'd themselves the truest Protestants , nor the best Subjects ) openly declar'd against it , and upon the first reading threw it out of doors , is a Mystery not easily to be understood . His Majesty in His Message to the Commons , declar'd , He was confirm'd in His Opinion against that Bill by the Judgment of the House of Lords , who rejected it ; why then are four Lords singl'd out , and not the whole House declar'd Promoters of Popery , and Enemies to the King and Kingdom ? The reason some will guess , that the Leading Members saw matters were not yet ripe , to shew themselves bare-fac'd , or discover the bottom of their Designs , and once more to Vote the House of Lords dangerous and useless , and therefore to be laid aside . But why the Opposers of the Bill of Exclusion enemies to the King and Kingdom ? When 't is made plain even to Demonstration in several Treatises publish'd these four years past about the Succession , that the Promoters of that Bill , tho some perhaps meant otherwise , were in fact Enemies to the Monarchy , and no Friends to the King nor to the True Protestant Religion . 'T is strange that such as loudly exclaim against Popery , shou'd have the face at the same time to practice the worst of Popish , or rather Jesuitical Principles , and endeavour to force their Soveraign to disinherit His only Brother , upon a bare suspicion of his being of another Religion ; which Henry the 3. of France , being tender of the Monarchy , and of the Hereditary Right of Succession , was so far from offering to the King of Navarre , tho a known Protestant and but a remote Kinsman , that he cou'd never be perswaded to give the Royal Assent to the Bill , which the powerful influence of the Factious Duke of Guise got pass'd by the three Estates , for his Exclusion . Oh! but ( say they ) Popery and Slavery will break in upon us , if the Duke succeeds . And I am sure , Anarchy and Presbytery , and an Intestine Civil War , will undoubtedly follow , if he be excluded , the King expos'd to danger , and the Kingdom to ruine . How fatal it prov'd to Henry 6. that he suffer'd the good Duke of Gloucester to be made away by his Prosecutors , which made way for his own Deposition , and consequently for his untimely end , Historians do abundantly testify ; and Baker tells us , how the great Duke of Somerset , then Protector , by Sacrificing his Brother the Lord Admiral to the malice of his Enemies , in hopes to stop their mouths by yielding to their demands , clear'd the way for himself to the Scaffold . A Warrant ( saith this Historian ) was sent , under the hand of his Brother the Protector , to cut off his Head ; wherein ( as afterwards it prov'd ) he did as much , as if he had laid his own Head upon the Block : For whilst these Brothers lived and held together , they were as a strong Fortress one to the other ; the Admirals Courage supporting the Protectors Authority , and the Protectors Authority maintaining the Admirals Stoutness ; but the Admiral once gone , the Protectors Authority as wanting support , began to totter , and fell at last to utter ruine . Besides , there was at this time , amongst the Nobility , a kind of Faction ; Protestants , who favour'd the Protector for his own sake ; and other of the Papal inclination , who favour'd him for his Brothers sake : But his Brother being gone , both sides forsook him ; even his own side , as thinking they could expect little assistance from him , who gave no more assistance to his own Brother , Bakers Chronicle p. 307. What a noise they make about these terrible Bugbears , Popery and Slavery , as if both were inseparable , and actually breaking in upon the Nation , or rather come as far as the Lobby of the House of Commons ? For my part , tho I have no reason to be fond of either , the one being no less contrary to my Nature , than the other to my Principles , yet I cannot be startl'd at every shadow , nor believe that the Duke , having already spent the Prime of his days , let him succeed never so soon , will be able to introduce amongst us any new , much less the Popish Religion . Neither can I be perswaded , contrary to common sense and the experience of so many Ages , but that the Papists are as fond of their Liberty and Property , and consequently as great enemies to Slavery , as any Protestant whatsoever . For , to them we owe the unparallel'd Common-Law of this Realm , Magna Charta and all those wholesom Statutes grounded thereupon ; to them we are oblig'd for the incomparable Frame of our well-temper'd Monarchy , which affords very much to the Industry and Happiness of the Subject , yet preserves enough for the Majesty and Prerogative of any King , that will own his People as Subjects , and not as Slaves or Villains . Who then but a Fool or a Mad-man , wou'd think Slavery the unavoidable consequence of that Religion , the Professors whereof , even in the time of their blindest zeal and greatest darkness , ( for since then they are much refin'd ) made such impregnable Bulwarks against it , and provided such wholesome Laws to defend themselves from all the encroachments of Arbitrary Power : Insomuch that the high and mighty Pope himself , who often endeavour'd to enslave this Kingdom , and make it Tributary to his avarice , found to his great grief , that tho some ignorant Bigots wou'd contribute to fill his Coffers , yet the generality of the Nation were so tender of their own and their Princes Rights , that they always oppos'd him with true English Courage ; as appears not only by hundreds of adjudg'd Cases reported in our Law-Books , but by divers Records and Acts of Parliament . For 25 Ed. 3. Stat. of Provisors , 't is enacted , That such persons as obtain Provisions , or collation of Benefices from Rome , and thereupon disturb the Presentees of the King , or of other Patrons of Holy Church , or of their Advowees , The said Provisors , their Procurators , Executors and Notaries , shall be attached by their body , and brought in to Answer : And if they be convict , they shall abide in Prison without being let to Mainprise or Bail , or otherwise delivered , till they have made Fine and Ransom to the King at his Will , and gree to the Party that shall feel himself grieved : And nevertheless before they be delivered , they shall make full renunciation , and find Surety , that they shall not attempt such things in time to come , nor sue any Process by them , nor by other against any man in the Court of Rome , nor in any part elsewhere , for any such Imprisonments , or Renunciations , nor any other thing depending of them . And in the same year it was Enacted , that he that purchas'd a Provision in Rome for an Abbey , shou'd be out of the Kings Protection , and any man might do with him , as with the Kings Enemy , 25 Ed. 3. c. 22. 2● Ed. 3. c. 1. upon the grievous Complaints of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , It was ordain'd , that all People of the Kings L●geance , of what condition that they be , which shall draw any out of the Realm in Plea , whereof the cognizance pertaineth to the Kings Court , or of things whereof Judgements be given in the Kings Court ; or which do Sue in any other Court to defeat or impeach the Judgements given in the Kings Court , if they appear not within two months after warning given , shall be put out of the Kings Protection , and their Lands , Goods and Chattles forfeit to the King , and their Bodies wheresoever they may be found , shall be taken and Imprisoned , and Ransomed at the Kings will. 13 R. c. 2. 'T is Enacted , That if any do accept of a Benefice of Holy Church contrary to this * Statute , and that duly prov'd , he shall within six Weeks next after such acceptation , be exiled and banished out of the Realm for ever , and his Lands and Tenements , Goods and Chattles shall be forfeit to the King. And if any Receive any such person banished , coming from beyond the Sea , or being within the Realm after the said six Weeks , knowing thereof , he shall be also exiled and banished , and incurr such forfeiture as afore is said . And their Procurators , Notaries , Executors , and Summoners shall have the pain and forfeiture aforesaid . And c. 3 It is ordained and established , That if any man bring or send within the Realm or the King's power , any Summons , Sentence , or Excommunication against any person , of what condition that he be , for the cause of making motion , assent , or execution of the said Statute of Provisors , he shall be taken , arrested and put in Prison , and forfeit all his Lands and Tenements , Goods and Chattels for ever , and incur the pain of life and of member . And if a Prelate make execution of such Summons , Sentences or Excommunications , that his Temporalties be taken and abide in the Kings hands , till due redress and correction thereof be made . And if any person of less Estate than a Prelate , of what condition that he be , make such execution , he shall be taken , arrested , and put in Prison , and have Imprisonment , and make fine and ransom by the discretion of the Kings Councel . 16 R. 2. 't is declar'd , That the Crown of England , which hath been so free at all times , that it hath been in no earthly subjection , but immediately subject to God in all things touching the Regalty of the same Crown , ought not to be submitted to the Pope , nor the Laws and Statutes of the Realm by him defeated and avoided at his will , in perpetual destruction of the Sovereignty of the King our Lord , His Crown , His Regalty , and of all His Realm . And moreover , the Commons affirmed , That the things attempted by the Pope , be clearly against the King's Crown and His Regality , used and approved of in the time of all his Progenitors : Wherefore they and all the Leige-Commons of the same Realm , will stand by the King , and His Crown , and His Regalty , in the cases aforesaid , and in all other cases attempted against Him , His Crown , and His Regalty , in all points , to live and to die . These , and several other * Statutes , too tedious 〈◊〉 to be inserted , have been provided in former ages when the Pope's power was at the highest , and provided even by Popish Kings and Popish Parliaments , to secure themselves and the Nation from all Papal encroachments . Neither have our Judges been less severe against the Popes unwarrantable pretensions , who in pursuance of the Common-Law of the Land , tho' no Statute had been made to that purpose , judg'd it a very hainous Crime in any Subject of England to obey , or put them in execution . In the Reign of King Edward I ; when a Subject brought a Bull of Excommunication from Rome , against another Subject of this Realm , and publish'd it to the Lord Treasurer of England : this was by the Common-Law of the Land adjudg'd Treason against the King , his Crown and Dignity , 30 lib. Ass. pla . 19. Brook tit . Praemunire , pl● 10. An Excommunication by the Archbishop , albeit it be disallow'd by the Pope or his Legate , is to be allow'd ; neither ought the Judges give any allowance of any such Sentence of the Pope or his Legate , 16 E. 3. tit . Excom . 4. An * Excommunication under the Popes Bull is of no force to disable any man in England . And the Judges said , That he that pleadeth such Bulls , tho they concern the Excommunication of a Subject , were in a hard Case , if the King would extend his Justice against him 30 E. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 19. The King presented to a Benefice , and his Presentee was disturb'd by one that had obtain'd Bulls from Rome ; for which offence he was confin'd to perpetual Imprisonment , 21 Ed. 3. f. 40. One Morris being elected Abbot of Waltham , sent to Rome for a Bull of confirmation ; But it was resolved by all the Judges , that this Bull was against the Laws of England , and that the Abbot , for obtaining the same , was fallen into the King's mercy ; whereupon all his Possessions were seiz'd into the King's hands , 46 Ed. 3. tit . Praemunire , 6. In the Reign of Ed. 4. the Pope granted to the Prior of St. Johns to have Sanctuary within his Priory ; But it was resolved by the Judges , that the Pope had no power to grant Sanctuary within this Realm ; and therefore by judgment of the Law the same was disallowed ▪ 1 H. 7. f 20. In the same King's Reign , a Legate from the Pope came to Callis , to have come into England ; But the King and his Councel would not suffer him to come within the Kingdom , until he had taken an Oath , that he should attempt nothing against the King or his Crown , 1 H. 7. f. 10. And in the Reign of H. 7. the Pope had excommunicated all such persons whatsoever as had bought Allom of the Florentines ; But it was resolved by all the Judges of England , that the Popes Excommunication ought not to be obeyed , or to be put in execution within the Realm of England , 1 H. 7. f. 10. These , and many other such Cases , you may see in the first part of Coke's 5 th . Reports . Now , if not only the Judges , but the Representative-wisdom of the Nation , even King , Lords , and Commons , in the thickest mist of Popish ignorance , were so resolute against the Bishop of Rome , and so careful to preserve their own Rights and Liberties inviolable : who can be so silly , as to believe , that a Popish Prince in this Kingdom , and at this time of the day , when Popery it self is much refin'd , and the whole Nation irreconcilably bent against it , will ever submit to any Papal Usurpation , much less make himself or his People Slaves to the Court of Rome ? Alas ! says one , but our sweet Abbey-Lands are in danger to be lost , and reassum'd by the Popish Clergy , what course then shall we take to secure them ? Believe me , if the Law will not do it , I know no other way , but a project I hear shortly to be set on foot for Insuring all the Church-Lands in the Kingdom these 40 years to come . The parties concern'd will propose very reasonable terms , and will undertake , the squinting Trimmer , who maliciously whispers about , he wou'd take seven years purchase for his Church-Lands , in case of a Popish Successor , shall have fourteen well secur'd , whenever the Duke succeeds . But why our Abbey-Lands more in danger , than any other part of our Estates ? since we have the same security for the one as for the other , and both as firmly secur'd , as the Law can make them , or the wit of man devise . 'T is well known , that the Popish * Clergy in Queen Maries time , the better to forward the peoples reconciliation with the Church of Rome , by their Petition to the Queen , consented that all the Church-Lands dispos'd of to Lay-men , shou'd be settl'd on the Possessors and their Heirs for ever , without any danger of revocation ; And this was approv'd of by the Pope's Legate a latere Cardinal Pool , * willing and ordaining , ( as he says ) that the present possessors of Ecclesiastical Goods , as well movable as immovable , shall not at this time , nor in time to come , be disquieted nor molested in the possession of the said Goods , either by the disposal or order of any General or Provincial Councils , or by the Decretal Epistles of the Bishop of Rome , or by any other Ecclesiastical Censure whatsoever . And besides this , to crown the work beyond all exception , and bind it with a triple Cord which is not easily broken , all is confirm'd in full Parliament , by the Queen , by the Cardinal and Clergy , and by the Lords and Commons ; by whom 't is enacted , That all and every Article , Clause , Sentence and Proviso contained or specified in any Act or Acts of Parliament , concerning or touching the assurance or conveyance of any the said Monasteries , Priories , Nunneries , Commandries , Deanries , Prebends , Colledges , Chantries , Hospitals , Houses of Fryers , Rectories , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Archbishopricks , Bishopricks , and other Religious and Ecclesiastical houses and places , or any of them , or in any ways concerning any Manors , Lands , Tenements , Profits , Commodities , Hereditaments , or other the things before specified to the said K. H. 8. or K. Ed. 6. or either of them , or any other person or persons , or Body-politick or Corporate , and every of them ; and all and every Writing , Deed , and Instrument concerning the assurance of any the same , shall stand , remain , and be in as good force , effect and strength , and shall be pleaded , and taken advantage of , to all intents , constructions , and purposes , as the same should , might or could have been by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , in case this present Act had never been had or made , 1. & 2 Phil. & Mar. c. 8 § . 39. And 't is further enacted , That whosoever shall by any Process obtained out of any Ecclesiastical Court within this Realm or without , or by pretence of any spiritual Jurisdiction , or otherwise contrary to the Laws of this Realm , inquiet or molest any person or persons , or body-politick for any Manors , Lands , Tenements , Hereditaments , or things above-specified , contrary to the words , sentences and meaning of this Act , shall incur the danger of the Act of Praemunire , ib. § . 41. What cou'd the wit of man contrive or devise more firm in Law , or more satisfactory to all parties concern'd in Church or Abbey-Lands , than these and several other paragraphs provided in the same Act of Parliament ? Why then are people by groundless and imaginary fears discompos'd , or frightn'd out of their wits , and made tools to drive on the Designs of some ill men , against the Monarchy and the Church , who will have nothing sufficient to secure them in the Religion they have not , but what will unavoidably shake the very foundation of the Government ? 'T is true , our State-Mountebanks in their Address presented in the Name of the House of Commons , are so dutiful to their Sovereign , as humbly to threaten , this may possibly happen , if the Duke succeeds : We further humbly beseech Your Majesty ( say they ) in Your great Wisdom to consider , whether , in case the Imperial Crown of this Protestant Kingdom should descend to the Duke of York , the opposition , which may possibly be made to his possessing it , may not only endanger the farther descent in the Royal Line , but even Monarchy it self , 21 Dec. 1680. But that season , I hope , is over , and the Nation now thorowly sensible of the fatal consequences of such resolutions , and can never forget the unparallell'd Tyranny of the Rump , nor the doleful Tragedies that ensu'd the Quarrel between York and Lancaster , which made England a Field of Blood. But what has this great Prince , once the peoples darling , done to deserve so severe a treatment , or be thought so dangerous a person to the Publick ? Has he defrauded any of an Ox or an Ass ; or was he ever found worse than his word , or unjust in his dealings ? If he has chang'd his opinion , which yet is improbable , about the modes and circumstances of Religion , 't is plain he has not chang'd his moral Principles , nor his natural affection to his Countrey . I need not instance how often he expos'd his Person to danger , like a common Sea-man , to fight our Battles ; nor how zealously he always studied the true Interest of the English Nation , in opposition to French Designs ; a truth too well known even to his most inveterate Enemies , but ill rewarded with ingratitude . 'T is prodigious , what tricks and arts have been us'd of late to incense the unthinking multitude against His Highness , and set them a-madding with the apprehension of Stakes and Faggots , and all the Chymoera's of a crack-brain'd fancy : when 't is palpably evident , it is not in the power of any Prince , tho' the greatest Bigot of Papists , to force this Nation in point of Conscience , or alter the establish'd Religion ; since the Laws de Haeretico comb●rendo , ( which in Queen Maries time were in force , and warranted the Cruelties then committed upon the Protestants , as the Statutes made by Queen Elizabeth , do the executing of Priests and Jesuits as Traytors , both uncharitable and ill-becoming a Christian-Magistrate ) are now happily repeal'd and abolish'd . Why then shou'd people be bugbear'd out of their senses , with imaginary fears of Smithfield-Faggots ; or think that the Duke , who never advis'd his own Children to become Papists , wou'd offer , tho' able , to compel any other to renounce his Religion ? If He has express'd some kindness for such Romanists ▪ as had signaliz'd their Loyalty to His FATHER here , or to His BROTHER Abroad , when those that now call themselves true Protestants , openly absur'd his Title , 't is an instance of his gratitude and good nature , but no Argument of his approving the Opinions of that Party . And yet we have no better proof , than such groundless whispers and surmises , unless we believe the ridiculous Salamunca Doctor 's peeping through the Key-hole , of his being a Papist , or any way inclin'd to the Popish Communion . How false then is the Preamble ( and therefore justly rejected , had there been no other reason , by the House of Lords ) of the intended Bill of Exclusion , That the Duke of York is notoriously known to have been perverted from the Protestant to the Popish Religion ? Or the extravagant Vote , whereon they grounded this Abortive Bill ? Resolved , That the Duke of York's being a Papist , and the hopes of his coming such to the Crown , hath given the greatest countenance and encouragement to the present designs and conspiracies against the King and the Protestant Religion . — 2 Nov. 1680. Whereas it might with greater Truth and Justice be Resolved , That the late endeavours of some Leading men in the House of Commons in favour of the Fanaticks , and their declaring , That if His Majesty should come by any Violent Death , they would revenge it to the utmost upon the Papists ; has given the greatest countenance and encouragement to Colledge and his Accomplices to conspire against the King and the Church ; and has openly expos'd His Majesties sacred Life to the blind zeal of the Faction ; to whom , besides the prospect of destroying their enemies , it was a great temptation to commit the villany , that they cou'd safely leave it at anothers door . Thus , Sir , I have given you in short my Opinion on Mr. Hunts Defence of the Charter ; and for your further satisfaction have added some Remarks on the Proceedings of our worthy Patriots ( so much commended by that Gentleman ) in the last Parliament at Westminster . There remains a great deal more to be said as well of this , as of the other that follow'd at Oxford ; but some earnest business requiring my attendance , I will at present give you no further trouble , only speak a word or two to the general Calumny cast by the Factions on all that dare oppose their Designs , and which I cannot well expect to escape , viz. That we are no Friends to Parliaments . But I appeal to any man of Sense , whether I , who wou'd have the Commons freely enjoy their Priviledges , yet confin'd within their Ancient and Legal bounds , or the Fanatick that labours to make their Power absolute and uncontroulable , be a greater friend to that Honourable Assembly ? And whether they can possibly have more pernicious enemies , than such as make them Controullers , instead of Councellors , to their Soveraign , and Competitors with him in the Government ; when their Being wholly depends on his Will and Pleasure , and can expect to fit no longer than during their good Behaviour ? How Fatal the Insolencies of the 3d. Estate in France , Anno 1614. prov'd to that Nation in general , who never since had the like Assembly , is particularly observ'd by several Historians . 'T is true , we have no reason to mistrust any such thing , having so good and so gracious a Prince , as has solemnly engag'd His Royal word , That no Irregularities in Parliament shall ever make Him out of Love with Parliaments , Declar. p. 9. Besides that our Constitution is such , that we cannot reasonably fear it . Nevertheless , Policy as well as Duty requires , that the Commons give no such distast for the future , as will justly occasion even any long intermission of their meeting ; since Parliaments , provided they behave themselves with Prudence and Moderation , Are the best method ( as His Majesty says ) for healing the Distempers of the Kingdom , and the only means to preserve the Monarchy in that due credit and respect , which it ought to have both at hom and abroad . Ibid. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47876-e90 * In making our ancient Laws , ( saith the great Antiquary Mr Selden ) the Commons did petere , the Lords assentire , & the King concludere : in his Judicature in Parliament , pag. 132. pag. 27. * 4 Ed. 3. 14. 36 Ed. 3. 10. * 16 ▪ Car. 2. 1. * Ne frena animo permitte calenti ; da spacium . tenuemque moram ; male cuncta ministrat impetus . * You all know , that Rex è Lex loquens ; and you often heard me say , that the King's will and intention being the speaking Law , ought to be Luce clarius . And again ; In any Case , wherein no positive Law is resolute , Rex e Judex ; for he is Lex loquens , and is to supply the Law ▪ where the Law wants . * Ib. f. 60. Beechers Case . The like he hath fol. 120. Bonham's Case , and lib. 11. f. 43. Godfrey's Case , and in several other places . * Dyer f. 60. a. says , the Parliament consists of three parts , viz. the KING , as chief Head ; the LORDS , the chief and principal Members of the Body ; and the COMMONS , the inferiour Members . * Coke 4. Inst. p. 25. & 31 H. 6. n. 26 , 27. * Mich. 12. Ed. 4. Rot. 20. in the Exchequer . * Hill. 14 E. 4. Rot. 7. * Dyer fol. 59. * 8 H. 6. Rot. Parl. n. 57. * 39 H. 6. n. 9. * 14 Ed. 4. n. 55. * The Lords themselves cannot by Priviledge of Parliament set any at Liberty by their immediate Orders to the Gentleman vsher , or Serjeant at Arms , but only by a Writ of Priviledge from the Lord Keeper ; as appears 43 Elizab. D'ewes Journals , p. 608. * See Prynn's Remarks on Coke's 4 Inst. p. 42. * None can be Judge and Party , Coke's 8 Reports , Dr. Bouham's Case . f. 118. b. * The constant Custom of the Commons , even to this day , to stand bare with their Hats in their hands , while the Lords sit cover'd , at all Conferences and Tryals , is a plain Argument they are not Fellows or Colleagues in Judgment . * 10 Jan. 1681 / 80 ; . * 7 Jan. 1680. * 2 R. 2. 5. 11 R. 2. 11. &c. de Scandalis Magnatum . * 25 Ed. 3. Statute of Provisors . * 38 Ed. 3. Stat. 2. c. 1. 2 H. c. 4. 7. H. 4. c. 6. 3 H. 5. c. 4. * The same is resolved , 12 H. 4. f. 16. 14 H. 4. f. 14. 8 H. 6. f. 3. 20 H. 6. 1. 35 H. 6. 42. 7 E. 4. 14. 12 E. 4. 16. * 1 & 2 Phil. & Mar. c. 8. num . 32. * Volentes ac decernentes , quod dictorum bonorum Ecclesiasticorum ram mobilium quam immobilium possessores praefati non possiut in praesenti nec in posterum , seu per Conciliorum Generalium vel Provincialium dispositiones , seu Decretales Rom. Pontificum Epistolas , seu aliam quamconque censuram . Ecclesiasticam in dictis bonis , seu eorundem possessione molestari vel inquietari , 1 & 2 Phil. & Mar. c. 8. num . 33.