A looking glasse for princes and people Delivered in a sermon of thankesgiving for the birth of the hopefull Prince Charles. And since augmented with allegations and historicall remarkes. Together with a vindication of princes from Popish tyranny. By M. William Struther preacher at Edinburgh. Struther, William, 1578-1633. 1632 Approx. 748 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 159 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A13078 STC 23369 ESTC S117893 99853102 99853102 18470 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A13078) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 18470) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 976:12) A looking glasse for princes and people Delivered in a sermon of thankesgiving for the birth of the hopefull Prince Charles. And since augmented with allegations and historicall remarkes. Together with a vindication of princes from Popish tyranny. By M. William Struther preacher at Edinburgh. Struther, William, 1578-1633. [8], 111, [1]; [16], 180 p. By the heires of Andro Hart, Printed at Edinburgh : 1632. "A looking glasse for princes and popes" has separate dated title page, register and pagination. Variant: title has "Together with a vindication of princes, &c.". Reproduction of the original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. 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Popes -- Primacy -- Early works to 1800. 2004-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-11 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2004-11 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LOOKING GLASSE ▪ For Princes and People . Delivered in a Sermon of Thankesgiving for the Birth of the hopefull Prince CHARLES . And since augmented with Allegations and Historicall Remarkes . Together with a Vindication of Princes , &c. By M. WILLIAM STRVTHER Preacher at Edinburgh . Psal. 2. Bee wise , O Kings ▪ Printed at Edinburgh , by the Heires of Andro Hart. 1632. TO THE MOST HIGH , AND MIGHTY KING : CHARLES OF GREAT Britaine , Defender of the Faith , &c. Most Dread Soveraigne , BOth these Arguments craue your Ma. kyndlie patrocinie : as Father of that Prince , whose birth occasioned the Thanksgiving : And Sonne of that King , who went before all Kings , in vindicating royall Authoritie ▪ Gods Providence over Man ( his last Creature in time , but first in Loue ) is so great ; that his care of other Creatures comparatiuely seemeth a Neglect : Hee hath distinguished him in Order and Degrees : Gathered him in Societies : And perfited these Societies with an supereminent power . That Head giveth a natiue influence to its Bodie , and the Bodie subiecteth it selfe to that Head. Wee bring this Law from the Wombe written in our Hearts ; and Christ confirmed it by Word and Example : Hee disposed so his Birth at Bethlehem , that at once hee fulfilled his Fathers promise , and obeyed Augustus Edict beeing taxed in his Mother : The Church for ten Ages followed her Head in that Obedience . Though her Worke bee Heavenly by the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , to winne Soules ●o Go●t ; and her Reward bee to sit on Thrones , and judge the Tribes of Israel : Yet shee gaue to Caesar the things that are Caesars . And though Ambrose say , that Sublimitas Episcopalis nullis potest comparationibus aequari And nihil esse in hoc s●c●do sublimiius sacerdote ; yet hee both practised and perswaded obedience to Princes . But Bab●l confounded all : And Antichrist ( in a more fearefull Collision of the Civill and Ecclesiastick Powers , then the two Hills in Marius & Sylaes time ) trod the honor of Princes in the dust : he thought it greater to divide Lands , than remit sins ; and thurst himselfe in their Thrones : Hee exposed their Kingdomes to violence ; and their sacred Persons and Authoritie to contempt : : These insolencies might seeme tolerable in times of blindnesse , as S. Austine speaketh of Romulus Apotheosing : But now after so long contest , they maintaine them . Their Advocate affirmeth , & Paul the fifth approved it , That he is the onelie Emperour and King ; the Superiour of all Kings , from whom all Iurisdiction floweth . What ever in danger they deny ; or in necesitie they mitigate , this is the just Modell of their Pope , and the prime Article of their faith . That Luciferian pride was so eminent in Popes , that it is hard to know , whether to wonder more at the Impudencie of Christs Vicar vsurping , or the patience of Princes suffering . Poperie was never further from the Truth , and meeknesse of Iesus , then since it was Iesuited : That name is not a denomination of a new Zeale or goodnesse , but the maske of exquisite craft and crueltie ; and the tincture of impenitencie : And as the Apostle maketh the opposition of Christus and Antichristus ; and Cyprian of Spiritus and Antispiritus , somay wee of Iesus and Anti-Iesus . But God by Reformation hath mended that confusion : The light of the Gospel hath at once revealed his heresie in Doctrine , and tyrannie in Vsurpation . This is a tryall of Princes ; for they are free and happie Princes who haue shaken off his Yoak ; and reformed themselues , and their Kingdomes to the Gospel of Christ : But thrise miserable are they who lye still drunke in her fornications . God in mercie hath put your Ma. in the first ranke : The Titles of Defender of the Church from King William of Scotland , a and of Defender of the Faith from Henrie 8. b of England ; are both Ensignes of your profession , and remembrancers of your royall Duetie ; to defend the true Church , and the true Faith , your Ma. devotion testifies the peaceable part of the discharge : And doth promise the other part by the Sword , when GOD shall honour Kings to execute his will on the Whore. And in GODS time , they who now adhere to her , shall count it their happinesse to follow your Ma. Example . Behold now your Ma. Happinesse in their miserie : Their common end ( to destroy Protestants ) hath made them Confederats ▪ : But God hath divided them by their privat ends like Sechem and Abimelech : And juggling Prote●s , of a bloodie Dragon , it turned a craftie Serpent , and seeketh his saftie , by wynding betwixt the Iealousies of these great Princes . Hee is carried violentlie as hope and feare , canvasse him : Rut fire will breake out from Abimelech and devoure Sechem And these Princes shall dwell in brotherlie loue , when they receiue the Gospel of peace . This private offering is a fruit and testimonie of a commoun joy : the Flowre of the States of this land ( present in this Citie , at the glad newes of the Princes birth ) were overjoyed : And this citie expressed their loyaltie in all significations , so that no place of these three Kingdomes could exceede . It was S. Austines discretion to Macedonius a Iudge , taken vp with publick affaires , not to deteine him with long Epistles : What shall wee doe to so great a KING ? Almightie GOD , who hath set your Ma. on these three Thrones , multiplee royall gifts on your sacred person , and make You a King of many Royall blessings : That great Britaine vnder you , and your clement Name , may more and more be a terrour to Anti-christ , a comfort to the Saints , and a Land wherein GOD delighteth to dwell . AMEN . Your Ma. most humble Subject , and Servant , M. WILLIAM STUTHER . The Table of the Thanksgiving . THE Preface of the Princes Birth . Pag. 1 1. The first part . King David a Supplicant . 4. 2. The second part . Of a Monarchie . 6. The Author of it 7. 2. The Necessitie . 8. The Excellencie . 11. The Character of K. 12. Their Limitation . 13. Monarchie the best Government . 15. Affectation of Divinitie is a frensie . 16 The PoPe taken with that frenesie . 17. Errours about Magistracie . 19. 20. Wee should pray for Kings . 21. And obey them in the Lord. 21. Three wayes to come to a Kingdome ▪ 1. Conquest . 24. 2. Election . 26. 3. Succession is better than both . 28. Womens Governement lawfull . 29 Queene Elizabeths instance determineth the question 30. King IAMES instance . 30. A new borne Prince a great blessing . 31. 3. The third part of the Royall Gift . 1. The habite of Iustice. 33. Religion falleth vnder the care of Kings . 37. Popes debarred them from it . 38. Hee gulled them by Cannonizing . 39. Some Princes abused Religion . Reformation a blessing to Princes and People . 40. Popes tye God to themselues , and loose themselues from God. 43. 2. The worke of the royall Gift is Government . 44. 1. The rule of it good Lawes . 45. Difficultie of iudgement , in cause , parties , witnesse . 46. The necessitie and danger of Forture . 50. Princes Difficulties and Dangers . 52. Flatterers of Princes are Pests . 54. It is faintnesse to lay downe their Crownes . 56. Pietie and Prudence the Reme●de of their Difficulties . 59. 2. People the Subject of Government . 62. Man is most obliged and most disobedient . 64. Gods Church most easily governed . 66. King● governing of themselues ▪ 67. Of their Courts . 69. 3. The fruite of good Government . Peace . 73. Of the fruits of Peace . 74. Of Warres . 78. The Puritie , and peace of true Religion , their greatest task . 81 It is the greatest blessing of Mankinde . 82. No Mixture with a true Religion . 84. Reconciliation with a false religion is impossible . 85. Confusions of Holland . 86. Domage of schis●●es . 89. Three sorts of Kings . 1. Of Gods King. 90. 2. Machiavells Tyrant . 91. 3. Of the Popes Vassall . 97. The pourtrate of ● perfect King. ▪ 98. Tyrants both affright , and are affrighted . 102. Peoples hearts a Kings greatest conquest . 102. Their loue his best Guard. 103. An happie land . 105. Scotlands happinesse . 106. Great Brittaines Happinesse . 107. Speach to the Nobilitie . 108. To the colledge of Iustice. 108. To Edenburgh . 108. Aprayer for the King. 109. For the Queene . 109. For the Prince 110. For the Subiects . 110. True Thanksgiving is true o●●dience . 111. ERRATA . Pag. Lin. ●ault . Mend. ● . in Marg. Peremptores . Pa●eicid●● . 44. ● . doe more . Doe no more . 47. 2. the their . ●● ●1 . is best . is most . 76. 21. more . dele . 86. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A LOOKING GLASSE for Princes and people : Deliuered first in a Sermon of thanksgiuing for the Birth of our hopefull PRINCE CHARLES , &c. In the great Church of EDINBVRGH , &c. The Preface . REIOYCE in the LORD , yee righteous ( saith the Prophet ) for praise is comelie for the vpright . I presume so farre of your Christian affection ( Dearly beloued in the Lord ) that I need not exhort you to joy : The cheerefulnesse of your Countenance testifies the great joy of your heart ; so that it shall onely be necessar to direct you in the vse , and expressing of so just and great a ioy . The Lord hath blessed vs in great mercie with the birth of a Prince on Saturnday last , and refreshed vs yesternight with these good tydings : That blessing hath manie blessings in it : A Child , a Male Child , and a first borne Male Child that came to perfection : A Sonne to a Father that hath no Brother , the apparent Heire of all these three Kingdomes , and ( I may say ) The first borre Heire that euer They had . Some Histories wrongouslie affirme , that some Kings were Monarchs of this whole Yle , and that same errour did creepe in the Councels , speaking of Primats : But the first spake as they affected , and the other followed that errour in simplicitie : They borrowed that style of ( a Monarch of the whole Yle ) from Severus time , and tooke the march of it from his wall . Some haue beene borne Heires of seuerall Kingdomes in it , but till now wee finde none borne Heires of them altogether , and that to a King , standing in the iust title and peaceable possession of them all . These are Gods great mercies to vs ; and the greater if wee consider what our sinnes deserue : They cry for judgement and our Conscience tells that wee deserue it more than other Nations that are scourged beyond Sea ; but behold when hee might showre downe deserued plagues , Hee sendeth vs vndeserued Blessings . Gods worship hath two odde solemnities , of Fasting , and Thankesgiuing ; but it is more pleasant to haue the occasion of solemne thankes for Blessing receiued , than of mourning for plagues imminent or incumbent : And better to heare now our Drummes in the streete , and Canons in the Castle , by their sound calling vs to these joyfull meetings , than to heare them in the feates of Warre . There is no Affection so pleasant to the heart , as Ioy ; it was created in vs as a power to make vse of good : When the heart hath desired and hoped for good , it cannot but rejoyce at the obtaining of it ; and in all these actions about good , it abydeth most gladly in it selfe : Wee brought euill in the World by sinne , and so a necessitie of sorrow : In griefe the heart is closed within it selfe , and hath a selfe-consumption for its owne folie . No temporall good entreth into our heart , but the joy for it filleth it , and then it delyts to dwell in that Ioy as the owne Element , and dilateth it selfe to vtter that joy conceiued : As the Eare is opened wyde to heare good , and the Eye to see it , so the Heart to enjoy it , and the Mouth to expresse that Ioy. And what better expressing , than to powre out our heartes on GOD by thankesgiuing ? That as Hee is the Author of our joy , so it may returne to Him againe . A well expressed Ioy maketh a sweete Sacrifice to GOD , and bringeth downe a new blessing , but excesse of joy e●anishing in fleshlie insolencies , and not reflecting on GOD , prouokes him whom we should please : Such was the rejoycing of Pagans in their solemnities , but Gods Word directeth vs better . Wee ought therefore to praise Him for the Blessing receiued ; and pray for a blessing to that Blessing , that his Mercie there in may euery way appeare . And because of our selues , wee cannot doe this as wee ought ; let vs call on the Author of the Blessing , and craue such direction from his Word , that in this solemne and publicke Ioy , wee may approue our selues to Him. The Text. Psal. 72. 1. Giue the King thy judgements , O GOD , and thy righteousnesse vnto the Kings Sonne . 2. Hee shall judge thy people with righteousnesse , and thy poore with judgement . 3. The Mountaines shall bring peace to the people , and the little hills , by righteousnesse . The first part : K. DAVID a Suter . LOOKE not ( Beloued in the Lord ) for a ful explication of euery part of this Text , with their doctrines and vses , as wee doe in Sermons , but onely for such points as this occasion craueth : In summe it containeth a prayer of King Dauid for his Sonne Solomon , and offereth three things to our consideration . The Suter who prayeth is King Dauid : Next , for whom hee prayeth , it is for Solomon : And thirdlie the thinges that hee suteth , which are three : First , the Gift of Kinglie wisedome ; verse 1. 2. The vse of that Gift in righteous Iudgement : verse 2. And thirdlie the fruite of that Gift so vsed , Peace and Tranquillitie : verse 3. For the first , the Suter is King Dauid , a Father for his Childe , a King for his succeeding Sonne , and a Prophet for one that GOD was to blesse . Nature might moue him as a Father to seeke the good of his Sonne ; and Civilitie as a King , a greater Father of a Kingdome , to seeke the good of his Successour : But as a Prophet hee is moued diuinly to sute that which GOD had showne him hee was purposed to doe : In the first two respects , hee had an ordinary grace as a Father , and a King to seeke this Blessing . In the thrid : hee had an extraordinarie gift to augment the former two , beeing priuie to Gods mind in this particular . Therefore it is not onelie a Prayer , but a Blessing : The one suting a Gift , the other conferring the sought Gift , or rather declaring that it was to bee conferred on Solomon . Parents haue a Fatherly authority ouer their Children to blesse them , and are obliged to seeke their good ( because like Adam and Eue , they are first their murtherers ere they bee their Parents ) And Kings as Fathers ouer their Subjects ; but Prophets are aboue them both in this point : what the former haue by nature , and Gods power committed to them , that and more had Dauid , a Prophet , as being priuie to Gods purpose . So that this Prayer is not so much a Prayer for obtaining , as a prophecie that hee shall obtaine . That extraordinar Gift is now ceased in the Church , yet euery one should take heede how hee prayes : That as the matter hee seekes is good in it selfe , needfull for vs , and promised , so it be sought with confidence and liberty . If the Lord so open our hearts to seeke it , hee will also satisfie our hearts in granting . None knowes his minde , nor hath giuen him counsell , but when Prouidence is performing his promises , hee will giue some notice of his purpose to his owne in these particulars . GOD had purposed this blessing to Solomon , and now hee moueth Dauid to pray for it as a meanes both to giue his purposed Gift to Solomon , and to oblige Dauid the more for obtaining of it by prayer : The Blessing hee hath ordained for vs , hee giues an heart to seeke it , and in the very time of so free and affectuous seeking , worketh in vs an hope of receiuing : For wee know not what wee shall pray for as wee ought : But the Spirit it selfe maketh intercession for vs , with groanings which cannot bee vttered . And hee that searcheth the hearts , knowes what ▪ is the minde of the Spirit , because hee maketh intercession for the Saintes according to the will of God. Gods Spirit will not assist vs with a spirituall libertie and confidence , in seeking that , that God is not purposed to giue ; for GOD is euer like Himselfe . Prayer is on our part a Condition required , and a meane to obtaine ; and on Gods part , a sort of beginning and obligeing to giue vs that blessing that he hath made vs to seeke . These are both temporary effects of Gods eternall purpose , and meanes to performe it : This is the couenant of grace , to turne the Condition in a promise , and then to performe it in vs , that as GOD presenteth Saluation vnder condition of Faith and other workes of grace , so hee promiseth these conditions , and worketh them in vs. Hee promised that they should beleeue , who said , And they shall not teach euery man his neighbour , Know the Lord. Hee promised that they should bee pardoned , who said , I will bee mercifull to their iniquities . Hee promised that they should obey , who said , I will put a new heart in them . Hee promised that they should perseuere , who said , I will put my feare in their heart , so that they shall not depart from mee . So then , Grace purposeth , Grace promiseth , Grace maketh vs to pray ; and Grace performeth the promise in answering our prayers , that it may bee seene Wee are saued by Grace . This wonderfull disposition of Gods Grace in prayer , is summed vp in one verse . Lord , Thou hast heard the desire of the humble , thou wilt prepare their heart ; Thou wilt cause thine Eare to heare : And Dauid on this same purpose : Thou hast said , That thou wilt builde mee an house : Therefore haue I found in mine heart to pray this Prayer to Thee . To the KING . The second part : Of a Monarchie . THis much for the Person that prayeth , To wit King Dauid , the next is , for whom hee prayeth , and that is the King , euen his Sonne Solomon , and that for three causes : The first is common to Kings , whom GOD resp●cts as his Deputies among men : The next is particular to Solomon , as beeing designed in Gods promise to be a successour to Dauid : The third is typicall , because hee was the type of Christ , the King of his Church ; and so had a right to competent giftes for his place , for the better typifying of such a truth . Heere is the great respect that God hath to Kinges , he causeth pray for them , marke their businesse , and write portions of Scripture for them : So Solomons designing to the Crowne gaue vs this Psalme ▪ and his Mariage the 45. Psalme , and their Acts hath giuen vs manie Histories in Scripture , that his Prouidence about them may bee more manifest , and his care of them , may witnesse his care of all mankind . God hath set them vp to bee respected as the Heades of humane Societies , and though there bee innumerable people in the World different in Lawes , Manners , Languages , &c. Yet hee hath summed them vp in seuerall Societies vnder Princes , and prouided not onely Order but also degrees whereof Kings are the Heads . Therefore the holy Apostle calleth them , supereminent Powers : and the primitiue Church expounded that clearly . Wee honour the Emperour next to God , and lesse than God alone . This leads vs to consider in principalitie the Authour , the Necessitie , the Excellencie , and Limitation . The Author of Principalitie , is GOD , the King of Kings ; either immediatelie designing them , as hee did Dauid and Solomon , &c. or mediately mouing the heartes of people to choose them . Hee hath made man a sociall creature delighting in Society : and Necessitie , and Profit , hath confirmed that sociablenes , and drawne them together in Societies and Incorporations : they know by the light of Nature , that Societie is better than Solitarines , and that a multitude with equalitie hath confusion , and Order without Authoritie is an Anarchie with Oppression . Therefore , as GOD wisely ordained , so they willingly admit these graduall respectes of higher and lower degrees , and take on that beautifull Order which hee established : Hee appointes an outward Gouernement to mankind , and giues the influence of it not indifferentlie to all , but to Kings and Princes as the most eminent parts of mankind . If wee looke to man simplie as hee is reasonable it is not vnpossible for him to liue without publicke Gouernement , but if wee consider him as hee is now with corrupt reason it , is altogether impossible : Hee could not liue alone without Societie , and in Societies hee was worse than alone , because of injuries : the wealthie oppressed the poore , and the stronger the weake , so that by time Societies agreed vpon a common Gouernement , and set vp some one who excelled the rest to gouerne all , and that common consent gaue him power to rule , and disposed the rest for more heartie obedience . So GOD by his Law written in their hearts , led them to Gouernement , to deuolue their power in the hand of one , for eschewing of injuries , and procuring both publicke and the priuate good : Societie remeeded Solitarinesse , and Principalitie remeeded the iniuries of Societies . Some haue drawne Principalitie simplie from the Ambition of men , because Cain , Nimrod , and such like were vsurpers . But they should distinguish betwixt mans Ambition and Gods institution : Man had his owne ends of vaine glorie , Auarice , Reuenge , &c. But as GOD was therein punishing sinne , so also prouyding Order among men , and therefore hee taketh with ●rincipalitie as his owne ordinance . By mee Kings reigne and Princes decree Iustice. There bee sundrie wayes to come to a Kingdome : The suffrages of people in Election : Victories in Conquest : Birth in Succession : But GOD is the Authour of Magistracie who giues Kingdomes , and transferres them at his pleasure . That Kings are , it is the diuine Law written in the hearts of men : But that such or such a man is a King , is by diuine ●rouidence . They are the most e●inent and conspicuous Thinges in the World : Their beginning , course and end see●es to some to be of Fortune : And such as contemne that blind idole , ascriue them to Fate , an imaginary necessitie beside the will of GOD and Man , but diuine Providence disposeth all humane Kingdomes . Man by sinne hath drawne on manie Necessities , but GOD hath appointed lawfull Callings as their Remeede and Supplie : and if wee compare him to a Body , they goe in foure sorts : The first is of Callings , absolutlie necessar for our Beeing , as Husbandrie and Pasturage , the two Legges whereon the great body of man standeth . Wee are of the earth , wee walke on it , and liue by it , and these two Callings draw the substance out of it , in Fruites and Fleshes for our necessitie . The profit of the Earth is for all : The King himselfe is serued by the Field . The second is of such Callings as beside Necessitie haue great Profit for our well beeing ; as Crafts and Merchants : these are busie about the fruites of the former Callings ; the first perfecting them by Arte , the other changing these fruits of Nature and Arte ; these are as the two Hands , in this great Bodie . The third is of such Callings , as beside Necessitie and Profite haue also Ornament for our better Being . These are as the Heart of this Bodie in liberall Sciences and Professions , &c. They frame and fashion the Soule which is the Man , and make him a Man properlie . The fourth is of such Callings as beside Necessitie , Profite and Ornament , are for human Perfection for our best Beeing in this life , & that is Principality & Gouernement ; as the Head in the ciuill Body perfecting it with humane excellencie . But the Pastorall calling answereth all these respects spirituallie . GOD made all this plaine in the beginning . First he gaue Adam a Being , then appointed him Maintenance , and a Law to lead his life : And when hee fell , his first businesse was tilling of the ground by Cain , and pasturage by Abel , as meanes to helpe the difficultie of maintenance that came by the curse layd vpon the ●arth for his sins . Thereafter came the inuention of Mechanicke Trades , to make vse of the fruites of these two simple Callings , and Gouernement came in also in the owne degrees and periods . Lastly , when men were sensible of their miserie spirituall & temporall , and from that sense Seth called his son Enosh ( that is , Miserable or Calamitous ) ●hen Religion was solemnlie exercised by in-calling on the Name of the Lord. They found such miserie , as neither humane Inuention , Industrie , nor Gouernement could helpe ; & therefore took them aboue all to the Religious worship of God , that he wold mitigate the just curse by his supervenient Blessing , and leade them to a better Paradyse than they had lost . Three sorts of Gouernement were in Adam : The Husbandlie gouernement ouer Eua his wyfe : The fatherlie ouer his Children , and the Princelie ouer all mankinde so long as hee liued . The first was more , a bond of loue with his Wife , another himselfe : The third was a sort of authoritie , as a Superiour ouer inferiours : And the second was mixed of Loue and Authoritie . As mankind increased , so GOD drew out the Lyne of principalitie in Families , Townes and Countries , &c. which are both seuerall partes of Principalitie and Images of it : to testifie that mankind cannot well subsist without Gouernement . Euerie man carieth the image of it in himselfe , hee hath a bodie of many parts , and euerie part hath the owne temper and forme , to bee a seate or instrument of some power in him . The Soule likwise hath diuersitie of powers , to vnderstand , remember , will , &c. And yet notwithstanding of this diuersitie , they haue all such a respect vnto other , that they submit themselues to a gouernement for the good of euery one seuerally , and of the whole man , in which respect wee may call Man , A little Kingdome . Gouernement then is of absolute necessitie , without which neither House , nor Citie , nor Nation can stand , no not the nature of things , nor the world it selfe : For what is a multitude of people without it , but a liuelesse and confused masse ? They are not set to work in their seuerall callings , neither haue they fruite of their labours , neither vse , nor enjoying of their fruites : But Gouernement as a vigorous life quickeneth all , giues a beautie to the bodie , and a sort of abilitie to euerie particular member . It is principallie in the head , and from thence floweth to euerie member , to enable it for its own office : I need not to inlarge this point . This Citie , & other places of this Kingdome that were sometimes quickened , and warmed civillie by the presence of Kings , are now in a languishing Widow-hood , because of the farre distance of that warming Sunne . Principalitie maketh a great relation in mankind : It is the Head , and such an Head as receiuing due respects from other Callings , imployes it selfe againe to their good : They sustaine it by their offices and labours , and it recompenceth them with a mutuall sustaining , in that it prouydeth for them both libertie to labour in their Callings , and peace to enjoy the fruite of their labours , without which the better their Lotte be , the greater crosse , if it bee pulled away by warre or oppression . It is Gods Wisedome to rule man by Man , and to set vp some of Mankind aboue the rest : Thogh Kings be of the same kind by Nature , yet their degree and Spirit make them seeme to be of another kind , that the mutuall dueties of commanding & obeying , may be the more distinct : And then to make them the more pleasant , he hath bound these far distant degrees in the bond of one kind : Kings command their Inferiours , louinglie as their owne kind , & Inferiours obey Kings willinglie , as their owne kind : The communion of the kind distinguished by God in degrees keepes that Relation contentedlie : The Head , the Hands , and the Feete differ in their places & offices , yet are all one flesh in one Bodie : The Head commandeth them not rigorouslie , neither doe they obey it grudginglie , but all their Offices are done in loue to other . The disposing of these places and degrees are absolutely in Gods hand , and hee commands euery one to apply themselues to other according to their place . This is the Finger of God to make Authoritie as a vigorous life to quicken a Kingdome , and then to bind it vp in such agreement , that many thousands of different conditions doe submit themselues to one . Princes haue this Excellencie of Spirit , not so much from their Birth or bodilie temper as from God immediatelie : Hee createth in them a reasonable Soule , to m●ke them Men , and giues them a princelie Spirit to make them Kings among Men. Dauid was of priuate breeding , but so soone as GOD tooke him from behind the Ewes and set him vpon the Throne ; hee gaue him an heroicke Spirit . Their Birth indeede giueth them great Priuiledges ; but the royall Spirit is not infalliblie annexed to it : GOD reserueth it to his owne free dispensation : hee hath set them as Heads of Societies , and the Head is plenished with Vnderstanding , and with moe Senses than the Bodie , for it is the seate of all the Senses , and none but the sense of Feeling is diffused throgh the whole bodie , & that floweth from the Head. So Kings by their place should be accomplished with humane perfections aboue their Subjects . This hath with it a largenesse of heart to ouer-reach priuate spirits as farre as their place is aboue them , and that both in fore-sight to project their businesse , and Prudence to manage it . And they haue as large affections of ioy and griefe , and their fruits answerable in Contentment and miscontentment . Their ordinar measure in these things would bee excesses to ouer whelme priuate Spirits : Their greatest place occasioneth them greatest humane contentments , but lest they become insolent as great miscontentments are annexed . So God hath counterpossed these great things in greatest Spirits , both to keepe them from extremities , and to hold them on the Ballance of Equabilitie . Power and Authoritie are inuisible in themselues , but visible in their outward signes , and the more euident , the greater difference they make betwixt Kings & Subiects . Princes are men as other , yet are they farre in dignitie aboue other , as the patternes of natiue Nobility that commeth of Birth , and the Fountaine of datiue Nobilitie that flowes from Princes fauour . Though it fall out otherwise , sometimes for iust causes , yet in an abstract consideration they ought to bee , and vsuallie are the choysest Men in humane perfections . A speciall signe is that Maiestie wherewith God stampeth their countenance , to tell what Spirit dwelleth in such a Bodie : Though they bee but Men , yet that Majestie in their countenance equalleth their place . This maketh their verie silence to bee awfull and imperio●s , it confoundeth sometimes the most resolute Spirits , and putteth posed wits to precipitation . His whispering in his Chamber setteth all his Kingdome on worke , and the onelie mouing of his lippes putteth all his Provinces to businesse : But if they speake in passion , it is like the roaring of the Lyon. This can be no thing else but the hand of GOD , that maketh so sensible a difference betweene ruling and ruled Spirits in one kinde of Creature . Next , God hath giuen them foure Ensignes of a kinglie Power . The Throne as the ground of their Authoritie vnder God : The Scepter , the signe of their Law-making , or Nomoth●ticke wisedome , by its touchgiuing life to Lawes : The Sword to execute Lawes , as a token that all the Swords of their Subiects are at their command for Warre and Peace : And the Crowne , as the signe of Glorie , arising of the right vse of all the former . God bestowed on Solomon such a royall Maiestie as had not beene in any King of Israel before : For the Lord his God was with him , and magnified him exceedinglie . Their Place is great indeede to bee Gods Vice-gerents on Earth , yet that greatnesse is not absolute , but hath the owne limitation : Their power is as well bounded as their Persons : Mortality boundeth their life , so doeth Providence their Power ; & that on Gods part by Communication for the originall , and overruling for the vse , and on their part dependence on God , and subiection to a reckoning hemmeth it in . I said , Yee are Gods , and all of you the Children of the most High : But yee shall die like men . It is not of themselues , but lent of God , and not for themselues but for him and his people : It carieth in it selfe an obligement to vse it to his glorie whom they represent , and a care in that vse to doe nothing that is not worthie of him : When Goodnesse and Greatnesse meete in them they are glorious Images of God , but when their greatnesse is voyde of goodnesse , they are hurtfull to mankinde , and make the Name of God to bee evill spoken of : So long as they governe aright , their governement is acceptable to God ; but if they abuse their power , and follow their owne will and not Gods , then hee disclaimes their governement : They reigned , but not of mee . The excellencie of their Calling cannot expiate these faults of their Person , but procures a double wrath : If they looke onely to their place ; as comming by Birth or peoples fauour , or their owne worth , without respect to God , they cannot but swell in prid with Nebuchadnezar : But when they take them as out of Gods hand , they will reverence him , and vse them to his glorie ; and that wise imployment shall proue a way to a better Crowne in Heauen . They are indeede aboue their Subiects ▪ yet God is aboue them , the most High and higher than the highest : David knew that he both iniured Uriah and his people , & that they could not correct him for his offence , yet hee saw the punishment in Gods hand , and beeing afraied thereof , cryed out , Against thee , against thee , onelie haue I sinned . Hee confessed himselfe guiltie to God alone , because he had no man who might iudge his fault . Of all that is said ariseth a confirmation for a Monarchie : a Refutatiō of some errors : And a Direction in some dueties . For a Monarchie this Text is plaine , because it speaketh of a King , appointed & allowed of GOD in mercie : Sundrie sorts of Governement haue beene devysed as Monarchie , Aristocracie , and Democracie ▪ and these either simple or in diverse mixtures , but so that some one forme did preponder the rest , & gaue the name to the whole . Though all bee good in themselues , and God can serue himselfe of any of these , yet they all point at a Monarchie as the best : For supreme power is to bee found in them all , but the difference is in the number of the Persons : For that same supreme Power , which Monarchie hath in one Person , Aristocracie hath it in some few of the best , and Democracie in the multitude of the people , so that euery one of them is a Monarchie indeede diversified in the number of Persons . As for their Practice , when moe ruled , they feared the vsurpation of some one , and vpon that feare as they saw any excell the rest in Riches , Wisedome , or Friendship , they serued him with an Athenian Ostracisme , or a Syracusian Petalisme , and for one yeeres ruling , cast him in ten yeers banishment : But by time they saw the ill of that censure , that it made worthie men hold backe from publicke medling , and opened a doore to vnworthie ambitious men to misguide all : And the Romans who like a feverous man , changed all sorts of governement to finde out the best , as Kings , Consuls , Tribuns , &c. were forced in great danger to chuse a Dictator , and in end turned to a Monarchie , which is nothing but a perpetuall Dictatorship . And when Augustus fained politicklie to lay downe the Empyre , the Senat requeasted him to keepe it still , they had beene burnt so oft with the violence of a tribunitious governement , that they chused rather to hazard on the faults of one Monarch , than the furies of a multitude . Everie forme of governement hath the owne Commodities , but Monarchie hath moe , and all these disputes that conclude for a Monarchie , doe vnderstand such a Monarch as is furnished with these three most essentiall gifts : Perspicacitie in iudgement : Honestie in designes : and constant stabilitie . There is but one head and one heart in the Body , one Sunne for the day , and one Moone for the night : And Birds , Beastes , and Bees , haue but one Leader of their companie : And God set vp but one Moses , one Ioshua , and one Iudge in Israel at once . Hee reproved Israel for seeking a King , not because of the vnlawfulnesse of a Monarchie , but for loathing the governement of Iudges which hee had established , and that ruled more moderately than the Kings of the Nations : The errors to be refuted are these which haue fallen either in Princes or people . Some Princes looking onely to their greatnesse aboue their Subiects , haue forgotten that they were men , & sought to be counted & called Gods : They doated so on their prerogatiues as to be ashamed of Humanitie , and puft vp with Victories aboue men , would not bee men any longer , but set forward their Conquest to Heaven . So Alexander in his floorishing state , and Domitian and Caligula in the midst of their pleasures , and Caius was so confident of a Divinitie , that hee pittied the Iewes , who would not count him as a god : That same pitie ( if wee trust the Stoickes , who banish that passion from their wise men ) might tell him , that hee was but a fraile man. But they were as senselesse of the inward convictions of their errour , as they were ignorant of the Truth . There fell never such a frensie in man , as to bee tickled with a desire to bee a god , or a conceate that hee is so : Sound Humanitie knowes that Divinitie is a thing transcendent , and they who are sicke of that disease , are voyde of sound iudgement and haue put off Humanitie it selfe . it was Sathans baite to Adam in the beginning , but he proponed it afterward in a grosser sort to such as was sicke of Ambition : And it fell not in good Princes , but in the worst , for Domitian , Caligula , and such Monsters were greedy of that honour , but Augustus , Titus and Traian were not so . They were conscious to themselves of great wickednesse , and knew that the world abhorred them , yet they would cover all with that faire colour , as to bee better than all men , while they were the pests of their time : But a good King needeth not seeke to bee counted a god , for hee is better than any of the gods of the Heathen . But all that affectation of a Godhead was grosse Atheisme ; for if they had thought that there were any Gods , they would not haue vsurped vpon their place or office : And it proved that these injured gods were not at all , for if they had beene , they would not haue suffered themselves to bee oppressed by a multitude of Monsters , who did not so much vexe them by that encroaching , as destroy their account by profanesse . That multiplication of gods destroyed their feare and respect among men . I know not whither it was a greater trick in Sathan , or madnesse in them , to seeke a place among the gods : But it testified in them both , a mocking of the gods , whom they counted no better than Companions to such Monsters ▪ for they were as farre dishonoured , as these men were honoured imaginarilie ; but indeede all was alike heere . Though wee follow that distinction of Lares and Larvae good and evill Spirits , or their Manes , whose good or ill was vncertaine , yet it is sure , that the best of their gods were but men , and the most part either cruell oppressours or filthie Atheists . Bacchus was a drunkard , Hercules a Palliard , Iupiter a Parricide , Venus a Whore , and in a word , the gods of the Gentiles were but the names of Vices : But indeede Sathan had an higher intention to dishonour the true GOD , and exalt wickednesse , while hee purchased a commendation to Vices ( which are too alluring of themselves ) by the colour of Religion , and a Divinitie . GOD punished that frensie in Herod , for suffering the people cry , The voyce of God and not of man ; hee refuted their flatterie , and punished his pride , by making wormes at once to breede of him , and feede on him : He is a miserable god who is turned in the matter and foode of wormes , and in one instant is both their Mother and Nurce . God tooke that summar course with him , because hee vsurped vpon the true God , wheras Pagans vsurped vpon the false gods onely , who were as wicked as themselves . We would count that madnesse fabulous , if the Popes brought it not on the Stage againe , and none but they in the Christian world ; for Pagan Princes finde no Successours of their pride in the Throne of Kings , but onely in Peters Chaire : And what wonder , since they professe a power by Consecration , to make stones and stockes to bee adored with a relatiue and terminatiue worship ; and giue power to Priestes , by mumbling of fiue words to creat their Creator : Why may not the Author of so many gods call himselfe a God ? and craue adoration : The concoat of their transcendent power , hath transported them from their wits ; for vnder other names and colours they follow the pride of Alexander and Domitian to bee counted gods , and of Diocl●tian to bee adored as a god while hee lived : And that more damnablie than they , because these Princes were ignorant of the true GOD , and the Divinitie they affected was worse than Humanitie : But Popes prosessing the true God , and vsurping his Name and Titles , are more sacrilegious than they . They will not byde so low as to bee Men , and cannot bee gods , therefore they must bee some third thing , and what that is may bee knowne by their Luciferian pryde . The errors about principalitiie in people are two especiallie : The first of Anabaptists who think that Magistracy cannot stand with Christian Religion , as though Christ who cam to persite man by grace , destroyed good order amōg men : His Redemption looseth vs from sin , but not from the ordinance of GOD ; hee came to destroy the workes of Sathan , but not the workes of God : And Christian Religion in the Magistrate is so farre from taking away his power , that it addeth moreover an aptitude to vse his Power aright : And in Subjects it looseth not the obligement of obedience , but confirmes it a For if any man thinke because hee is a Christian that he needes not pay tribute , nor giue due honour to Superiours , hee falleth in a great error . b And the Iewes sinned not , because they said , they had not a King but Caesar , but because they denyed Christ. It is a singular worke of God to erect and maintaine a right Governement in the world : c And the Apostle hath commanded vs to render tribute to whom tribute is due , custome to whom custome , feare to whom feare , honour to whom honour . The mysticall Bodie of Christ is not a multitude of one gift , one degree , & one office , but in diversity of gifts and Operations doth respect other . Preheminency in Princes , & Subiection in people stand well with grace , & the holie Spirit can direct the one in commanding , & the other in obeying without any disparagement of grace : for hee who said , By mee Kings doe reigne , sayes also , Let everie Soule bee subiect to the higher Powers : Since grace then hath the owne order and degrees in his mysticall Body , it can well agree with the order and degrees hee hath made in the civill Body of Kingdomes . The like may bee seene in Heathen Princes , d for their jurisdiction destroyes not their humanitie but they may keepe them both , it enableth Humanitie in them to curbe the inhumanitie of oppressors . The heavenly City of the Church is here lodged in the earthlie Citie of worldlie Kingdomes , and it were a bad requit all for that her lodging to destroy them : Therefore let that heavenlie Citie obey the Lawes of that earthlie Citie , so long as shee soio●●nes in it , that since mortalitie , is common to both Cities , concord may bee keeped betweene them in things that concerne it . These men doe sin against God ; the law of Nature , & the good of humane Societies e for even reasonlesse creatures haue a King of their own kinde , & submit themselues to him . It is but a fleshly licence that they seek vnder the name of a Christian liberty f as was said of old to the Donatists their forefathers , according to these deceitfull and vaine opinions the raines are loosed to humane licence , and all sinne left vnpunisht , that a boldnesse to hurt , and a libertie of wantonnesse may reigne without the barre , and opposition of Lawes : Yea , take away that which wholesome Doctrine commandeth wiselie by the holy Apostle for the health of the World : Let every Soule bee subiect to the higher Powers . The second is a popular errour of some , who thinke that Magistrats receiue onely benefite of Subiects , and giue no recompence againe : But they should remember that dueties betwixt Princes and people are mutuall , and their fruites also : The wise governing of Kings , and peace following , is as great a good as people can giue to them : GOD hath tyed them together by mutuall respects & the more they are keeped by both the parties , the more they increase ; and there is neither possibility nor hope of safetie to either but in their agreement . The people of Rome fell in this same errour , they departed from their Senate , because they sate in ease , while the people indured labour and lose of warre : But Menenius Agrippa cured that errour by a popular comparison . All the parts of the bodie ( said hee ) were angrie on a time at the Bellie , because by their care and service all things were purchased for it , which in the meane time had ease in the midst of the Bodie , and enioyed the fruite of their labours : Heerevpon they conspired against it , that the hands should not beare meate to the mouth , nor the mouth receiue it , nor the teeth bray it : But while by this anger , they would dantoun the Bellie , all the members of the Bodie fell in extreame consumption whereby it appeared that the service of the Bellie was not in vaine , and that it was no more nourished , than did nourish the bodie , while it sent out prepared foode to everie part : Theerfore they resolved to quyte their miscontentment , and doe their wonted offices to the Bellie . By this rude and populare Oration , the people of Rome began to heare of concord , and at once were reconciled to their Senate : The Bees giue the like respect to their King , hee alone among so busie labourers , is exeemed from labour , and yet is placed in the midst and largest roome of the throng Hyue . The directions for people are to pray for Princes , & obey them in the Lord : Gods care of Kings , is both for their Place which he assigneth vnto them , and for their worke to bee his Instruments for the good of mankind : And therefore , people are bound in the Lord , to honour them for their place , so farre aboue them : To loue them for their worke , so profitable for them : And to commend them daylie to GOD , that hee would hold their Heart in his hand , and magnifie his ordinance in their government : So Davids example in this place , and the Apostle commands vs to make Supplications , Prayers , Intercessions for all men , for Kings , and for these that are in authoritie . Their condition also craues this , for their education is vsually in libertie without controlement ; and since corruption in Subjects breaketh out in great insolencies , What may it doe in Kings ? great power without great wisedome , and a speciall assistance of God is dangerous both to the possessours and those they rule . Their place layes them open to many dangers , and therefore a necessitie on our part to pray earnestly for them . Our prayers are both for their good , and our own : thogh the fruit come first on Princes , yet in the next roome it commeth to vs : The raine that falleth on the mountaines bydeth not there , but slydeth downe to the Valleyes : So when servent prayers bring downe blessings on Kings , the people are therein blessed also . When the Apostle biddeth vs pray for Kings , hee telleth that our fruite shall bee a quiet and peaceable life in all godlinesse and honestie , and when God biddeth his people pray for the peace of the Citie where they dwell in captivitie , hee promiseth that in their peace they shall haue peace . The standing and falling of Princes importeth their Subiects greatlie : So long as David walked in his vprightnes , God blessed him & his people , but whē he waxed proud , Satan tempted him to number them , & they were punished . And when Rehoboam forsooke the Lord , hee fell not alone , but all Israel fell with him . When one of the people goes wrong , he alone perisheth , but the error of the Prince involveth many , & hurteth all that hee ruleth . g The fall of Kings is the punishment of people , for as by their vertue wee are safe , so by their errour wee are in danger . Therefore wee should pray to God that wee may haue a glorious and perfect King. h It is then most profitable that good Kings reigne long , and that profite is not so much to themselues as to these they rule : For their Pietie and goodnes ( which are the Lords great gifts ) suffice them to true happinesse , but the blessings of their good governement commeth downe to their Subjects . The next duety required of Subjects , is to obey them in the Lord , and that not of feare but of Conscien●e . If it bee of feare onely , then their subjection is servitude , and themselues are Slaues , but when it is of Conscience , their obedience is Sonlie , and they themselues loyall Subiects . Then they obey for Conscience , when they reverence Gods ordinance in Princes , and haue reference to God , the Author of their power , and the Iudge and Rewarder of obedience . Let everie Soule bee subiect to Superiour Powers , for the powers that are , are ordained of God : And that not for wrath , but for Conscience . Of Succession in a Monarchie . THE KINGS SONNE . THis is King Solomon : For David was a King , but not a Kings Sonne , and Absolon and Adonijah were Kings Sonnes , but not Kings ; so according to the Letter , this Text is proper to Solomon and his Posteritie , whereof two things arise : Gods designation appointing him to be King , and the Prophets acquiescing thereto . Gods designation was that Solomon among all Davids Sons should succeed him in the Throne : Behold , a Sonne shall bee borne vnto thee , who shall bee a man of rest : Hee shall bee my Sonne , and I shall bee his Father , and I will establish the ●hrone of his Kingdome over Israel for ever . Wherevpon King David said to his people . The Lord hath chosen my Sonne Solomon among all my Sons , to sit on the Throne . Hee was not a stranger , but knowne , and neere to David ▪ not a friend or Cousing , but his Sonne , whereby God established the Kingdome in Davids Line by Succession . Herein we haue a cleare Doctrine for Succession in Kingdomes : Great disputs haue beene made about these three wayes of comming to a Kingdome , Election , Succession , and Conquest , but God here concludeth for Succession . Everie one of these hath both the owne good and ill , but that is best , which hath least ill and most good , and that is Succession . Man by nature is desirous to reigne , and oftimes the least worthy are most ambitious to conquer . Therefore the ordinarie remeeds against Conquest are Election and Succession : Conquest is nothing but violence , and a formall tyrannie , it beginneth with blood , it growes , and is keeped with blood ; Pride and feare in the Conquerour , and Hatred in them that are conquered , are the due relations of it . Their subiection is not of loue , but constraint ; and while their bodies are awed , their wills rebell with a continuall wishing and waiting of oportunitie , to oppresse their oppressours : As it beginneth with violence , so it must stand , and the vsuall ●illers for that standing , are the destroying of the Race of former Rulers , and the making of new Lawes , that their new Bodie may haue a new life , and new sinews , and may liue by the death of former Lawes , and Races . But two things seeme to warrand Conquest , Providence and Prescription : Providence putteth such a people vnder the Conquest of such a King ; and Prescription in civill matters seemeth to mend the errour of a faultie right . But concerning Providence , mens faults should not bee fathered on it ; GOD is ever just , in punishing a Nation by oppressing her liberties , when the cup of their sinne is full : And vet the Instruments of that oppression doe sinne grieuouslie ; for while God is in the worke of his Iustice , they are serving their owne ambition : They haue neither Gods end before them , nor the disposition that hee requireth , but in their Conquest are like Nimrods mightie Hunters , and oppressers , while GOD is a iust Iudge , So hee speakes of Ashur . O Assyrian ! the rod of mine anger , and the staffe in their hand is my indignation : I will send him against an hypocriticall Nation , and against the people of my wrath will I giue him a charge to take the spoile , & to take the prey , and to treade them downe like the myre in the streetes . Howbeit hee meaneth not so , neither doeth his heart think so , but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off Nations , not afew : They looke neither to Gods glorie , nor mans good , but to the satisfying of their owne humour . Prescription is not a full and iust right , it can neither denude the lawfull Possessour of his right , nor invest the Vsurper with a sufficient right before God , or in conscience , It is rather tolerate , for eschewing endlesse pl●a●s then allowed : Though it make a fashion of right before men , yet with GOD it is nothing , but a long vsurpation ( except consent of people follow ) for what is not valide from the beginning , cannot bee made valide by processe of time . GOD indeede hath ever iust cause to punish Nations for sinne , but if wee aske Conquerours , wherefore they trouble peaceable people , and destroy men , women & Children ? we shall finde no other thing written in their heart , but Pride in a burning desire of reigning . They trouble the peace of mankinde and shed blood for this onely end , that they may bee called Conquerours , whereas more iustly they may bee called the Pests of mankinde . To make warre on Neighbour Nations , and tread downe innocent people for no other end but desire of reigning , what should it bee called else but a great Robberie . Therefore that Pyrate a is ●ustlie commended for his wittie answere , hee gaue Alexander , who den anded , Why hee troubled the Seas with Pyracie ? ? Hee answered . And why doest thou robbe the world ? for there is no difference betweene vs , but that I doe it with a little Shippe , and thou doest it with a Navie . So slaugh er committed by one , is counted a Crime , but don ▪ by Armies is counted Courage . b And the greatnesse of the cruel●ie : and not Innocencie makes great sinnes vnpunished . There is no difference betweene a Brigand and such Conquerours , but that the one is lyable to the Lawes , and is punished , because hee is weake ; the other is counted a Conquerour , and makes Lawes of his owne , because hee is strong . This Prescription is now the maine ground wherby the Pope maintaines his vsurpation over Kings . He sees that Reason hath beaten him from his three olde pretended grounds , of divine right , Tradition of the Apostles , and Donation of Princes . Therefore hee is come now to this fourth ground of prescription the last refuge of oppressours : But it is as weake as it is new and kindlie to such a new Vsurper . They should remember their owne lawes . He who alledgeth Prescriptiō ought also to prooue a iust Title , because Prescription without a title is but corruption . They could never as yet proue a Title , but a late Vsurpation , as is manifest in their vsuall sophistrie ; for when we require a reason from Scripture and antiquitie of their vsurpation over Princes , they giue vs the fact or deede of some vsurping Pope . Concerning Election to Kingdomes , if men were patient to suffer Providence rule the matter : Or they who haue voycetherein , were so iust as to giue it where they see God hath given worth ▪ surelie it were a good way to enter to a Kingdome : But since all men are corrupt , and the most vn worthie are most ambitious , they supplie that want of worth by the purchase of voyces : They also who haue suffrage , are vsuallic caried more with Hope and Feare than with Conscience , therefore it commeth to passe that Election makes oft-times Butcheries in Kingdomes : and what difference is there betweene foreraine invasion by Cōquest , & factions within by Election ? but that the one is from without , and the other at home . Election is both the occasion and matter of tumults : And it is as hard to finde manie Electors agree in one , as it is to finde their agreement in good . But Succession is ruled of God , who provydeth himselfe of Princes in the wombe , and thereafter blesseth them with a more princelie Education than if they were elected : It is not so much free election that caries the matter as the force of a prevailing Faction : Even as in the factious choosing of Popes , hee is not inrolled as an lawfull Pope , who was Canonicallie elected , but hee who had the strongest faction : And his Competitor , though both more worthie , and chosen Canonicallie , if hee could not make his cause good by force , is called the Anti-Pope : They giue vs the reason heereof , that though they came by tyrannie , yet it was better to tolerate them , than to rent the Church with a Schisme . This also brought on the ruine of the Impyre , for Augustus invented a Praetorian band of 1200 olde Souldiours , in shew to strengthen the Impyre , but indeede it ruined it ; and that by the occasion of Election , making themselues master of Armies , Senate & Emperour : For after that Iulius race ended , they took too much on them , and afterward caried the matter absolutelie , and set vp , and cast downe Emperours at their pleasure . In so much , that they cared not to change Emperours everie day , that they might finde daylie Donatiues and Rewards . So the way to come to the Impyre , was neither mens worthinesse , nor the Election of the Senate , but the violence of the Pretorian band , who beeing altogether saleable , preferred them , who gaue largest money . In like manner doe the Ianisars , the Turkes Pretorian band ; and so will the Iesuits , the Popes Iamsars doe , when they haue hanked vp the affaires of Poperie in their hands . But Succession is better than either Conquest or Election : It wants the tumults of Election , and the violence of Conquest , and is most acceptable to people , beginning with birth , and confirmed by education . It burieth the seeds of changes , but Election keepes them greene and fresh as a tusked wall in building , makes more way for building . It relieveth Kings of many cares how to come to a Kingdome , and how to gaine the loue of their people . Their birth prevents these cares , and at once possesseth them both in their Kingdome and their peoples heart . It is also most pleasant to people , because it secures them from feare of changes , that come of Conquest or Election and settleth their Affections sweetely on their natiue Prince . They delight rather to bee vnder a knowne Lord , than a stranger . The Sons of their Kings are brought vp amongst their ; they know their dispossion and manners , and how to deale with them in their afaires : They neede neither an Interpreter for language ( a great band of humane Societie ) nor a Mediator to the loue of a natiue Prince : They count them their Fosters and Consorts in a manner , and from the verie wombe their hearts imbrace them as their desired Heads . What is the great Ioy at the birth of Princes ? such as ( blessed bee God ) I see in you all this day , bot the hand of God wedding the hearts of people to their new borne Princes , and the earnest & ingaging of a constant loue to them heereafter . That bond is natiue and strong that beginneth at the Birth , yea , and sooner in the great desire that people haue of natiue Princes before their Birth , and God who beginneth so soone , confirmes it by time to the mutuall comfort of Prince and people . Moreover , both Election and Conquest yeeld to Succession as the best way to come to a Kingdome : For Conquerors beeing settled , doe labour to stablish it to their Posteritie by Succession . And many Kingdomes sometimes Electiue are turned to Succession , and it is likelie that the remanent will doe so be times : And so both Conquest and Election by an open consent doe acknowledge Succession to bee the best way in that they affect to be changed in it . Some ( good men otherwise ) haue spoken harshlie of womens Governement as an inconvenient of Succession ; But that was more from some particular , than the matter it selfe : They distinguished not betwixt the faults of some persons , & the equitie of Gods ordinance . They wrested the These to their owne Hypothese , and in a preiudicate manner determined the cause by some badde accidents of their time , as though the matter were so in itselfe , and had ever been so as they saw it practised in some . This was to giue Lawes to God , and not to expone his Providence as it runs in the owne libertie and latitude , but to force vpon it such a construction as pleased them . But others speak more moderatly , that there was nothing more vniust , than the b Law of the Romans , that discharged men to mak their Daughters their Heires . And God giues this Law in the case of Zelophehads Daughters , that they succeede in their fathers portion of Canaan as they were Sonnes . If a man die , and haue no Sonnes , then hee shall cause his inheritance to passe to his Daughter . This Yland in our time hath seene two great instances in the right of Succession : The first in the Reigne of Queene Elizabeth ( of happie memorie ) in whom God refuted reallie that Objection that is taken from womens governement : Hee blessed her fourtie fiue yeares Reigne , with such prosperitie , both spirituall and worldly , as few Kings could equall . Of former times onely Zenobia seemes to striue with her , but shee is nothing like : for what shee did was by borrowed forces ; and after shee had proven valorous for a time , was taken captiue to Rome , led in triumph , and died private : But Elizabeth did all ( vnder God ) with her owne Forces ; shee lent Armies to others , as this Land , France , and the Low-Countries can testifie : and after a long prosperous Reigne , dyed in her owne Palace , in a true Religion , in peace with God , loue of her Subiects , commendation of her enemies , and admiration of the world . The other was in the succeeding of K. Iames ( of happy memorie ) In his Youth Papists fedde themselues with a conceit of the possibilitie of his turning and that without any occasion of that fansie offred by him : But when hee expressed his loue to the Truth by his Letters to Q Elizabeth , and by the Monuments of his ingrne , and speciallie in that Basilicon Doron ; they turned their hopes in dispaire , & took them to plot his debarring from England : and when the Pope had written Brieues for that end , and all men looked for wars , God in mercie according to the right of Succession , gaue him a peaceable entrie to that Kingdome , and keeped this Yland from the invasion of strangers , and factions within : They found their former peace continued when God had provyded him one , who could as well by his Tongue and Pen mainetaine the Truth as by his Sword. But wee neede not dispute where God hath determined , hee promised to the King of Israel , that if hee would adhere to him in his governement , hee should prolong his dayes ▪ and the dayes of his Sonnes in the midst of Israel . And when hee had sette David on the Throne , hee stablished the Crowne in his Line by Succession , & put it in a promise as a blessing . When thy dayes shall bee fulfilled , and thou shalt sleepe with thy Fathers , I will set vp thy Seede after thee , which shall proceede out of thy Bowels , and I will establish his Kingdome . Therefore ( all things beeing duelie considered ) Succession is the best way to come to a Kingdome . The next point is Davids acquiescing to Gods designation , testified by this prayer for his Sonne : Heerein hee found sure grounds for rest : Hee had obtained a great blessing , hee reioyced and prayed for the continuance of it , and thankes God for giving him such a Sonne as was able for so great a Kingdome : Shall not a soule rest in the sense of Gods mercie , in a ioyfull praising and confident praying for moe ? It is kindlie to a Father to reioyce in his Sons succeeding and a worke both of sound Nature and of grace : Nature maketh them loue the Child who is another themselues , and Grace maketh them reioyce in Gods ordinance : Where can it fall more pleasantlie to them , then in their Sonne , who is not so much another person as themselues , and that not decaying or dying , but waxing and surviving . Some Kings haue beene so vnnaturall as to cut off their Sonnes in ●ealousie , as Solyman did to Mustapha , and some write , that Constantine moved with Calumnies killed Crispus his Sonne , though other deny it ; but let that crueltie byde with Barbarians . Barbaritie is the dreg and vre of Humanitie , till it bee refined by Letters , and Sustition , and false Religion makes them more vnnaturall . So soone as the father dyes , the most powerfull Brother embrues his Funerals in the blood of all the rest of his Brethren ; but there the father bathed himselfe in the funerall of his sonne . Gods feare teacheth Christian Kings to rejoyce , when they see their Sonnes in their Thrones ; but Tyrants , as they desire none to reigne with them , so they wish that the Kingdome and world ended with them . Of all this second point , is manifest , that a Kings Son is a great blessing ; hee is a pledge of Gods loue both to his Parents and people , and a band to tye all their hearts to God , and amongst themselues : Kings are the more bound vnto God that giues them that fruite of their Body , and the more tyed to their people also , because a Sonne is the best Pawne of their loue to people : Hee is also a strong motiue to moue them to a loving & peaceable Governement , that thereby they may endeare him in the peoples affection : The Sonne of a good King is pretious to a good people , and what ever loue his personall worthinesse deserues , it is doubled for his Fathers cause : There is no such Rhetorick to perswad a people to loue the Kings Sonne , as the good governement of his Father : Their loue to the Sonne diminishes not their loue to the Father , but rather augments it ; and the increase of the Obiect increaseth loyalty . It was the error of some to worship rather the Sunne rysing , than going to : But Christian Subiects are taught of God , not to make them opposite Obiects of their affection , but in a Christian loyaltie , to loue each of them the more because of other . Our new borne Prince then is Gods great Blessing to this Yland : Hee is a Guarde to his Father , and a comfort to the Subiects , in stopping their perplexities about Succession , and the plots of factious and ambitious men . This Land for almost eleven Ages was ruled by electiue Kings : Thereafter for some eight Ages it hath beene ruled by Succession : And the race of Stewarts aboue two hundreth yeeres hath succeeded one another , and the new borne Prince ( whom God preserue ) is the eleventh of that Name , and the hundreth and ninth of the never interrupted Line of Fergus the first . The third part : Of the royall Gift , And first of Iustice. Thy Righteousnesse and Iudgements . THe third thing in this Text is the Blessing that hee cra●es to Solomon , and that in three thinges : The Gift , the worke of the Gift , and the Fruite of that worke . The gift is Righteousnesse and Iudgement wherein wee shall consider the Nature , the Necessitie , and the Extent of it . I will not trouble you with Schoole distinctions of these words , because the excesse of Affection is impatient of Subtiltie . For Ioy ever hasteneth , neither can Gladnesse suffer delayes . And I must say with one , that your Affection hath preveened my words , so that I cannot satisfie you : yet with another I promise to speake briefely least in such a solemnitie the length of speach burden your Devotion . In a word heere is meaned the gift of Kingly governement in the Spirit of righteousnes & prudence . So David exponeth it in his prayer to God for Solomon . O Lord , giue Solomon a perfect heart . And in his Blessing of him : The Lord giue thee Wisedome & Vnderstanding . And Solomon cleareth it by his desire , when God ●ade him chuse what he would , he chused not Riches or honour , but a wise heart , even the heart of a good King : Giue thy Servant an vnderstanding heart to iudge thy people , that I may discerne betwixt good and bad : and this is iustice , an habite of the minde keeped for the good of the common , giving everie man his due . It looketh to Ius or Right as the obiect ; to Iustice the Habite or Vertue : and to iudgement the sentence or fact flowing from both , & containeth three things . The first is a discerning knowledge to vnderstand exactly , and judge betweene right & wrong , together with a conscience to temper the rigour of right with equity in some cōsiderable cases : This is as the Eye of the Iudge : The second is puritie of the Will and Affections flowing from that knowledge , that they loue the knowne Right , though it were in cause of their enemie , and hate the knowne wrong , though in the cause of their Friends : This keepeth the Heart free from the base affections of feare or hope . The third is Courage cled with Authoritie , both to pronounce and execute according to that knowledge . A private man may haue exact knowledge of causes in his minde : with equitie and puritie in his affections : and yet wanting authoritie , his sentence hath no weight , nor his worke any efficacie . But God hath joyned all these three in this Kinglie gift , as their place is aboue privacie , so are their eyes to see , and their heartes aboue these base and perverting Passions , and they are cled with supreme authoritie , to giue life and power to their words : They haue both a Mouth to pronounce , and an Hand to doe , for where the word of the King is , there is power . Iethros counsell to Moses hath all these : Chuse ( said he ) men of courage , and that because their administration will encounter many rubs of miscontent humours , which they cannot through , without Courage . Next , men that feare God , because that is a Bridle to keepe them from ill , and a Cordiall for faintnesse . Thirdlie , men that loue the Truth , that is , haue Veritie in their minde , Veraoitie in their word , and Sinceritie in their actions , that Heart , Tongue and Hand goe all one way . And lastlie , men that are not greedie , because it is impossible for an avaricious man , either to bee iust in private Bargans or righteous in Iudgement . God hath stablished that Soveraigne power amongst men for three speciall reasons . The first is the vniust and selfish disposition of man : Wee are all in societies , & ought to seeke the good of the common and of our Neighbours , but selfe-loue turneth euery man into himselfe : It killeth in vs the loue of the common and of our Neighbour , and suckes in our owne particular good with the hurt of them both : God hath written this law in our hearts , and in his word , Doe to other as thou would be done to , and hath given vs a Conscience to checke vs for the breach of that law : But the violence of selfe-loue caries vs away against both Law and Conscience : Therefore there must be without vs an Iustice clad with a coactiue power , to represse that corruption that Conscience cannot mend : This correcting Iustice God hath primelie seated in Princes . So there is a necessitie of a living Law , armed with authoritie , to vrge the Observation of the written Law : This is Gods arrest on mans corruption : For the power of Kings , and the force of the Sword and the instruments of the Burrio , & the Armes of Souldiers & all the Discipline of Rulers , are not appointed for nought : For when men feare these thinges , both the wicked are dauntoned , and the Godlie liue more peaceablie among the wicked . Innocen cie is safe among the vnrighteous , that while their desires are bridled by the feare of punishment , their will may bee healed by calling vpon God. The second Reason is from our Lotte : God hath given everie man his Lotte , and fenced everie part of it from the Iniurie of his Neighbour with commands : Hee hath fenced our Honour with the fift Command , Thou shalt honour thy Father and Mother : Our life with the fixt , Thou shalt not kill : Our Chastitie with the sevent , Thou shalt not commit adulterie : And our Goods by the eight , Thou shalt not steale , &c. These Commands are like Marches in a field divyded to a Commonalitie , whereof everie one hath his portion designed vnto him : But man , who can never bee content with Gods appointment , is given to passe these Marches , and incroacheth vpon his Neighbour , to hurt him in his goods , name , &c. Therefore God hath set Princes as Wardens of these Marches , to see that they bee keeped as his Providence hath fixed them ; and everie mans Lotte secured by the ministration of iustice , which is nothing else , but a perambulation vpon the Lottes and Marches of people . a What are Kingdomes without Iustice , but great robberies . b And by the iust governement of Kings wee possesse and brooke peaceablie our possession : This is Gods Guarde on everie mans Lotte . The third Reason is for settling inumerable and endlesse questions , for everie calling hath the owne gift for it's worke , and righteousnesse is the gift and accomplishment of Kings , and God hath given them power as an Usher of that righteousnesse to make way for it through the bodie of their Kingdomes . Right and Equitie are a straight Line , and beeing rightlie applyed , make a cleare difference in mens causes , betweene Contentment and miscontentment , Peace and oppression , &c. But mans affaires furnish many questions to his contentious humour , and the least circumstance maketh a new case , and every case altereth the state of the Question . It is impossible to write such Lawes as can either meete with all cases , or decide all questions : That same question the day may bee diverse the morne , by the smallest change of place , Person or Time : For this cause , God hath sette Kings as living Lawes , in respect of the habite of Iustice in them ; and speaking Lawes to expresse that Iustice by word & Edicts : And doing Lawes , to apply the generalitie of the Law to everie particular by execution . It was said of olde , That the Common-wealth could not bee governed without wrongs , so natiue to man is iniquitie : And therefore the best Remeed is Iustice , without which ( said an other Proverbe ) Iupiter himselfe can not reigne . Iudgement is justlie put in the hand of Princes because their place setteth them aboue outward things that may corrupt , or passions within that may bee corrupted : They are aboue honour , riches , &c. And so neede not be ambitious of honour nor greedie of goods : And within foure things especiallie pervert Iudgement , feare of Hurt , hope of Gaine , hatred of Boes , loue of Friends . Where these rule , the Ballance is deceitfull , & persons & causes are confounded together . They see the right of their Foe as a wrong , and the wrong of their Friende as a right ▪ What ever Iudge puttethon the person of a ●riend or F●e in Iudgement , hee layes aside both the person and Conscience of a Iudge : But righteousnesse seated in the heart of Princes , purgeth them of these base affections within , and secureth them from these temptations without . There is no temper nor disposition of it selfe more capable of Equity , or more able to pronounce & execute Iudgement a●ight . Of Princes care of Religion . THis much for the necessitie of Iustice : The extent of it is not to bee restrained to civill things alone , as though Princes might not meddle with Religion , but God hath given them an interesse therein : For if the proper worke of Iustice giue everie one his due , then surelie that must bee her first taske to see God get his due : and so Religion commeth within her compasse as the first and maine taske . The Kings of the Earth serue Christ , when they make Lawes for Christ ; and heerein they serue God , if in their Kingdomes they command good , and forbid evill , and that not onelie in things pertaining to humane Societie , but also in divine Religion . In matters of Religion three parties haue interesse : First , GOD hath absolute power : as Hee is the onelie Author and Obiect of religious worship , so is He onlie Directour and Iudge of it . Next , Pastors are not Iudges , but Indices , or interpreters , to point out that , that God hath set downe in his Word . Thirdlie , Princes are neither Iudges nor ●ndices , but Vindices or Promoters of true Religion : They are neither the Rule nor exponers of it , but Vrgers of men to doe according to the Rule proponed of God , and exponed by faithfull Pastors . Constantine the great made this distinction to Church-men , God hath made you Bishops of the inward things of the Church , but hee hath made mee Bishop of the outward things . That is ye haue a calling to discerne betweene Truth and heresie in doctrine , hurtfull or wholesome in worship or maners : To preach the word , minister the Sacraments , and lead people in religious Worship , to deale with the Inner Man , and instruct the Conscience in the Truth : But my place is to maintaine Religion in the Professors and their maintenance , to deale with the outward Man , and to see that my Subiects worship and obey God according to the Rule , that hee hath given , and yee point out of his Word . All his businesse about the Councell of Nice , was nothing but a Commentar of that distinction : hee saw the Church poysoned with the Heresie of Arrius , and rent with the Schisme that followed therevpon : And not beeing able of himselfe to iudge and determine these questions : hee conveened the most learned and godlie Church-men , to whom that inquitie appertained : and when they had determined the matter , hee repressed the Heresie that they damned , and maintained the Truth that they proponed . So Theodosius the great curbed the Macedonians in the Councell of Constantinople : Theodosius the younger , the Nestorians by the Councell of Ephesus : And Marcianus the Entychians by the Councell of Chalcedon : And when the Nestorians raised vp their head againe , Iustinian curbed both them and Pope Vigilius their Patrone , both by a Councell , and by his Edicts against their tria Capitula , the summe and marrow of Nestorianisme . Synods and Councels assembled in the Name of the Lord , are as Counsels to Kings , in matters of Religion , and the Word of God is to rule both Princes , and Synods . So though David was a Prophet , yet hee did nothing of himself in Gods house , but with consent and advyse of Gad the Seer and of Nathan the Prophet : for so was the Commandement of the Lord by his Prophets . He had Gods command for the warrant of his Command . And Iehoshaphat sent through the Cities of Iudah , and they taught the People , and had the Booke of the Law of the Lord with them . This was their Directorie . Concerning the extent of their power , some Princes got wrong of others , and some did wrong to themselues . They got wrong most of the Pope , who after hee affected Antichristian greatnesse , closed vp Kings within civill affaires , and counted them but profaine a Laickes , who had no intresse in matters Ecclesiasticke . If they medled with Investitures of Benefices , it was called Simonie , and oppressing of the Ecclesiasticke libertie . b And the discharge of that duetie which God hath founded in their Thrones and Scepters was called the Henrician heresie , c and a fighting against God. On the other part they bewitched Princes by the show of Canonizing . This was a deepe policie by the hope of that baite , to steale from Princes their authority as the best way to that Canonizing , and to turne them Babes in this life , vnder hope to bee Saintes after death . It was too superstitious simplicitie for that hope to disgrace themselues and their places , by surrendering their power to the Beast . He knew that Princes were ambitious of honour , and there was none greater than they had alreadie , except it were to bee sancted : Hee perswaded them that there was no way to that honour of sancting , but by his Canonizing ; who had the Keyes of Heaven at his Girdle . Therefore , when Princes were tickled with that Ambition , they cared not how baselie they prostitute themselues , and their dignitie , to him for that Imaginarie Advancement . Or rather shall wee say , that God in this politicke abusing of Princes , was discovering a part of the Mysterie of iniquitie : For about th●se times : when Kings were made Sainctes , the Popes were Monsters : a In the ninth and tenth Ages Ignorance reigned in the Church , & barbarous Crueltie in Popes ; everie one disgraced his Predecessour , and abrogat his Ordinances : then Princes abhorring that wickednesse , were the more stirred vp to Pietie , and so ( comparatiuelie ) they seemed to be Saincts in respect of these monstruous Popes . It was the complaint of these times , That it was easier to finde many Lay-men turne good , than one religious man grow better : And that it was a rare fowle on earth to find one ascend but a little , aboue the degree that he hath taken in Religion . The Chaire of Peter was some time broodie of Saincts , but then it became so barren , that it brought out none but Monsters ; and that justlie : for the Popes loathed that Chaire , and affected the Throne of Princes : And holinesse beeing banished that Chaire , found her place more in Princes than Popes . This was Gods Iustice , that since Popes would bee Kings , that Kings should bee counted Saincts : And yet both of them were but vsurpers , for neither did God admit these Saincts in Heaven for intercessours , whom the Popes thrust on him ; neither did hee allow the Popes kingdome , which hee threw from Princes . Againe , some Princes wronged themselues , concerning Religion , & that in Policie , Superstition , & Neglect . For Policie , some of them harboured Religion in their Kingdomes , but abused it politicklie to their owne ends : They measured it by the persons of Preachers ; and seeing them in worldlie things the meanest of their estates , did thinke as baselie of Religion it selfe ; & so served themselues of it , as the fairest colour to lustre their foulest purposes . Iehu in shew was zelous for God , but indeed all his zeale was to stablish the Crown of Israel in his own house . So soone as hee obtained that end ▪ his zeale for God was quenched , and he followed the idolatrie of Achab It was the Authoritie of Achabs house , & not their Idolatrie that made him zealous . So Ieroboam followed the counsell of his owne heart in making two calues , and sparing the peoples paines in going to Ierusalem . But indeed he cared neither for Gods glorie , nor the people , but for stablishing his owne house : Hee pulled the hearts of the People from God , and from the house of David . So Iulian when he thirsted for the Impyre , he gaue vp his name among the Cleargie , and frequented the Assemblies of Christians , to mak him mor acceptable to people , as Basile obiecteth vnto him : a So Mahomet made himselfe great by the colour of Religion , though hee neither beleeved nor keeped these Precepts which he fained to bee of God , b and the Popes seeking a Monarchie haue vsed Religion for a cloake , as Leo the tenth in his last words , tolde his Secretarie : c Thou art not ignorant how much vantage that Fable of Christ brought to vs. But such politicke abuse of Religion , moues God to cast downe these Thrones which they seeke so to establish : Never sinne was either more severlie or iustlie punished than this , when God the chiefe end , and Religion the onelie way to that end , are turned in base meanes to bad purposes . Secondlie , some Kings haue superstitiouslie taken too much on them in things merelie spirituall : Uzzah would doe the Priests part , in burning Incense : and Constantius tooke vpon him to moderate a Councell alone in favour of the Arrians , and preiudice of the Orthodoxes . And Sigis mund would play the Deacon at Constance , in assisting the Masse , and that , as appeares more , because that dayes Lecture began , Exijt edictum a Caesare , then for any loue of the worke ; or possiblie because hee was bound to that service , as beeing a Chanon in S. Peters Church , or the Laterane : for the Pope imposeth these Tittles on Emperours , as an homage , for holding the Empyre of him . But God shewed his anger against these preposterous courses Uzzah was smitten with bodilie Leprosie : Constantius found confusions in the Impyre , and Iulian to vsurpe on him : for hee was an enemie to Christ , and a more cruell persecuter than Nero or Decius , as Hilarie calls him . And Sigismund had a worse ●eprosie when hee gaue way to burne Iohn Hus , and Ierome of Prage . Thirdlie , some Princes haue either with Gallio neglected Religion as a light matter and impertinent to them : Or like Herod , held Christ out of their Kingdomes : as though his Throne and theirs could not stand together . This was a maine motiue of the persecution by pagane Princes : They thought that Christian Religion would ●verthrow their Kingdomes : But Herod needed not feare Christs comming , for hee who giues heavenlie Kingdomes , will not tak earthlie kingdomes from him . But besyde the neglect of their owne Salvation they looke not wisely to their worldlie standing . It is never better with Kings , than when Christ freelie reignes in their Kingdomes , and there is no such proppe to their Thrones as his Scepter . True Religion in a Land is more forcible to hold people in obedience to Princes , than many thousand Souldiours in Garrisons : Everie heart that hath the grace of Christ is a loyall heart to authoritie : Everie Parish where God is truelie worshipped , is a Garrison , and great Cities planted with faithfull Pastors , are as Citadells for the securitie of Princes . Obedience goeth vnder one name , yet it hath manie branches , it beginneth at God , who is both the first Obiect and the fountaine of Dueties : Wee ought to respect him before all , and that for himselfe : But wee respect other things for him and in him ; as he hath ranked them in the order of his commands , or the degrees of place or goodnesse : If therefore wee feare the Lord , wee are thereby prepared & enabled to doe a duetie to man : Our Faith , Loue , and other religious bonds to GOD , are so farre from defrauding Superiours of their due , or disabling vs from doing of it , that on the contrare they gette more respect , because wee loue God ; and wee are both the abler and readier to doe so to them : Our heartie Obedience to God giues a life and chearefulnesse to our obedience to man : Godlinesse and righteousnesse are the summe of both Tables , the twin-fruites of one Faith , and the workes of that same Spirit . The more godlie , the more plyable to righteousnesse to man , and the more righteous , the more sincere in godlinesse : the Soule that loues God truelie , will also respect man duetifullie in the Lord. This is manifest in Europe ; so long as Princes were popish , & suffred their people to lye in poperie , they were never sure of their peoples hearts : They had no care to bind them to God by a true Religion , & therefore God suffred them easilie to be loosed frō them : Everie roaring of the Pope from the Capitol in excommunication , made people rebell against their Princes . But since the truth of the Gospel shines amongst them , they are not so soone moved : It bindeth them to God , and their Princes in God , and maketh them contemne these thunders of Rome , as wisemen doe , that fatuous wylde fire that hath a colour of fire without burning : The Popes excommunications were fearefull in the darkenesse of popish ignorance , but now in the night of the Gospel , wise people doe scoffe at them iustlie . After Hildebrands time , Princes were pittifullie abused : bot since Luther arose , Popes haue learned more modesty in their Censures ; and Princes haue found more respect of people : Such as harboured the Gospel in their Land are free of that abuse , and even they who adhere to the Pope , are obliged to the revealed Truth , that they are not so oft beaten by Excommunications as of olde : And people haue their owne blessing by the true Religion , that thereby they are taught more chearefullie to obey Princes : So great a blessing is the Truth both to Princes and people . Wee may close this verse with this Lesson : That the gift of Kinglie Governement is not infalliblie annexed to Crownes , but the gift of God to Kings : So Christ Iesus telleth vs , By mee Kings reigne , and Princes decree Iustice : By mee Princes rule and Nobles , even all the Iudges of the earth . Their Spirits makes them capable of royall giftes , and when he giues Kings in mercie he ever giues that gift . This is more thā either their Birth in Succession , or peoples consent in their Election can giue them : And it is a maine difference betwixt Gods calling and mans : Mans calling can do more . but fill the place with the man , & applie such a persō to such a Station : But Gods calling sits the man for the place , And maketh the person meete for his Station : His providence putteth them in it ; & his liberality furnisheth such gifts as the place craveth to iustifie his providence , Mans calling giveth an outward warrand to the wrok , but Gods calling giveth the sufficiency , and abilitie to doe the work , & that with a conscience of his Calling and furniture . This was a ground for David to aske this gift for Solomon : Hee knew it was Gods will to set him vpon the Throne , and therefore hee suteth of God who had appointed him that Station the answerable gifts for it : Hee saw that same Throne without these gifts in the person of Saul , but found them in himselfe , and craved the like to his Sonne . It is therefore a great folie in Popes to tye Apostolick gifts to their triple Crowne , or pretended Apostolike Chaire : These things come of a free dispensation , & not of the merite of any place : If we ta● it for a materiall Chaire , all is vncertaine ; for they know not whither it bee the Chaire of his installing , or the other of his repose ; or the third for proving his sex , which now hath no vse since their Children end that question . If wee take it for a mysticall Chaire . it must bee either in Apostleship , or Doctrine . But the first dyed with the Apostles as a personall Priviledge , and the second is lost , a because they haue not the Chaire of S. Peter , who hold not his Doctrine : This their opinion of not erring , is a Capitall errour , thereby they tye God to them and theirseate , while they loose them selues to sin . b But God hath confuted their folie , and shewed to the world , that that seate is but a seate of scorners , for their is no Lyne of Christian Princes or Prelates , that hath moe monsters in it than the Succession of Popes : For the space of an hundreth and fiftie yeares some fiftie Popes fell close away from the vertue of their Predecessors , and were rather inordinate and Apostaticke than Apostolicke , and in a word , they were ●lagitious Monsters , as I said before , from their owne confession . Indifferent men would think that where truth forceth their Conscience to confesse so matchlesse wickednesse in their Popes , they would grant also a possibility of erring : the interrupting of Succession at least in Doctrine : and so the Apostacie of their Church , &c. But they inferre the contrare conclusion : That not witstanding the wickednesse of Popes who both neglected to guide the Shippe of the Church , and did rather what they could to drowne it ; yet God had a care to keepe a Church amongst them . These are the conclusions of hardened hearts , who take the worke of their owne sin and Gods punishment to bee a worke of mercie : Wee grant they haue a Church , but an whorish , and hereticall one , not an Apostolicke , as they pretend , but an Apostaticke as they confesse . 2. The worke of the royall Gift . Iust Governement . That hee may judge thy people in righteousnesse . THis is the second thing hee prayeth for , the worke and vse of the gift , the governing of Gods people aright : Everie gift of God is his blessing to mankinde , and that both to the possessour and others . It maketh the possessour idonous , and fit for to doe some good to mankind : And the want in other it respectes as a remeedie to worke such a good as they neede : Therefore , there is required a worke of the gift , to proue the liuelinesse of it in the possessour , and to produce the worke of helping others : A gift without its owne proper worke , is but liuelesse , and a Talent digged in the earth . The gift it selfe is a sort of Gods presence with the possessour , but the right vse of it is a greater degree of his presence : And for this cause a gift even in a Mechanicke calling , is called a Spirit : I will powre my Spirit on Bezaleel , &c. To testifie it is all in action , a vigorous and actuous power in man setting him on worke : The end also of all gifts is for action , whither it bee a gift of common providence , the possession is personall , but the vse is common , or whither it bee a gift of grace for edification , the possession is also personall , but for a common vse . Wee shall consider this worke in the rule , the Practise the Difficultie and Remeedes : The rule is the Law : As all gifts are for worke , so the gift of Kinglie governement , and that both to make good Lawes by common consent , and governe according to them : In the beginning Societies had no enacted Lawes , but a power committed to one . But when they saw that one to abuse his power , GOD by that same Law of Nature , that led them first to Governement , tooke them a steppe further to make Lawes , that both Ruler and people might haue a standing and set Directorie , by common consent : So that as tediousnesse of solitarinesse drew them to Societies , and iniuries of Societies drew them to Governement , so the tyrannie of Governours drew them to Lawes for the good of the whole Bodie . Lawes doe not onelie teach what should bee done , but also enjoyne that it bee done , and that with respects of rewarding obedience , and punishing disobedience : so God gaue his Law hedged with promises to allure , and threatnings to terrifie ; for hee knoweth our slownesse to good hath neede to be allured by rewards , and our forwardnes to evill , to bee bridled with punishment : These respects are proper to man , for other creatures , as naturall Agents worke according to the Law that God hath given them : They haue no more but a common assistance of God ▪ as the first cause ; neither hath the worke the morall respect of vertue or vice , or of reward , or punishment : But man commeth in another estate , hee hath a minde to consider the equitie of the Law : a Conscience to bee sensible of the obligement : and a will to incline to doe : And therefore his obedience : hath the Name of righteousensse , looking to the promised reward , and his disobedience , the name of sinne , looking to the threatned punishment . Good Lawes are the sinewes of Societies ; though they direct vs in outward things , yet they sticke fast on our Reason which beeing in kind but one in all men , maketh a great sibnesse of Notions in all : so that reason in everie man can easilie conceiue , or condescend to that equitie , which vniversall reason ( the extract of the eternall Law of God ) directeth vs to doe . All Lawes haue a binding notion and vse , though in diverse respects : The eternall Law is in God his will , the fountaine and rule of all Lawes : And amongst men , the Noetick Law of Nature writtē in the hearts of all people in principles . The laws of nations Dianoetick or discursiue in conclusions drawn out of these principles , which are divers in sundrie places , because of the diversitie of circumstances . The greatest perfection of humane Lawes is in their conformitie to that prime and eternall Law in God ; and in their vigour , when they are put in execution , like the effectuall providence that executeth the prime Law. Written Lawes are for direction , and the living Law ( that is a King ) is for actions , to see that direction obeyed . As their calling prescryveth this , so the people craue it . For Iustice is an habite dwelling in the Soules of Kings , and cannot be seene but in the worke ; and people are not so subtile as to consider royall Iustice in an habite ▪ but as they see it in practice : When they see sinne punished and vertue honoured , that is more forcible to perswade them of the gift of governement in Kings , than a thousand subtile demonstrations . This is plaine in the end of Solomons desire ; hee craved a wise heart , not for that end to dwell in pleasant theorie , but for practice , that I may goe out and in before thy people . No King abounded more in profound speculations : yet ●ee made them not his end , but vsed them as meanes to fit him for a practike Governement , and to giue the world a proofe of his habilitie for his calling . It was not the habite of wisedome in his heart , but the practice that made him famous to the world : The words that hee spake , the order of his house , and wise dispatch of his affaires , made the hearers & beholders astonished . Lawes are not made for Theorie , but for Practice ; and the best practice on the part of the people is Obedience , and on the part of the Magistrate execution : And the best execution is when rewards and punishments ( the pases of the worlds Clocke ) are applyed as men deserue ; the god lie rewarded , & the wicked punished . It hath bene an olde cōplaint , that Lawes haue bene well made , but evill observed : And he cannot be innocent , who either spareth him that should bee punished , or punisheth him that should bee spared . By just punishment three things are procured . First , the amendement of the offender ; for so the evill of punishment layde vpon the evill of his disobedience , will curbe that corrup●ion in him ; since it bringeth vpon him a worse evill in his account . Next a bettering of other , who seeing iniquitie punished , will fe●re to doe the like , least they incurre the like punishment : Thirdlie , the peace of the whole Bodie , when such as trouble it with their wrongous dealing , are condignelie punished for their wrong● . On the other part , when righteousnesse is rewarded , three answerable fruites doe follow . First , the righteous are made better , when the good of their righteousnes is augmented by the good of their reward : Next , others are provoked to righteousnesse , when they see it rewarded : Thirdlie , the whole body is reioyced to see the good honoured , for when the godly are exalted the people reioyce ; and so publicke peace is keeped by the vniversall care and study of well-doing . But when the application of these things goe contrare , both to the meaning of the Law , and the deserving of the persons , then fearefull confusions follow : All men are discouraged from righteousnesse , which they see neglected and punished : And none sleeth from evill , but rather followeth it ; when they see it honoured with the reward of good : The wicked are both imboldened to committe sinne , and proud of their reward : The godly are grieved that matters goe so crosse , and lament to see good men cled in the liveray of the wicked , and the wicked in the liveray of the godly : It is a shame for the sonnes of men when the wicked are exalted . In such a case Lawes are without life , their execution is contrare to their direction , and their direction serveth for no other end but as a shining light to discover the iniquitie of such application . Impyres and Kingdomes are no lesse mortall than a man : they haue their owne Infancie , Adolescence , and Vigour ; and from that , their inclination , decay & death , and others arise of their fall : Their greatest high is in Pietie and Iustice , and their deadlie disease is in profainesse and vnrighteousnesse : As the heate decaying in the heart , so is profainnesse in a Kingdome , and injustice is as a palsie that dissolveth the whole Bodie . It was one of Solomons remarkes of vanitie , I saw vnder the Sunne the place of Iudgement that wickednesse was there and the place of righteousnesse that iniquitie was there It is grievous to see iniquitie any where , but most in the seate of Iustice : and it is great boldnesse in iniquitie to out-face Iustice in her owne seate : and great presumption in the vnrighteous when they darre either prosecute or defend iniquitie in Iudgement : The case of that ●and is lamentable , where Iustice ●eats are ●ade seates of injustice , and the remeede of inquitie turned in the disease : there is no hope that Iustice can reigne where iniquitie vsurpeth so vpon her as to thrust her out of her place , and from thence vnder her name maintaineth wrong . That case seemeth so desperate to Solomon that hee putteth it amongst these cases reserved to Gods owne cure , and the great appellations to be discussed at the last day . I said in mine heart , God shall iudge the righteous and the wicked , for there is a time for everie purpose , and for everie worke . God hath established Iustice amongst men to doe them right , but when shee is so oppressed as to bee displaced , and her name borrowed , to colour iniquitie , then of a Iudge shee turned a Plaintiue , compleaning to God of that violence . Though Lawes were wrong exponed in their meaning , and their rewards wrong applyed yet , supreme reason ( the life of the law ) liueth with God , and will vindicate the owne true sense , and apply rewards aright . This is the law of Lawes abyding in God , which wee may know and ought to follow , ●ut may not iudge , so that wee may say , THAT THE LAVV OF THE COVRT OF HEAVEN , AND OF REPVBLICKS IS THE VVILL OF GOD. Hee hath appointed Indicatories to keepe men in order , but when they are abused to maintaine wrong , and oppresse right , hee hath the last Iudgement for a remeede , to call all proceedings to a new tryall , and to discusse the appeales of the distressed . Kings indeede haue long eares to heare , and long hands to doe many things ; yet they cannot heare , and doe all by themselues : Therefore Iethroes counsell to Moses was good to divide his burthen , and set vp Iudges and Magistrates with authoritie vnder him . But that work is full of difficulty , & that in respect of the Lawes , the parties & Witnesses . Lawes are many , & yet short for all incident and daylie emergent causes . Iustinian thought hee had put out a perfect bodie of the Lawes , when hee caused digest the Roman Lawes for twelue hundreth yeare ; and yet these many Volumes may be called short for so vniversall a purpose : and the matter appointed to end Pleas , is turned a seminarie of pleas , because of briefnesse : Though all Lawes and Decisions were gathered together , they cannot meete with everie new circumstance : Mans corruption is ever devysing new wrongs , and new colours to colour them withall . ●he diverse interpretation of Lawes increaseth this difficultie , and that Emperour misseth his end of the hastie decision of pleas , when after long disputing , the question is more doubtfull than when it was first stated , albeit the small brookes of Lawes before Lotharius time , are turned since in Mare magnum , a great ocean of Lawes . The parties vsuallie whither of simplicitie or purpose , are bold to bring the evill cause to Iudgement , they are confident of their cause ▪ and oft times the worst cause hath most diligence , to supplie the want of equitie by the excesse of businesse . If righteousnesse ruled men , Iudges would haue little to doe ; and if Truth were in their words , questions were soone decided . But the Clients information to their Advocats is so badde , that it is hard either for them to know , or the Iudge to discerne where the Truth is . Witnesses also helpe this difficultie : They are subiect to their own corruptions , and may deceiue the best Iudges , who by their office are bound to judge , according to things alledged and proven . If the religion of one Oath had force , the matter were easie , for God hath ordained it to put an end to controversies : but mans wickednesse hath turned it in a meanes to hyde the truth : If Aequivocation had place in Iudgement , God had never ordained Oathes for ending of questions ; though the Iesuits haue perfected that coloured periurie in our time , yet it is naturall to man who is a liar . It confounded all Iudgement , so that neither the oath of calumnie in the parties , nor the oath of veritie in the Witnesses wants the owne suspicion : But possiblie betime Iudges will bee forced to invent a third sort of oath ( occasioned by Aequivocation ) to make parties and Witnesses sweare that they sweare truelie . Moreover , though Knowledge and Experience in Iudges overcome these difficulties , yet their frailtie of affection is inclinable to the Parties : Therefore it was a good devyce to pleade causes without designing the names of the parties , but vnder the fained names of Seius and Titius &c. And that suffrages should not bee given by Word , but by Notes on a Table or by White-stones for assenting , or blacke-stones for dissenting . So a way was provyded for libertie in votting ▪ and for securitie from challeng for that libertie . But the absolute best remeede for Parties , Pleaders , Witnesses and Iudges , is to set God the supreme Iudge before them , and to remember that God sitteh in the assemblie of gods , and to proceed as in his sight . When cause is simplie compared with cause , and reason with reason , the sentence will easilie ryse according to right and equitie . But this difficultie is greatest in criminall causes , and hath brought on the necessitie of torture , which is a sort of torment to a pittifull Iudge . It is a miserable supplie of the want of probation , and so insufficient , that the vrgers of it permit the sufferer after torture to goe from his deposition or byde at it . It was first devysed by Pagans , and is iustlie called a Tarquinian crueltie : They had not spirituall and divine motiues taken from GOD or Heaven , or Hell &c. to presse the Consciences of the guiltie : therefore they tooke them to that brutish motiue of a bodilie paine : Man is reasonable , and truth should bee sought out of him by reasonable motiues , which choppe on his reason and Conscience ▪ and that in the respects of eternall reward or punishment : But the way by bodilie paines is more fleshlie and the order is preposterous , by the bruising of the flesh , to open the minde : An extorted confession is but a bastard confession as fire forced out of the flint . It is lamentable , that among Christians there is as great necessitie of torture , and as small fruite of it as among Pagans : What ever bee the lawfulnesse of it , the minde of he Iudge is tortured . Hee would know the Truth , and must vse such a meanes to search it : Hee knoweth not whither the sufferer bee guiltie or not yet must hee suffer as suspected of obstinacie in denying , lest hee die as guiltie ; and in avoyding death , hee suffereth death in torments ; hee suffereth not , because hee hath done the crime , but because it is vncertaine if hee haue done it : And so the vnavoydable ignorance of the Iudge is the calamitie of the Innocent , and the more hee presse to helpe his ignorance , hee hurteth the innocent the more : This is lamentable , and to bee washeth with floodes of teares , that while the Iudge tortures the susp●ct person least hee kill an innocent , hee killeth that innocent whom hee tortureth lest hee should kill him : And when their paine maketh them chuse to die , rather than to bee tortured , they confesse the cryme that they did not , and so are innocent both in torture and in death . And yet when they are execute the Iudge knoweth not whither they be guiltie or innocent : And so oftimes both tortureth and killeth an innocent , while hee laboureth to eschew it ; By these things a wise Iudge is drawen on not by desire of hurt but by necessitie of ignorance , and yet ( since humane Societie craveth it ) by necessitie of Iudgement . This is contrare to the tortures of the olde persecutors , they tortured confessing Christians , and let them goe free if they denyed ; but the criminals torture that they may confesse , and destroyeth them for their confession . On the other part , how oft doe the guiltie endure torture with obstinacie , and harden their hearts to conceale the truth : Such obstinacie at the first is resolved , but if it turne iudiciall by a wilfull denying , with cursings and execrations , then it worketh either a stupifying senselesnes in their flesh , or else ( by way of diversion ) fasteneth the minde so vpon losse or shame ( that followeth a confession ) that it lets not the flesh feele paine : Sathan can stupifie his martyres in maintaining lies , that hee may play the Ape to GOD , who mitigateth the paines of his martyrs by spirituall comforts . It is not therfore for nought , that God tooke of the Spirit of Moses and put vpon the Elders , because they had a Calling full of difficultie : In all which cases it is best for a Iudge to looke to God , and that eternall Law in him ; and withall to craue his direction that hee erre not in Iudgement , and cry , Deliver mee , O Lord , out of all my necessities . But there is no better spur than Iehosapha●s exhortation to Iudges , Take heede what yee doc , for yee iudge not for man , but for the Lord , who is with you in the Iudgement . Wherefore now , let the feare of the Lord bee vpon you , take heede and doe it : For there is no iniquitie with the Lord our God , nor respect of persons , nor taking of gifts . Of Princes difficulties & dangers . IT lyeth then on Princes to exercise their Gift , as they would proue the liuelinesse of it : and this brings on them a world of difficulties : There is none in their Kingdome of a more laborious life . The Head that moveth all must haue action in it , and the heart is in a continuall motion , to furnish fresh Spirits to the bodie : Great is their taske to know the state of their Subjects , to heare the plaints of the poore , to represse the insolencies of the proude , by causing minister Iustice to all . God hath set them aboue their Subiects , but that same exalting in some sort putteth them vnder , because they are servants to their Subiects , in that they watch for their weall and safty . I herefore the Apostle in that same place where hee calleth them supereminent powers , calleth them also the Ministers of God , to minister Iustice , for hee is the Minister of God to thee for thy good . They are Gods Ministers , attending continuallie vpon this verie thing . They haue supreme power , bowing downe to a Ministeriall worke , and a Ministerie cloathed with supreme power . Many are quicke-sighted to see the defects of Governement , who will not see the difficulties and dangers of it : for beside the weight of such a Calling , the most lawfull vse of their coactiue power , beareth them on many dangers , either in punishing the vniust , or affraying them that would bee so : Every curbed humour by feare of punishment fretteth against them ; God hath fenced them indeede against briares and thornes with their supreme authoritie , and yet sometime they feele their sharpnesse . It is impossible to them to please all , yea , not to curbe many in execu●ing Iustice , and their danger is not so much from open Enemies and secret male-contents , as from their friends and Attendants : The force of the one is not so fearefull as the treason of the other : Their guards are to keepe them safe , and yet are they often in greatest danger in the midst of them : So both solitarinesse and Societie are dangerous to Princes . They reigne over the multitude , wherein are moe vniust than iust , and moe that will bee offended than pleased : And in every Kingdome , the mightie and the people are as two factions ▪ and Princes saile betwixt them as two extreames , but the vpright ministration of Iustice is the best wa● : Private men can hardlie please both parties , but Princes cled with authority neede not sticke in these strai●es , but to giue everie man his due . This is the great benefite of Iustice , that beside the natiue & intrinsecall goodnesse , it hath also this accessorie good , to make a safe way for Princes , betwixt contrarie factions . When a Iudge inflicteth punishment , the cause of punishment is not the Iustice of the Iudge , but the merite of the Crime . ( a ) Greatest Princes haue greatest cares ; and the largenesse of their Dominion enlargeth their labour ; as great hollow Statues overlayed with gold , are full of wormes , and Spiders , so the greatest Monarchs vnder show of worldly glorie are full of noysome cares : All these cares should indeere them in the hearts of their people , because they are not for themselues , but for their people : A good Princes wakerifenesse keepes the sleepe of his Subiects : His labour , their idlenesse : His businesse , their vacancie : and his care maketh them carelesse . The greatnesse of a Prince is as much for his peoples good , as it is aboue them . Great businesse with dangers and difficulties are their ordinarie dyet , vnder which they would succumbe , if God supported them not with as great a Spirit to dispatch businesse , contemne dangers , and expede difficulties : So that though their Crownes bee of Gold , yet they may bee called Crownes of thornes and their just ●mbleme , is a man sitting in a Chaire of state with a naked Sword hinging by a small haire over his head : But God the King of kings hath a speciall care over them , and guardeth their persons by a particular providence , l●st his sacred image in supreme authoritie should bee violat by everie miscontent humour . These are their seene dangers , but they haue another enemie lesse hated , but more hurtfull , and that is , Flatterie , ( the bane of greatnesse ) it followeth it as the shadow doth the bodie , and lookes not to truth but to acceptance , and putteth a visorne on the natiue face . Sathan durst thereby assault Christ though hee despaired of successe , how much more will he assault sinfull man where he is sure of victorie : Hee knoweth that even they who overcome vice are often corrupted with praise . Scarcelie is there one who giveth not patent cares to flattery , and as they will not patiently suffer evill to be spoken of them , so if they liue well , they would bee counted of : And who is hee whole vertues breaking foorth desireth not to bee commended ? Or that contemneth the praise of men ? Princes therefore are most exposed to the praises of mankind , both for their eminencie as an obiect , and for their power to requyte with reward : Flatterers haue suggested that poyson to Princes , as to make them thinke their will is a law , their power the measure of their will , and that supreme Reason and their pleasure are all one : They labour to possesse them with the opinion of compleate absolutenesse from dependance on any Author , from limitation by any Law , from errour in their doing , and from reckoning for their doings to God. All men by nature like to bee rubbed with this Combe , and with a deceiving delight admitte that praise which their Reason and Conscience refuseth : But the angrie countenance of a wise King will scatter these flies . For expeding these difficulties , some Princes haue vsed the faint remeede to lay downe their Governement . Diocletian re signed his dignitie to Galer●us , and turned privat . It was not so much for sa●ietie of honour as impatiencie of disappointment : Hee had for eighteene yeares cruellie persecuted the Christians , and not beeing able to roote them out ( as hee desired ) hee satisfied his miscontentment by retirednesse and privacie : The Martyres courage made him a Coward , and hee brake his owne spirit in despite , because hee could not breake them , the Name of Iesus was more glorious by his persecution , and in end hee dyed miserablie . This was the hand of God throwing him downe from the toppe of honour which he abused : Hee would bee worshipped as a god , but fell low from the Throne to a Garden ; and from the Scepter to a Spade : & more from an affected Godhead to a male-contentment ; but indeede that swelling conceate of a Godhead was a worse fall than when he turned private . Lotharius also resigned his Kingdome to his Sonnes , and beeing wearie of the imperiall Crowne , hee would take on him the Monkish shaven Crown , and render himselfe to a Monasterie . This last age also saw some of it in Charles the fist ; so long as hee was zealous for God , and earnestlie sought Reformation , God blessed many great things in his hand . But when the Pope fedde his ambition with the baite of the Impyre of Germanie , and he had devoured it by hope ( a conceate where with his house is drunke vntill this day ) then hee persecuted the Protestants with an vniust and civill war. After that , never thing prospered in his hand , but God cast him in such disastures , as suffered him not to brooke the publicke ; and therefore choosing retearednesse to digest them , hee was digested and overcome by them . Such a dispositiō in Princes is a deserting of their place , their gift , & themselues ; and on Gods part a just desertion dryving them in the straits of a private spirit , who haue prevaricat in his publicke service : The largenesse of the heart is the vprightnesse of it When it dilateth it selfe on God by Faith and affection ; but when men close their Heart vpon God by seeking themselues , they are both separate from him and excluded from themselues in that selfe-respecting . But the best remeede to overcome all these difficulties are Pietie and Prudence . Pietie directeth them in all actions towards God , & maks them in their adoes to depend on him , it holdeth them daylie with him to seeke both the gift , and the vse of it , in his assisting and blessing of their labours . Though hee be high , he must day lie doe homage to God , who is higher than the highest , as he wold haue his presence with his Governement . The more hee pray ardently and looke on God , he shall the more finde wisedome in that Fountaine , & haue a paterne to work himselfe to , in the vse of that Wisedome . The compleate furniture beginneth at the Spirit of the Lord , and is specified in the Spirit of counsell and might , the Spirit of knowledge , and closed with the feare of the Lord , or true pietie . The hight of their place exempts them not from this dependance , but subiecteth them the more to it ; the heavier their but then bee , the greater neede haue they to seeke Gods helpe : Their businesse seemeth to stay devotion , but the necessitie is a spurre to prayer : The more businesse , the more necessitie of helpe , and the more felt necessitie the greater earnestnes with God for a blessing : Davids a does made him not forget his devotion , but hee keeped his day lie dyet thereof : Seven times a day doe I praise thee because of thy righteous Iudgements . God hath ever noted religious and devote Kings with excellent Blessings in their Governement . This makes mee remember a grosse impietie in the Consistorie of Rome . When the Pope is absent , the oldest Cardinall prayes vnto God to blesse their adoes , but when hee is present , hee praves none at all : Let no man ( sayeth their Cardinal ) Think it strange if the Pope pray not for the assisting grace of Gods Spirit , because it is likelie he prayed before he came thither . Besides it hath beene observed that because of the presence of the most glorious Vicar of Christ , who is thought to bee assisted by the grace of the Spirit , that Ceremonie is not keeped as in other places , and that not to withdraw any thing from due devotion but to signifie a more holie and sacred mysterie : So that the imploring of Gods assistance is but a Ceremonie to them : That is a mysterie of iniquity to thinke any man exeemed from a necessity of praying vnto God for a blessing to his a l●es : What is it , but to tell that the Pope is a god , and needeth not implore Gods ass●stance ? As though Gods presence were superfluous , where that pretended god presideth : Or shall wee say , That God maketh him proclaime himselfe the man of sinne , by so profaine a misregard of God in his weightiest adoes . Their Canon Law inioynes their Clergie to blesse their meate , and hath not their Consistorie affaires greater necessitie of a blessing ? It was the height of Pelagius pride to bidde God adien , for hee had no neede of his helpe : And what other doeth the Pope ? Hee contemneth the preaching of the Word as a base service , though it b●e indeede the most Apostolicke , and thinketh the Consistoriall affaires onelie worthie of his greatnesse : If therefore hee be so profaine in that hee counts most weighty ? What devotion hath hee in lesser matters ? Since they haue left off to preach , no wonder they cease to pray , and their style to Princes that was to blesse , request , exhort , is turned now in a mandamus & volumus to command and will. Bernard feared this pride in his Scholler Eugenius : and Bellarmine exponeth it rightlie , that the businesse of the Court of Rome would stay devotion in him : If hee condemnes that slacknesse in Eugenius , why reproved hee not that grosse Impietie in Paul the fift , whom hee saw act it in the Consistorie : But the older Popes had more devotion , and acknowledged that in their adoes his grace was to bee implored , without whom wee are no where without perrill and sinne . The second necessar vertue is Prudence : There is no creature more vnrulie than man , and the more reasonable in nature , the more vnreasonable in his actions , turning the quicknesse of vnderstanding to plot and practise wickednesse : Hee is more vntractable than the Beastes , impatient of equitie , but more of servitude , and in a naturall blind loue of libertie , he hateth them that governe . As for the multitude , it is called a Beast of many heads , but voyde of Iudgement , they measure all things more by the events than causes , and the events by gaine or losse : Their knowledge is rather a guessing than Science ; the vulgar opinion maketh all the Topicks of their Logicke , and the fashion of the world is all their morall wisedome ; they know nothing but extremes Hosanna , or crucifie : extreme loue or hatred without moderation . They are credu lous of all surmises , and expone all to the worst sense : They are so desirous of Novelties that Providence is counted Lazines , but headie-violence is taken for Courage . They are the basest part of the Kingdome , yet they craue greatest consideration : The terrour of Princes to hemme in their absolute power : And a raging sea that cannot be stilled by force , but must bee sailled by the Carde and Compasse of prudence if Princes would eschew ship wrack . Therefore there is no morall vertue more necessa● to Kings than Prudence , and that amongst other studies ( to enable them to governe ) they studie the disposition of their people , and speciallie of such as they trust with their affaires : Nations , Families , and Callings ; haue their owne complexions as well as particular men , and will change with times and occasions , by prosperitie or adversitie , a peaceable or a severe governement : and it is a part of fatherlie prudence to know the temper of his Sonne : So David led his people in the integritie of his heart , and according to the discretion of his hands . This Prudence leadeth Princes to Moderation a speciall piller of their Thrones : Extremities are onelie necessar in extreme cases , which cannot fall oft to them in respect of the eminencie of their power : If Rehoboam had followed the moderation of the Auncients , hee might haue keeped the ten Tribes to the house of David : Mans rashnesse and peremptorie courses make way to a precipice , which hath no evasion but ruine . Moderat Governement hath ever proven durable , but violence is a degree to tyrannie , and overthrowes it selfe . Moderation is both Gods command , and ever followed with his blessing , and most powerfull to rule man , who is a reasonable creature , but violence is forbidden and abhorred of God , and punished with selfe-ruine . Wisedome then is as necessar to King as reason is to a man : It is his greatest habilitie inlarging his heart to conceiue , and direct things aright , as hee conceiveth them : Hee compasseth his affaires in his minde , and levels all to the best end : It is in him the Image of the Auncient of dayes , who hath all thinges ever present , and disposeth them sweetelie and powerfullie : Thereby things past are made present by remembrance : things to come are present by fore-sight , and present things by that vniversall view , are rightly ordered and applyed to their circumstances : And so the King by wisedome stablisheth the Land. Of the subject of Governement : Gods people : Thy people : the Poore . BVt whom shall the King iudge ? Thy people : a people gathered in a Societie ; and by Gods providence subiected vnto him : And thy people , even the Church of God for the time , and his choyse of mankind : Hee had blessed them with true Religion , and the meanes of grace , to incline them to righteousnesse amongst themselues , and yet for all this they haue neede of civill Governement . The best man hath some remanent Corruption , and in the best particular Churches are some who haue not the power of Religion , nor are disposed for righteousnes Herein appeareth mans vnrulines : Gods mercy supplying it with Governement : And the happinesse of such Kings as rule the people of God : This is mans vnrulinesse that though hee bee reasonable , and of one stocke in Adam , and of one condition in sinne , ( which should make him to loue his Neighbour ) yet wee are most vnreasonable and inhumane to other : Neither the bands of common nature , nor common miserie , no not of Religion can make vs liue in righteousnesse . It was truelie said , That the necessitis of many Physitians in a Citie argued great intemperance in a people : So the necessity of Magistrates argueth great vnrighteousnes amōgst men . If we had stood in Innocency as wee were created , wee had beene to others as harmelesse Lambes and gallesse Doues ; our pure minde tooke light of God fully ; our Will followed that Light freelie , and our Affections and the whole man went one way to obey him : But by our fall that furnishing is lost , and that harmonie broken ; our mynde taketh not Gods Light , our will and affections miscarie the whole man violently ; wee breake to God , and so cannot doe a duety to man. That fansie of some Schoole-men of a meere and pure Nature is a pernitious errour , that ignorance and concupiscence were the conditions of that Nature , and that man in his first estate would haue beene caried to the desire of sinfull things : This obseureth the integritie of our creation , the miserie of our fall , and Gods mercie restoring vs : In our innocencie we had no disposition to sin ; our originall righteousnesse was a sweete applying of everie power in vs to another , and all of them to God. But now beeing voyde of that originall iustice , and full of iniquitie , wee are like vnreasonable creatures . Man is in honour , and vnderstandeth not , hee is like a beast that perisheth : As the greater Beastes devour the smaller , and ravening fowles prey vpon the weaker , and greater fishes eat vp the lesser : So everie man as hee hath a gift aboue his Neighbours vseth it to their hurt : The wise man turneth his wisedome to intrappe the simple ; the mightie man his power to oppresse the weaker ; and the rich man maketh his riches as feete and hands to fulfill his evill purpose against the poore . So , though it would seeme an easie thing for a King to rule a multitude of reasonable men brought vp in civilitie and Religion , yet it is a matter of great difficultie : Therefore one said right , That Kings ought to bee Pastours , and that because they rule men who are led by brut●sh affections . This is a Glasse for mans infirmitie : That hee is the most disobedient creature : the will of God is an eternall Law , the cause and rule of all equitie and reason ; thereby hee disposeth his owne actions , and giveth the extract of it respectiuely to creatures , and all of them ( except man ) obey that Law according to their power : This power is specified in their essentiall formes , and these formes are the immediate cause of their working , and Character of their worke : Mans disobedience is the greater , because he hath the most excellent forme ; is best obliged , and best furnished ; he hath a reasonable Soule , and the greatest extract of Gods eternall Law both wri●en in his heart , and revealed to him in Scripture . Hee alone hath a Conscience to charge him with obedience in the Name of God : As a Center hee is compassed with obedient creatures : If he looke aboue , hee seeth the Angels keepe their celestiall Law , in loving , adoring , and imitating God ; if beneath hee seeth all creatures keepe their Law : the fruite of their obedience is his comfort , and if they altered their course but a short space , hee would perish : And yet notwithstanding of the excellencie of his forme , the riches of his furniture , and his compassing with a cloud of so many obedient witnesses , hee remaineth still vntractab●e . Secondly , herein is Gods great mercie to man , that hee leaveth him not in this disorder : Hee knoweth that hee would be as a beast , pushing and goaring other therefore he hath set vp Magistracie as a soveraigne remeede of that furie , and given it power to secure the weake from the injuries of the mightie , & wisedome to saue the simple from the snares of the craftie : That if the great sort will abuse their power in tyrannizing over the weake , they may finde in Kings a power to controll them . The greatnesse of Kings aboue their Subjects is both a staffe to the weaker to leane to , and a bridle to restraine the outrages of the mightie , as the Prophet expresseth . Defend the poore and fatherlesse , doe Iustice to the afflicted and needie , deliver the poore and needie , ridde them out of the hand of the wicked . This vindicating power of Princes is as great a blessing to the oppressours whom it restraineth , as to the poore who are rescued . Thirdly , this is the happinesse of Kings that rule over Gods people , that their lotte is fallen pleasantly in Gods inheritance . They who reigne over Barbarians are Kings over beastes rather than men , and they who rule over civill Countries where true Religion is not , are Kings but of men ; but they whose Kingdome is a particular Church to God , are Kings over Kings , or Christians more than men ; and their common Subjects by grace haue more true worth , than such Kings as are over Barbarians , because wee are a royall Priest-hood . The one reign●th in a Paradise , the other as in a barren Wildernesse . This excellencie hath also an easinesse with it to overcome mans natiue vnrulinesse ; for Gods Scepter bringeth people to obedience , as this Prophet acknowledgeth : It is God that subdueth my people vnder mee . When mans rudenesse is broken with a true Religion , it is most plyable to authoritie as to the ordinance of God : hee both commands and alloweth that obedience , and disposeth people thereto willinglie . Numa by Religion plyed his rude Romans more to the offices of Warre and peace , than Romulus austere governement : If a false Religion , did this in Pagans , what shall the true Religion , and the grace that accompanieth it worke in Christians ? It is farre more easie to rule good people , than badde , because there is none so rebellious to Authoritie , as those who rebell against their own reason ; & a good man is more obsequious to Princes , than a Russian : The godly doe feare Princes more , than they are to bee feared of Princes : but no bands can keepe the wicked in order : True Religion binds vs to God , and the grace of it is our greatest perfection in this life , and that partaking of the divine Nature maketh vs the more respectuous to Gods ordinance : Where that is not , Lawes , Rewards , and Punishments are but weake motiues ; but where it is , they neede not a Law : The least notice of Gods will , is sufficient to moue them to doe his will. God communicateth his eternall Law to creatures according to their kind and capacitie : Hee giveth to heavenly creatures a celestiall Law to adhere to him ; to reasonlesse creatures a naturall instinct , to direct them in their course , without either sense of his goodnesse , or reflecting on him : But to man renewed , such a Law where of Reason is capable , and Conscience sensible , and that both in pietie and righteousnesse : The first is all in respect to him , the other to man : Naturall men can exerce materiallie the workes of Iustice , but not spirituallie , because they haue no grace , nor the bands of a true Religion to God. Iustice and pietie of the olde Romans were but a forced curing of the contrare vices , that their ambition and pride ( whereof they were sicke ) might rule in them . Of Princes ruling of their owne Persons and of their Court. THis princely governement is not to bee restrained to the people alone , but beginneth at the person of Princes , & goeth to their Families : So David who conceived this Prayer , wrote that Commentat on it , that hee would sing of Iustice and of Iudgement , not onelie exercised amongst his people , but also in governing himselfe and his Familie . For the first hee sayth , I will behaue my selfe in the perfect way : That is a good government that beginneth at himselfe : Privat men are tolerablie called Kings , when by Gods grace they command their own passions : For whosoever subdues his owne bodie , neither suffereth his Soule to bee troubled with passions while hee refraineth himselfe by a kinglie power , is iustly called a King , because hee can rule himselfe : And if wee rule the earth , even this our earthly bodie , we are Kings of the earth . But this is more in Princes , who haue as much natiue corruption as privat men , and more power to vtter it . The wise ruling of themselues is necessar to moderat their great power : The Heathen could say , If thou wilt subiect others to thee , subiect thy selfe to reason . And the Impyre agreeth to none , but to such as are better than any of their Subiects . b But the Divines spake more clearelie ; by Kings , vnderstand these who direct the motions of their soule according to the will of God. c And they are good Kings who can proue themselues Governours of their Body . d And iustly they are called Princes who exerce ever a principalitie , over their owne thoughts by sound Iudgement . e It is often seene that greatest power hath greatest righteousnesse joyned with it , and that for the good of Princes and people : If their passions were like their power , they would soone ruine their state , or persons , or both ; but Pietie and Iustice ioyned to their power , moderateth their passions , and preserveth all , as the King of the Bees hath a sting , but never vseth it to revenge . f And where shall Iustice haue the owne worke , if not in the heart of Kings . It must first begin there , else it cannot haue the worke on other . Iustice distributeth dueties to each one ; and there must bee in a iust man , a iust order , that the minde bee subiect to God , the body to the Soule , and both to God : If this bee not , there is no righteousnesse in vs , and so there cannot be an externall governing righteousnesse . This is the glory of Kings , when their power is accompanied and sweyed with Iustice in their owne persons ; when the living law liveth according to the written Law , and authoritatiue Iustice becommeth exemplar Iustice , their life by example insinuating that to people , what the Law and authority commandeth them ; then Iustice is not so much a gift annexed to their power , as a grace changing their persons : An evill King is a servant to as many masters as hee hath vices , but hee who commandeth his passions , is a King indeede ; because hee ruleth himselfe , and is neither taken captiue of sinne , nor caried violentlie of vice . Man that ruleth over beasts , hath beastes within him : anger barketh more fiercely than a Dog ; he that is speedie to wrongs is a Serpent , and he that is set for revenge , is a Viper . Shall man haue Impyre over the outward beasts , and leaue the inward beasts loose ? This is most necessary , that rulers of men rule themselues , least they fall in contempt : For how can hee correct the manners of others , who cannot correct his owne ? An evill man though hee reigne , is a slaue to his passions . The Kings example is a Law to his Subiects : Their mindes are lift vp to his Eminencie , and what hee doeth , hee seemeth to command : The peoples inclination to imitation is the greater , because of the greatnesse of his person : They passe the good or bad qualitie of the fact , and take his greatnesse for a reason : The faults of a King overwhelme a people , and hee hurteth more by example than by the sinne it selfe : And his good example is as forcible to make his people good : If they bee godly , chast , temperate , &c. they draw many of their Subiects to God ; but if they bee profaine , or dissolute , &c. they draw multititudes to Hell. Pharaoh , Herod , Nero , and such can tell what evill great power ioyned with great wickednesse can doe : Therein Sathan exalted sinne , when hee vented it by so great persons , and disgraced Magistracie when he made it an instrument of monstruous sinnes . But God had his good worke therein to teach vs , what men clothed with power are in themselues ; and that principalitie without his Spirit is but a naked sword in a mad mans hand ; and what a blessing good Princes are , who vse their power in such righteousnesse , that the world must say , They are as good men , as they are great Kings . This is the Priviledge of Christian Kings ; God giveth them a greater blessing than other Kings ; hee maketh them by grace Kings over themselues as well as over their Subiects , as they giue Lawes to other , so they take Lawes of God , and vse their power , as they may bee best countable to him ; they haue principality of authority as Kings , and they reigne by grace over themselues as Christians . There is no truely free King but a Christian King , and such as is neither captivat by the corruption of Nature , nor popish superstition , but set at libertie by the Law of the Spirit of life in Iesus Christ. Such a King is an Image of God , who governeth all in righteousnesse and wisedome , and then hee shall most please the King of kings , if restraining his power , hee thinke that lesse is leasome to him than hee may . The other taske of his governement is his Familie : I will walke within mine house with a perfect heart . I will set no wicked thing before mine eyes , &c. And in all that Psa. he setteth down the dyet of his house or court-governemēt , a fit patern for Princes to follow . The court of Kings is an abridgement of their Kingdomes , and the circle of the Subjects neerest to them : It is a proofe of the Governement of their persons & an Image of the ruling of their Estates . If every house be a beginning and part of a citie , and every beginning ought to bee referred to the owne end ; much more the Families of Princes , which are not simplie parts but rather compends & extracts of their Kingdomes . People cannot alwayes see the person of their Kings , but they may guesse at their disposition by the manners of their Court : As is the Prince so is his Court , because they seeke by his imitation to procure and keepe his favour ; and as the Court is , so will the Countrie bee . Such as his servants are , such is hee counted : For men can hardly thinke but they are such by his command , or connivence , or example . If therefore they bee godly and righteous , they win the hearts of people to the King : But if they bee profaine and godlesse , they procure his contempt . This care ought not onely to be of his neerest Attendents , but also of these whom he intrusteth with his affaires abroad : If they minister Iustice , defend the people , exact no more than is due , then the people ascryue all that goodnesse to the King , commanding his Officers to handle his people tenderly : But if they be violent and outragious , the contrare followeth , as if all that severity were commanded of the King. A good king by doing good , maketh his Subjects good , & is as eminet in example before them as in dignity aboue them . The Roman Impyre had a great proofe of the force of their example both in their Court and people , when in fiftie foure yeeres space it found fiue changes : First , Diocletiā like his Predecessours was a Pagan : Next , Constantine turned himselfe & the Impyre to Christianity : 3. Constantius his sonne turned all Arrian : 4. Iulian the Apostate went backe to Paganisme : And fiftlie , Iovinian following Constantines zeale brought them back againe to Christianitie . So important is the example of Princes either in good or evill , and so changeable are the people to follow them . The Kings of Iudah were not vn●●k : Achaz an idolater , Ezekiah a zealous worshipper of God , Amon and Manasseh restorers of idolatrie : Iosiah a destroyer of idolatrie &c. And their Courts and Countries followed their steppes . Constantius the father of Constantine tryed his Courteours wisely ; hee offered preferment to such as would worship Pagan gods , and when some for feare , and desire of honour did so , others layed downe their honour , rather than that they would quite Christ ; h●ereby hee saw the ground of his Courtiers hearts ; he degraded such as had forsaken Christ , and said , They would never bee true to him that were false to God ; but he honoured such as were readie to losse all for adhering to God ; he made them his Guard and Governours of his Kingdome , saying , That such men were to bee numbered as his speciall Friends , and Familiars .. a And Theodoricke the Goth , an Arrian King , had some like practise , but with a more summar censure ; for when one of his Court willing to please him forsooke the faith of Christ , and turned Arrian , hee was so offended that hee killed him with his owne hand , affirming , that hee would not bee trusty to him that was a traytour to Christ. To close this point , the fruite of Davids prayer is manifest in Solomons extraordinary wisedome ; and that both in speculation and practice . For the first , hee knew all mysteries , and wrote of the nature of all things from the Cedar of Lebanon to the Hysope on the wall : Beside his heavenly Doctrine in his Song ( whereof none of all the wise men of the earth could so much as dreame ) in his moralities in the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes he passed them all : Thogh they came long after him , and had the benefite of his Writs by some two Greeke translations before the Septuagints , yet they are no more to his wisedome , than a aram of vnfined silver-vre to a talent of pure gold . As for his practice , his first tryall proved an excellent practicall gift : It was a plea betwixt two Harlots ; both of them clamed the living Child , & no doubt , with the like boldnes , & cursing , & execration the vsuall companions of passionat pleading : Heere God offred a fit purpose , to proue the truth of his promise to Solomon . The question was not of civill things , but naturall : to finde out the mother of the living Childe ; and there was no witnesse , but both parties alike peremptory in their alledgeance . His wisedome leadeth him to find out the truth by naturall affection : Hee layed this sure ground , that the Mothers affection is tender , and the bowels that bredde the Child , would never agree to see him killed : On the other part , that the cruell affection agreeing to the division of the Childe , was but a strange and stepmotherly affection : On these grounds hee pronounceth , That the living Babe shall bee cut in two : It might seeme a cruell sentence to kill the Babe , but some equitie in the just division ; but the truth was , hee found the decision of the matter in the show of division , and adiudged the living Babe to her , who in a sparing affection choosed rather to want her Babe , than the Babe should want his life . Hee saw in the tender affection of the one , the equity of her cause , and in crueltie of the other , the iniquity of her clame . This was a proofe of deepe wisedome : The people heard of it , and were both glad of such a King , because the wisedome of God was in him ; and yet feared him , because they saw hee was such a one as could discover the secrets of their hearts , and counter-mine their deeepest policies . 3. The fruite of their Governement . Of PEACE . Vers. 3. The Mountaines shall bring foorth peace . &c. THis is the third thing he craveth , the fruite of kinglie Governement in the blessing of peace : whither we take the Mountaines & hills figuratiuelie , for the estate in generall , or for the degrees of power in greater and lesser Princes , &c. all is to this end , that Iustice well ministered brings peace to a Countrie : for the mighty ( who are as mountaines ) when they shall see Iustice reigne in the King , are stayed from oppressing the poore , and become a shadow to them . So Iustice is both the mother to bring foorth , and a Nurce to foster peace . Peace is the desired and sweete end of all blessings , and prosperitie it selfe , without it , is but adversity : All our labours are for Peace , and Warres ( the wrake of mankind ▪ and br●ake of Peace ) are vndertaken t● purchase and keepe Peace . And God , the Authour of all hath contempered the vari●tie and dis●rds of creatures , to bring them all to a purposed peace . All men are of him , he summeth them all vp in Governement , and peace is the beautie of all . This Peace may bee considered in foure sorts : The first is Peace with God , which commeth of a true Religion : When men are led by the truth to belieue in God , to repent their sinne , and sinde remission in Christ , that is the way to Gods Peace . Being iustified by Faith , we haue peace with God : No faith iustifieth , but the true Faith , & no Religion informeth men in the true Faith , but the true Religion : As it leadeth vs in a sure way to peace in Christ , so it leadeth vs to keepe that peace in sincere obedience . In which respect when God getteth his due , hee blesseth vs with his Kingdome within vs. For the Kingdome of God is righteousnesse , peace , and ioy in the holy Ghost . This is the peace that no Kingdome can haue , but such as haue a true Religion ; they may haue a civill and politicke peace amongst themselues , but none of this peace with God. The second is a civill peace with man , when every one keepeth his place , and doeth his duetie as hee standeth bound ; the body is then in good plight when everie member is whole , and exerciseth the functions in order : So in a Kingdome when everie one in his calling doeth his duetie with a loving respect to other , there is peace ; or if any bee not peaceablie disposed , their broyling humour is hemmed in by Iustice that they trouble not the peace of their Neighbour . This is a civill peace , the health of the civill body , and a comely beautie in it ; when everie one brooketh another in loue , and worketh to others hands : And thogh there were innumerable men in callings , places , offices , &c. Yet they seeme all to be but one man with one minde , seeking the good of other , and of the common bodie : As in Musicall instruments sounds are diverse and contrair , high & low , &c. and yet make a sweete harmonie ; so in a Kingdome are diverse estats ▪ rich and poore , &c. Yet they haue an harmonie and concord , and that concord is peace . That rule is generall for all things , Let no man seeke his owne , but everie one anothers good . The third is a particular peace of our Lotte ; when every mā brooketh his lot peaceably without oppressiō , either violent , or coloured by Law : This is as the life of our lot , whē our right and possession haue a peaceable vse following , and every man may eate vnder his owne vine , and vnder his owne figge-tree : It is the verie lotte of our lotte , and a pleasant sawce to sweeten our vse , a sort of fruition of our Lot , the fruite of that fruition , a way to Contentment , and the verie prosperitie of prosperitie . The fourt may bee called , a Kinglie peace , when people are in loue and peace with their King. They are his bodie , and hee their Head , vnder whose shaddow they haue these peaces : The vse and enjoying of them will reflect vpon him as a procurer and maintainer . None can finde comfort of a true Religion in libertie and peace , but hee must loue and pray for him , vnder whose governement hee hath that great blessing : None can looke on that publicke peace the health and beautie of the civill bodie , but he must loue and honour that Head , from whom the influence of the publick peace floweth : And none can enioy the private peace of his Lot , lying downe & rising in peace , but he will loue the preserver of it : Yea , that peace that floweth from supreme Iustice , is a natiue and kinde Daughter , and so iust as to make vs honour him who ministreth Iustice for the procuring of peace . All these are strong bands to ty the hearts of good people to such Princes , by whose governement God blesseth them with so inestimable blessings . This order is in the Angels Song , Glorie to God in heaven peace on earth , and towards men goodwill : When man giveth God his glorie , worshipping him in Spirit and truth , then God giveth Peace to man , beeing reconciled to him in Christ ; and the ground of both is Gods good will towards man , whereby hee elected him in Iesus Christ ; that good will sendeth downe true Religion to man , to direct him in the obedience of Gods revealed will. These are the fruites of Iustice in their severall branches : The first is Gods peace in our minde : The second is , mans peace in the civill body : The third is Peace of our Lotte : And the fourt is , a peace with the Head of the common bodie . The first appeaseth the terrours of our Conscience : The second stayeth sactions and divisions amongst Subjects : The third , privat oppression : And the fourth , Rebellion against Princes : And all of them are our ends in their severall kinds : when God dwelleth in vs , and maketh vs enioy him in his peace , then hee maketh vs brooke one another , and our selues in him . Where Iustice is not , these fruites of peace cannot bee found : Where God getteth not his due honour in a true Religion , there can bee no peace with him , but hee sendeth warre or other calamities to trouble their peace and revenge the quarrell of his Covenant : As long as Israel worshipped him a right , matters went well with them ; but when they fell to idolatry , he raised vp bordering nations to punish them : In like manner hee can punish iniustice among people : Lawfull Governement ministreth Iustice , and Iustice bringeth peace , so want of Iustice bringeth confusion , and confusion breedeth discord . Heerevpon also commeth the losse of particular Peace , when by tumults no man can securely possesse his goods , his blood or life . Where violence rageth , there reason is not heard , and the Lawes are silent more where Armes doe speake . Iustice well administrate is a great preservation to a Land : It purgeth it from sin committed , by punishing the sinner , & keepeth many from sin , that they would otherwise commit , and so holdeth off Gods anger , and procurreth his blessing , But neglect of Iustice is crueltie and not clemencie , or rather a cruell mercie ; it fostereth sinne , and hasteneth Gods wrath ; when grievous sins are committed , they defyle the Land , and the Land defyled can not be expiate , but by the punishment of the malefactor : What shall God doe , but powre out his plagues , and mak the Land spew out her Inhabitants , where sinners will not repent , and the Magistrate will not punish . These two then Iustice and peace goe in others hands in a well governed Kingdome : Iustice without Peace is a fruitelesse severitie , and peace without Iustice is a conspiracie against God : Iustice is Gods arrestment layed vpon mans corruption , and peace is the quietnesse that followeth that arrest : Both the necessitie and difficultie to keepe peace are as great , as to purchase it ; for peace bringeth wealth , and wealth because of our wickednesse bringeth insolencie , and insolencie bringeth violence , so that the daughter Peace would devoure iustice her mother , except Iustice did her second service , to keepe men from violence : Her first service is to giue every man his due , and her second is to secure him in it : Peace of her selfe is a thankfull daughter to her Mother Iustice , but our corruption that abuseth all , can abuse her also , and Ieshurun waxing fatte , will kicke against his feeder ; but peace is both best purchased & preserved , when Iustice absolutely reigneth : Therefore good governours of Provinces may tightlie bee called Iustices of peace : their name beareth these twinne blessings of Iustice and peace , and if they answere to their name , they are worthie instruments vnder God , and the King by ministration of Iustice , to keepe peace amongst people . In this point David alludeth to Solomons name , for God tolde him : Beholde , a Sonne shall bee borne to thee who shall bee a man of rest : And I will giue him rest from all his enemies round about : For his Name shall bee Solomon , and I will giue peace and quietnesse to Israel in his dayes . On that prophecie David foundeth this prayer , and Experience proveth both the truth of the Prophecie and force of this prayer . Hee answered to his name ; as hee was called peaceable , so hee ruled his people in peace , and God blessed them with great prosperitie vnder him : Iudah and Israel dwelt every one vnder his vine , &c. They had peace with God , so long as they keeped his Commandements , and peace with neighbouring Nations and amongst themselues : And the fruite of long peace was gold and silver as Stones at Ierusalem . Heerein hee was the type of the true Solomon Christ Iesus , whom this Psalme principallie respecteth , and who for this same end was shaddowed by Melchisedecke ; hee is first King of Righteousnesse or Iustice , and then King of Salem or of Peace . Hee proved the King of righteousnesse , when hee fulfilled all righteousnesse , in satisfying the Iustice of God for vs : and then applying and imputing that Righteousnes vnto vs , is the Lord our Righteousnesse : for hee is given of the Father to bee our Righteousnesse , Redemption , &c. Hee proveth the King of our Peace , in that hee hath purchased vs peace by righteousnesse : For the chastisement of our peace was on him , and by his strips wee are healed : When wee are covered with his righteousnesse , God seeth not sinne in Iacob , nor iniquitie in Israel : His Iustice beeing satisfied , hath no quarrell against vs , but by vertue of that satisfaction , iustlie adiudgeth peace and salvation to vs. It is as proper to Iustice to pardon a penitent sinner in Christ , as to punish an impenitent sinner : If wee confesse our sinnes , hee is faithfull and iust to forgiue them . Christs obedience hath a double respect to Iustice , the one of satisfying all it can claime of vs , the other of meriting all good to vs. The first putteth away the demerite of sin The other possesseth vs in peace and glorie . Of Warre . THus a good King ruleth his people in peace ; but some time necessitie will draw him to Warre , and that either for defence of the truth , his Crowne or Countrie , the iust causes for a lawfull warre . Some haue thought Warres vnlawfull to Christians , a but that was onelie in some times and cases , when the Heathen Emperors vrged Souldiers to offer to idoles , and if they refused , they were shame fullie cashired or martyred : In such a case it was good to abstaine from a voluntarie or mercenarie warrefare : To goe to warre is not sinne , but to doe it for prey is sin . And though warfare bee a lawfull calling , yet warre is one of the three plagues wherewith God vsuallie breaketh the pride of mans body : As by with-holding of nourishment in Famine , So by violence with his Arrow of pestilence , or by the hand of man in warres . Our sins procure war at Gods hands : For when we will not serue him in peace , hee maketh vs suffer in warres : And when our lusts rebell against his grace , why should hee not punish vs with the warres of man ? Yea , our lustes fighteth within vs , before wee can fight with man without : For if man could dwell in himselfe in the contentment of his lo●te , hee would not encroach on his neighbour in ambition , crueltie , avarice , &c. Miscontentment with our lot , and too great loue of earthly thinges maketh vs quyte peace , and fall in iarring : Warres are sweete to them that haue not felt their miserie , but a taste of them giveth a sweeter relish to peace , and this is among other reasons why God afflicteth a Land with warre , that thereafter they may count more of the blessing of peace . The fruite prooveth it to bee a plague : Thereby peace is broken , Lawes are silent , oppression and iniquitie doe reigne . There is neither marches of possession , nor propertie of vse : and no man hath place to iudge , or power to set things aright : beside the violence of the enemie , the insolence of our assistants is intolerable : They who come to helpe vs , thinke they cannot hurt vs , but vnder colour of defence they bereaue vs of our goods , and of our liues also if wee resist ; and though neither the enemie , nor assisting Friend vse violence , the licence of people in their owne Countrie is no l●sse hurtfull : The Souldiers girdle looseth the most part from all feare of God and respect to man : childrē & women ( the obiects of pitie ) find no pitie , but their chastitie and liues destroyed at once , and their defyling is more bitter than their death ; cities of many yeares building , in one houre turned in ashes : And though a ●and bee a Paradise before Armies , yet after them is an horrid wildernesse . Man exceedeth all creatures in Hostilitie : Lyons against Lyons , and Dragons against Dragons are not so cruell as man against man : Their fighting is but at occasionall encounters , yet out of sight of other their rage ceaseth : But man can spend dayes , nights and yeares in devysing mischiefe against absent man ; their yoaking in Battell is but the fruite of their former plotting : Reason ( our priviledge aboue Beastes ) when it turneth furious , putteth vs farre vnder them . Wee are borne naked , but crueltie hath turned vs all in armour : And where it might bee called prudence to invent defensiue weapons , yet crueltie is more inventiue of offensiue weapons to hurt other , and more forward to destroy others than saue our selues . This last Age ( the Rendevous of all wickednesse ) hath fetched from the hel 's the invention of Gunnes and fire worke , and that with a defect on the defensiue part : There was no hurting weapon before , but Nature found a Guard for it ; but fire-work hath not yet found a shield . Corrupt Nature is more ingenious to destroy than to preserue , and decaying mankind falling further from God , ●urneth more to Sathans image , both in an actiue and passiue destruction . When Armies ioyne in Battell , man is going out of himselfe : And though hee bee reasonable , yet beeing cloathed with Brasse or Yron , hee is more brasen and irnish , than his Armour : Hee hath none other respect to his enemie but to destroy him , and that rage is so b●nded , that they cannot helpe their Friend : Though woundes strike their neighbour-Souldier to the ground , yet the necessitie to keepe their ranke turneth them out of loue and humanitie ; and if they bee straited , they must trode on his bellie to keepe their order : The feete of horses on their head or wombe , pressing out their Braines and Bowels , are the vsuall comforte that fallen men can sinde . Their death is violent in rage at their enemies , and without comfort in soule or bodie from their friends : A Romane Souldier spoyling his slaine enemie , found that hee was his Brother , and killed himselfe for griefe : And what is all warre-fare , but a killing of our Brethren ? Warres then are the last of all remeeds : A wise Physitian goeth not at the first to cutting and burning , but after all other cures haue failed : So a wise Prince goeth not to warre , till all peaceable treatings faile . It is not vndertaken for it selfe , but for peace ; and some in a tolerable peace haue made warre for a better peace , As a man evill cured of a broken legge will breake it againe , to haue it better cured . This is the taske of a good King , in peace to bee furnished for warre , and in warre to aime at peace , and if he must haue warres abroad , to keepe loue and peace at home with his Subiects , and amongst themselues . True Religion in puritie , & peace , the greatest care of Kings & Subjects . OF all that is spoken , a generall duetie riseth , both for Princes and people , that if they would haue all these former blessings , they striue carnestlie to maintaine a true Religion : So Theodosius on his death-bed exhorted his Sonnes aboue all things to maintaine the true Faith : And Iustine told the like to Tiberius his Successor . It directeth Kings to bee Kings according to Gods heart , and people to obey as the Lords people : It tempereth authoritie in Princes , and sweetneth Subiection to people : The great power of Princes that might turne in tyrannie , is made profitable for people ; & the naturall antipathy that is in some people is mitigate , and so Princes rule meekelie , and people obey willinglie : Thereby Kings are taught the forme of Governement from God , who disposeth all things sweetely and powerfully ; and people submitteth themselues to his ordinance , as to the will of their Father : Kings see great meekenesse ioyned with great power in Christ , who beeing the Lord of all , made himselfe a servant to all ; and people see in him a willing subiection to Ioseph and Marie , in the course of his education : And both of them respect other , not onelie as men but as Christians , the Brethren of Christ , and partakers of that same grace and glorie in Heaven . Out will by nature is captivate to sinne , and the fountaine of disobedience ; but beeing made free by grace , it sweetelie inclineth that way that God directeth it : God dwelleth in Kingdomes where true Religion is harboured , & by grace giveth an higher qualification to men ; as it maketh them true Christians in their Persons , so their actions and offices are good service to God , when they are done at his command , and respect to his glorie . Impyres haue their beginning , growth , hight , and fall : But they fall not as they rise ▪ They rise by small degrees but fall at once , as by a precipice . Belthazar in one night lost his life and his Kingdome , and the Persian Monarchie fell to Alexander in one day . But there is nothing more forcible to make a Kingdome immortall , than Religion truelie practised , thereby God dwelleth in a Land as their glorie and their Shield . Kingdomes without true Religion are not so : the old Monarchies of Assyria , Greece , &c. and Republickes , as Rome , Sparta , &c , are but bad paternes of Governement ; they went no further than Nature , because they had none other guide : And neither knew God in Christ , nor sanctification by grace : They had indeede a right to secure them from the chalenge of man , but in the vse of it were almost as farre behind Christian Kingdomes , as flock , of Beastes are behind Pagan societies . The Heath●n saw this farre , that Religion is most necessar for Estate : And some of them gloried , that the Romanes came to their Monarchie , not so much by power and craft , as by their Religion . But what they spake of their superstition , we apply it to the truth , for it is Religion and the feare of God that keepeth the Societies of men in order , without which the life of man would bee filled with foolishnesse wickednesse , and cruel●ie . As true Religion bindeth Princes & people together , so doth it Kingdome with Kingdome . The pride of Conquerours falleth not in a godly Prince ; all the foure Monarchies were founded by Pagans ; & whē the Roman Emperors turned Christian , they left their conquering humour ▪ though they had power to conquer more : Christ the Prince of Peace , maketh such Kings ( as hee ruleth ) peaceable ; his Gospel is a Law of peace , and his grace maketh men as Lambes , to do as they would be done to : ●hogh the beasts in the Ark keeped their naturall fiercenes , vet God suspended it during their byding there , and the Lyon & the Lambe liued peaceablie together . Nature and superstition bidde men vse their sword to conquer and destroy , but the grace of Christ maketh them turne their Swords in Syths , and their Speares in Mattockes . Pagans and Mahumetans warre against other , and both of them against Christians ; and amongst Christians the conquering humour is not in Protestant Princes , but in Papists : because their superstition mortifies not their corruption , but giveth it full libertie . Since the Catholike Kings became Iesuited as well in policie , as in Religion , they are the oppressours of Europe ; but when they turne to the truth , they will lay downe that invading and encroaching humour , and content them to rule their owne Subjects in peace : But since poperie directeth them to oppresse other , and for that end hath set vp the negociating and statizing order of the Iesuits , it is not the Religion of the Lambe , but the cruelti● of the Dragon . France , Austria & Spaine haue their owne iealousies and encroachings on other , and will keepe them so long as they are Popish : But when they become reformed in the true Religion , they will accord among themselues . So true Religion is a bond of peace , and maketh Kingdomes in the world like houses in a Citie , who delight in a neighbourlie concord . By all meanes therefore Princes and people would maintaine the true Religion , and that without any mixture , or libertie to professe a false Religion . There is but one God , and one true Religion expressed in Scripture , and all false Religions , and their mixtures with the Truth offend him . Hee forbad Israel to till the ground with diverse sorts of Beasts , or to sow it with diverse seedes , or to make garments of linnen and wollen together : and that not so much for these things in themselues , as to tell that hee abhorred all mixture in Religion . Therefore Constantine spake like himselfe : I haue thought that most of all to bee proponed by mee , that in the multitude of the holy Catholicke Church one Faith , and sincere Charitie should bee keeped . Politicks call this mixture an Accommodation or Toleration : the Cassandrians call it a mitigation or condescending ; and Atheists call it a libertie of conscience which is nothing but a passe-port to runne to hell : For what a worse death is there to the Soule , than the libertie of errour ? But God calleth it , An halting betwixt God and Baal , and grosse Atheisme in the want of Gods feare : The people that were sent to dwell in Samaria , worshipped the Lord , and the gods of their owne Nations ; they thought themselues sure in that pluralitie of gods , and libertie of worshippe ; but the Scripture saith , They feared not God at all . The Papists fall in that same sinne ; they haue multiplied gods with the true One. Beside God , they haue their gods and goddesses , and they honour their cannonized Saincts as the Pagans did their Apotheosedmen : and their Pope vsed it more eminently , in calling the blessed Virgine a goddesse when he is suteing timber to build her Church at Loretto b But their patrone granteth that these names savour of Paganisme , and desireth them to bee a mended in his Bookes ; c and as for the worship given to them , another d granteth that hee saw no difference betwixt their opinion of the Saincts , and that , that the Gentiles held of their gods . Varro e boasteth that he appointed to the gods their offices & sacrifices & what else are the Rituals & ceremonials of the Papists , but that same busines vnder other names . The Kings of Egypt granted libertie of Religions to their people , and that in a fleshlie policie , that while everie faction courted them for favour , they might keepe all factions obno●ious to them : And Iulian at his entrie gaue the like libertie to Iewes , Gentiles and Christians : with the same spirit he rendred the Churchs to damned Hereticks , and opened the Temples to devils . Many Christian Princes haue a slayed reconciliation of Religions , but God never blessed that worke in their hand : Constantius made his Typus Heraclius his Ecthesis , Zeno his Henoticon , and Charles the fift his Interim ; but all of them kindled the fire more than quenched it . They found the truth of the olde proverbe , Isthmum perfodere , to digge through the Isthme , which was spoken of workes , neither lawfull to attempt , nor possible to doe . And though some proud kings therby assayed to correct Gods creation , in ioyning Seas which he had distinguished , yet they wer om●nouslie forced to desist : So others haue laboured to reconcile the true and false Religion ( which hee hath made irreconcilable ) but their labour to this houre was ever in vaine . It seemeth but a small matter ( for condescending ) to cast one letter in the midst of a word , and turne homoousios in homoiousios , that is the same-substance in the like-substance ; & yet that one Letter overthr●w the Article of the Divinitie of Christ. And when Basile in the end of a prayer , said in the holie Spirit , for with the holy Spirit , great offence was taken by the people : therefore hee advised Amphilochius to examine not onelie words but syllabs and letters in Divinitie . So hard it is to worke a condescending even by the smallest alteration . Some reformed Churches haue found woefull fruites of such libertie , and hee proues now a true Prophet , who said , That libertie of prophecying in Preachers , and of professing in people , would shake Religion in Holland . a They began modestlie with some fiue disputable points , as the small end of the wedge , to make way for grosser heresies : And if God had not put in the heart of K. Iames to devise ▪ and Prince Maurice to effect their curbing by the Councell of Dort , their heresies ere now had overflowed that Land : But God hath justified that prudent foresight of K. Iames , since they haue declared , what thē they denyed . They haue taken Socinus by the hand , whom I may call ( as one did Origen ) b hydriam omnium haereseων , a masse or surviving monster of all heresies : And to mitigate the horrour of these opinions , they are pleading for favour to the Socinians , as men that either erre not , or if they doe , they are excusable , and not to be censured , because ( forsooth ) their errours touch not the foundation . c They layed the seeds of these Apologies covertly long since ; d but now they are discovering to the world , that their grounds are the overthrow of the grounds of Religion . Their rule is to preach and professe what they please without censure . Mans originall miserie in originall sinne they call with Pelagius , figmentum Augustini , or Augustins dreame ; and the efficacious working of the holy Spirite , applying grace to vs , they call figmenta Calvini , Calvins dreames . In the matter of free-will they follow the Pagans , as it is pleaded by Cicero : Hee was so hote in that cause , that not beeing able to conceiue how Gods Prescience , and mans Free-will could stand together , for maintaining of Free will hee denyed both Gods Prescience and Divination : And rather then these two should stand , hee denyed a Deitie . His arguments taken from Lawes , Rewards , Prayers , and Exhortations , &c. to proue the absolutenesse of Free-will ; Pelagius hath borrowed from him : Socinus from Pelagius ; and they from Socinus . So in end vnder colour of Trueth according to godlinesse , they come to the naturall Religion of Pagans , the common Rendevous of all defections from the Truth . Thus after long gadding they proue that Socinus is transformed in them , as Ierome said , That Basilides was transformed in Iovi●ian , and that both in sense and style : For they affirme that they teach otherwise , than heeretofore was beleeved : a So said hee before them , that his opinions of Christ were hid from others , and that the true meaning was not knowne of all the Interpreters that are extant . b And againe , our opinion is vnheard , not onelie in our time , but also in many Ages c before : And more fullie with disdaine of the Fathers : Wee ingenuously confesse that our sentence of Christs d Nature and Essence is contrair to all interpreters of Scripture who are come to our time . Moreover , hee professeth the noveltie of it ▪ in his Vncle , who first proponed the opinion which hee imbraceth of Iesus Christ , and telleth vs the way how hee got it , was by Revelation . e This is like his friend Puccius , who affirmed that his opinion of vniversall salvation was revealed to him by God f This plat-forme of his divinity is for Epicures , and that not farre from Origens mercie , to pleade for Sathan Annihilation , if not Salvation . What grace could this plat-former of Religion haue who refused to bee baptized : and when a zealous Preacher challenged him for that hee was not baptized , nor would not bee baptized g hee answered like a novelling opiniator . That , what hee thought of Baptisme hee would leaue it to his owne thoughts . a Sure●t is , that one who refuseth to be initiate in Christ by sacred Baptisme , is not a fitte instrument to reforme Christian Religion . After this same manner spake the olde Arrians , of whō Lyrinensis sayeth , That they overthrew well grounded Antiquitie by wicked noveltie , and that the ordinances of the Ancient were violate — while the desire of profaine and new curiositie cannot containe it selfe within the marches of sacred and pure Antiquitie b And they speake directly like the Pelagians : by vs as Authours , as beginners and expounders ; condemne the things that yee held afore , and hold these things that yee condemned , cast away your auncient Faith , and receiue another : And what faith ? I shrinke to speake it ; they are so proud , that I thinke they cannot so much as bee rehearsed , let bee refuted without some guiltinesse , c in like manner , Abelardus said , All men thinke so , but I thinke not so . And Bernard posed him iustlie , What then art thou ? Tell vs what is that , that seemeth to thee and to none others ? What hath the Law ? What hath the Prophets and Apostles , or Apostolicke men preached vnto vs ? but that , that thou onelie denyest ? d And Hilarie speaketh like an Orthodox . These things I haue beleeved by the holy Spirit , so that beyond this Faith of our Lord Iesus Christ I cannot bee taught . And a little aboue : I hold fast that , that I haue received , neither doe I change that , that is Gods. e I demand of them as Pacianus did the Novatians ; VVho teacheth so ? Did Moses , or Paul , or Christ ? No , none of these : Who then ? Novatian commanded it after three hundreth yeares ▪ f So I may say , That Socinus hath both invented new heresies , and renewed old heresies after a thousand fiue hundreth and eightie yeares . And I charge them as Ierome did Vigilantius , If any before thee hath received this thy Interpretation , let it bee true thou sayes ; But if the Church of God never heard of such wickednesse , and Sathan hath spoken by thee , then repent in sack-cloth and ashes , and wype away such great wickednesse by continuall teares . f This is the damnable fruit of liberty of prophecying , and professing , after that God hath blessed a Church with a bodie of sound Doctrine , according to the paterne of wholesome words : The mindes of people are shaken from the Truth , made susceptible of any opinion , and inclinable to the worst . When Arianisme and other errours , had shaken the Church for a time , the ambiguous mindes of people received Mahumetisme greedily . For keeping of true Religion , it is necessar to keepe Peace in the Church : Schisme bringeth heresie ; and these two renting the Church , doe rent the state also : The Church and state are twins , and their peace , and trouble are inseparable : Some Politickes haue advysed Princes to foster dissentions in the Church , as a way to make the Impyre floorish : So did Themistius to Valens the Emperours , but hee found confusion in the end : And Iulian allowed Heretickes to vexe and trouble the Church , because he thought these dissentions a speciall meanes to put Christian Religion out of the world . When Peace is keeped in the Church , the state flow risheth , but where it is neglected , horrible confusions follow as well in state as in Church . The Schisme betwixt the Greeke and Latine Churches could never reconceale ▪ and the Greeke Emperour lost the hearts of the people for too much inclining to the Pope . The divisions of Germanie are most by schism● , and the disputes of their Theologues turne the Courts of Princes in factions : The thrusting of Gregories Liturgie on Spaine devided the hearts of people from their King , and amongst themselues ; for al● beit things were good , yet change of custome doe more hurt by noveltie then helpe by profite , as Augustine well observeth : When affections accord , men may well brooke other in diversities of opinion , but the renting of affection ( the marrow of Schisme ) breaketh vnitie of opinion : also : By nature wee are averse from the Gospel , but if a stumbling blocke bee layed in our way , our aversnesse findeth a reason for it selfe . The kinglie Prophets practice is good heerein : Pray for the peace of Ierusalem , let them prosper that loue thee : Peace bee within thy walls and prosperitie within thy Palaces . Of three sorts of Kings , 1. Of GODS King. BEfore I leaue these verses , suffer mee to present to you three sorts of Kings : Gods King : Machiavells Tyrant : And the Pops Vassall : First a good King whom wee call gods King , comes to his Throne in Gods mercie , both to himselfe and to his people , as David and Solomon , &c. Secondly in his Disposition ; hee is religious , to acknowledge his placeing on the Throne not to come of man or Fortune , but of God : His exalting aboue man , maketh him not forget his subiection to God , but by heartie devotion hee doth homage to him daylie ; both for the Crowne hee holdeth of him , and for gifts to vse it . His businesse is not with people alone , but with God , to enable him for governement : Hee thinkes that a Tyrants verdict , si libet licet , if thou like it is leasome : and knoweth that to whom more is leasome than to others they can easelie will more than is leasome . Thirdlie , in his governement , hee is wise by Rehoboams folie : Hee leaneth not to his owne wit , or to the counsell of these who are of his owne yeares , but labour ▪ th 〈…〉 to doe Gods worke with Gods wisedome : Therefore he● readeth and meditateth his Word , and with David maket● his Commandements the men of his counsell : Hee knoweth nothing in his governement will bee acceptable to God ●ut that which agreeth with his word : As hee holdet● his Kingdome of Gods will , so in ruling it , he followeth his revealed will , that hee may abide in his favour . Fourthlie , in his account of his people ; hee counteth them not slaues but free men , even Gods people , to iudge thy people ; and that by Creation , Redemption , and Covenant : Hee knoweth that Gods right to them is first , and more than his ; and that his power over them is not absolute , but delegat for which hee must bee countable to God : Hee counteth them as his Children , as David spake to Israel , Hearken my Brethren and people : Hee looketh not so much to that relation of domination and subiection , as to that sweeter relation of Father and Sonne . Hee rejoyceth as much in the name of a Father as of a King , and sweyeth the kinglie Scepter in a fatherlie loue . Fiftlie in his ends : By all meanes hee seeketh the wealth and peace of his Subjects as his joye and glorie : But hee counteth their divisions amongst themselues , or their hatered of him as greevous wounds : Hee craveth their hearts more than their goods , and counteth their loue his best Guard vnder God. 2. Of Machiavells Tyrant . BVt Machiavell , ( or rather Sathan in him ) hath drawne vp the Portrate of a Tyrant vnder the Name of a Prince , and that contrare to all the pointes of my Text. First , hee directeth his Prince for his entrie , not to care how hee come to a Kingdome , so that hee may haue it : Truth or false-hood , right or wrong , craft or crueltie , blood or poyson , &c. All are alike to him , if they furder his end : Hee looketh not to God and Providence , but to Fortune and his owne fleshlie wisedome , not to the equitie or iniquitie of the meanes , but to their possibilitie to bring his evill purpose to passe : And commends to him joyntlie the crueltie of the Lyon and craft of the Foxe : Both good and bad may possiblie bee alike in desiring dignitie ; but they are not alike in the acquiring of it : The first goeth Gods way in righteousnesse and vertue : The other taketh him to by-wayes with craft and crueltie . Secondlie , for disposition ; Hee forbiddeth his Prince to bee religions indeede , but to seeme so : the shew of it is enough to do his turn with man , whom he alone respecteth ; and that onelie to deceiue him : Hee knoweth that men are caried with outward shewes ; and though they who are neere to him know his piety to be fained ; yet they dar not resist the common opinion of people , who count him to bee godlie indeede . He counteth the Conscience and feare of God : the care to please him , and to bee approved in the last reckoning , and such other practicke pointes of Religion , to bee as many cut-throates of his politicke designes : If these thoughts fall in his heart , they but drowne him in perplexities ; and suffer him neither freelie to intend his wickednesse , nor cheerefullie to follow it out : Therefore hee holdeth them all at the doore of his heart as odious stranglers of his spirit ; and setteth vp Atheisme or deepe Hypocrisie in their place : Hee leaveth Religion to such as hee counteth base spirits , who delight ( as hee thinkes profainelie ) to terrifie themselues needlesselie with the conscience and reverence of a God-head . Thirdlie , for his Governement , hee ady viceth him to haue sufficient wit of himselfe , at least to thinke that hee hath it ; and so turneth him in a Pope with infallibilitie of iudgement : To bee jealous of all , and keep● close his intentions ; that the imparting of them to other were they never so godly , wise , or trustie ▪ may discover , and frustrate his purposes : If hee could bee another himselfe in another Person , hee would suspect and decceiue that other himselfe , and hee would rent his inner Coate if it were privie to his plots . Fourthlie , for account of his Subiects , hee directs him not to count them Gods people but his owne ; and that not as free-men but as slaues : Hee is a slaue to his owne humour , and thinketh them for none other end , but to serue him in serving it , Hee taketh neither the relation , or affection of a Father , but his actions are full of tyranny . Lastlie , for his end , hee adviseth to keepe his people in continuall discord , and to expone their concord a conspiracie against him : There is nothing so terrible to him , as good correspondence in the mutuall intelligence of their affaires : If the feare of God , and loue of equitie keepe them in peace , hee will cast in the apple of strife , and put them in factions : Hee seeketh more their goods and service , than their hearts ; and like Nero careth not they hate him , so they feare him : So hee filleth all with feare , and most himselfe , for hee that will bee feared of all , must feare all : that feare filleth him with suspition , and suspition drawes him to crueltie , which maketh his kingdome a tragicall stage . This is Machiavells godlesse direction , whereof hee was not so much the inventer as a polisher ; the pieces of that policie lay scattered in Histories , but hee put them together , in one forme as hee saw them acted at the court of Rome vnder Pope Alexander the sixt ; and from the practice of such a father , directed Borgia his Sonne , an evill egge of an evill Crow : What could the world looke for of him , who was the Sonne of such a Father as Alexander , and the pupill of such a Tutour as Machiavell : a Hee tooke him as the object and Center of all his wicked devyses ; and setteth him out to the world as a most perfect exemplar to bee followed . Italie was then desirous of some one Prince to restore her to libertie ; and the Court dreameed that this one should bee Caesar Borgia : b Hee began his Monarchie with the killing of his elder Brother , and of a Cardinall would bee a commander of an Armie ; and went on , till God made him and his father spectacles of his wra●h : They had plotted to poyson some Cardinalls for their estate , but God by the errour of a Cup-bearer , made them fall in the snare they had prepared , and drinke the poyson appointed for the other : Heere was a time to repent ; but when hee saw all his devyces disapointed , hee blasphemed ; and called that worke of Gods justice , an extraordinar malignitie of Fortune . This is the temper of godlesse spirits , to plot wickednesse boldlie , and when they are disappointed , rather to raile against God vnder the name of Fortune , than to acknowledge his Iustice & repent : Such blasphemie is worse , than the calamitie it selfe . Borgia was never so right placed , as when hee was put in the belly of a Mulet , to draw the poyson out of his body : Heere was a fit place for Machiavells darling : hee was never more sutable cled than with such a carkase ; and that bellie was never worse filled , than with such a Monster . Heere was such lippes , such lat tuce , and a worse kernell , than the shell : Hee was a compleete circle of Fortunes turnings : First her darling in his exaltation , next her ludibrie or mocking-stocke in his downe-cast : And lastlie , a document of her futilitie and waikenesse . This was an example of Gods just Iudgement to all Tyrants , who will conquer and rule a state in contempt of God. All this is called wisedome in the world , but it is extreme madnesse : For beside their sinne which they misregard , even in sound naturall wisedome , they procure their owne ruine by these same meanes , which they choose for their stablishment . Hee is a foolish builder who chooseth for the foundation of his house an hollow ground full of Caues , and these caues full of powder , and other matter meete for fire or earth quacke ; then dobbeth the walls with Pitch or Brimestone : Such is the building of Machiavilians ; they lay the grounds of pride and Atheisme in themselues ; and of feare and Hatred in their people : They build vp their worke with Hypocrisie , crueltie , and craft : Therefore the least sparkle of Gods anger shaketh their building from the foundation . They beginne with impiety contemning God ; they goe on with iniquitie oppressing man ; and in end some tragicall calamitie destroyeth them and their state . So the Lord catcheth the craftie in their craftinesse . But hee is not content to set out his Tyrannie to the world ; but reflects also vpon Christian Religion and Princes ; as though it made them effeminate and brake their courage , because it teacheth them to seeke the heaven , and contemne the glorie of the world : And so preferreth Pagans religion , and Princes to them both : Here hee playeth the Atheist in mocking the life to come , and bidding men range like beastes for present contentment : Hee knoweth not that Kingdomes are but common giftes , because God giveth them to good and evill , lest the godlie should seeke them as perfect happinesse : Hee who gaue the impyre to Augustus gaue it also to Nero , and hee who gaue it to Cōstantine , gaue it also to Iulian : Neither knoweth he that true courage or greatnesse standeth not in a brutish headinesse , but in true Faith , and the feare of God , directing them to enterpryse nothing but good , and to submit themselues to his will. All the Lines of Pagan Emperours haue nothing like , David , Charles , or Constantine the great , whom God blessed with greater blessings than any man lawfully may wish . Iulius , Augustus , Antoninus &c. were great names indeede , and their fame the vmbrage of a great fancie ; like these Gyants before the flood that were men of name ▪ but not of worth : and all their greatnesse was to bring a deludge on the world . They were great scourges in Gods hand to plague man ; and that not with a lent cure , but with violence : Like a Paracelsian extract in a plethoricke body , to turne all vpside downe : The Romanes for 700. yeares oppressed the world ; and Caesar in three yeares oppressed them , and overthrew their liberties . Titus called Delitiae humani generis , the dainties of mankinde , had no courage ; at the approaching of death ; hee weeped as a Boy in a Schoole , and complained that hee was pulled vntimously and vnservedly from his great Fortune . Traian was so iust , that the Senat call him Optimus , & honoured him with a Statue in his life time ; his Vertues made some superstitious Monkes , to faine that Gregories prayers relieved him out of hell . They are as gouttish in their mind ( who credulouslie belieue these fables ) as they faine that Gregorie was punished with the Gout for his vndiscreet devotion : but Traian ascryvedh●s Impire to Iupiter , and for a time was a cruell persecuter : Principalitie was never better harboured than in a Christian breast , it maketh them in their life couragious to fight against Sathan , and to rule and bridle these passions , which cōmanded heathen princes ; and at their death , peaceablie to lay down their Scepters in Gods hand ; that they may possesse an heavenly Kingdome . There is more true worth and valour in a good Christian King , than in all the heathen Conquerours . Mankind hath not ever beene so happie in Governement as to bee free of Tyrants . Rashnesse in Counsels , and the swey of passions and factions , doe often preponder the best course ; and yet not withstanding all these , God hath ever keeped in mankinde a forme of governement . These are like sicknes in the body , the blemishes in face , & heresies in the Church ; as at the first they are evidences of their corruption who haue them , and punishments of the bodies where they are , so to the iudicious they are testimonies of a providence , over-ruling all . Though created speces of creatures by their mixture produced Mangrels , yet these Monsters could neither destroy , nor obliterate the created speces : These errours of Nature passe not further than the first degree , because they are not vnder the blefsing . Increase and multiplie , which was given onelie to the created kinds . So right governement is Gods ordinance , and could never bee thrust out of the world by Tyrannie . They who tooke occasion of the miscarying of things , to doubt of Providence , were but short-sighted : They stood at the first steppe of disorder , and vnequall rewarding of humane merits , but they should haue looked to the finall event . For though God suffer the course and midst to play confusedly , yet at last hee never missed his good end . Mans imprudence is both a matter , and evidencie of divine Providence . 3. Of the Popes Vassall . WEe haue heard of Gods King , and Machiavells tyrant , the Pope also hath a Mould of his owne for framing of Kings : Hee differeth from them both , but inclineth most to Machiavells . Gods King is for the good of all , Machiavels tyrant for the hurt of all . But the Pope over reacheth his policie , & maketh a King for his owne ends ; a snare to his Subiects , and most to himselfe , the reproach of authoritie , and as baselie obsequious to the Pope as any Vassall . 1. For their entrie in the Kingdome , hee setteth vp and cast●h downe Kings , as though God had put them vnder him , as Chesse men , or Counters in a Merchants hand to bee changed in their place , and worth at his pleasure . 2. For their Taske , hee inioyneth them to serue him absolutelie in a blind obedience ; to maintaine Idolatrie and persecute the Truth : If they doe so , they are his beloued Children ; and hee breathes on them his Apostolicke benediction , in recompence of kissing of his Feete : But if they vse their power against his tyrannie , and keepe their people in the Truth , then they are excommunicat as pushing Rammes that trouble the Flocke : Yea , though they were zealous Papists in superstition , yet if they bee not forward to destroy Protestants , they shall bee killed as profaine Politicks by some Iesuited zelote . 3. For their Rule , hee keepeth them alwayes as Babes vnder Tutorie ; hee suffreth them not to rule according to Gods word , and the wholesome Lawes of their Kingdomes , but thrusteth vpon them his Brieues , and Commands by his Legats : His dispensations & Non-obstantes are sufficient to remoue the Impediments of divine and humane Lawes , and his Mandamus is a warrant good enough to execute his tyrannie . 4. For the respect due to them hee thrusteth them out of their place , and bestoweth vpon them , but the Latter ▪ meate of publicke prayers , and in other places preferreth Presbyters to them , and the occasionall modestie or civilitie of Martyn , giving the Cup to a Presbyter at the Table of Maximus the Emperour , shal be called the iust valuation , & preferring of a Presbyter to the Emperour . This is the point of his tyranous vsurpation ouer Princes , which hath tossed Europe these sixe hundreth yeares , and craues a fuller handling by it selfe alone , which God-willing I shall performe . See afterward the L. G. of Princes and Popes . The Pourtrat of a perfect King. WEe may also raise of this Text a description of a good King and an happie Kingdome . A good King God descriues in David , I haue found mee a man according to mine heart &c. And that was in respect of his Election to the Kingdome , which was in mercie , and had a preceeding Election of Grace : In his Gouernment , because hee applyed himselfe to Gods heart in following his will : And in his Approbation , because God who chused him in mercie , and guided him in his government , did accept his obedience , and set him vp as a compleete patterne of good Kings , whose greatest commendation is to walke in the wayes of David my seruant . This is Gods description of good Kings ; but how few such haue beene in the world ? There were none good before Christ but in the line of David : For after the division of the Tribes vnder Rehoboam , all the Kings of Israel were wicked idolaters ; and of Iudah onlie two were exceeding good , Ezekiah , and Iosiah ; sixe were praised in part , and reprooved in part , as Asa , Iosaphat , Ioaz , Amasah , Vzzah , and Iotham : And all the rest were idolaters as the Kings of Israel . The praise of good Kings is , that they know the Truth , and serued God accordinglie : They were zealous for his glorie , destroying idolatrie , and holding it out of their Kingdomes ; they maintained the worship of God according to his Truth , and gaue neither toleration nor libertie of false Religions to their Subiects ; but astricted them by Lawes to worship him aright , & went before them in a royall example . They sought not themselues , but Gods glorie ; and he recompenced them againe by his blessing on their persons and government , and making their Names to flowrish in benediction . But the idolatrous Kings were contrare ; they forsooke the true God themselues , and permitted a miscellanie Religion to their people : Therefore his curse was on them , and their government : Hee wrote their Names in the dust , and made them vyle to the posteritie , as may be seene in Histories . Heere is a looking Glasse for Christian Princes : Popish Kings though they bee in the Church , yet they are like the Kings of Israel in idolatrie , as Ieroboam with the Calues at Bethel : But Kings in reformed Churches are like the Kings of Iudah , who haue God among them in the Arke of his testimonie , and true Religion ; and it is their safetie , to follow David , Ezekiah and Iosiah in the maintenance and practise of true Religion . This is a better exemplar than the Cardinals : When for a fashion he hath set downe the example of some good Iewish and Christian Princes , hee subioynes the Legend of some canonized Kings , who got that honour when Ignorance and Idolatrie prevailed in the Church , That looking to that Glasse of the Popes forging , hee may steale the hearts of Princes from God to superstition . I would aske , if Ioseph , Moses David , &c. before Christ , and Theodosius , Tiberius the younger &c. were not as holy as Vences●aus , Leopoldus , and other canonized Kings . If they were , wherefore are these canonized and not the other ? A good King setteth God before him as his end ; and true happinesse in his fauour ; hee counteth his earthlie Kingdome neither his e●d , nor a way to the right end , but seeketh the Kingdome of Heauen aboue the other , and that by the way of godlinesse and righteousnesse : It is a well grounded Throne that standeth on these two pillers : Godlinesse maketh men eternall ; it is his Image that never dyeth , and maketh their persons and workes acceptable to him ; without it as no man can see him , so with it vndoubtedlie they shall enjoy him for euer . No Iewell nor Dyamount shineth brighter in the Crownes of Kings than true godlinesse . Righteousnesse is another Pillar , the proper worke of the Throne , and Gods worke in Kings who sit in it ; for the heart of the King is in the Lords hand , and hee sweyeth it whither hee will : It is a just thing with GOD to maintaine the Throne his owne ordinance , when righteousnesse his will and work doe both liue in it , and issue from it : And what are good Kings on Thrones , but God in them iudging the World ? God standeth in the Congregation of the mightie , and hee iudgeth among Gods : Hee delighteth to rest where hee reigneth and ruleth with delight . A righteous King sitting on his Throne is a more pleasant sight than Solomons , & that more for his invisible Attendants than for his visible . Before him standeth Affabilitie , as a Porter , to giue accesse to the plaints of the afflicted : Injuries choppe the hearts of the oppressed , and they runne to Princes for helpe : And they are set vp in their greatnesse , not to neglect the oppressed , but to heare their complaints : It was a fault in the Kings of Persia not to admitte any to their presence , but such as were called vpon ; it made oppressours bolde , and the oppression of the poore incurable : But it was commended in another King , who gaue justice to an oppressed woman , who told him freelie , That if hee had not leasure to iudge , he should not reigne : And Traian was honoured with a Statue , because beeing on horse , and going to battell , hee stayed till hee did Iustice to an oppressed Widow . When affabilitie as a Porter hath made way to the oppressed , then loue of the people in the Kings heart , as a Master of requeasts taketh the complaint in hand , and calling Wisedome and Prudence to counsell , they consult to doe right according to the cause . Before his Throne stand Courage & Clemencie : Courage to proceede according to Iustice ; and Clemencie to temper some times the strictnesse of Iustice : Clemencie remoueth Severitie , least it turne to Crueltie , and Courage remoueth too great Indulgence , least it breed in People a libertie to sinne , and contempt of Princes : Clemencie can pardon small faultes ; but great sinnes and effronts of Authoritie would bee punished ; else it is not Clemencie , but Crueltie . On either side of the Throne two Sergents stand , Power and Diligence : Power , to execute the sentence pronounced , which careth as little the difficulties that may follow execution , as Iustice did the respect of persons : And Diligence doth all with such convenient speed , as the nature of the matter , and the honour of the Prince requireth : At the backe of this Throne leaneth Peace and Prosperitie , Peace among the whole Bodie while everie one getteth his right , and is secured in it : And Prosperitie , as Gods blessing following that his own worke , of a wife and righteous government . As a good King seeketh Gods favour aboue all , so nixt therevnto the loue of his people : The heart is the Man , and among all affections loue caries the heart and captiues man : Hatred and Feare are troubling passions , and separate the heart from their object ; but loue applies it selfe ioy fullie , and draweth the whole Man to that it loueth : The best conquest of their loue is by goodnesse Loues proper obiect ; and there is no heart so hard as to hold it selfe from these in whom true goodnesse shineth : Wee may compell men to feare , but cannot moue them to loue vs , but by sweete motiues ; the bond that commeth by compulsion is vnpleasant to the parties ; it is soone broken , and when it leaveth off , is turned in hatred , but the band of loue is both pleasant and firme . Fatherlie loue in a King to his people , and loue in them to him againe is a sweete relation , and maketh their mutuall dueties both easie and pleasant : Moses preferred the people to himselfe : Spare them , O Lord , but raze my name out of the Booke of life : And David offered himselfe to bee punished for the people , I haue sinned but these sheepe what haue they done ? Next to the loue they send vp to GOD , this descending loue to their people , maketh them carefull of their peoples good . When hee loueth his people he hath conqueshed their heart absolutelie ; for no affection either deserveth or findeth more recompence than loue : Thereby hee is Master of their bodies and goods , and Constantius iustlie boasted , that hee had more money in his Treasures than Diocletian , because hee had his peoples favour . Princes are oft-times vniustlie hated , yet not loved except they loue their Subiects ; but if they hate them , and be terrible , they are repayed in the same kind : VVhosoever affrighteth many , is affrighted of many againe ; for so God by nature hath appointed , that what is great by feare of others , is full of feare it selfe : The Lyon that affrighteth all Beasts , is affrighted at the crowing of a Cocke , and cruell Beasts are amazed with cryes and sounds in the Forrest ▪ so what ever terrifieth others , doeth tremble it selfe . A tyrants government r●steth not , and the feare hee worketh on others , returneth on himselfe , and maketh him a Center both of their hatred and feares ; who are affrayed of him : Hee is in a continuall and dangerous , warre , and neither sure before , nor behind , nor on either fide ; neither hath hee peace within , because hee is ever affrayed . But whē Princes exerce their power in loue , are easie for accesse , readie to heare the plaints of the poore , they are loued of all , defended , and honoured as Gods Vice-gerents : All men will desire a long life to them , & bestow their owne lives for their preservatiō . So he dwelleth in great safty , who dwelleth in the hearts of his Subiects : As many loving hatrs , so many open eares to heare , eyes to see , and hands to avoyde his griefe , and procure his good : The Bees defend their King , and count it their glorie to die for him ; so are loving and beloved Subiects to a loving and beloved King. Hee is as a Center in his Kingdome , and all giftes and callings as a circle about him ; hee sendeth out a royall influence to everie part of that large Circle which is augmented by his loue : And that influence and loue doeth civilic perfect the gifts of his Subiects : This is recompensed with the loue and service of millions of the people , who the more cheerefully bestow themselues & their gifts for him , because of his loue . It is pleasant to see this mutuall respect betwixt such an Head and such a Bodie ; but more ioyfull for themselues , to find it betwixt them . His loue and royall vertues procure both the good-will of his people and Authoritie : The first is their strongest Affection , the other a great Opinion of their Kings excellencie , composed of reverence and feare of his offence : All these preserue both the Persons and Maiestie of Kings ; a●d barre contempt , which vndermines the authoritie of Maiestie and Empyres : Conspiracies are the most fearefull convulsions of a Kingdome , and there is no better humane guard against them than the loue of people ; for Traitors seeke this as a speciall ground , if their treason can bee acceptable to Subiects : But where Princes are loued of their people , none dare conspire against them ; because they will finde as many severe Avengers , as loving Subiects . But wee may take more briefelie the description of a good King from S. Austine , after his long discourse of providence over Kingdomes . VVee doe not count Christian Emperours happie ( saith hee ) because they did reigne long , or left their Sons heires of their Empyre — For such common blessings some worshippers of idoles haue received , who pertaine not to the Kingdome of God , to which these Christians appertaine : And this was done of Gods great mercie , least the faithfull should count th●se worldlie dignities the chiefe good . But wee call them happie , if they governe iustlie , if they bee not puffed vp , with flattering tongues and base attendents , but remember that they are men , if they make that power a servant to God , to enlarge his worshippe : If in their owne persons , they feare , loue , and worship God , and loue that Kingdome of Heaven most wherein they will haue no Competitours . If they revenge slowlie , and pardon hastily — If Leacherie and other lusts bee so much the more restrained in them as they haue the greater libertie : if they had rather rule their owne lust than Nations : And if they doe these things not for lo●e of vaine glory , but the loue of eternall happinesse . If for their sins they offer to the true God a sacrifice of humility , pietie , and prayer . Such Christian Kings wee say are must happie . An happie Land. WEe may also raise heereof the description of an happie Land ; that happinesse is not in the situation lying convenientlie to the Sunne , or to haue rich Mines of gold and silver with all sort of rare fruites & commodities , &c. The best soyles for the most part are inhabite by worse people : Turkes and Mahumetanes dwell in that Land which God gaue as a blessing to Israel ; and Pagans haue the choise parts of the world ; to tell vs that the happinesse of people is not in the goodnesse of a soyle , and that the godlie haue not their byding Citie on Earth : But that is the happinesse of a Kingdome where the Sunne of righteousnesse shineth , and the Mynes and Treasures of the grace of Christ are discovered , where Christ the desire of Nations , and the glorie of Israel doth gather and rule his Church , where hee setteth vp his Throne in the heartes of their Rulers , and maketh them to authorize by Law , and professe and practise in their owne person the true Religion : VVhere the people ladened with these mercies , know their time and the things that concerne their Peace . The glorie of Canaan was not for that it flowed with milk and honey , but for the Arke of God , that abode in it , and the glorie of Ierusalem was not in statelie buildings , but because God was knowne in it , and said , heere will I dwell . This is the estate of everie Kingdome where Christ ruleth by his Gospel . Behold , a King shall rule in righteousnes and Princes shall rule in Iudgement : And what shall be the fruite ? The worke of righteousnesse shall be peace , and the effect of righteousnesse quietnesse and assurednesse for ever . And my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation , and in sure dwellings , and in quiet resting places : The eyes of the Lord is on such a Land from the beginning of the yeare to the end . Happie is that people that is in such a case , yea , happie is that people whose God is the Lord. The Conclusion . I Close with the two maine vses of this Exercise , to wit Praise & Prayer : Of Praise , to thank God , that he hath given to the King his hearts Desire and hath not with-holden the request of his lippes : That he hath prevented him with the blessings of his goodnesse , and made him exceeding glad with the light of his Countenance . That hee hath blessed these Kingdomes with a Prince , and apparant Heire to these Thrones . God hath verifyed on this I land that which Fables fained of the happie or fortunate Isles ; though we lye in a cold Climate farre from the Line , yet for our spirituall condition wee are vnder a better line . The Sun of Righteousnesse sendeth downe his direct beames , and fullest influences on vs : No land for many Ages hath had a more gratious , and benigne aspect of Gods favour , than this . God hath set over vs a King that loveth the Trueth , professeth it with vs , and in the Exercise of it , is exemplar to Subjects . Cast your Eyes beyond Sea , and consider what Kings rule over Christians there . The greatest of them striue with other , who shall bee greatest Slaues to Antichrist ; they affect their owne destruction in pleasing him , by destroying their Subiects : There is nothing for Gods people , vnder these three greatest Princes , but either the Imperiall deformation rooting out the Trueth , where it hath beene ; or the Spanish Inquisition , bearing it downe , that it ryse not ; or the French Massacres , destroying both Professors and Profession : If the Saints vnder them were in our place , they would thinke themselues after a sort in Heaven , in a Goshen for light and securitie , and in Ierusalem for vision and peace . They haue drunken these ten or twelue yeares of the Cup of Wrath , and suffered all the losses of Warres : Their Men killed , their Women defiled , and Countreyes wasted : If God ( as hee might justly for our sinnes ) would make vs drinke of that same Cup but one Moneth , after such a calamitie , wee would count mor● of our Happinesse , under the shadow of so good a King than wee doe . Our Land hath not such rare Commodities as others , but yet the Tree of life groweth in our streetes ; and every shaking of it in the publick worship of God , sendeth down such fruits , as all the Indies can not afford the lik : The knowledge of God in Christ ; Remission of sinnes ; Peace of Conscience , & other saving Graces , are better than all the Spicerie of the World. God hath showen his Word to Iaakob , his Statutes and his Iudgements to Israel : Hee hath not dealt so with every Nation : For this happinesse , wee are a matter of Wonder and astonishment to people beyond Sea , because of our great Peace , with aboundance of all things for Soule and Body : and onlie miserable in this , that wee neither know our Happinesse , nor thanke God for it , Wee are a part of these ends of the Farth , which the ●ather giveth in possession to his Sonne : And we finde not since the Apostles tyme a Land blessed with a more sound body of Doctrine , than this , which God in mercie continue : Wee were as soone blessed with the Gospell as any Kingdome , and our numerous and learned Cleargie , sent out some as Apostles , who turned to Christ some inner parts of this I land , and sundrie Countries beyond Sea : And since our returning from the Babylonish Captivitie , God hath set vp amongst vs in Reformation a more glorious Temple than the first . Happie is that Land , where the Sheepe of Christ goe out and in , and none affrighteth them ▪ Praise thy God O Ierusalem , praise thy God O great Britaine ; Hee maketh peace in thy Borders , and filleth thee with the fat of wheate : Who will not desire to be sed for the p●ace for the fatnesse and satieti● ? Nothing is feared there , nothing is loathed , and nothing is lacking . Paradise is a sweete dwelling , the Word of God a sweete foode , and Eternitie is great riches . What Nation is there so great , who hath God so nigh vnto them , as the Lord our God is in all things , that wee call vpon him for ? And what Nation is there so great , that hath Statutes and Iudgements so righteous , as all this Law which I set before you this day ? For you my Lords of Nobilitie , Councell , and State is matter of praise , because God hath given you a young Master , and augmented the matter of your Ioy ▪ in strengthning that royall Line : and of your peace , in securing your States and Dignities , by the hope of that Succession . For you also my Lords of the Colledge of Iustice , because God hath ioyfullie begun this Summer Session , and turned this day that beginneth the Terme of Iustice , in a sacrum Iustitium , or holy Vacancie , from iustice , and from the Bench , hath brought you to the Church to praise him , and to pray for the Spirit of Iustice to our King , and Prince : That as God hath given a new Conduit for the Influence of Iustice on this Land , you may partake there of , according to your Place , and proue thankfull to God and to your Princes , in stablishing their Throne , by the Ministration of Iustice ; and may bee a blessing to this People , making them obedient to God , and their Princes , when they are comforted by your righteousnesse . For you also my beloved of this Parish , and others of this Citie , God hath given that Matter of Ioy you haue long desired . And at what time came the tydings of it ? Even after you had refreshed vs your Pastours , with your free offerings to the poore : You made vs not ashamed of our boasting of your Charitie , but satisfied abundantly fourefold the necessitie that wee commended to you : And while at night wee were reioycing in the Lord , for that fruite of your Faith , God gladened vs with the good tydings of the birth of our Prince . It is ever seene , that when a People are zealous , and cheerefull in good works to honour GOD , hee meeteth them shortly with a greater blessing . And let all the People count of this blessing , as of a Child borne in everie house of this Land , and praise God for this new matter of our dayly Prayers : For sex yeares bygone our Prayers had a want , because we had not a young Prince to pray for : But now God hath filled vp that want , in giving vs a Prince , to pray for after his royall Parents . The second generall Vse , is to pray to God : and that for our King our Queene , our Prince , and our selues : For our King , that the Spirit of the Lord may rest vpon him , the Spirit of Wisdome and Vnderstanding , the Spirit of Counsell and Might , the Spirit of Knowledge , and of the feare of the Lord , that he may iudge not after the sight of his Eyes , nor reproue after the hearing of his Eares ; but may iudge the poore with righteousnesse , and reproue withequitie , for the meeke of the land : That he would blesse him with Counsellours about him , and judges with him , like Iethroes Elders : Men that feare God , hate covetousnesse , and seeke Gods glorie , and the well of King and Countrie . That hee would set him as a Seale on his Arme , and on his heart . That hee would multiplee Grace more and more on him , to verifie the glorious Title of Defender of the Faith , in maintaining the Trueth , and repressing Idolatrie , That God would cloath his Enemyes with shame , and on him make his Crowne to floorish . That hee would prolong the Kings life , and his yeares for many generations , that hee may abide before the Lord for ever : and continue the meeke race of the Stewarts . To pray for our Queene , as the Iewes did for Pharaohs Daughter : That she may forget her People , and her Fathers house ; and that as God hath begun to make her a fruitefull Mother in Israel , so hee would increase that fruitfulnesse , and make her proue new-borne in Israel : And with this bond of the fruite of her wombe , that tyeth her to the King , and this I land ; to tye her heart also to the Trueth professed amongst vs. To pray for our Prince : That the matter of our Ioy in him may be constant : That God with the increase of his Dayes , would increase his Gifts and Graces , and enable him for the Place hee hath appointed him ; that when his Father is full of good Dayes , hee may succeede him in all these forenamed blessings , as well as in these Thrones That so there never faile a Man of that Line , to sit on the Throne of these Kingdomes . That as Mankynd is increased by his Birth , so the number of the Faithfull may bee increased by his new Birth , in the ●awer of Regeneration . And as God hath made him a Sonne of our Desires , so hee would make him a Sonne of Delight to vs and the Posteritie , by growing in favour with God and Man. To pray for our Selues : That wee may know the Tyme of our Visitation , and the things that concerne our Peace , and proue thankfull to God for his great Mercies . Wee are like Ierusalem in the Happinesse of our Tyme , and as like her in not knowing of it : Wee are like that Figge Tree which was long spared ; and if wee bee vnfruitefull , still wee are neere to a curse : Wee are that Vineyard that was well dressed , but if wee bring not our better fruits , wee shall bee destroyed . For all Estates of this Land , from the greatest to the smallest , doe meete Gods mercie with ingratitude and rebellioun . God hath beene passing through the reformed Churches these yeares by gone ; with a fearefull , yet a iust visitation : Wee are as guiltie as they , and yet God in a forebearing mercie is waiting if wee will repent : If wee turne not to him vnfainedly , let vs resolue that the dregges of this Cup are reserved for vs : onely let vs take heede , and keepe our Soule diligently , lest we forget the things which our Eyes haue seene , and lest they depart from our Hearts all the dayes of our life . But let vs not thinke , that our present businesse in this Church is sufficient , wee must heereafter walke in a new obedience to God , who ladeth vs dayly with blessings . This is our best thanksgiving , and a most forcible Prayer , to obtaine new blessings vpon the blessings receaved ; and with all , it is a Seale that Gods Mercies are given vs in Mercy . If our Thanksgiving be a constant walking worthie of Gods blessings , then he will delyte to dwell amongst vs , and blesse vs more ; than shall we still be a matter of ioyfull wondring to the World , and of comfort to our selues , when the blessings of the Scepter of Christ , and of the well sweyed Scepters of our Princes are visible amongst vs , in Religion , Iustice and Peace . The Lord who hath blessed vs with this ioyfull Occasion , and brought vs together in this house , to testifie our ioy before Man and Angels , put this Day amongst these white and ioyfull Dayes , that are marked with rare blessings , and make it a period and beginning of a ioyfull reckoning of yeares to come . The Lord make vs constant in thankfulnesse , that his goodnesse may continue with vs : That the end of all his blessings may bee his Glorie , in the Salvation of our Princes , and of our selues , through Iesus Christ our Lord. To this God , Father , Sonne , and holy Ghost , King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , bee praise , honour , and glorie , now , and for evermore , AMEN . FINIS . A LOOKING GLASSE For PRINCES and POPES . OR A Vindication of the sacred Authoritie of PRINCES , from the Antichristian vsurpation of the Popes . By the same Authour M. William Struther . August . Civit. lib. 4. cap. 7. Ipsi attendant speculum suum . Bernard Consid. Lib. 4. Ipsi sint speculum , ipsi forma . Idem Lib. 2. Admove speculum , faedus se in eo vultus agnoscat . EDINBVRGH , Printeed by the Heires of Andro Hart. 1632. The Preface of the Uindication . REligion is the sacred Bond betweene God and vs : And the certaintie of the Trueth professed maketh it stronger . In this litigious age , Contentions haue almost buried the Trueth : And the inconsiderate Reader of Controversies , shall neither finde Papists in their diverse and contradictorie opinions , nor himselfe . The best resolution for that certaintie , ( next to Scripture ) is not so much by the theoricke of controversies , as the practicke of Now-Romes pertinancie : Therefore it shall be a price worth our labour , to consider Rome as now it standeth , and the graduall shifts whereby shee hath driven her selfe to it . Her present estate is a judiciall hardnesse : In that most obstinate pertinacie , as Saint a Austine calleth it , that maketh men defend errour for trueth , and pursue trueth for errour : And all their businesse in wryting , disputing , &c. is that made presumption , ( as Patianus b sayeth ) whereby they seeke only the victorie in any cause : And like the olde Pagans , they choose rather to obtrude their owne errours impudently , than patiently to heare our Trueth , as Cyprian said to Demetrian : Potius tua impudenter ingerere ; quàm nostra patienter audire . As Copernicus in Astronomie , and Paracelsus in Physicke , loathing olde Trueths layed their new Hypotheses , and threw all things by the haire to countenance them ; so doe they in their new broached heresies : And like Photinus ( c ) seeke not to show a reason of their doctrine to their hearers ; but draw things that are simply spoken to the colouring of their errour , as Ruffinus speaketh of him , Ut simpliciter ac sideliter dicta , ad argumentum sui dogmatis traheret . The first Ages delighted to comment Scripture : But when Lombard gathered his sentences , their itching ingines loathed Scripture , and commented Lombard : And when Thomas ( the floure of the Schoole ) had diggested his summes , they were made the Text , for commenting , and reading in Schooles : And the Canons of Trent are more holy than all ; not to bee commented , least Trueth breake out amongst their hands , but to bee believed and adored as Oracles : So they stand now in the pertinacious defence of the Antichristian Faith , canonized in Trent . This is the present estate of the Romish Church , wherevnto shee hath drawne her selfe , by seven necessarie ( but miserable ) shiftings . First , at their great challenge by Luther , they began with Scripture : Though Caietan lurked in the bushes of Schoole-divinitie , and Prierias worbled in his Cases , yet Eccius a and others appealed to Scripture . But when they had assayed , they found it hurtfull : I herefore they cast it away with contempt , calling it a nose of waxe , a leaden sword , &c. like the olde Hereticks , who ( as Irenie ( b ) sayeth ) turned to the accusation of Scripture , when they were convinced by Scripture : Cum à Scripturis arguuntur , in accusationem earum convertuntur . Before the Colloque of Ratisbone , when the Protestant Divines intercommuned by letter with the Iesuits , that they would agree on the places of arguments : The Iesuits in their Preface declared that they would not stand to Scripture , least ( say they ) we had lost our cause in the verie entrie . I his their distrust of Scripture is a reall confessing that their faith is not Scripturall . Secondly , they came to Traditions ; and because wee sticke to Scripture , they called vs Scripturarij ; to tell vs , that a they are Lucifugae Scripturarum , as Tertullian calleth Hereticks : And againe , Credunt sine Scripturis , v● credant contra Scripturas b . And yet they finde no rest in Traditions : The indefinetnes of their number , the confussion of their kinds , Divine : Apostolicke , Ecclesiasticke , hath confounded them , who expresly laboured to distinguish them . But d the first tymes reasoned not from their owne asseveration , but by divine testimonies , as sayeth Lactantius , Non asseveratione propriâ , sed testimonijs Divinis , sicut nos facimus . Thirdly from Traditions of an vncertaine Author , they come to Fathers , and with a froggish and laterane coaxation , doe cry Patres , Patres . But Protestants haue driven them from that retreate also ; for though in the Fathers some Liturgicall ceremonie may bee found , yet in Dogmaticke poynts they are all for vs : Neither can they make Lirinensis a triple tryall , to fitte their Tenets , that they were receaved ab omnibus , semper & vbique . Fathers are worthie of respect , when they speake according to our Heavenly Father : They gaue that respect to their Ancestors , and craved no more to themselues . Who ever shall reade these things , let him not imitate mee erring , but growing to the better : Non me imitetur errantem , sed in melias proficientem , sayeth Augustine , even of his retractations b . And they themselues condemne the Fathers , except they speake to their sense . Fourthly , from Fathers a-part , they come to Fathers mette together in Councells : So Bellarmine everie where thinketh it enough , In hoc conveniunt omnes Scholastici propter Conciliorum authoritatem . But when these Councells are searched , they are but late Conventicles gathered for their purpose , as Dioscorus did at Ephesus ▪ Irene at Neece The Laterane Councells : of Florence , Constance , Basile . And lastly , their Trent Councell by a preposterous order , giving authoritie to the former . They contemne ancient and lawfull Councells , as Vives remarketh , Reliqua non pluris aestimant , quam conventus muliercularum in textrina vel thermis : These are Councels to them ( sayeth hee ) which serue their turne , as for other they count no more of them Conventions of Women , &c. Fifthly , they muster the Testimonies of their Popes , as the last and greatest ground of their Faith : A matter more ridiculous than serious , to judge a malefactor by his owne testimonie : If they thinke them infallible , why giue they them not the first place ? They are neither as Primipili or Triarij , but rather Rorarij and Ferentarij amongst the Legions , more for number than for weight : But the wiser ●ort are ashamed to vse these shaddowes in disputs . Sixtly : When they finde no safetie in all these refuges , they come to humane learning : And for this cause , the Iesuits ( seeing their Cleargie ignorant ) affected a Monarchie of Letters : As Ierome a said of the Hereticks , who called themselues Reges Philosophorum , Kings of the Philosophs . They are destitute of Scripture , and runne to the supplie of Nature & Arte. These olde Hereticks boasted of the furniture of humane learning : So Novatian b threw the darts of poysoned eloquence , and was more hard by the perversenesse of secular Philosophie , &c. In like manner Aponius c descryveth them , that they turned the trueth in a lie by sharpe words and syllogismes . And Ierome ( d ) telleth , that the Htreticke , propter acumen ingenij discurrit per testimonia Scripturarum , and laboureth by Sophistrie to oppresse the Trueth ▪ And againe , the good Christian , veritatis simplicitate contentus , Haereticorum suppellectilem argumentorumque divitias non requirit : Hee is content with the simplicitie of trueth , & seeketh not the furniture of Hereticks Papists cōfesse a sympathizing with Pagans . Humane learning is Gods gift indeede , but should not bee abused to impugne the Trueth : And it is Gods will that naked and simple Trueth bee cleerely proponed , because it is sufficiently decored of it selfe , sayeth Lactance : And to that same sense Ierome , Nolim Philosophorum argumenta sectari , sed simplicitate Apostolicae acquiescere a . And Basile likewise , Nuda est veritas pa●rono non egens , ipsa seipsam defendens : Though with Nazianzen hee profited wonderfully in Philosophie at Athens , yet hee calleth it an hyding of the Trueth , to trouse it vp in humane farding , ne contegamus veritatem verborum fuco . But they acknowledge their distrust of this refuge also : For Transubstantiation is so contrare to sound Philosophie , that Scotus doubtes against it , are neither solved by himselfe , nor any other , as Quantum futurum cum quanto : Quantum fine modo quantitativo : Partem extra partem ; & tamen in qualibet parte totum : Therefore they haue devised a bastard Philosophie , to colour their bastard Divinitie : That there is a penetration of Dimensions ; that one body of a numericall vnitie , may bee in innumerable places at once : that many compleete bodies may bee couched vnder these same Speces ; that they may bee consumed , and yet abide ; that in their consumption they neither feele , nor are felt of the consumer ; that one bodie is continued , and discontinued in Heaven and Earth at once ; that it hath a localitie and illocalitie ; that an Accident can subsist without a Subiect ; that a dimensiue Quantitie is a Subiect of the Speces ; that there is a mixed proposition , whereof one part is in the mouth , and another in the mynde , &c. If Aristotle , and olde Philosops were in the world , and heard these monstruous opinions in Philosophie , they would misknow their owne Art. With these weapons they haue long mustered , and their Armies are led with two Goliaths , Baronius and Bellarmine ; from whose first syllabs some haue wittily found out BA-BELL : They haue done what Nature and Sophistry can , to oppresse the Trueth , and colour heresie . Bellarmine dogmatickly in great volumes laboureth in the perpetuall Elench of the authoritie of the Church . Baronius practickly in his Anachronismes , Suppressions , Inversions of Order , Anticipations , laboureth in the perpetuall ●l●nch facti pro ●ure : And all of them fill the world with large volumes , vt stupefaciant ignaros literarum , as sayeth ●r●neus Suarez with his tedious Disputs hath gotten the rewarde of fire to his treasonable Booke . Ualentia thinketh his Analysis can not bee loosed , and yet it is but a petition of the principle of the Churches pretended authoritie . Gretzer hath casten himselfe off the stage by his scalding Uasquez with his blasphemous worshipping of Sathan is abhorred . Becane with his affected brittle subtilities is tastlesse ; hee delighteth in his lame and pithlesse dilemmes , and like a Con in a Cage moveth much , but promoveth nothing , &c. If a man shall cast over their Volumes , with Martiall hee shall offend at Homers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : Nothing but triviall iuff●ing , a thousand tymes refuted by Protestants , and as oft reponed by Papists : Some new quirk of humane Invention , and some new forme or lustre put vpon olde damned heresies and exsibilate Paradoxes . Ther Expurging Indices are Evidencies of their evill conscience in an evill cause : they distrust all , and adde , delete , change in bookes what maketh against them : They destroy genuine bookes , as Bertrame calling it Oecolampadius forgerie : And set out supposititious Treatises without number , and rase Scripturall sentences out of the Indices of all Wryters : Yet they stand not at these Purgations : Sixtus did it with more iudgement . Possevine with more diligence , and yet they are not content with them : The purging of Doway and Spaine , are not enough , but the Vaticane must bee added : And when Angelus Rocha hath revised all , Ioannes Maria must purge out more : But Bellarmine a latelie vrged a further purgation of Bookes against the Iesuits . Their new faith is so ambulatorie , that it knoweth not where to consist . They are convicted by the testimonies of their owne writers , and therefore reject them , as Tertullian b said of the Pagans . But let them purge Bookes as they will , their faith is damned ▪ and stobbed by so manie testimonies , as they in revenge doe pearce with the Popes obeliske . It were good service to God and his Church , to gather in one all these sentences which they haue purged . And a worke worthie of the Church of England , who is most able for it . How ever they deale with Authours , wee say as S. Austine did to Donatists , Constantinus quidem defunctus est , sed eius Testimonium contra vos vivit . These men are dead , yet their Testimonie is quicke against you . Men would thinke , that with all this furniture they would bee bold to dispute ; But they are come now to shift disputs . So Salmeron a condemneth disputing with Protestants : So Becan b and Scioppius in the foundations of peace . c Iansenius d giveth vs a floorish out of Tertullian , Wee neede not to bee curious after Christ , nor to inquire after the Gospel . And Baronius e before him abusing Ambrose , That wee neede not accuse the Apostolicke faith of noveltie . But this wee craue , is not a curious inquiring after Christ , but a tryall of their faith , if it bee that Faith that Christ delivered to his Apostles . They confesse reallie , that it is not that same faith , while they eschew the try all of Scripture . This their shifting of Disputs is contrare to the auncients practice , as may bee seene in Athanasius against the Arrians : Cyrillus against the Nestorians : Augustine against the Pelagians and Donatistis . &c. And most against their owne Practice ; for first when the Iesuits arose , they made disputs their sacrum Asylum , or sacram Anchoram , and for this cause glutted themselues with humane learning : But now in end they finde their furniture as stubble before the fire : For one place of Scripture rightlie vrged against them , burneth vp all their baggage . This shift commeth first of experienced weaknesse in disputes , and next , of a confidence in bloodie massacring : So Austine noted these two : The first in the Donatists ( e ) Sed quia bonam causam &c. Because they knew they had not a good cause , they first did what they could , that there should bee no Dispute , and that their cause should not bee handled all . The confidence in other meanes hee noteth in the Manicheans ( g ) Non enim disputare amant , for they loue not to dispute , but pertinatioustie to overcome any wayes . In like manner Mahomet c discharged all disputing in his Religion : And the Iconolaters ( the Papists fathers ) refused to dispute with Orthodoxes . But if they bee forced to dispute , they fill all with clamours as Cyprian d noteth of the Pagans , and boast of victorie , though they bee overcome , as Pascentius and Maximus , two Arrian Bishops did boast , that they overcame Augustine e in disputs . Yet they like some sort of disputs , such as they had with Iohn Hus , and Ierome of Prage , whom they burnt at Constance , and the like latelie with Padre Fulgentio , and Abbas Sylvius at Rome , thogh incōstant Spalato could not be wise by their example . This they haue learned of the Arrians . For when King Hunnericus called a dispute at Carthage , hee began it with burning an Orthodoxe Bishop , f Lactance a shall close this point , and lead mee to their last refuge . Novi hominum pertinaciam , I know the mens pertinacie — They feare least they be convicted and forced to yeeld , vn to vs : Therefore they close their eyes , least they should see the light wee offer to them : Wherein they shew the diffidence of their damned reason , while they will neither vnderstand , neither dar dispute , because they know they will bee easilie over-come . Their seventh and last refuge is crueltie : The Ignatian fierie temper of the Iesuits : This Lactance ( a ) noteth Disceptatione sublatâ pelliturè medio sapiētia , vigeriturres : They lay aside all reasonable dealing , and take them to violence . And that because sententiam quam defendere nequeunt , mutare erub●scunt , b they thinke shame to change that opinion which they cannot defend . This they haue o● Mahumet , and Cusane objecteth , that the sword was his greatest argument wherein hee resolved all ( d ) And Baronius Macta and Manduca , kill and eate . So Paul the fifth at his death recommended the inquisition to the Cardinals , quo vno niti affirmabat Apostolicae sedis authoritatem e ( a bloody pillar of a bloodie Kingdome , ) and not content to kill vs by Inquisitions , they draw on Princes to be their Burrioes : This is the fruite of their fornication with the whoore , in giving their power to the beast against the Lambe . France serveth them at turnes , but when shee openeth her eyes to see the Butcheries of her owne to bee the vantage of Spaine , shee relenteth , till a new deceite set her on againe : And yet because the trueth shineth greatlie in her , they incline more to the Bigotisme of Austria , and the wilfulnesse of Spaine , as bloodie in zeale , as pertinatious in errour . Their rysing ( at the least in the Ambition of a fifth Monarchie ) is a fitte support for staggering Rome . The Pertinacie of Heresie and furie of blind zeale , can haue no other arguments of defence , but Ureseca , burne and cut , as an absurde man wanting reason , turneth to passion and furie . This proues the Pope to bee his first-borne , who was a lyar and murtherer from the beginning . The credulitie of his pretended Omniscience ; hath long misled the world : Now when they see , and would refuse his lyes , hee vseth the crueltie of his pretended Omnipotence , to destroy them . Hee is now Abaddon , the authour of bloodshed in Europe for many ages . Thus wee haue traced them in their degrees to their present hight , in the hight of their Apostafie and crueltie , they seeke the quenching of the light and destruction of the Church that caries it : But in vaine ; For their malice shall stay them , and their mischiefe shall fall on their owne head : Their Apostafie killeth themselues ; for everie errour craveth another errour to confirme it : And everie invention of a new errour , worketh in the inventer a new impression of falshood , and a further degree of departing from the trueth . Aristotle most properlie calleth the parts of time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apostasies or distances from the present instant . So they with time depart more & more from God , & the primitiue truth . This is the proper notion of their Apostasie . But thogh they both desert and impugne the truth they shall never destroy it , for ( sayth Hilarie ) Quid ad Deum humana perversitas ? For what is humane perversnesse to God ? And going on , What can the ingyne doe against the Authour of it ? Albeit they seeke the ruine of the truth omnibus argumentationis quaestunculis , yet their falshood shall faile by the clearnesse of the trueth . And thereafter : Let them search the secrets of Nature — yet in the intention of their work , they shall faile being refuted by spirituall Doctrines . And Cyprian giveth like reason on the passiue part , that a false and deceived minde is confounded by sincere truth . And Hilarie in another part , The force of the trueth is great , and is daylie the stronger the more it is assaulted . For this is proper to the Church , that it overcommeth when it is hurt . Hoc enim Ecclesiae proprium est , ut tum vincat , cum laeditur . And wee say to them as Theophilus did to the Appollinarists : Tendant quantumlibet syllogismorū suorum retia , & sophismatù decipulas : Let them bend as much as they wil , the nets of their Syllogismes , and grines of their Sophismes , they but insnare themselues . And we advise them with him in that same place . Tandem desinant dialecticae artis strophis , simplicia Eccliasticae fidei decreta evertere . That they would at least desist to pervert the simplicitie of faith by their Sophistrie . Sathan knowes their approaching destruction , and least the thoughts of it cast them in the dumps ▪ either to repent , or relent , hee hardeneth them against it by 4. speciall meanes . The first is by delaying to the last day , as Vega a Ribera , Suarez . Next by a simple denying as Malvenda b who reproveth the former for their opinion . Thirdlie , by an odde conceat of Alcaser c the ●esuite , turning their destruction in her conversion to Christ , & that she is Christs Bride to be espoused to him at the last day . Fourthlie , by a fleshlie policie , which was suggested by Cardinall Soderinus d to Hadrian the sixt . They resolute to hold all fast as it stands , both in heresie and tyrannie , and to waite vpon the end . So they are gone on in duritiem cordis , as Bernard e speaketh , and whereas the dolour of their felt decay should bring out sanitatem , as he calleth it , yet it bringeth out nothing but insensibilitatem a senselessenesse : For ( as Aponius f sayeth ) Victi & convicti ad salutem non redeunt : And as was said of , old Apollinarists , they wil not amend after manie admonitions but cōtemne the medicens of Scripture , and dow not open their eyes to the cleare light , This is like their proxima dispositio ad ruinam . If any doe aske : How can they abide in darknesse in the aboundance of so great a light : Let him know they are not taught of God , but of men : They haue wedded them to their prejudices , and hold the Tenets of their erring Church as divine Conclusions : God hath given them over to a reprobat minde , because willfullie they will winke , and not receiue the loue of the trueth . All religious adoration con● formeth the worshipper to that hee worshippeth . They haue gotten the fruite of their idolatrie in conformitie to their idoles . They haue eyes and see not , &c. Even so are all that worship them . They haue purposelie multiplied controversies , to make simple wits stand gazing at them as the people did at Amazaes corps : But wiser spirits petunt rei iugulum , they goe through their questions to their policie : They see falshood in their tenets ; sillie evasions in their answeres : And Crambe repetita in their proponing . Vnder all these is a fleshlie policie , which their deepe Politickes hide from their controversers : They set them ever to worke to dispute and write &c. And in the meane time laugh in their bosome to see them so earnest in that which they know is but a cousening of the world : They haue turned Religion in a policie , and themselues in Politickes : Olde Heretickes stroue onelie for opinions , but they haue a worldlie state to defend . They hate the true Religion as darkenesse doth light , and are irreligious in their own superstition : They vse it not as a Religion but as a worldlie state , wherein ( if they can be secured ) they care not what Religion prevaile . To take vp their present state otherwise , is to bee blind with them . These are their graduall shifts which an evill cause and consceince finding want of reason , and wanting will of repentance hath driven them to ; They are drunke with the blood of the Saints , and thirst more till God destroy them . Hee hath some Elect lurking among them whom hee calleth : Come out of her my people : And in due time they will obey . As for others , let them alone , they are blind guides of the blind : And everie plant that my Father hath not planted , shall bee plucked vp . Antichrist is planted by Sathan in the efficacie of delusion , and God will plucke him vp in his finall destruction . AMEN . FINIS . The Table of the Vindication . THe Praeface of the State of Now-Rome and her seven miserable shiftings . 1 , Scripture . 2. Traditions , 3. Fathers . 4. Councels . 5. Popes 6. Philosophie . 7. Crueltie . 1. 2 Ch. 1. Of her fiue periodicall estates . Pura . Ambitiosa . Insidiosa , seditiosa , Pernitiosa . Ch. 2. The first part of this Treatise : Usurpation it selfe . 1. The matter of it . 1. At Kings entrie . 4. Ch. 3. 2. In their administration . 1. In vile stiles . 9. Ch. 4. 2. In Base offices : Of kissing the Popes feete . 10 Ch. 5. 3. In their Lawes . 14 Ch. 6 4. In their censures : and excommunications , depositions , &c. 17. Ch. 7. This Vsurpation is the head Article of their Faith : 22. Ch. 8. Their end is a Monarchie . 25 The second part of the Treatise . The noveltie of Vsurpation . Ch. 9 1. The Negatiue proofe of it , not of Christ. 29. Nor the Apostles , nor Fathers , nor first Popes &c. 30. Ch. 10. Their exceptions against primitiue obedience . 34 Ch. 11. 2. The Positiue proofe of Noveltie . Hildebrands contention 39 Vsurpation is Hildebrandine doctrine . 46 Ch. 12. Eight causes of this Vsurpation . 48 Popes holinesse , is profainnesse : 51 , Ch. 13. The third part . Of their colours and defences . 59 Professions for that end . 1. Schoole-men . 2. Canonists . 61. 3. Casuists . 4. Orders . 5. Iesuits . 6. N●reans . 65 Ch. 14. 2. Their Recrimination . 66. Ch. 15. 3. Their Tergiversations , and Schifting . 72 Ch. 16. 4. Their Ludification of Kings . 1. Of pretended lo●o . 78. Ch. 17. 2. Of fained Limitations . 80. Ch 18. 3. Of futill Distinctions . 90 : Ch. 19. 5. Of glorious Titles given to Kings . 91. Ch. 20. 5. Of canonizing of Kings . The fourth part . Of their madnesse ▪ in Vsurpation . Ch 21. 1. Their ignorance of the powers . civill and Ecclesiasticke . 94. Ch. 22. 2. The fruits of their madnesse . 1. irritation . 106 Ch. 23 2. Exact inquirie of the matter . 109 Ch. 24. 3. Discoverie of Antichrist . 111. Wrong supputation bred their fancie of Antichrist . 112. The Impyre is removed 113. Antichrist is come : And the Pope is hee . 122. Ch. 24. 4. Of their destruction . Begun . Perfected . 124 Their oppression of Protestants doeth hasten it . 129. Ch. 26. Now-Rome is incurable . 131. Ch. 27. Of their treacherous practises . First in France . 136. Ch. 28. 2. Their attempts in Venice . 142. Ch. 29. 3. In great Britaine . 148. Ch 30 The troubles of Europe are of the Pope . 152. Hee intendeth the rooting out of Protestants . Their policie . 154. Periurie . 156. Oppression . 158. Their matchlesse crueltie at Magdeburge . 159. They vrged a godlesse forme of abiuration . 160. Their fleshlie confidence . 160. Their prophecie of our imminent ruine . 162. But let them take heede to themselues . 163. Ch. 31. That Now-Rome will not reconceale . 164. They minde not common Peace 171. But our destruction . 170. No reconciliation A tolerable condescending . 171. Conclusion . A conclusion Exhortatorie to Princes . 172. The Popes Dittay and doome of God. 173. It is faceable to Princes . 177. Begunne in part . And shall bee perfected in Gods time . 177. Faults escaped of the Vindication . Pag. Lin. Fault . Read 33 24 old of old 32 32 and Dele 41 21 great great part 47 34 Proscription Prescription 62 22 must bee may bee 80 27 a penaltie appealing to 96 18 her not her parents 261 28 but Dele Ibid. 31 biddes but biddes A LOOKING GLASSE for Princes and Popes : OR A vindication of the Sacred Authoritie of Princes from the Popes Antichristian Vsurpation . CHAP. I. In What respect this Vsurpation agreeth to Rome . THE challenge which I made in my Sermon of the Popes Vsurpation over Princes , craveth a more full and presse deduction , than a Sermon could suffer ; which now in this subsidiarie discourse ( by Gods grace ) I intend to performe . And first , wee shall consider on VVhat Age or respect of the Romane Church , wee fasten this Vsurpation ; and then the Vsurpation it selfe . For the first the Church of Rome commeth in fiue severall periods though some haue casten it in seven . In the first three hundreth yeeres she was Ecclesia pu● ra , a pure Church ; professing the Trueth purelie , and the most part of her Bishops sealed it with their blood in Martyrdome : At what time little or no regard was had of her , as their owne Aeneas Sylvius confesseth . In the next three hundreth yeeres finding rest from persecution , shee became Ecclesia ambitiosa , an ambitious Church , tickled with pryde , and desire of Vsurpation . Then Leo the first roared , and stretched out his skirts ; and Innocent and his followers incroached on the Affricane Fathers ; but when shee found her selfe respected for the priviledge of the Citie , the Mother and Seate of the Empyre , the number of her learned Clergie , and multitude of Martyrs ; she began to usurpe vpon other Churches : Then shee thrust her hand in everie businesse , and turned all medling to her gaine : The brotherly correspondence of other Bishops by Letters , was turned in arguments of Supremacie and iurisdiction : The imploring of helpe against Heretickes , in formall Appellations ; Her advise given to them was counted absolute commands ; and her arbitrarie decisions of questions submitted freely to her , were called Decreets of an ordinar Iudge . Baronius Anachronismes gaue a lustre to these forgeries in the eyes of the ignorant ; for everie where in the first Ages , hee recordeth thinges as then done , which the Church knew not for seven or eight Ages . Cyprian cleareth this for his time , writing to Cornelius , That thy brother-hood may bee informed . This dasheth their tyrannie , for fraternitie excludeth Supremacie , and Instruction destroyes their pretended Iurisdiction . In the third period shee was Ecclesia insidiosa , lying in waite to effect that supremacie , which before shee affected ; for though shee got a great effront of the Affrican Fathers , yet ( in a Romane pertinacious humour ) shee vrged the purpose , till shee got the name of vniversall Bishop : And rather then they want it , Boniface the third will take it of Phocas a Parricide : They saw the Impyre weakened by the incursion of Barbarians and Factions within , and stirred their time for their purpose . In the fourt hundreth yeares , shee was Ecclesia seditiosa , a seditious Church ; for hauing trodde downe the Church , there remained nothing for her Conquest but the Impyre . And Sathan involving all in the darknesse of ignorance and Superstition , fitted the mindes of ●rinces and people to bee abused : Then Hildebrand brake the Maiestie of the Impyre in Henrie the fourth , and succeeding Emperours , which to this day it could never recover . In the fift three hundreth yeares shee is Ecclesia perniciosa , a pernicious Church : Shee will neither reforme her selfe , nor suffer Reformation of her Heresies and wickednesse : In which respect shee is become the habitation of devils , and the hold of every vncleane spirit , and God calleth vs to forsake her , Come out of her my people . In respect then of her sedition and pernitiousnesse , shee vsed this Vsurpation , and beareth the name to bee called Popish : Poperie ( in it's proper Nation ) is a pest in the Catholicke Church , and a plague of God sent on them who would not receiue the truth to bee saved thereby : And therefore God gaue them over to this strōg delusion : It is not the Catholicke Church but a Faction in the Church : Neither is it a Religion , but a Schisme and an Heresie . taking the name from the Popes , the head and the heart , of that hereticall and schismaticall Faction . They grant themselues , that the Name Papa was first common to any reverend Clergie Man , thereafter it became peculiar to Bishops as may ●e● seene in the writtes of Cyprian , Ierome , Augustine , &c. But in the end Gregorie the seventh helde a Synode at Rome , and statute ut nomen Papae , that the name of the Pope should bee the onely name of the Christian world : And that no man should take it to himselfe , or giue it to other , but hold it proper to the Bishope of Rome . And though Bellarmine bee offended that wee call them by the name Papists : yet others are not ashamed of that name , but glorie in it as Lorinus : Wee are neither afrayed nor ashamed to bee called Papists : And Baronius more fullie : The Heretickes can not honour vs with a greater Title of glorie than when they call vs Romans and Papists — Let these bee our praises while wee liue , and after death our Titles vpon our g●aues that wee are called Romans and Papists : But Nazianzen saith of himselfe & Basile , that they counted it their greatest honour to be called Christians : And Chrysostome sayeth that Hereticks tak their name from the Haeresiarch . This Name also distinguish●th them among themselues : For a Papist properlie is hee who beside the superstition of Rome , burneth in a blind zeale to maintaine the Popes authoritie : And moderate men who are not zealous , are called by them prophane and impious Politickes : And in the time of the League : France was cast in three factions : The one was Hugonotes , or Protestants , the other Catholicks , & the third were Politicks , who were neither Protestants nor Catholickes , but moderate Papists , and good Patriots : But as P●cianus said to the Novatians : I accuse not the name in you , but the Sect ; so we accuse not so much the name of Papists , as their factious disposition and proceeding . This vsurpation then being the worke and character of Rome , as they are papalized , let vs consider the Vsurpation it selfe . CHAP. II. Of the matter of this Vsurpation , And first at the entire of Princes . IN the Usurpation it selfe , foure things are to bee considered : First , the mater wherein it standeth : Next , the Noveltie of it : Thirdlie , their Defences : And lastlie , their folie and madnesse in their whole course and Fruites . For the Matter of this Vsurpation , it goes in two ; at the Entrie of Princes , and in their Administration : At their Entrie , they clame an absolutehand over them , as though Kingdomes were their gift , and that because of their Election , Unction , Coronation , and Oath . Their Election they clame absolutely : Though it goe now by Electors , yet they will haue all depending on them , so Iohn . 8. in the Election of Carolus Calvus ; wee haue elected iustlie and approven , &c. And their Analist letteth in great Letters , elegimus merito & approbavimus , and he putteth his glosse to it , that the Impyre is given at the arbitriment of the Pope , and Gregorie the seventh more clearelie : Thou must acknowledge that thou hast the Scepter of the Kingdome by the benefite of the Apostolicke and not of the Kingly Maiestie : And lest it bee ascryved to the Electors , the Cardinals of the Consistorie haue latelie published , that the Electors power to choose the Emperour , flowes from the authoritie of the Apostolicke Sea. And more clearely : It is of vndoubted right , that it appertaines to the Pope alone , and not to the Colledge of Electors , to cognosce and decerne of the affaires of the Impyre . When the Authority of Gregorie presseth them to the contrair who sayth , That power over all men was given to Maurice the Emperour , and that the Priests were committed to him : They gaue vs strange glosses : That Imperatori potestas caelitus data est , H. E. à Deo sed per Ecclesiam & Romanum Pontificem , that is from God by the Church and the Pope of Rome who confirmeth , anoynteth , consecrateth , and crowneth him . By this glosse the Emperour holdeth his Crowne of the Priestes committed to him . Their next clame is from the Vnction and Coronation of Princes . But that Ceremonie ( a ) conferreth not Authoritie vpon the person , crowned and anoynted , but declareth him to bee set a part for the office , and is rather a Ministerie , than an absolute Superioritie . Vnction is not essentiall to Kings , neither was it from the beginning , for Iustine 2. is called the first anoynted Greeke Emperour , and Pipine in France , and Edgarus in Scotland ; and yet many good Princes were in these Thrones before them ; without that Ceremonie . And the Impyre rightly inacted it to be laes-Majestie : If any Man thought that a chosen Emperour was not an Emperour before his Coronation , Albericus apud Martam de lurisdict . 1. 17. Num. 30. They see that the Patriarchs of Constantinople haue crowned Emperours as well as the Pope , and therefore lest the Pope lose his priviledge , they make the Patriarks Coronation to be only a naked Ceremonie , but the Popes to bee Operatiue and conferre authority , wee haue no ground of this distinction , but their naked assertion . But Bellarmine speaketh more truely , when hee is correcting the fervour of his Dispute . Though Samuel anoynted Saul at the Commandement of GOD , yet that anoynting was rather a praediction , than a tradition of the royall power . And againe , Samuels anoynting of David , was a designation and praediction , but not a conferring of royall Authoritie . Sure I am , they can not ascriue more to the Popes anoynting of an Emperour , than to Samuels anoynting of Saul and David , at Gods expresse Command . But if their Coronation & Vnction give authoritie to Princes , it is treason on their part to trode vnder foote these sacred Heads , which they haue crowned and annoynted . Thirdly they claime it , by the Oath of Princes , taken at their Coronation ; which is not of obedience to God , but of Fealtie and Obedience to the Pope So saith b Marta that it is manifest the Emperour is Feudatarie to the Church , by the oath of fealtie , which is a sort of servitude to the Pope c . And Vestanus testifieth , that Princes are astricted by their oath of fidelitie and obedience , whereby they may bee compelled to obey the Apostolicke Sea : And more fullie hee sheweth both the ground , and the end of this Oath . When Religion decayed , and Men inclyned to impietie , it became the Pope d by the Oath of Fidelitie , and obedience to bind Kings vnto him , both that hee might see for himselfe , and that he might brydle their pryde and rashnesse . For this end they blasphemously apply to the Pope these words that are proper to Christ , per quem Reges regnant . So in effect Princes are but the Popes Vassalls , to reigne precario , and no longer than he pleaseth , or rather as they please him . This Barclaius objecteth , and Bellarmine would mitigate it , but their practice sayeth the contrare : And Suarez e telleth , that the Vicar of Christ hath Dominion over his Vassall ; And Baronius affirmeth , that the King of Spaine is the Popes feudatarie for the Kingdome of Spaine , and his Vassall for the Kingdome of Naples , wherevpon hee maketh his long digression of the Monarchie of Sicile , to proue this Superioritie . But Innocent 4. speaketh like a Pope , Doest thou not know , that the King of England is our Vassall , yea our Servant ? This exacting of the Emperours Oath was farre from Sergius the second , who sware obedience to the Emperour Lotharius : But of the Nature of this Oath , wee shall speake heereafter in the Conclusion God willing . In the meane tyme it is remarkable , that the Maintainers of Equivocation , and loosers of the Obligen ent of an Oath , doe heere vrge the force of an Oath , when it maketh for their vantage . They boast also of the Translation of the Emp●re , a as an vnanswerable argument , to proue their Superioritie : But the Pope had no other part therein , but a consent as a speciall member of the Republicke of Rome : For if hee had a full power , hee needed not Charles , nor Pipine , to helpe him against the Longobards : None can better cleere this than Frederick in the same Contest with Pope Hadrian , Thou sayest , that I came at thy calling : I grant I was called ; but giue the reason wherefore thou callest mee , thou was oppressed by the Enemies , and couldst not helpe thy selfe by thine owne power , or the Greekes cowardize : Therefore the power of the Francks was sought . This was rather an imploring of my helpe than an calling . But Leo crosseth their late claimes , and granteth that Martian a the Emperour was elected of God ; and Gregorie to Maurice , That power over all men was given from aboue to the pietie of his Lord. Princes also not-with-standing of his Vsurpation in the beginning of their edicts call themselues . N. By the Grace of God , King of such a Kingdome . and not by the gift of the Pope , as Casaubone observeth : And Cusan hath so fully refuted that Claime in this errand , as no man needeth to adde any thing . Bellarmine obiecteth to him , that hee erred for want of Bookes to informe him : But Cusan might more iustly reply , that if Bellarmine had either eyes to reade , or conscience to iudge , according as Bookes informed him , hee had not perverted the Trueth as hee did . The point of Election vexeth Bellarmine ; therefore hee telleth vs , that in their Canons , Hadrianus , and in Synodo , The Name Emperour ●may , and perchance should bee delete . Thus they may elide the Truth of all Histories : Such doubting and staggering shifts became not an old Cardinal , and Contraversar in the head Article of his Faith. It is cleare then , that their Election is but pretended , their Coronation and Vnction are but ceremonies officiously obtruded on Princes , to snare them in a base Subiection . The pretended Oath doeth more oblige Kings to correct the Popes enormities , than to maintaine his Tyrannie . And their alledged translating of the Impyre , is a craftie ingyring themselues on the prevailing side . And so none of these Claimes giue them authoritie over Princes . CHAP. III. Of their Vsurpation over Princes in their Administration : And first of their disdainfull Speeches . THis much for their Vsurpation over Princes at their entrie : Followeth their Vsurping in their administration , which may bee seene in foure , In disdainfull speaches : Abuse of their persons in base offices : Vsurping over their Lawes in a directiue Power ; And censuring them by a coactiue power . Disdainfull Speeches are the first fruits of their prid , & contempt of Princes : So they call them Dogges or Curres to the Pope the great Sheepeheard : If these Dogs ( sayeth Becane ) be a watchfull and trustie , they must bee readie at the Sheepeheards hand . This is no other then what the Pope did to Franciscus Dandalus the Venetian , when hee made him like a Dogge eate crummes vnder his table at Lions . And Scioppius b compa●eth them to Asses , carying burdens at the Popes will , and calleth Charles the Great a great Asse : But their Analist aboundeth in reproaching the Emperours : Hee calleth Henry the fourth Rex Apostata , Exemplum Regibus Henricianae haeresis labe conspersis , an Apostate King , and an exemplar to them who are guiltie of the Henrician heresic . Likewise a contemner of God. And againe obstinate and periured and that like Herod hee persecuted the anoynted of God. And when they had stirred vp against him his Sonne Henrie the fifth , who betyme plyed not their courses as they would , they payed him also with reproaches , and their Analist calleth him in Patrem Carnifex , his Fathers Burrio , and sacrilegious , a Traitour , a Monster , a Tyrant . Gregorie the seventh calleth Henrie the fourth Membrum Diaboli , a member of the Divell : And Vestanus vttereth his splene also . Fredericus Oenobarbus bellua horrenda fuit . And Iustinian for curbing Vigilius , both for his prevaricating in the Truth , and defending of Nestorius , is called by Baronius madde , possessed with an evill Spirit , and caryed by Sathan . So Richeomus the Iesuite ●aileth against the Greeke ●m ▪ perours , for their zeale against Imagerie : Leo Isauricus ( sayeth hee ) perduellis haereticus — Constantinus re & cognomento Copronymus Leonis Isaurici Patris nequam , nequior filius — Leo Quartus Copronymi foedus foetus , mali vtique Corvi , malum ovum , Heerein they tell of what Spirit they are , when they despise Dominioun , and speake evill of Dignities , and no better behaviour can follow so disdainfull speeches : Words are a mids betweene Estimation of the Mynd and actions : If they be good , they argue a good Estimation preceeding and promise sutable actions to follow : If they bee ill , they argue an heart full of contempt , and promise nothing but outrage : Experience hath proven this to bee true . CHAP. IIII. Of their abuse of Princes in base offices . THeir second abuse of Princes in their Administration is by imploying their Persons in base service , a as to hold the stirrop when the Pope goes on horse backe , or commeth downe . To leade his bridle b for some space : And the Pope ( forsooth ) must refuse that service in shew , and yet yeeld to it in end . This is hypocrisie with pride , for they doe so earnestly exact it , that if the Emperour goe not to the right stirrop , they will chyde him , as Hadrian the fourt did to Federicke the Emperour : To hold the water and towell to his hands : To carie dishes from his Kitchen to his Table : But the Emperour shall haue a priviledge , for where Kings must goe into the Kitchen , hee shall receiue the dishes hee caries , at the doore . To sit on his knees when hee giveth the cnp to the Pope , As Otto did to Urbane , who of purpose neglected the Emperour , and suffered him to sit long on his knees , till a Cardinall admonished him of that oversight . These things are so odious , that Harding is a ashamed , and denyeth them . But they are registrate in their ceremoniall and pontificall . I would gladly vnderstand to which office of the Apostolick Church , the Master of ceremonies , is to bee referred , or in what primitiue rytes from the Apostles time shall they finde such abuse of the Lords Anoynted ? This question will be answered by silence . But it is a greater abuse to make Princes kisse the Popes foote ; it might passe with Cardinals , who are his creatures , and ( since they left off preaching ) seeme to haue no other vse for their mouth , but to kisse his feete at all occasions : And there is nothing more frequent in the ceremoniall , than Reverentiapro more facta , that is to say , The Cardinals kissing his feete before the people : I know not whither Adulation bee baser in them , or affectation of vaine glorie bee vyler in him . But it is odious that hee holds out his feete to bee kissed of Emperours , and yet Rome that doeth all things vnder shew of Reason ( as Vives sayes scoffingly ) by Vestanus , a giues vs two reasons heereof . The one is the Popes humilitie & devotion , who knowing that the people will kisse his feete , hath put a crosse on his Pantoun , that their adoration may bee given to the crosse of Christ , and not to him . That is but a scoffing , for the foote is not a place to put the crosse on , and the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian were more religious , who discharged to paint the crosse on the ground , least it should bee trod vpon : Hee admitteth men to three kisses , pedis , pectoris , & oris of the feete , the breast and his face . If therefore hee would honour the Crosse , why putteth hee it on his foote , and not on his breast to tell his loue to it ? or on his face to tell his account of it : And the Greeks are more religious than he , for though they take not that Adoration , yet they set it on their face or Breast . His second reason is a mocking of men , as his first is of Christ : That since the Popes office is to teach the world , and the feete of Preachers are beautifull , a they cannot beautifie them better , than by put putting the crosse on them — for the spirit and grace descends to the feete — and to make their steppes stay in the way . This is a fiction , for neither hath the Pope that office of vniversal preaching , neither dischargeth hee it in any one Church : and the beautie of the feete of Preachers is not by the signe of the Crosse , but by their heavenly commission , their fruitefull discharge of it , and a godly life . But the secret of all this businesse is this , hee is an enemie to the crosse of Christ , and by that seeming honouring of it vpon his foote is tredding it vnder foote indeede . But hee commeth nearer the poynt at length , that whereas the Popes received white shooes from Constantine , they haue taken purpour or skarlet shooes in their place : And what is this ? but to tell the world that Rome is the scarlet coloured Beast drunke with the blood of the Saintes ; and this is the more because they acknowledge such kissing of his feete to come of Diocletian , who thought himselfe a god , & craved divine honours : And thogh that his wickednes was , ( a ) damnable ( sayeth hee ) in craving of it , yet the custome is not to bee damned that gaue it : This is all one as to condemne Herod who took divine honours , but not the people that gaue them . Diocletian then is the father of this pride , and it is worse in them , than in him ; for hee beeing an Emperour , tooke it of his Subjectes , but they being Church-men exact it of Emperours . They should remember their owne glosse . The Pope is successour to Peter the Fisher , but not to Augustus the Emperour . If not to Augustus , farre lesse should they succeed Diocletian . Beside reason : Scripture must also bee abused to colour this wickednesse , that thy foote may bee dipped in blood , and the tongues of thy Dogges in the same . a Then the feete are dipped in blood ( say they ) when they are decored with a crosse of Christ , then the tongues of Dogges are dipped therein , when Heretickes like dogges licke the Popes feete . But Augustine exponeth that blood , of Martyrs , and these Dogges of painefull Pastours ; which pertaine nothing to the Pope , for hee massacres Martyres , and doeth not preach at all : To this same ende they abuse that Prophecie ; Kings shall bee thy nourcing fathers , and Queenes thy nourcing mothers , they shall bow downe to thee with their faces towards the Earth , and licke the dust of thy feete : c This Prophecie according to the Letter is fulfilled in the Emperours and Kings kissing the Popes feete with their faces toward the ground : The like hath Eudaemon Ioannes d the Iesuite . But this is a great change , and farre from that which Leo the third did , after he had crowned Charles , and made him Emperour , hee would worship him before the people , that they might know the greatnesse of the imperiall Maiestie . Haymon . apud . Bozium de signis . This is proper to Heretickes who steale the glorie of God to pervert Scripture for colouring that sacriledge . But Marta a helpeth him , and would proue the lawfulnesse of it from the Iaylors falling downe at Paul and Silas feete , and Cornelius falling downe before Peter , b but there is nothing for kissing of his feete in these Texts : and it is a weak proofe to alledge Abdias Babylonius , a fabler , whom he grantes , is ab Ecclesia reprobatus , reiected of the Church . And the antiquitie of the practice , hee findeth no sooner then Pipine , a and Charle-maine : Fables , and the colour of antiquitie serue these men who are destitute of auncient truth : But we shall help them in fathering of this adoration aright , on Darius who called himselfe King of kings , and cousing of the gods : and Cleopatra , who would bee called the Queene of queenes : These are the parents of their pride , and would bee adored . Thirdlie , they vse greatest degree of their prid in trodding on the neckes of Emperours , as Alexander the third did to Fridricke Barbarosa , at Venice , That is a more commendable fact ( sayeth one ) and more iust , than the trodding of Ecebolius , because it was against a most cruell enemie of the Church , and Alexander ( b ) did well that hee insulted with his heeles against that horrible Beast : While heaven and earth are astonished at that pride , they glorie in it . And of this sort was that pride of Celestine the third who did cast the Crowne off the heade of Henrie the sixe , with his foote , as though the Crownes of Emperours served for none other vse , but to bee foote-bals to Popes . It is good for Kings who kisse his foote , that they are able againe to rise or walke : For the trees of the wood of Loretto , inclined so low to welcome the Virgins Chamber comming over the Hadriaticke Sea , that they neither raise againe nor inclined to the House when it was settled behind them . Tyrannie in Barbarians cannot exerce greater indignities against Princes , then this humilitie of the Servant of servants . CHAP. V. Of their third vsurpation over Princes : In their Lawes . THeir third vsurpatiō over Princes is in their Lawes : God hath invested Kings with a Nomo-theticke , power , to make lawes within their Kingdomes , but the Pope taketh on him to Expone , Mend , Alter , and Repeale them at his pleasure , and that is the common doctrine of the Schoole-men : As for their a Execution , hee may stay their vse , or set it to some profitable end for the good of the Church , and he power of both resideth in the Pope : And for this end absolutely he taketh on him , to direct and command Kings in the vse of their power against Protestants : If they obey him , hee casteth them in danger , and hatred of their people : If they disobey , hee hath a cause of Censure against them , to suspend or depose them , for if the secular power bee denyed or neglected , the Seculars may bee excommunicate b . This is also injoyned to their Inquisitours , to compell Kings and Princes to recall their lawes , that are against the Inquisition . And because Eymericus is too generall in his decision , therefore Pegna is more particular in his Commentar , that commoun and fundamentall Lawes and Customes what-so-ever of that kinde are null , and of no effect c . So Bellarmine , Although the Pope bee not a politicke Prince , yet hee may confirme or infirme the lawes of Kings d . So then Princes can haue no Lawes in force , if the Pope mislike them ; neither dar they refuse to make such lawes , as hee thinketh good for the Church , that is to say , for the vpholding of his tyranny , though it were with the ruine of their Kingdome . Their Analist giveth this in a word , Potest Papa in Regesius dicere , hee is set vp with full power to iudge them , and their lawes : And though hee bee that lawlesse Man ▪ yet hee taketh the Lawes of Countries , the raines of governement in his hand , as though hee were the Law of Lawes , and Reason of Reasons ; for so Hildebrand a professeth , that it is leasume to the Pope onely to make new lawes according to the necessitie of Tyme . But no wonder hee vse such power over the Lawes of Princes , since hee hath no constancie in his owne lawes : for neither Canons of Councels , nor of his Predecessours or his owne can bind him , but vpon any occasion he will alter : As it is said of the stile of the Court of Rome ( that it varyeth every yeare ) so wee may say of the Popes lawes , that they are changed , and priviledges destroyed , diminished , and augmented at their pleasure . The Apostolicke sea may make all these alterations , according to their custome . This is the libertie they take over the opinions of others : The like Uigilius tooke of his owne opinion , and that in fundamentall points concerning Nestorianisme . For as hee saw either danger or peace , he changed his sentence , and Baronius ( whose taske amongst other things is to defend the Popes greatest faults , and proue them to bee perfections ) sayeth , that Uigilius after great consideration stroue diversly : Et cur ei non licuit , mutato rerum statis , mutare sententiam ? This is their constancie , even when they define out of Peters Chaire . This vsurping over Kings concerning lawes , is crossed by Pope Nicolaus , wryting to Michael the Emperour ▪ that a Christ distinguished the acts , offices , and dignities of the Pope and Emperour , that the Emperour should not presume to vsurpe vpon the Iurisdiction of the Pope , or the Pope vpon the Emperours iurisdiction . When that Pope did so ridde these merches , it is manifest , there was no such vsurpation , as hee condemneth in tearmes , and that the latter Popes in their vsurping , are gone as farre from the modestie of their Ancestours , as from reason and conscience . Princes may be cōtent with that tyrannie over their lawes , seing he doeth so to the lawes of God : He dispenseth aboue , and contrare the Apostle , and selleth pardons of the notour breaches of the morall law , because no canon can binde the Pope , sayeth their Canonists . This proveth him to be that lawlesse Man : And another Phalaris boasting that he can not be subiect to lawes . This is the loosing of the sinewes of Governement , that as a Beast hee may rage a● randome . CHAP. VI. Of their fourth Vsurpation , In censuring Kings . THeir fourth Vsurpation over Princes is in Censures : They are not content with a directiue power , but will haue a coactiue also , to compell Princes to doe what they will , because the one power without the other is of no effect : a And because that the Christian Church were not conveniently furnished , neither were it sufficiently provyded , if it had not a power to compell Rebels , that will not obey censures . This b is in effect Bertrandus blasphemie , who said , that the Lord would not seeme discreete enough , except hee had left a Vicar behind him , who might doe all c things . And Rodericus hath the like , that Christ had not provyded well enough , for the World , nor for the Church , if hee had not left so eminent a Vicar on the Earth . This is no discretion to speake so blasphemously of the wisdome of Christ : they choose rather to blaspheme , than recall their errours . This coactiue power hath two branches : The one to depriue Kings of the vse of their Authoritie by suspension : The other to depriue them of the propertie of it , by Deposition . a But Deposition is no Ecclesiasticke punishment , but an Imperiall ; as when Traian tooke the Crowne from the King of Armenia . And they know that excommunication a censure merelie Ecclesiasticke , can not extend it selfe to the deposing of Kings : Yet the Pope ( say they ) by his transcendent power hath annexed Deposition to Excommunication , as a convenient punishment ; for though it exceede the Nature of Excommunication , yet it exceedeth not the bounds of the Popes power . b His exorbitant power then findeth a right where no right is . And prian affirmeth and Erasmus marketh it out of him : That by Church censures , none is so noted as to bee destroyed . The Church should censure Ecclesiasticklie and leaue civill censures ( such as is deprivation of Kings ) vnto the Magistrate . Vpon these grounds come the absolving of people from their Natiue alledgeance to Princes , and their rebellion against them : The giving of their Kingdome vp to bee invaded by neighbour Princes , or such as haue any Title to it or power to conquer it . So Suarez , a If the Pope depose a King , hee may bee expelled or killed by them who haue commission of the Pope : And if hee command the execution of it to none , then it pertaines to the lawfull Successour &c. And againe . After the sentence pronounced hee is deprived of his Kingdome , so that hee cannot possesse it by a iust Title : Therefore ▪ thereafter hee may bee handled like a Tyrant , and consequently killed by any privat man. These positions are more bloodie than Dracoes Lawes . And wee shall haue the Pope himselfe saying by Bellarmine I shall make him who was thy King to bee no King to thee . And though absolution from excommunication should relieue them of all things that follow therevpon , yet they haue forged that distinction , to absolue & reconceale the person to the Church ▪ yet hee shall not bee restored to his Kingdome . So Franciscus Veronensis , b Albeit the King were absolved by the Pope , yet hee cannot bee a King. This they haue learned of Hildebrand , who after hee had absolved the Emperour from his excommunication , hee held him still as deposed from the Impyre ; and caused choose Rudolph in his place ( c ) I haue received ( said hee ) that man in favour , and given him onely the Communion , but haue not restoreed him to the Kingdome , out of the which I threw him in the Synod of Rome . This is a taste of Popish wrath , to keepe hatred after reconciliation , and deposition after Communion , he is as voyde of the meeknesse of Christ in the first , as he is full of the Serpents crueltie in the second . But may not humanitie , and Mediation of other Princes plead favour for him that is censured ? No surelie ; For neither the Emperour nor King of Spaine may meddle ( say their Cardinals ) with the restitution of Prince Palatine to the Electorate and his Lands , because to seeke these things is no other than to cast downe the Apostolicke seate from the rights of her Maiestie , ( d ) And least the Pope proue tractable these holy Cardinals will bind his omnipotencie , with their owne oath , that hee should change nothing that is done . Heere is barbarous tyrannie bound with roapes of sand : They vent their malice and folie , but God hath begunne to beholde and judge that tyrannie , and possiiblie will restore him without their consent . Lastlie , if Kings by their power or loue of their people bee secured from forraine violence , they haue their last refuge to cause kill him by stobbing , a poyson , or powder-plots : And that not onelie Protestant Princes , but euen of such as are Papists , as the world saw in Henrie the third of France , for after excommunication , any man may take his life by any means whatsoever . But this crueltie must haue a warrand , and Scripture shall bee throwne to favour it , for these words , Peter , kill and eate , giue power to the Popes to excommunicate , depose and kill Kings , if wee trust Baronius , for Peters Ministerie , is two fold ( sayeth hee ) to feede and to kill — And he is commanded to kill them , that is to resist , to fight against them and to defeate them that they be not at all : And because the Notion of killing soundeth harshlie , hee will giue vs a charitable Commentarie of it , that killing ought to bee in great charitie : That the thing killed bee eaten , to wit , by Christian charitie to hyde it in his bowels , and so that killing is not crueltie but Pietie : I doubt if the Pope will count it either Pietie or Charitie , if hee felt such a killing : And Bellarmine is as grosse though in fewer words . For it is the duetie of the head ( ●aith hee ) to eate , and by eating to send downe meate into the Stomach . b This is a strange libertie in glossing Scripture , and to turne Peter a fisher of men in a Butcher of Kings , and the Pope in a Polyphemus to devour men . It is like the Iesuite Alcasers conceate on the Revelation . He saw how that Booke tortured the Church of Rome , therefore he cast it in a new mould , and exponeth her destruction . Cap. 18. of her conversion to Christ , and the fire of Gods anger that destroyeth her , to bee the flame of Gods loue , turning her to Christianity . A fansie contrar to sense & reasō , for this destruction is threatned as a plague to Rome , & not promised as a blessing . So these men wil never want a colour for their cause so lōg as they play the Qu●dlibitars , to draw every thing out of any thing : But this glosse is cōtrare to the Text , which speaketh only of the conversiō of the Gentiles , & the Fathers exponded this eating of the Churches turning the Gentiles to her selfe by Baptisme , so Augustine d He said to Peter kill and eate , that is , kill them as they are corrupt , and make them the thing that thou art : And this is contrare to Baronius , for the end of his eating , is to destroy them alluterlie , but the end of this eating , is to saue them by grace . And Baronius himselfe in cold blood and free of preiudice before the question arose betwixt the Pope , & Venice . What that heavenlie vision meant the event declared so that we neede no humane interpretatiō , for it meant that the Gentiles e shuld be turned to the Church by Baptisme : And their owne Onus Ecclesiae telleth vs from what Spirit such glosses , and practises come , it is not pastorall loue , but a divellish malice , to scatter , kill , and destroy : This libertie of glossing is that which Basile and Nazianzen call duleuein Hypoth●sei , to serue their turne , and to make the sense of Scripture currrent with the occasion or time , as Cusane affirmeth . But such dealing Christian Princes are in the worst cas● of any men : Pagan Princes are without the Popes iurisdiction and free of his censure a Kings vnder the Law had authoritie over the high Priest , but now the Pope clames more power , than the high Priest had : And though Subjectes of any qualitie bee excommunicate , they are neither cast out of their possessions nor killed by vertue thereof . b They say by word , that when a King becommeth Christian , hee loseth not his earthly kingdome wherevnto he had right , but acquireth a new right to an eternall Kingdome . If it bee so , as it is indeede , how is it that vnder the Pope Kingdomes are looseable , onelie because of Christianitie ? They fall heere in that same inconvenient they would eschew , that Christianity is hurtfull to Kings , and Grace destroyes Nature . c The cause of this difference is , that they are Kings , and by their place come in Competition with him who will be absolute Monarch over all . For the Pope ( sayeth Suarez ) d hath the height of both powers , and is both high Priest and a temporall King. This is a stumbling blocke to hold infidell Princes from Christ : The Turks stumble at popish images : and at the Siege of Vien when their Canon brake in pieces , the images that were set on the wals , to ke●pe the Towne , they cryed with disdaine , Take vp the Christians gods : e Their Transubstantiation is another stumbling block , whē in one houre , they will create , adore , and eate their god : And that made Averroes to cry , The Religion of the Iewes is for Swine : The Religiō of Mahumetanes is for Chidren : The Religiō of Christans is of impossibilies : Therefore Anima mea cum Philosophis , my soule with the Philosophs . So this excommunicating , & killing of Kings , maketh infidell Princes abhorre Christianitie , whose first reward vnder the Pope would bee this base abusing . Therefore the Turk holdeth him with Mahumet , and though hee honour his Muffti , and vse his counsell in great matters , yet hee keepeth him alwayes subject to him in Civill things . CHAP. VII . That Vsurpation now is the prime Article of their faith . THis was some-tymes no Tenet of Doctrine , no not a Probleme in the Schools ; yea when it began a Sigibert called it an Haeresie ▪ It was not so much as res fidei , a matter of faith , but now it is made de fide , an article of faith and that not a commoun one , but caput fidei , an head article of faith . It is both their negatiue , and affirmatiue confession . Negatiue : If this proposition bee denyed , that the Pope may depose b hereticall Kings , the Catholicke faith is abiured , said Suarez . And who deny this , falleth in Paganisme , and in the sinne against the holy Ghost , said Alvarez . Pelagius : It is their affirmatiue confession , because this is the maine and principall point of faith , sayeth the Cardinall d and the chiefe hinger wherevpon all the contraversie turneth : And vnder the counterfitte name of Skulkenius , hee sayeth , that this Papall power is the hinger , the fundation ; and in a word , the summe of Christian Faith. And Cardinall Peron in his diswasiue oration to the communalitie of France ; calleth it the greatest matter , wherevpon the safetie of all Christendome dependeth e . By this they measure their trustie Professours , what ever men hold or deny in other points , so that they maintaine this , all is well . But if they oppugne this , though they bee sound in other points , they are persecuted as Hereticks f . They charge vs falsely , that we make our doctrine of Antichrist an expresse article of our Creede ; but they hing all their Creede , and Faith vpon it . And vpon their grounds it may passe , since they make the Pope their Church . They obiect ( sayeth Gretzer ) that wee call Papam Ecclesiam quid tum ? non abnuo . What of that ? I deny it not . And Ualentia h more posedly Nomine Ecclesiae intelligimus caput Ecclesiae , by the Name of the Church wee vnderstand the head of the Church . Since therefore they make their pretended head the Church , no wonder that the greatnesse of that Head bee the greatest articl● : yea , the summe of their whole Faith. And Baronius i a firmeth , that without obedience to this Head , neither Faith , nor good workes availe : And againe k that even Arrian Princes prospered , when they obeyed the Pope . This Head is All to them : their Faith their Creede , the rule and cause of prosperitie , to blesse Hereticks , if they obey him , to damne the Faithfull , if they disobey him . But seeing they will haue it an head article , wee aske in what Creede they finde it ? It is neither in the Nicene , nor Athanasian Creede ; neither in these larger formes , as Ierome wrote to Damasus , or Augustine to Laurentius , or Petrus Diaconus ; neither in the Creede of the Apostles , which ( crediblie ) was written before Peters supposed comming to Rome , and containeth nothing of his Supremacie : Therefore they must come home to their Trent Creede , canonized by Pius the fourth . This is their idole of Ecclesiasticke libertie , wherein though they speake diverselie , yet all runneth to a lawlesse licence : Sometimes they restraine it to Canonicke election of Prelats : Some times to the investures of benefices and immunities of the Cleargie : but Aventine a descriueth it more partiticularlie that Hildebrand was desirous to shake off the Emperours yoake , breake his authoritie , and turne all power to himselfe , and so to confirme the principalitie of the Pope . That there was nothing better , than to take away all feare ▪ and bee affrayed of no man ; and that hee might enioy the Ecclesiasticall libertie , and haue such an Emperour , whose forces hee feared no , as one that did reigne at the pleasure of the Pope . This is the first branch of it in his Securitie : The second is , in being terrible to others , that as hee feared not the Emperour , so although hee iniured him , yet the Emperour must bee affrayed of him b . And Gerochus c an eager defender of Hildebrand descryveth it more shortly . The Romaines ( said hee ) vsurpe divine honour , they will giue no reason for their doing , neither suffer they any man to say to them , why doe yee so ? But vse that verse of the Poet , so I will , so I command , and let my will passe for a reason . But Hildebrand expoundeth it himselfe most cleerely , to bee a power to take away , and giue Impyres , Kingdomes , Principalities , and what ever mortall men may haue . d And what these proud words meaneth , hee exponeth it in his twentie seven Dictats , the hammers of all lawfull authoritie . And Vendramenus the Venitian defines it libertatem quodvis agendi & rapiendi impune , a libertie to doe and pull what they please . But seeing they must haue this Title of Head in their owne sense , let them haue it , as Aquinas calleth the Antichrist perfect , or an Head , quo modo dicimus perfectum latronum , as wee say , a Brigand is perfect : But there needeth no comparison where there is an Identitie . Their Church cannot bee perfect in faith , that is ever parturiens , bring out new Articles of faith . Their Regulars haue latelie affirmed . Quod Regulares sint de herachia absolute — articulum fidei esse puto . But the Parisian Divines haue censured it thus . Author novum eumque falsum fidei articulum fingit . And that same Sorbone , gaue the like censure against Becan , Bellarmine , Suarez , &c. in the point of the Popes headship . There is as much truth amongst themselues as to refute their new bred Articles of faith . Asorius is sufficient : Facta pontificum rem fidei non faciunt ▪ faciunt tamen probabiliorem sententiam . If the Popes doing make not rem fidei a Matter of faith how can it make a thing de fide an Article of faith , and that a prime one . I will close this point with Alvarez strange positions of this head . Maioritas Papae that the Popes greatnes is in all by all , before all , and aboue all Christians , This might suffice , but we shall haue more . Papa est Deus imperatoris , the Pope is the Emperours god . And yet more blasphemouslie , sicut Deus , as God cannot set a god aboue himselfe , so the Pope cannot set an equall to himselfe . These and other like blasphemies they suffer to stand in print , albeit they purge out better things by their Indices Expurgatorii : And when Paul the fift was latelie called , Vice-Deus a Vice-God by ▪ Thomas Carafa and Benedictus , and offence was taken at these Titles by Plessie , and other Protestants ; the Consistorie tooke it in their considerations to moderate them : But the Pope stayed all moderation , and said , That no more was in these Titles , than agreed to Peters successour . Thus their Head is farre from found judgement , when hee will suffer no mitigation of the blasphemous titles of his Headship . CHAP. VIII . That the end of the Popes Vsurpation is his Monarchie . HIs end in all this Vsurpation is ; hee will , hee must be a Monarch : At the beginning hee was subiect to Emperours as well as other men . a As the Popes submissiue and humble Letters to Princes beares , as shall bee seene heereafter . Next they aspired to an equalitie , as Symmachus with the Emperour Anastasius ▪ Itaque non dicam superior , cer●è aqualis honor est , I will not say , it is a superiour , but certainelie it is an equall honour . But they knew that Equalitie of power cannot well stand ▪ therefore they ascended in end to a Superioritie . So Gregorie the seventh to Henrie the fourt . And Hadrian to Friderick , who was angrie that hee preferred his name to his : This was farre from Gregorie the first , who reproved a noble woman for calling her selfe his hand-maide . c For this cause they are not content with the Myter as Church-men , but weare the Crowne , which they call Regnum . d And Hildebrand hath decreede , Quod solus Papa potest vti imperialibus insignibus : That the Pope alone may vse imperiall Ensignes : And hee hath a triple Crowne , to tell that hee is greater than all the Kings of the Earth in glorie and authoritie . e This they make plainer by a strange collation , making themselues to bee all , and Kings but as cyphers : For temporalis potestas est in Rege , ut administrante : But they put it in the Pope in fiue respects : f The first , as in conferente , by Election . Next as in confirmante , by Coronation . The next three , as in iudicante , dirigente , & corrigente , or in respect of his administration ; And what is that one small entres , in respect of these fiue , in the hand of an vsurping and emulous power ? And Marta g calleth them , but Ciphers indeed affirming that the Greeke Emperour is but as the Kings of the Chesse , having nothing but names and titles without the Pope . That is , except they hold and keepe their Crownes of him , they are but as Chesse-men to bee placed or displaced at his pleasure . But how can hee clame a Kingdome as Christs Successour , seeing Christ said to Pilate , My Kingdome is not of this world ? And when the people would haue made him a King , hee fled , and hid himselfe . And when Sathan offered him all the Kingdomes of the earth he refused . The Pope must seeke another Precedent then Christ , to proue the lawfulnes of his Kingdome . And another author than God , to wit , the Prince of the World whom Christ refused , But the Pope hath taken him at his Word , and fulfilled the condition of worshipping him ; in respect that idolatrie whereof hee is the Father and Foster in Europe , is a worshipping of devils . Their owne confession is sufficient for vs : Christ as a mortall man had not a temporall Kingdome , neither hath the pope as Christs Vicar any such a kingdome . a In respect then of all this proud Vsurpation against Gods word , right , & Conscience , it was no wonder that their famous Painter Raphael Urbinas painted S. Peter , and S. Paul too rudie , and beeing asked , why hee did so ? Hee answered , That hee keeped the decorum of his craft , for hee was assured that now they were blushing in Heaven at the wickednesse of their Successours on Earth . And a Frier , preaching before the Pope and his Cardinals , when hee saw their pompe and glorie , said nothing in the Pulpet , but repeated these words Phy Peter ▪ phy Paul : And beeing demanded what hee meaned thereby ? answeared , That hee thought Peter and Paul were sillie men , who ranne through the world preaching in great distresse , whereas their Successours equalled and excee●ed Kings in ease , wealth , and honour . But if that Pope had knowne the late Divinitie , hee might haue answered , that scoffing Frier with Bellarmine b That to to feede Christs Flocke is not to preach like Apostles , but to rule as Kings : Therefore Spalato calleth it miri●icum pasce a wonderfull pasce that admittteth so many diverse and contrar senses . It is to them as the Philosophers stone turning all mettals in gold : There is neither Heresie nor tyrannie , but it is turned in truth and equitie , so soone as it is touched with this wonderfull Pasce . They mynde nothing but a Kingdome , therefore the Miter is called Regnum and Peters priviledges , Petri regalia . This is the extract of old Rome , who c were caryed with desire of Governement , and yet that same desire ruled over them , and made them slaues : So the later Rome are slaues to their owne pride , and verifie Chams curse in the Pope , Servant of Servants , while his ambitiō commandeth him . Heerein hee loseth more than hee gain●th , while hee turneth from Spirituall things to temporall and falleth in that shamefull change , whereof Bernard speaketh , b that to change from heavenly to earthly things , is vyle . Hee knew the Romane pride by their pulse , when hee feared that the desire of reigning would pervert him c . In their speculations , they make the spirituall state a substantiue and the temporall state , an adiectiue vpon Christs words , ista adijcientur vobis , these things shall bee casten to you . And Carerius thinketh it a good argument , for exalting the Pope aboue Princes : But heere they turne the Adiectiue in a Substantiue , when they lay a●side Spiritualitie for Temporalitie : And Alvarez Pelagius d said , that as Christ had Divinitie and Humanitie so the Pope had Spiritualitie and Temporalitie . Why then forsaketh hee that Divinitie , and turneth all humane ? Bernard told , that Domination was forbidden them : And Ambrose e that the Purpure set the Emperour , but not the Priest : And in another place , that Impyres were rather given by Priests , than vsurped . Saint Austins Allegorie of the Moone agreeth to them : The foolish is changed as the Moone , for when mans soule falleth from the Sunne of Righteousnesse , it turneth all its force on earthly things : Let them ly still on the earth , to the which they cl●ue . But if hee must bee an Emperour , and so called , let him haue it in the true Notion . Plinie sayeth , that hee is an Emperour who hath slaine many with his owne hands . And Cicero conformely , that hee is an Emperour , who hath killed one thousand , or two thousand with his owne hand : And Uarro defineth an Emperour , who oppresseth his Enimyes . According to these notions wee grant him to bee an Emperour , for after Uarro , hee oppresseth all his Gainsayers , and over-reacheth Plinie and Ciceroes definition , because hee boasteth of it , as a priviledge , that hee may cary millions of Soules to hell without controlment . Heerein he is worse than the Frank● arbitrians ; for they pleade libertie to runne to hell alone , but hee caryeth millions with him . Such a roving commeth of his pride , but Gods providence made them choose such an instance of the carying of so many Soules , that they might reveale the Trueth in the fume of a volant discourse , for hee doeth so indeede as hee boasteth . But hee shall finde an answere from Aponius , Ante Tribunal aeterni Iudicis , tantarum animarum sacrilegio condemnabitur : Hee shall bee damned for the losse of so many Soules , before the Tribunal of God. Saint Austine noteth , that old Rome did not count felicitie for a Goddesse before Lucullus tyme : when their civile happinesse gote a deadly wound , by Sylla and Marius strife , they smoothed that reall miserie , with that imaginarie Goddesse . So when Hildebrands pride had overthrowne the peace of Church and State , hee soothed all with the name of a Kingdome , and Ecclesiastick libertie . The second part of this Treatise : Of the Noveltie of their Vsurpation : CHAP. IX . And first the Negatiue proofe thereof . THis much of the Matter of Vsurpation : Followeth the noveltie of it . Our Lord Iesus Christ prescryved against the Errours of Scribes and Pharisees , by this that ab initio non fuit sic , it was not so from the beginning : And the Apostle Iude following that rule , calleth the Christian faith ; fidem semel traditam , faith once delyvered ; that needeth no addition of new articles . And the Ancients vsed this praescription against Hereticks , who could not pleade antiquitie , and praescription of tyme. So Tertullian ( a ) after that hee had set downe the summe of faith . That this rule ( sayeth hee ) hath runne from the beginning of the Gospell , even before former Hereticks , much more before thee Praxeas , who was yesterday : Both the latenes of Hereticks , and the Noveltie of Praxeas a yesterday-man will proue . Whereby it is equally prejudged against all haeresies , that that is true which is first : And that is false that is last . And Hilarius b against Constantius , what ever is with thee beside that one faith , it is perfidie , and not faith . They know the force of this prescription , and for eschewing of it , maintaine both a current , or ambulatorie faith , and an vnbounded power in their Church , to expone d Scripture according to time , c and their Mitigators helpe them in this straite with their new Maxime , that haeresis non est in excessu , sed defectu , that haeresie is not in excesse , but defect , as though it were not an heresie to haue mo Gods , but to deny the true God : Or as though it were no deformitie to a mans body to haue three or foure hands , but only to want one . By this rule of prescription , wee finde their Vsurpation to be a Novaltie , and that both negatiuely and positiuely . Negatiuely , because it was not so from the beginning , for a thousand yeares , as shall bee seene in this induction . First , not before Christ , for then the high Priest ( though a Type of Christ ) and bearing the Vrim and Thummum was subiect to their Kings . Secondly , not in Christs tyme ; for hee vsed no such temporall power , as they themselues confesse . In his Mothers wombe he sub●ected himselfe to the Emperours edict , and went to Bethleem , and in that one Act fulfilled both his Fathers prophesie , to bee borne in Bethleem , and obeyed the Emperours Edict , in going to his Familie to bee taxed . After his birth , he yeelded to Herods cruelty , who sought to kill him and fled to Egypt , whereas hee might haue destroyed Herod , if hee pleased : Hee was subiect to his suposed Father , and commanded to giue to Caesar the things of Caesars , and payed tribute to himselfe . Thirdlie , not by his Disciples , for they followed his example and command : Paul ▪ commandeth everie soule to bee subiect to superiour powers : Put them in minde to bee subiect to principalities and powers : And appealed to Nero , though hee was a tyrant : And Peter from whom they fetch all this power , commands vs to bee subiect to authoritie for the Lords sake , whither it bee to Kings as supreme : And all of them submitted themselues to Princes , they neither inveyed against them , neither stirred vp people to rebell , but patientlie suffered Martyrdome . Fourthlie , not the Primitiue Church , though we take it for the first Ages : They followed Christ and his Apostles in doctrine and practice ; They suffered persecution , and did neither practise against their persons nor their estates : So Tertulian : Christians were never found Albinans , nor Nigrians , or Cassians , &c. — A Christian is enemie to no man , farrelesse to the Emperour , whom knowing to bee appointed of God ; it is necessar that hee loue , reverence , and honour him , &c. a And againe , wee incall the eternall the true and living God , for the saftie of Emperours . And thus these Fathers did both to approue themselues to God , & to cleare the Christian Religion from the calumnies of Pagans , who charged it with sedition and rebellion : b But these godly Fathers let them see that Christ commanded his people subjection and obedience to authoritie . And so a zealous Papist c remarketh that from the death of Christ to Diocletian , for the space of three hundreth years , albeit the Christians suffred innumerable and cruel torments , so that twentie thousand were killed at once , and some times whole cities destroyed , yet it is no where red that Christians ( albeit equall in number and power ) did attempt any thing against the Lawes , or the Magistrate , or his Security , or any wayes rebelled , & by this argument shew that their Religion should bee embraced — And that they were called Christians from him whose holy precept was this to obey the Magistrate . And Tertullian long before him . Wee are forbidden to wish ill , doe ill , speake ill , to thinke ill of any — that which wee may not doe against any , farre lesse may wee doe against him ( to wit , the Emperour ) who is so great by Gods ordinance . Fiftlie : Not the Fathers of the following Ages , who though they vsed popular comparisons of the Pastorall and princelie calling , that the Pastorall excelled the other as far as the Soule did the Bodie ; Gold did Lead ; and the Heaven did Earth . Yet they never dreamed of the Popes abuse of their comparisons : But in their practice ( how ever the Trueth held in the callings ) Nazianzene , Chrysostome , and Ambrose , were most obedient to Princes , Ambrose alone will serue in the two great instances of censuring the Emperour , and answering his vnjust command : For the first , hee abstained Theodosius rather than excommunicate him : For the second , hee refused to render the Churches of God to the Arians : In the first , hee did not depose Theodosius , or absolue people from his obedience as Popes doe . In the second , hee did not fight , but pray and request . Lastlie : Not the Popes of the first Ages , for they all gaue odedience as Bellarmine confesseth . When the Emperours were Heathen , the Pope was not their Iudge but contrariewise subiect to them in al civill causes , no les than other men . a And after that Emperours were Christians , the Popes gaue them that same respect . As Leo the ● , zealous enough for greatnesse , writing to the Empr●s Pulcheria , I intreate thee that thou wouldst daigne to present our Supplication to the most clement Emperour . b And againe , to Eudoxia , I haue most humbl●e supplicate . c And to Martianus ( d ) By all meanes wee ought to obey your Pietie . And he praiseth his zeale for the Christian Faith , and that hee found a princelie affection in a most Christian Prince . Hee craveth also the gathering of the Chalcedon Councell , e and that hee would compell a Bishop to returne to the profession of his faith ▪ ( e ) And that hee would vse his power in matters of Religion g In like manner to Leo the Emperour . I received the Letters of your Clemencie which I am willing to obey . h And acknowledge in a word , that per vos in totius Ecclesiae salutem operatur Spiritus Sanctus . i That by you the holy Spirit worketh for the saftie of the whole Church . And Gregorie the first , to Mauritus : Most glorious Lord , so far as concerneth mee , I giue obedience to your commandements . And speaking of the Longobards , who were but vsurpers : If I would haue revenged my selfe by the slaughter of men , the Longobards this day had not beene extant . I must say to usurping Popes , as Erasmus did to the Sophists of his ti ne concerning Ieromes graue censure of such , who spiced and powdred divinitie with Philosophie . Either they read not these things , or else preferre their owne opinion vnto Ieromes . So say I , that the later Popes , either read not these speeches of the olde Popes , or else prefer their judgement to theirs . Why then haue the later Popes departed from the example of the former and better times , and of their own predecessours ? They can giue none other reason , but to acknowledge their Donatisme or Anabaptisme . Therefore as their Canon Law spake of the Eucharist , old golden priests did minister in treene vessell , but treene priestes Minister in golden vessell : So wee may say , that of old golden Popes were subiect to Emperous : But now idole and treene Popes usurpe on Emperours . If Gratian affirme rightly out of Ierome that to obey Princes is a demonstration of faith , it will follow that the Popes Usurpation over them , is a demonstration of persidie . The olde Popes spake , and did like Protestants and Christians in this point : But the later Popes haue taken vp an Antichristian style and practice . CHAP. X. Of their exceptions against the Practise of the primitiue obedience . THis practice of the former times torments them ; and therefore they preasse to elide it by fiue shifts . The first is , That the Apostles and Fathers of the first times had the same right , but lacked power to vse it , and were affrayed to make sturres in the Estate . a I might answere Bellarmine with his owne words : That it is rediculous to giue a right , and not a power to vse it : b And the forenamed blasphemies of Suarez , Bertrandus , Rodericus , serue to stoppe their mouths . But I answere directlie : That this exception is false in it selfe ; for these first times had sufficient power to represse enemies , but had no will. So Tertullian c Wee are strangers , and haue filled all your places , your Townes , Yles , Castles , Villages , meetings , your Camps , Courts , Palaces , Senat and Market . Wee haue left to you the Temples onelie — If wee had taken from you such a multitude , the losse of many Citizens had confounded your Impyre , and had punished you with destitution . Doubtlesse you had beene ashamed at your solitude . In like manner , Eusebius d telleth that innumerable multitudes of Christians assembled euery where , even in the time of Diocletian . And in another place : That Diocletian and Maximinian saw that almost all mortall men forsooke the worshippe of the gods , and ioyned themselues to Christians . And most clearelie Augustine . e Although Christs citie had infinite multitudes of people , yet shee fought not against her wicked persecuters , &c. And Iulians instance is peremptorie , both for the obedience of Christians , & their power : For the first , he was an Apostate ; hee persecuted the Christians , and specialie Athanasius , whom hee called , the enemie of the gods , a he charged the Religion with madnesse , that it destroyed all , b Hee discharged Schoole-masters to expone Greek Authours to Children , vnlesse they would worshippe these gods whom the Poets and Philosophers did worshippe . c As Augustine observeth . Confess . lib. 8. cap. 5. Hee tooke away violentlie the Christians riches , and said sco●finglie , he would helpe them to obey their wonderfull Law , in making them readie to goe to Heaven . d Hee mocked the people of Alexandria , that they vvere so farre degenerate as to serue the Hebrewes , whose fathers in Egypt were slaues to theirs . e Heere was a matter to provocke the Christians . And next , for their Forces , they were most powerfull , for Constantius before him , had cassered all the heathen from the wars , and setled thein Villages , or Pages neere vnto wells , wherefra they are called Pagani or Pagans vnto this day . So they had force enough , when the remnant bodie of the Armie were all Christians . And for Captaines , they had Iovian who succeeded him , and Valentinian whom hee banished , for refusing to offer incense to idoles , and other religious Captaines to set vp against him , and yet there was not in all his Reigne any such atempt ; They bare their crosse patiently , and left the flying cloud to Gods punishment . Next , this exception chargeth the Primitiue Church with many faults : As Ignorance , that they knew not their right : And Feeblenesse , that they drust not vse it : Of Prevarication , that they neglected to plead that greatest Article of Faith , And of Infirmitie , that they neither knew the right , nor had power to maintaine it . And so putteth it many degrees behind the Church in latter times . And if they commend their wisedome in ceasing from the vse of their power , for feare of sturres , that convinceth them , for there was as great sturres in Hildebrands time , as would haue beene before , if Christians had vsed their power . And what sturres see wee presentlie in Europe for the vrging of their Monarchie ? It were wisedome in them to follow Augustines counsell , which they haue put in their Canon Law. a that Correction cannot bee profitable , but when hee who is corrected hath not a multitude ioyned vnto him This shift discovereth them that they want not will , but power and occasion to worke mischiefe , and that the peace they gaue to Princes and Protestants is but rebus stantibus ut nunc . Some times they turne their f●ct in a right , some times their power , and so proclame to the world , that crueltie not equitie ruleth them . Their second shift is , that these first times called them more to Martyrdome , than to represse Princes , a But that convicteth them also , for if these auncients did well in suffering , rather than to raise vproares : Why doe not they the like ? It is onelie their earthly minde that teacheth them this Martyrifugium by Regicidium , to flee Martyrdome by massacring Kings : And by their owne confession they choose to bee milites potius quam Martyrs , Souldirs rather than sufferers , and so haue neither that same Religion that these Auncients had , nor that same disposition . Their third shift is from Merite : That these Auncients were not oblidged to obey infidell Princes , so that their obedience was meritorious , and that they who did the worke manfullie in resist●g Princes , doe no lesse merite : a It is a strange n●erite that hath such a latitude in one thing both to obey and disobey : And more that the command to obey these Princes , was not ordinar to bind at all times , but extraordinar as the command given to the Israelites , to borrow silver and gold of the Egyptians . But the Apostles giue commandements for obedience , binding all persons , and at all times : b And it is as strange how they who boast of Merites , and haue devised Counsels to inlarge the matter of Merite and Supererogation , doe shift so great a command of patient suffering , where according to their Doctrine , they may haue great Merite . Their fourth shift is , that there was no matter , or subiect of the vse of their power , because then there was no Christian Emperours . a But Bellarmine refuteth this , because there was then Philippus a Christian Emperour : Lucius a Britaine King , and Donald the first Christian King of this Nation b There was no such processing of these Christian Princes as now . Shall wee thinke that infidell Princes were a guard to these Christian Princes ? Or rather that Rome is now become insolent to abuse Christian Princes more , because their number is now greater in Europe . Their last shift is made by Alcaser the Iesuite . That these Fathers did dissemble in a private habite . c This is like Bellarmines censu●e of Gregorie the first , that his subiection to Maurice the Emperour was partly compelled of humilitie . partlie of necessitie , and that it was not of due , but compelled . d VValdensis also hath the like censure of him , that hee honoured the Emperour , but by way of complement , and for the fashion . This is worse than anie of the former shifts , to damne the Pietie and humble obedience of the Auncients , vnder the name of dissimulation . They rubbe on these Ancients their owne doublenesse , who like Solomons whoore can suffer the Babe to bee divyded , and that not in obedience only , but in religious worshippe : For Pope Pius 5. sent Medalls to the English recusants , with this Circumscription , Da mihi fili mi cor tuum , & sufficit , My sonne giue me thy heart , and it sufficeth . He gaue them libertie to bee present at the exercise of our Religion , if they keeped their heart to him and his Masse . Heerein also they trode vnder foote the Godlinesse of Gregorie , the first to hold vp the pride of Gregorie the seventh , and to preoccupie the Reader , least the grace of these ancients should condemne the ambition of their Successors . If Gregories obedience was but dissimulation , how deeper hypocrisie is theres , who borrow his stile of Servant of Servants , and yet trode vpon Princes ? If for his learning and pietie hee bee called Gregorie the Great ; what degree shall they haue , who in Ignorance , Pride , and profainesse , are contrare to him ? Heerein also they show , how little they count of Fathers : They crie everie where in their wrytes , Patres , Patres , the Fathers , the Fathers , & yet they accuse them of dissimulation , praevarication , &c. C ham covered his Fathers nakednesse ; but they call that nakednesse in Fathers , which is their glorie ; and declare what Duraeus spake of their doctrine , Neque enim Patr●s censentur , cum suum aliquod quod ab Ecclesia non acceperunt , vel scribunt , vel docent : That they are not to bee counted Fathers , when they write , or teach any thing of their owne , which they haue not receaved from the Church of Rome . In like manner Gretzer speaking of Bertrame , Hee who feedeth not the Church with wholesome foode , is not a Father , but a b Step-father . This is it that Gregorie c sayeth of Hereticks , that are they friendly to them that are dumbe ; but enemyes to them when they speake . Wee neede no more proofe of their contempt of the Fathers , than Sixtus Senensis Bibliotheck . But I close this point with S. Augustine against the Donatists , How can an evill pleader praise the Iudges , by whose iust iudgement hee is over come ? But they might borrow a better shift than these from Gratian : a speaking of the Election of former Popes , done by Emperours , but now by the Popes creatures in the Conclaue : That the Church hath authoritie to abrogate such customes as in former times were without fault , but afterward turned to errour or superstition . So be like the subiection of old Popes ( as the brasen Serpent ) was turned in abuse , and therefore must bee turned in rebellion . And Azorius telleth as much , that Gregorie called Mauritius his Lord , and was subiect to him not of right but of force , sicuti Paganis olim subiecti erant Sacerdotes Christiani . a In the meane time wee haue gained this point of them , that in the first Ages their Usurpation was neither in doctrine nor practice : And that wee who obey Princes proue the successours of these pious and obedient Fathers , VVhile they proue successours of the Heathen Priests , who on everie miscontentment cutted off their Princes . CHAP. IX . Of the proofe of their positiue NOveltie : Or of Hildebrands contention . FOlloweth that wee proue positiuely the Noveltie of this Usurpation , which wee affirme to haue begunne with Hildebrand : They call it old indeede : This Theologie of the Iesuites is not new , but most auncient : a And the Iesuits in their Apologie againe the Behemians , rest not on that indefinitenesse , but affirme their Doctrine to haue stood 1610. yeares . b But when hee commeth to muster his forces to proue that Antiquitie , hee beginneth at Gregorie the seventh c who entred to the Popedome about the 1073. and so at the first encounter hee passeth a thousand yeeres and more : Hee stumbleth in the threshold of his dispute , and seeth not a contradiction in that his first reason ; primus prodeat septimus , first let the seventh come foorth : The seventh in order argues not a prioritie , but a posterioritie and a noveltie . Though hee had begunne at Gregorie the first , it had not proven true Antiquitie , yet seeing hee passeth sex Gregories in silence , he telleth that they were named by that watchfull name in vaine , in betraying the Ecclesiasticke libertie , and that this seventh Gregorie , did first a wake to defend it . The next proofe is Otho Frisingensis , I read and read over againe ( saith hee ) the doings of the Emperours , but I finde none of them excommunicate or deprived of their Kingdome by the Pope , before Henrie the fourth . This Bellarmine d presseth to refute , but in vaine : For Onuphrius e as zealous for the Pope as hee , and a better antiqua●ie confirmeth it , Gregorie the seventh , the first of all the Popes , trusting to the forces of the Normanes , &c. Beside the custome of the Auncients contemning the authoritie of the Emperour , was so bold as to excommunicate Caesar himselfe , and depriue him of his Kingdome . A thing not heard of before that time . And where their best reason to proue the practise of it before Hildebrands time , is taken from some practise against Arcadius , Anastasius , and Leo Emperours . Onuphrius sheweth the vanitie of that alledgeance in calling them fables not to be respected . In like manner Eberhardus , as he is alledged by Aventine . f Hildebrand before an 170 yeares , was the first who layed the foundation of Antichrists Impyre vnder colour of Religion . Baronius also confesseth as much , when hee prefaceth that contentioun : Gregorie ( sayeth hee ) began a a controversie with a constant mynde , ( although hee knew all Christian Princes would bee his a iversaries ) yet with a mightie Spirit that could not yeelde , hee enterprised a matter verie hard , and which could not bee compassed by humane power . If it was so hard a worke , ( as he truely calleth it ) then it was not ancient , for long practise would haue made it easie . Lessius b would make vs belieue , that Kings and Emperours followed that doctrine without any doubting . But Azorius c contradicteth him , affirming ▪ that there was ever a great controversie amongst Princes , and the Popes concerning their power in depryving King● . So Azorius expoundeth the cause of Baronius difficultie , to bee the opposition of Princes . And Baronius confessed difficultie proveth the noveltie of the matter : Hee insinuateth also the same in his Votum , to Paul the fifth , against the Venetians , when d hee testifyeth his ioy , because hee saw in Peters chaire another Gregorie the seventh , or Alexander the third , who were the chiefe defenders of Ecclesiasticke libertie . But the contentioun it selfe will cleare the matter : for there is not in al the storie a more remarkable poynt , than this fearefull collision of these two powers , in Henrie the fourth , and Hildebrand . When they respected others in loue , they were comfortable to other , as in Constantine and Sylvester , Maurice and Gregorie , &c. But when they rubbed one other , both Churches and Policie smarted . They had sundrie other rubbes in former times , but never one like that . The Emperour thought that the question was no lesse , than the standing or ruine of the Impire , a . And Gregorie thought lykewise of the standing , or ruine of the Church . The Emperour pleaded Prescription , because from the dayes of Charles the great , vnder threescore Popes and moe , it was in vse : And Necessitie because by loosing the Investures , hee would lose a great of the Impyre ; for when Charles the great gote that priviledge , the Pope and Prelats were poore : But thereafter both Kings and Emperours enriched the Church , because they had the investiture in their owne hands . Besides when Princes had investitures , scarcely could Prelates be keeped in Subjection ; but if they were put in the Popes hands , they would make many Enemyes in the Impire : so Onuphrius stateth the question . But in the multitude of so many Historians affected to one of the parties , this much may bee gathered ; That the Emperour beside his personall faults gaue occasion to Hildebrand , to make some sturre b . Hee abused the power of investiture , in passing by the voice of the Church , and giving Prelacies and Dignities to the vnworthie , whom flatterie or bryberie ; or such by respects commended vnto him Hee gaue them as rewards for bygone service , or ingagements for service to come . And at his Court , Church benefites were either saleable , or exposed to prey . Heereof Hildebrand tooke occasion to worke , that hee had long desired , hee made a strong faction both of Church men , and Politicks against the Emperour , and draue him in that strait to make such a foule agreement at Canusium , as no man can patiently reade of , and thereafter put all Europe in dissention and blood . They divyded the trueth , and each of them had both right and wrong on his side : The Emperour had right to the Investitures , but erred foully in their abuse ; and brought in ignorant and fleshlie men , in the chiefe places of the Church , who overthrew both Religion and State : The Pope had iust cause to quarrell that abuse , but no right to clame the investitures , and farre lesse to oppose seditiously , and trode downe the Emperour . This was a consequent of too large dotations : The Dotars were Patrons of the Church rent , and some , abusing the Patronage , did marre the spiritualitie of the entrie of the Pastours : So the Benefice drew the office after it , and the Investiture the Daughter of Donations bred this strife , and corrupt entrie in some . But wise Princes haue made some provision against such corruption , in giving the Church her place in election , and it is best when Church and Patrons goe together . The mysterie of iniquitie was then comming to rypenesse , and Sathan had provyded one to hatch that egge of Antichrist , whose seedes were layed in the Apostles times , and that omnious accident in Rome of a Bird that layed an egge with a Serpent , was so expounded by many , that the Apostolicke Sea had hatched the Cokatrice egge , and brought out a Serpent to destroy the Impyre . Wee may passe the things imputed to him by his enemies : a As his fornication with Mathildis , the great vrger of Chastitie , to bee familiar with that Countesse , ( lik Cremensis the Popes Legate , vrging Chastity in a Synode at London , was found at night in a Borthell ) Or his impietie , in casting the Hostie in the fire : Or his Nacromancie , whereof hee gaue a proofe in that Response : That an vnjust King would bee killed that yeare ; hee tooke this to be Henrie the Emperour , but it fell on Rudolph the Vsurper . But even his friends b charge him with great sinnes : As his dissimulation , stirring vp Rudolph in Germanie , while Henrie the Emperour was at Rome , fulfilling his injoyned pennance . c His idolatrie in incalling the Apostles and blessed Virgine , and commanding them speedilie to execute his decreete against the Emperour . d VVhen hee saw that this made him odious to men ; he devysed some courses to mitigate their hatred : Hee sent Apologeticke Letters to excuse him to all men , and pretended the zeale of God , in defending the liberties of his Church , which was nothing , but a fleshlie pride of his owne broyling Nature . Hee tooke the lesson from Stephanus , who sat a little before him in the Chaire , beeing a Brother of the house of Lorraine , and offended with the Emperour , for hurting of his House , hee tooke that Gentilitious enimitie into Peters Chaire , and made it Peters quarrell : And his Successours finding it there , followed it out as the cause of the Church : Even as they tooke in the Armes and ●nsignes of their Families . Next , he pretended great puritie and holinesse and vrged the Chastitie of the Cleargie : This was a faire colour both to cover his too ●reat homlinesse with the Countesse Machildis , & to make the world think that all was good that came from such an one ; but it was a libertie proclamed to Church men , for sundrie of them yeelded to want one wife , that they might meddle with many . Hereby Europe was filled with troubles , and the Sacraments ministred by married Priestes were trod vnder ●●ote . This was to vrge and promone the doctrine of divels . But his third and most politick devyce was the holie warre , which iustlie may bee called , a profaine warre . Hee made faire pretexts to recover these places where Christ was borne : a And lived and wrought our salvation . And to make the matter more plausable , they fained that Petrus Eremita got a Letter from Heaven , b written by Iesus Christ , to stirre vp Christians to that warre , though others are shamed of that fiction , and said , Hee got it by Revelation . The motiues were as powerfull ●o a superstitious Age. They offered to all that would goe to that warre . First , Securitie from all troubles vnder the Apostolicke protection Secondly , Exemption from all pennence . b Likwise the going to that warre shal be reputed for all Pennance . Thirdlie ▪ Rem●ssion of all their sinnes . c For their wages who are in that warre , they shall receiue pardon of all their sinnes . d Lastlie , Life eternall what ever their former life hath beene . e This hee learned of Mahumet , who bade his fellowers defend his Religion by force , promising Paradise to good warriours , whether they were killed or not . f In all this businesse of the profaine holy warre , they obtained their ends both over Church and Policie : Over the Church ; they sought to establish their Monarchie over the Patriarkes of the East , as they had done in the West . Over the Policie ; because they diverted peoples mindes from prying in their tyrrannie over Princes , and gaue them another matter of talking . They found an errand to send away the most wise and valorous Spirits , of whom they feared greatest opposition at home , as Gottofred the chiefe Counceller and commander of the Emp●rours Ar●ies : That emptying the land of such spirits , they might securelie encroach on emptie Kingdomes . And all ranne to their maine purpose , to proue their supperiority over Princes , in that they vrged them to vow a iourney in Syria , and forced them to obey vnder the feare of excommunication : And so in this new devised fansi● of an holie warre vsurped an absolute dominion over their consciences and crownes . At his death he repented the wickednesse of his course , as Sigebert a and others testifieth ▪ when hee was at the last gaspe , hee called to him a Cardinall whom hee loved much , and confessed to God — that hee had sinned greatly in his pastor all charge — and by Sathans instigation had stirred vp hatred and wrath against mankind — And therefore sent the foresaid Confessour to the Emperour and Church to get pardon . Not withstanding of this declaration , yet they denie that Repentance b saying , That Sigeberts lie of Gregories repentance , for persecuting of the Emperour , is elided , Comentum Sigeberti de paenitentia Gregorij , de eo quod Henricum fuerit persecutus , eliditur : And they affirme that hee dyed ratifying his former violence . This is the imp●nitent & pertinatious humour of the Roman Church they will neither repent themselues , nor let it be knowne that their predecessiours repent their wickednesse ; least they should grant the Pope may erre and their Successours bee forced to forsake the wickednesse of their Ancestours . As they cannot shew vs a Practice before Hildebrand so not any sanction of counsell before the Laterane , in Innocent the thirds time , Bellarmine calleth it maximum & celeberrimum concilium , because it was all for the Popes Monarchie : But that statute proues the noveltie of vsurpation for if it was a constant practice before , what needed it then a sanction : But the truth is , the practice was new , and craved a confirmation by a posteriour sanction . A lawlesse practice craved a lawlesse order , first to doe , and then by law to confirme it as right ; a direction which Machiavell giveth to his tyrant . That Councell ought to be called as well as the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a councell of Brigands wherein they were both judge and partie , to confirme their owne tyranie . This was a fitte time to worke such wickednesse , because great darknesse had over whelmed the Church in those Ages , And their Cardinall a cryeth out on these times , Behold , an vnhappie Age , wherein are no famous Writters , no Councells . And Sigebert expresselie , b This noveltie was not as yet risen in the World. And when Bardas had erected Schooles in Constantinople , they could not finde so many learned men as to teach in them : And in a conference betweene the Greeke and the Romane Church many things were done ignorantlie and confusedlie , because there was but one Interpreter , for all the Colloquutors . The Histories then writtē were full of visions , aparations of spirits , translations of Relicts , to tell that the Religion was dead in the living , when the living were seeking pietie and devotion from the dead . Therefore this doctrine is justie called by the iudicious , c Doctrina Hildebrandina , an Hildebrandine doctrine , because Hildebrand was the perfecter of it : And though they would fetch it from former times , yet they say as much as wee , when they d call him the most keene defender of Ecclesiasticke libertie . And Onuphrius e calleth him the onelie defender of all the Ecclesiasticke libertie . And when as a Dictator hee set downe his Dictatus , as a platforme of that tyrannie , hee declared that it was his owne device . Wee neede no more against them than Baronius f arguments in his long digression against the Monarc●ie of Sicile : From the weakenesse of the Charter , From the noveltie that it was vnheard in the Church : That the Authoritie of the Apostolick Sea was pretended against itselfe : That there could not bee two Monarchs in the Church , because of a deformitie of that bodie : All those arguments doe militate more for vs against the Popes Monarchie . But Tertulian his challenge is pertinent for vs. Where is Religion ? Where is Reverence aue to the Auncieunts ▪ You haue everie way renounced them . You praise ever Antiquitie , and yet yee liue newlie . Whereby it is manifest while yee depart from your forefathers institutions , that yee doe keepe the things which ye ought not , since yee keepe not the things which yee ought . I close this point of the Noveltie of their Vsurpation , with a Optatus Milevitanus , as hee spake of the Donatists question : Yee say , it is leasome , wee say , it is not leasome , betweene your leasome and our no leasome , the mindes of people stagger , so say wee to the Papists . Yee say , the Popes may depose Kings , wee say , hee may not . Let Scripture bee Iudge betweene vs as the onelie Testament of our Father , as that same Optatus speaketh : And ex abundanti , wee offer the challenge not for six hundreth yeares onelie as reverend Iewell did in Dogmaticke points , but for a thousands yeares . Ye haue neither Dogmatical positions , nor assasinate practices before Hildebrands time . Neither haue yee sanction of Councels before that Laterane Councell vnder Innocent the third . This is farre from true b Antiquitie , for that is true that is first and that is first that is from the Apostles : And that Martyre c said right , Christ is my Antiquitie , But least they bee thrust from all notion of Antiquitie , wee shall grant them such as the ●esuite Turselline clames to the transporting of the Virgines Chamber from Nazareth to Dalmatia , and from thence to Loretto : Hee calleth that fablous miracle , an auncient faith . And yet when hee commeth to the proofe , hee findeth nothing of that transport in the first a●d thirtteenth hundreth yeares : Such Antiquitie is but Noveltie , We haue proved our proscription against this Noveltie , that ab initio non fuit sic , It was not so from the beginning . If Panciroll had medled with divine remarkes , hee might haue put among his Vetera deperdita the humble obedience to Princes lately left off by Popes ; and their proude Usurpation over Princes among his nova reperta . CHAP. XII . Of the causes of this Vsurpation . IT is a matter of astonishment to judicious men , to consider either the insolencie of Popes in affecting ; or the weakenesse of Princes in suffering such Vsurpation ; and some ●esuites also haue professed no lesse , a that olde Emperours and states of the Impyre were foolish , Who suffered their mouths to bee wyped by Popes : By this wondering they make a greater wonder to the world , because they maintaine and pursue that same quarrell , at whose iniquitie they wonder : But the reasons of it are these especiallie . First : an universall corruption in all Estates , and everie one winking at the sinnes of other : Princes preferred ignorant and wicked men to bee Popes and Prelates : And winked at the corruptions they brought in the Church , in Doctrine worshippe and manners : And Popes on the other hand winked at the grievous sinnes of Princes : The Popes to make them strong against Princes gained their Cleargie , not onelie by pleading their Immunitie from Princes , but likewise giving them Impunitie for their scandalous liues : And the Cleargie finding that fleshlie libertie vnder the Popes , assisted them against Authoritie : So that when good Princes intended to reforme abuses in the Church , they found the faction of Pope and Cleargy so strong that they could neither vendicate them selues , nor the Church from the tyrannie of the Pope . As Princes then were not tymouslie zealous of Gods glorie , so hee suffered Popes to treade their honour in the dust . Next , Sathans malice , who seeing what good the spirituall and temporall powers wrought into man , and how their concord made a barre against him : Therefore he divyded them , and turned the pride of his suppost against the ordinance of God in Princes . Thirdly , the decaying estate of the Impire offered occasion to the Pope , which hee greedily imbraced : It was then come to a great weaknesse , when Rodolph of Suevia was able to make a faction against the lawfull Emperour : And that small remainder was obnoxious to the Pope , by his pretended power over their entrie . Princes also were taken vp with great and heavie warres , and had no tyme to thinke on the Church , or redresse it : And the Pope with his Cleargie on the other side turned these distractions in opportunities , to doe what they pleased . Besides the long , and farre absence of the Emperour from Rome , gaue the Pope libertie to misguide all at his pleasure . For when the lik Ambition breakout in Michael the Patriark of Constantinople , a little before Hildebrands time , the Greeke Emperour dwelling in Constantinople , did soone crush the egges of that vsurpation : But the Emperours abyding in Germanie , made the Pope a free working at Rome . Fourthly , wee may finde some cause in the Romaine a temper , which was ever set for pride and domination as Augustine marketh ; that the lust of governing was in the whole people of Rome : And Bernard b more fully , what is more knowne to the World , than the pride and partnesse of the Romaines ? A Nation not acquaint with peace but with warre : A Nation fierce and intractable ; that can not bee subiect , but where they can not resist . And the Greeke Church objected ever to them , supercilium Italicum , the Italian , or Romane pride : And the African councell in Augustines tyme , Typhum saeculi , fleshly and worldly ambition . They haue this temper from Romulus , and not from Christ , for a thousand yeares it ever vexed it selfe in affecting a Monarchie : But when a period was fixed to the Monarchie , that pride ren ained , and changed only the object and ranne out first vpon a Kingdome or Hierarchie vntill Hildebrands tyme ; and thereafter iovned both in one , in affecting an Hierarcho-Monarchie : You shall as soone twinne a Romaine and his life , as twinne him from his ambitious aspyring , and vsurping humour . Fifthly , too great respect superstitiously given to the Pope : For hee had now seased himselfe as God , in the house of God , and possessed the consciences of people by ignorance and superstition , so that all his words were as Oracles to them , and therefore as in Religion they thought he could not erre , so in policie they thought all was right that he did ; and to assist his most ambitious incroaching on Kings , was nothing lesse than to honour Christ himselfe . Moreover of these grounds , hee made himselfe a partie in the Impyre , by fostering factions amongst Princes , and while they weakened other , everie one of them depended on him ; either for feare of hurt , or hope of gaine . Hee had also his Cloisters , Convents ▪ and Chapters ; as also many Garisons in the heart of Kingdomes , and his volant forces of preaching and begging Friers , who are now both succeeded , and exceeded by the Iesuits . Lastlie the great difference betweene the policies of Princes and Popes . In the Impire the government was ever raw and greene , and as mortall as the person of the Emperour . Hee was not ever of one house , and when hee dyed , his counsell seemed to die also ; his designes and proiects , with all the meanes , for prosecuting were buryed with him : A new Emperour had a new Councell , and a new councell had new grounds to lay , new ends to intende , and new meanes to choose : Their witts were taken vp with the noveltie of the preferment of their Master , and the first occurrent difficulties , and gote not libertie to pry in the deepe of the Estate : So they were ever Novices , and Strangers in arcanis imperij and if any of them saw any thing therein , touching the Popes tyrannie , they durst not enter into that quarrell , wherein so many excellent Princes were overthrowne ; but choosed by obsequie to provyde peace for themselues , and favour to their heires . But Poperie was sweyed with a constant and standing councell , though an Hildebrand , and Alexander dyed , their intentions and designes dyed not , but that same end remained , and the platforme of their courses was followed out by their successor , in whom also their decessors lived All things mortall in the Impire but in a sort immortall in the government of Poperie made the one to outreach the other , as farre as it did out-liue it . A Pope might die , but his consistorie dyed not , nor the mysterie of iniquitie , nor the odd knacks of knaverie to performe it . Therefore hee is called a Man , the Man of sinne &c. not for vnitie of number , but of mynde : A succession of Men of one intention , one course : Having one worke or mysterie in hand , whereof the seedes were in the Apostles tyme. It grew secretlie in following Ages : It was perfected in Hildebrand thereafter discovered by the Gospell , and decayeth till it bee destroyed . Besides these reasons , two other things advanced this tyrannie : Pretended holinesse , as a specious colour , and Excommunication as a terrour . For Holinesse : the Popes gaue themselues out to the world , as most holy , and men counted so of them : whē they were holy indeed , they neither exacted adoration of Princes , neither vsurped ; but o beyed them : But being mōstrously profaine they boastof holines & oppressed princes . There is nothing now but his Title Sanctissimus , most holy ; & as thogh that Superlatiue were a Diminitiue of his worth , he must haue it in abstracto , sanctitas , holinesse it selfe . Men would thinke that hee claimed this name , in the proper notion of infused and habituall holiness ▪ in his person ▪ as a speciall Grace of the holy Spirit : But their wickednesse doeth witnesse so against them , that they take it in another Nation ▪ and expone it of a comparatiue , a respectiue , a t●ular and putatiue holinesse . First , A Comparatiue holinesse : Because he is holie in respect of people : But this is both a base clame , for him hat will bee called a Vice god , a god on ●a●th ▪ the head of the Church by whom shee hath influence : And it is false also , because many Princes and people both , were holyer than vsurping Popes as Bellarmine confesseth . Secondlie , A respectiue holinesse : In respect of their Office , For there bee two sorts of gifts of the Spirit saith Becane ? a One for salvation in true righteousnesse , and holynes : The other is given to helpe others to salvation and holinesse and this is common both to good and evill ; and of this kind is that holinesse wee acknowledge in the Pope : And when Gardius objected to him , that some Popes were ignorant and flagitious , hee answereth that , b that did not stay the assistance of the holie Spirit in those things that was necessar to the Popes holines , because Balaam was a flagitious mā & these workers of iniquitie , to whom Christ will say , I know you not , depart from me . This is true indeed , we hold him at his word , for it is a poore pleading , to sure no more holines for their Pope , than to Balaam or false prophets . Thirdlie , A titular holinesse , given for a title , and made passant through long custome : ( a ) As the Emperours were called Augusti , from Augustus ▪ and Optimi from Traian , though they were infortunat and diss●lute as Nero , Heliogabalus , and Galien , &c. So because some Popes were holie ▪ that ●a●e passed as a Title to their Successoures , without any respect of their personal ▪ qualification . This Azo●ius confesseth that it is an ●l●e custo●e that the Pope be●alled most holie , and most blessed , &c. So hee contenteth him with a custome . Fourthlie , A putatiue or presumed holinesse ▪ when men thinke him to be holie , though he ●e a monster indeede : So Hildebrand in his owne cause . a If the Pope bee Canonicallie ordained vndoub●dlie he is made holy by the merites of S. Peter . And who can doubt s●id Symmachus . ●ut hee is holy whom the toppe of so great dignitie extolleth . In whom if they lacke merites of their owne , the merites furnished by their Predecessours will suffice . For this place either exalteth them who are excellent , or maketh them excellent who are exalted . Let the World judge whither they or wee put pillowes of se●uritie vnder men● head since they come so easilie to merite . But their Councel of Basile is b more cleare , & giveth vs three sorts of this putati●e holinesse . The first is of his State that hee be reputted holie , so that holinesse is not referred to him , but to the estimation of people , as honour is in honoran●e non in honorato . The second holinesse is religious . The third is the holinesse of publicke Iustice. But the Pope as Pope is the highest degree of all these sorts , therefore hee may be called most holy ▪ albeit he be of a wicked life , so long as he is not iudged to be so , but tolerate by the holy Church . This like their State-sanctitie or holinesse of their religious orders , which is contrair distinguished to true holines ▪ c For a man may be truelie perfect and not in a religious state , and in a religious state , but not perfect . I admitte their distinction , but why tye they Evangelicke perfection to that state , except they meane such a perfection as is their holinesse , and that is but a fansie ? They mo●ke the Imputation of Christs righteousnesse , when the godlie applie it by ●●ith , Christ alloweth it ▪ and the Father imputeth it : And ●et they content themselues with a putatiue holinesse borrowed of man , and i●puted by ●an : So in their Priests absolution of the penit●1nts and in this their holinesse of Popes . d It argueth an evill cause , in so great a clame , to bee content with so base a portion : in the strife for a Monarchie , they outrack all the notions of the words that signifie power , Supremacie , &c. But in the clame of holinesse they decline the proper Notion and retrinches all to a Titular and putatiue sense . This maketh their Patrone when hee disputs his eight note of the Church , to wit holinesse , to shift it from persons , and applie it to doctrine . And in another place to craue no more respect to their Pope , than Caiaphas had , though hee was a false Priest and wicked , and such respect as Iudas had among the Disciples . This is a great change , that hee who t●rusteth himselfe aboue Kings , yet among the Cleargie is content to bee ranked among Caiaphas and Iudas . This their not our wickednesse seemeth to bee the secret cause of the change of their Name , whē they enter the Popedome . The most part beginneth at Sergius the second , who beeing ashamed of his name ( Swynes-mouth ) called himselfe Sergius . But Baronius ascriveth it to Sergius the third , Who beeing first called Peter , would not retaine that name , for the reverence hee bare to S. Peter : But here is the mysterie , they haue no part of the holinesse of S. Peter . & therefore tak not his name : And moreover , among all who tooke other names , as of Paul , Iohn &c. yet never one tooke the name of Peter , albeit some had that name before their Papalizing , as Innocent the fourth , formerlie called Petrus of Tarentasia , and Paul the fist , formerlie called Petrus Carafa . This is not of humilitie , but of conviction of conscience , not taking his name to whom they are opposite . So long as Sancta Catholica stood in the Creede , there was some holinesse amongst them , but since they thrust Romana on it , they haue lost holinesse : Romane holinesse is but by Equivocation , and in end resolues in monstruous profainnesse for at Rome it is all one to bee called a Christian , as in other places to bee called an Asse . The head of their Church may be a Monster & to be a member of that Church , faith & inward vertue is not required , but onelie a Subiection to the Pope : a So their Church in the head & members are by Equivocation , their holines by Equivocation , & all of them in the Church , but secundum apparentiam exteriorem & putative : Campian needed n●t boast vs , ad Ecclesiae nom●n rostis expalluit . b As though it were to vs as G●rgons head , to make vs astonished , but if they haue any remnant ingenuitie , they should bee ashamed of their excrementitious Church , for they craue none other place for it , but as haires , and nailes , and evill humours in the bodie . c and their excommnnication is not a curse , but a blessing , to bee separate from such a Synagogue . All heere agree , such an head , such members : And this was the fruite of their Monarchie ; when the Romanes wanted Carthage , and other emulous Republickes they ranne head-long to all ●vices , & stantibus maenibus mores ruebāt , while their wals stood strong , their liues we●e diss●lute . So when the Popes had trod downe all competitours , they loosed themselues to all profainesse . Heerein they seeme to walke in an evill Conscience , both in plunging ignorant men , and flattering the Pope . They plunge the ignorant , while they affirme , that the salvation of all Christians dependeth on the holinesse , vertue , and example of the Popes . d And Salianus an Iesuite writting to Paul the fi●t , saith , Ut per unum te & in communione tantum tua , vis omnis , ac vigor gratiarum & sanct●●atis in omnia membra diffundatur . That Christ hath thee for his Vicar , and as the necke , vnder such an Head , that by thee alone ▪ and in thy communion onelie , all power and vigour of grace and holinesse may be diffused throgh all the members of his most sacred bodie . e And to this s●m● sens . Bellarmine affirmeth , that no man ( although ●ee would ) can bee subiect to Christ , and communicate with the heavenlie Church , except hee bee subiect to the Pope . a this is more than Boniface his extravagant , for● that did onely tye men to bee subiect to the Pope , but this bindeth Christ also that hee cannot communicate his Grace , but by the Popes Mediation . And in a word , an exalting of the Pope aboue God and man. But since hee sayeth , that Christ the Head of the Chruch , is sanctus sanctorum , I demand what necessitie hath hee of the Mediation of an vsurping Pope , who is profanus profanorum . But Becane is more circumspect , than Salianus and Bellermine , while hee draweth the influence of that Head no further , than the externall governement . Their flatterie of the Pope is cleare , for they know his wickednesse should bee abhorred , and yet they will defend it : And Canus b ( otherwise modest ) will tell vs that they haue learned eyes , and cover the Popes faults as Shem and Cham did Noahs nakednesse : But that is impudencie and not modestie : For Noahs nakednesse came of infirmitie , and was private within the Tent , but the Popes wickednesse is affected , and scandalouslie open to the World : It were good for the Pope and them both to vse Bernards libertie , in not sparing the Pope but telling him his faults freely , that God might spare him ; but heerein they are more like Varro d who dissembled the vallenies of the gods , lest he should beleeue thinges vnseemelie to them . But if they must bee called holy , let them haue it , in that sense , as Paul the fourth called sanctissimum officium inquisitionis , most holy office of the inquisition e . Or as Tertullian f scornefully calleth Archi Gallus Cybel● Priest sanctissimus , whose service was so abhominable , that reason was ashamed to expresse it . because that goddesse was great not in the greatnesse of goodnesse , but of wickednesse . Or shall wee say , that they make that title sanctissimus , to signifie contrare things , both most holy , and most profaine , as the Hebrew Kadosh is holy , and Kadesh is scortum mus culum : All holds in the Pope , safe only that contrate significations in the Hebrew are of diverse things , bu● heere both agree in him , the good notion putatiuely , but the ill both really and properly . They might haue lurked long vnder this ambiguitie , had not their Analist a discovered all ; for where as others haue made reall profainesse , and titular holinesse compatible in the Pope ; he hath set them as two extremes and cont●ares , and ascryved true holinesse to Dunstane , and profainesse to the Pope ; to tell that holinesse is more to bee found in others than in Popes , yea that Popes compared to them are but Monsters . To close this point , their holinesse is the Court holines of Rome , which ( as Bernard b speaketh ) giveth all to honour , but nothing to holinesse ; and so they fall vnder his just censure in another place : That it is c a monstruous thing , to see in one the highest degree of the Church , and lewdest life . And I would advise them to follow Ambrose d direction , to shew what they are rather by action than profession , that their Name agree with their life , and their life answere to their Name , least it bee a vaine name , and an odious cryme : Least it bee an high honour , and a deformed life ; least it bee a divine profession , and an vnlawfull action , — because as there is nothing more excellent than a good Bishop , so there is nothing more miserable than a scandalous Bishop ; for great sublimitie should haue great circumspectnesse . Let him reade his dittay and doome from Aponius : If hee neither liue holily , nor teach right , hee shall drinke the bitter fruits of his wickednesse : And I must say of his Church with Bernard , O miserable Church committed to such a Paranymph ; and with Cardinal Aliaco , It is lamentable when the Church of God is come to this estate , that it is not worthie to bee ruled , but by reprobates . The second furtherance of their tyrannie was excommunicatiō of Princes : It had a shew to cut them off from the Church : but was more terrible by the consequence in loosing people from their obedience . The olde Romaines were not so cruell , for when their Lawes of twelue tables appointed punishment to everie cryme , yet to impretie they appointed none , but referred the guiltie to the revenge of the Gods : The greatest force it had , was from Princes themselues : For as everie one was ambitious , or greedie of his neighbours Kingdome , hee sought no more but to bee an executioner of the Popes curse , for so hee found a title to the Kingdome , that was exposed to prey , and to conquere it by the Subiects , who were readie either to forsake their natiue Lord , or take armes against him : As the Subiects of Navarre beyond the Pyrenes , at the excommunication of Iulius the second , deserted their natiue King , and tooke them to the King of Castile . So Princes for their private ends gaue strength to that blow of excommunication , and made it a matter of ruine to them all . This was his policie to beare downe Kings , by yoaking them by the eares , and making them breake one another . Hee overthrew them whom hee hated ; and ingaged the other who was his instrument , to himselfe for the benefite of an ill conquered Kingdome . Heere were both craft and crueltie : they not only stirred vp other Kings against the excommunicate King , but also his owne Subiects , who should haue beene his guard : They possessed their superstitious credulitie , to make them thinke him execrable , and that it was good service to GOD to cutte him off ▪ Heerein the Pope proved a Monster , in blowing at once both hote and cold : cursing good Kings ; and with an Apostolicke benediction , conferring their Kingdome on some other King : This is to haue the hornes of the Lambe , but to speake like the Dragon . Thus Hildebrand verifieth what was said of him : That hee was terrore pot●● quàm Religione magnus . Great by terrour rather than Pietie The third part of the Treatise , concerning their crooked courses to vphold this Vsurpation . CHAP. XIII . And first of their Professions institute to defend it . FOr vpholding their Vsurpation they vse foure speciall things : First Professions for defending it . Secondlie , Recrimination , charging vs with their owne crimes , Thirdlie , Tergiversation , in contesting . Fourthlie . Ludification of Kings . For the first , Sathan knew this Monster could not subsist alone , and that truth could never countenance errour ; therefore as hee begot it on mans fleshlie wisedome , hee sette that same wisedome to foster it when it was brought foorth ; and so according to the severall times , made that Antichristian Church to erect such professions as could best maintaine it . These are Schoole-men , Canonists : Casuists : The Hypocrisie of Orders : And lastlie the Iesuits . The first are Schoole-men , a sort of Theologues slavishlie addicted to the Pope : For after that darknesse had covered the Church , and a new light of learning seemed to breake vp , it was worse than the former darknesse , as Errour and Heresie are worse than simple ignorance or a a man after long sicknesse changed from a light fever to a frensie . It is true , they haue some good thinges , as distinct Notions ; exact distinctions and words though rude , yet verie significant ; but it is as sure they spilt Divinitie , and turned it in Philosophie ; and like Nadab and Abihu brought vnkouth fire in the Sanctuarie In divine thinges they disdained either to thinke or speake with Scripture a and made their mouth consecrate to the Gospel , to sound nothing but Averroes , and Aristotle , as Erasmus wiselie marketh . And Canus b followeth his steppes . Marie now depend on Aristotle no lesse , than on a divine Oracle — And we haue heard of some Italians , who spend as much time on Aristotle and Averroes , as others doe on Scriptures , and trust them as much as the Apostles and Evangelists . They inquired all things curious●ie , and determined boldlie , affecting more to close with the Philosophers words than with Christ , and that with endlesse ●angling : For quo plus est eiusmodi questiuncularum , hoc plus etiam subscatet — Etiamsi millies mille milla produxeris . The more petit questions they made , the more questions ever grew , whereof though a thousād times a thousand thousand were determined yet moe were behind . They made Divinitie like cornered Spectacles , through which one thing seemeth to be fourtie or thirtie according to the number of the corners , so that a man putting his hand to take vp that one thing , knew not how to finde it among so many speces . So the truth that is in everie thing , but one indivisible point was lost amongst so manie Questions . d Their maine end was to hold vp the Pope in his tyrannie , and that by base flatterie e They disputed more of his power , than of the power of God ; and questioned , if hee had a two-fold power , and if hee might abrogate that which was decreede by the Apostles : If hee might coyne a new Article of faith . If hee had a greater power than Peter , or equall . If he might command the Angels . f &c. The Pope was their god , the current oppinions of the time was their rule : And naturall reason and Philosophie was their grounds . Hee had them at hand , to turne his fact into a right , and to determine all questions in his favour : And these seventie Divines re●koned out by Bellarmine , were all of that sort , and defenders of this Vsurpation . Wee may say of them all , as Augustine did of Verro , that these quicke and skilled men were oppressed by the custome and Lawes of their owne Citie , in so far as beeing preoccupyed by an evill time , they went the way of the common errour , and though they would father their fashion on Augustines disputs , speciallie against the Priscillianists , yet it is nothing like : For every where hee presseth Scripture : But they disdaine it as triviall , and delight rather to say , At contra Philosophus , than contra Christus . They were not all alike , but time brought out three distinct Classes of Schoole-men ▪ The first like Lombard had s●me Scripture : The second had lesse Scripture , and more Philosophie : The third was worst , that neglected Scripture , and had nothing but a masse of Philosophie and humane subtilities ; They could not haue sound Divinitie who ( as Possevine witnesseth of Marius Victorinus ) were whollie taken vp in profaine lear●ing , and ignorant of Scriptures : And if any of them ioyned knowledge with affection , and turned Theorie to Pietie , as Bonaventura did he was contemned of the rest , albeit Gersome , Trithemius , and others call him a most compleete Divine . But notwithstanding these differences , they went all one way to maintaine the Popes tyrannie . The most of their businesse was as Constantine speaketh of Arius inanis dissoluti otij certatio . The vaine iangling of dissolute idlenesse . But all their worke is the building of Babel ; they hurt Rome more in their doctrine , than they helpe their government , for scarcelie is there any point controverted , wherein they plead not for vs. The second sort of defenders are Canonists , and these more shamelesse flatterers of the Pope than Schoolemen : They made Lawes of their owne , and wrested all to the wrong end : As a Tyrant when he hath oppressed a Kingdome , abrogateth the auncient lawes , and makes lawes for his owne behoue to approue his tyrannie , and secure his possession , ( a ) So did the Pope by his Canon Law : they gaue it a proud name , as though it were a ruling Law : Their Catholicke faith is Romane heresie , and their Canon Law a Romane rule . So long as they lived Ecclesiasticklie , Gods word sufficed them for a rule of Faith and manners , and the Canons of Councels for government : But when they turned Monarchs , they would haue Traditions and Schoole-divinitie for a rule of Faith , and a Canon Law for Governement , So Lancelotus a confesseth , That it is made to the imitation of the civill Law ; for as the one dependeth on the authoritie of the Emperour , so the other on the authoritie of the Pope . Few things they haue from Scripture , moe from Fathers , and more yet from Councels , but most of all from the Popes owne Letters . After many compylers , as Cresconius , Isidore , Hincmarus , Ivo , Burchardus , and others whereof their Analist b writteth at length . Gratian put foorth his Decretum ; thereafter came the Decretals farre worse for these wings put to his Decretum , caried them downeward to an earthlie Monarchie . But the Clementines , are cruell , and the Extravagants are extravagant indeede , and lay the grounds and processe of a bloodie inquisition . c And lastlie , the seventh of the Decretals d is worst of all . Gratians Decreit , pointed at his Monarchie as a thing that must bee : The Decritalls vrge it as a thing must bee : But this last setteth it out with an absolute power . But what ever their Lawes beare in their sense ; they can turne and expone all to the Popes behoue . Even as Martinus the Iurist , who for to please Fridericke the Emperour , declared that by Law , all the goods of the Insubrians pertained to him in propertie , and therefore got his palfrey . So the Canonists expone all Lawes for the Popes end , and put all vnder his foote , and so they get Benefices . They follow the Schoole-men in their confusion , and their resolutions agree as well as Clockes in a Citie . The third sort of defenders are Casuists : Conscience is the most authoritatiue power and act in man , and therefore must bee taken in for their defence . The Pope saw that mens minds might bee possessed with Schoole-divinitie , and with the Canonists in the outward iudicatory , there la●ked onelie the captivating of their Consciences in foro interiori ; therefore the Casuits were erected . They run the same way with their Brethrē to maintaine the popes vsurpation , but with a more presse straine , giving him power to bind & loose in Heaven , Earth , & Purgatorie what hee will : They make people so plyable by superstitious credulitie , that what hee bindeth or looseth , biddeth or forbiddeth , &c. All floweth from a plenitude of power , and is ratified of God in Heaven . They abuse the name of Conscience in their profession , yet they racke Conscience more than direct it , and a man after reading shall come more perplexed from them , than when hee began . In all their large Volumes ( wherein as Sheepe they follow the beaten rodde of the current opinion ) there is little that smelleth of Conscience ▪ or that serveth to keepe it , but rather to destroy it : And for instance ; if wee looke to their cases and resolutions on the fift and sixt Commands , they are like Dracoes Lawes , and on the seventh Command they are more vile than Arrius Thalia , or Sotades filthie poesie , a & seeme rather to bee written by Sannio or Messalina in the Borthell , than by Christian Divines vnder the vow of Chastitie . b It is a wonder how either they had heartes to thinke , or mouthes to speake such villanies . But their maine drift is to holde vp the Popes tyrrannie in absolute power of iudging , dispensing , absolving , reserved cases , &c. and to set his Throne vpon the consciences of men . Fourthlie , because people are not aye capable of the subtilties of these three squadrons of defendents , but craue some visible thing , therefore the iugling of the last orders , was brought in , speciallie of Franciscus Hypocrisie , & Dominicus crueltie , who lik Pandarus and Bittas at the Port of Aeneas Towne , held vp the tottering Laterane Church . Hee inri●hed them by spoyling the secular Cleargie of Tithes , to make them a counterpose to the Cleargie , and as Garisons intertained by Princes against themselues : Their Hypocrisie served much to luster his wickednesse , for what could the world but thinke all was good stuffe vnder so glistring colours . They gaue out their Monasteries as as many Armies to fight gainst Sathan , and by their merits and supererogation to helpe men to heaven : But in effect they were the Popes spyes and Garisons . First to eate vp Kingdomes , and then to hold them in his obedience . This their politicks doe , But the wiser sort thought , this folie and hurtfull to their state : So Canus saith in their name : In this our Age , there are so many Religions confirmed by Popes , that who ever would defend them as profitable , or necessar to the Church : Hee may iustlie bee convicted of imprudence , if not of foolishnesse . Lastlie , the latter times hath drawen them on their deepest devyces : Valdensis , Wickliffe , Hus &c. gaue them great blowes , and their former provision , sufficed to mak some defence ; but Luther and Calvine came with the great ordinance ; and haue battered their Walls , therefore they tooke them to a new sort of Souldiers : These are their Triarii or Souldiers of trust . The Iesuits a Ignatius Schoolers ; who like another Atlas putteth their shoulders vnder staggering Rome . They are the last order , but the worst , and haue extracted from the rest all that may compleate them for this great service . They haue borrowed subtiltie from the Schoole-men , Impudencie from the Canonists , a cauterized Conscience from the Casuists , Hypocrisie from the Franciscans , crueltie from the Dominicans , And because these are not sufficient to perfect them , they haue taken from the Mahumetanes Assasinisme , to kill and destroy Princes , . The Romans affrayed of Porsenna , sent out Scevola either to kill him or boast him to p●ace : So the Popes fearing the power of Princes , houndeth out Iesuits , either to cut them off , or make them plyable to his tyrannie . This order perfecteth his tyrannie , for after Hildebrand , they held the● with excommunication , deposition , &c. But since the Iesuits arose , there are moe Princes stobbed , than in sex ages before ; and all these Warres in Europe , since their rysing , and this fearefull combustion these last twelue yeares , are of their plotting . Their hand is most about Princes , and States , and make their Crownes , liberties , and lyues problematicke : They lay them at the staike at their pleasure ; and being impatient of their life , doe consult Sathan about their death , as Cotton did of Henrie the fourth . Such consulting Tertullian called divelish in the Pagans , Magos consultat de capite Caesaris . Their fourth vow a proper to them alone , proveth them to bee the Popes Devotists , as Mutius , Curtius , & the two Decij offered themselues for their country ; so haue they bound themselues to doe , and suffer all for the Popes Grandure . This Gregorie the thirteenth observed , when reading the Iesuits Annals , and seeing what paines they tooke ▪ cryed out , I haue so many thousand Clerkes ; and yet the Iesuits overcome them all , in stablishing our Kingdome ; therefore they are worthie to bee entertained aboue the rest : Heerevpon hee augmented their priviledges , and exalted them to hold vp the Popes dignitie : And the Iesuites in their Apologie against the Bohemians declare , se velle totum orbem Rom Pont. subijcere , that they would subdue all the world to the Pope . And least Ignatius Souldiours bee not sufficient to keepe such a breach , Philippus Nerius ( whether of emulation like Themistocles burning for Miltiades victorie , or of a blind zeale ) did institute his congregatio Oratorij , that hath brought out vnto vs most rigid zelots : Of this sort was Baronius , the two Bozij , &c. They are more myld in cariage than the Iesuits , but more peremptorie ( if more can be ) in maintaining the Popes power . They condemne the moderation of their owne Complices , and count them Hereticks , and profaine Politicks , who mitigate any thing ; sometymes these distinctions of Iuris divini , & humani , directly and indirectly , &c. had some vse , but now they haue casten them over the barre , and propone their tenets in broad termes of a power divine in originall , direct in vse , and absolute in kind . It is like that Ignatius & Nereus Schollers , are stryving who shall most indeere the Pope to themselues by their service ; and sure it is , that Sixtus the fift was more pleased with the Nereans , than with the Iesuits , as shall bee seene heereafter . All these are but fleshlie subsidies to maintaine an earthlie Monarchie , and doe rather procure , and hasten its ruine , than hold it vp . CHAP. XIIII . Of their second Coverture : RECRIMINATION . THeir second Coverture of this Tyrannie , is Recrimination : They charge vs with their doctrine , and treasonable practises ; and lyke the old Pagans , crimina sua nobis obijciunt , as said Tertul. Apol. Salmeron a hath it summarlie , that wee obey not secular Princes and Emperours : And Scribanius b The Calvinists ( sayeth hee ) layeth over their owne wickednesse vpon the Iesuits , for al●● the troubles of France are to bee ascryved to them . But Richeomus c the Iesuite most fullie , that all the calamities of France are brought in by the pestiferous doctrine of the Protestants : And that the doctrine of Luther and Calvine armeth men , and powseth them to wickednesse and treason : And Iesuite d Fisher is so bold , as to attest King Iames of happie memorie , That their doctrine was not so preiudiciall to Princes , as the opinion of most of the Calvinists . This is their calumnious disposition , whereof they gaue a proofe at the Massacre of Paris : when vnder colour to make a perfect peace , they drew in the chiefe Protestants to Paris , and murthered them treacherouslie : They dispatched letters to forraine Princes , bearing . that the Protestants had conspyred against the King ; and what hee did , was done vpon his owne defence . But they were soone ashamed of that colour , and dispatched a Post to the Pope , to feede him with the newes of that crueltie ; and his gratulation in the Consistorie telleth who were the Authors . Thuan relateth , and abhorreth both this calumnious dealing , and the Massacre it selfe : And the Cardinal of Lorraine confesseth , that the King had other crymes premeditate , to make the Hugonets cause abhominable . But wee say to them , as Iacob did to Laban , search our stuffe , even all the doctrine of the reformed Church ; and shew what positions or practise they finde like their bloodie doctrine . Some Humanists and Poets , or others , haue spoken some things , that may bee so throwne ; but it was in the Hypothese of some particular abuse , and not the doctrine of our Church . But the killing of Kings amongst them is disputed , determined , and put in execution : And when a treasonable plotte was ready , their Iesuits and ●riers vented in the Pulpi●s bloodie Sermons , both to incourage the miscreants who attempted treason , and to mol●fie the myndes of people about parricide : And Ravilliacke beeing posed what moved him to his parricide , answered , The preachings of the Iesuits and Friers against the King. Beside their expresse Tenets of that doctrine , they haue also some other points to maintaine it ( for no great heresie can bee alone ) but hath a brotherhood with moe hereticall points , which haue a concatenation to maintaine each other : So this point of killing Kings hath auricular confession : The seale of confession : and Equivocation to defendit . Auricular confession is a secret and sure way for consulting with a Priest or Iesuit , vpon the matter of ●reason , and to presse his Conscience with a necessitie to doe it . The pretended seale of confession maketh the Traitour bold to reveale himselfe to his Confessar , because of secrecie : It secureth also the Confessar , that though he be privie to Treason , yet hee shall not be punished because hee must not breake the seale of confession . This is a maine point of that mysterie wherein though they differ among themselues ( as Panormitane calling it , but Iuris Ecclesiastici , & Malderus , Iuris divini ) yet all of them agree in this : That neither the Pope , nor Church may cause the Priest to reveale it : a No not though the world should perish , as Binetus the Iesuite affirmed to Casaubone . And another Iesuite beeing privie to Ravilliacks treason testified , that God had given him such a gift , that so soone as hee heard of any treasonable matter in confession , hee forgot both the persons and purpose . Tertulians speach of the Heathen Altars fi●teth them , inter aras lenocinia tractari : But wee may adde that they treat not onelie of filthynesse , but also Treason , so that S. Augustines speach is likewise true , that men discedunt peiores ab eorum sacris , they depart worse from their Sacraments , than they came to them . So their Sacrament of pennence is a Machiavilian devyce , to plotte practise , and keepe treason secret , in alibertie of consultation by auricular confession , in pressing their conscience with the equitie of the fact , and incouraging them to doe it vnder opinion of satisfaction and merite . France had a proofe of this vnder Henrie the third : The Iesuits in their confessions , vrged men to ioyne them to the League against their King , and refused absolution to such as they found stedfast in loyaltie to him : And as their owne Authour sayes , Two hundreth Iesuites did more hurt in few moneths , than an hundreth thousand men could doe : And they caused such as they absolved to sweare . that they would neither acknowledge Henrie the third , nor his Successour forlawfull Kings . And then all must bee confirmed by taking their Eucharist . a So they abuse their Sacraments : Pennance serveth to plotte treason and practise it securelie , and the Eucharist to harden them in that wickednesse . b Equivocation is a shelter for the traiterous complices that hee shall not reveale them , but illude the Iudge by Ambiguities and mentall reservation : So c Tolet affirmeth that the guiltie Person may use Equivocation , and say , that hee had not complices , albeit hee had them — And hee must be wylie to speake according to his owne intention , as to say , I did it not ( vnderstanding with himselfe , in the prison ) and I had not complices in other crimes or such like . This is a point most defended by the Iesuites , and that to serue their turne for particide , as their Barnesius d proues in his large Booke which hee hath written , fathering Equivocation vpon the Iesuits as their proper Arte. And some others confesse , that it is the Arte of our Iesuits to deceiue Magistrats in their Oathes . e Ars est nostrorum Iesuitarum ut in iuramentis suis Magistratibus illudant : Seeing therefore the reformed Churches hath no such Doctrine as Equivocation , auricular confession with the seale of it ( which are the maskes of King-killing ) their Recrimination is calumnious . Their practise also proveth this , in that fanaticke dementation of some whom they either finde or make for such a mischiefe . If they finde one ladened with grievous sinnes , that craveth great penall Iniunctions , or Melancholicke in complexion , or hardened in a blind resolvednesse to bee a Scholler in that Schoole , where caeca obedientia blind obedience reigneth , thē they work on him by their speach and illusions in their Chamber of meditations , to mak him thinke it his happinesse to doe such things as they injoyne , though it were to kill a Prince , and withall to bee secret and dye silent . This they haue learned of the Assasines a and for their choyse of the instrument , Machiavell hath taught them that Caedes quae ab obstinati & obfirmati animi proposito accidunt , evitari non possunt Machiavell . the slaughter comming from the purpose of an obstinate and obfirmed minde cannot bee eschewed , and of Seneca : c That hee who contemnes his owne death , is Master of thine : As for their silence in death , it is natiue to them through Ignatius their Master , For when Piso was treacherouslie killed by a Spainiard , no torture could moue the Traitour to reveale his complices . d Lastlie , the rewards they haue promised them for that fact , remission of sinnes in this life , canonizing and eternall life : Becket was sancted for his treason , and counted a Martyre : So is Garnet for the powder plotte : and because they thought it grosse to call him a Martyre in t● armes , they devysed the conceate of spica Garneti : e That fained picture of a strae-Sainct was a sufficient motiue to canonize him : But since they call it a Palea , f it is but a ehaffie argument , and may passe with the Paleas in their Canon Law : And Garnet was more ingenuous himselfe , than the Cretian ; for beeing asked , What if the Church of Rome after his death would declare him a Martyre ? Hee answered , Mee a Martyre ? g Oh! what a Martyre ? I pray God , that the Church of Rome never thinke such a thing . — Now I acknowledge my fault , and confesse that the sentence pronunced against mee is most iust . Heere their Martyre dissavowes his martyrdome . But they haue found out a new way to heaven by Rebellion , Periurie , and slaughter . h But I dare hazard the decision of this point vpon Richeomus owne ground , That pestilent and abominable seate ( said hee ) which King David calleth the Chaire of Pestilence — that is the Monster-bearing seate a whence floweth the Doctrine , which all Kings , Princes and People should abhorre as the Pest. Wee subscriue this proposition : As for the assumption , hee meaneth it of Geneve , and wee of Rome : But let Baronius b make the assumption for vs both . In Peters Chaire ( saith hee ) were intruded , Men monstrous , most filthie in life , most dissolute in manners , and every way most vyle . And Genebrard more fullie : For the space of an hundreth and fiftie yeares , c some fiftie Popes fell close away from the vertue of their Predecessours , and were rather inordinat and Apostaticke than Apostolicke . What can bee the conclusion but this , That therefore the Church of Rome is this pestilent seate ? Or let them show any seate in the reformed Churches so broodie of monsters as the seate of Rome ? Lastlie , they purge vs : As yet ( sayeth Bellarmine ) d The flatterers of Princes were not risen , who pull the Kingdome of Heaven from them , to establish their temporall kingdomes . To passe both their vncharitable censure in adjudging Kings to hell , and the falshood of their challenging vs of flatterie , wee easilie evince this from their owne mouth , that wee neither preach nor practise King-killing , since they accusevs of flatterie : And I am confident that so horrible a fact as the killing of Kings , had beene still abhorred in the world , as the greatest parricide , if first the Assasines , and then the Iesuits had not made it common in Doctrine and practice . I close this point of Recrimination with e Cyprian : Let them consider who serving either their furie or lust doe forget divine Law and holinesse , and yet vaunt of the things they cannot they proue , and when they cannot destroy the innocencie of others , thinke it enough to rubbe blottes on them by lying and false rumour . And with Augustine d I desire them to looke in their own Glasse , and ( if they haue any shame ) to blush to obiect such things to vs. CHAP. XV. The third colour of their tyrannie , To wit : Tergiversation . THe thrid colour of their Tyrannie , is Tergiversation , wherin they carie themselues variouslie : denying Excusing : Transferring it on others : Or making apologies . For their denying Richeomus denyeth plainlie these positions which Iesuites affirme : As that it followeth not on their Doctrine that Kings excommunicat are tyrants & may be killed : a That Subiects are absolved from their obedience : That the facts of Clemens , or Castellus were approved by them , b That the violence that falleth out , commeth not of their Doctrine , but of the nature of the Catholicke● c . The like hath Becanus , and Hussius , an Iesuite , following his Master Gretzer : And Scribanius spends some Chapters of the first booke of his Amphitheater to that end : Thus they spake in a strast , when they are taken red hand with some mischiefe . If they can not get it denyed , then they excuse it . So Cydonius speaketh of Marianaes bloodie doctrine : Mariana wrote I can not tell what , &c. But the Parliament of Paris told that his little diminutiue was a superlatiue , even a damnable treasone , when they damned the booke to bee burnt publickly . Thirdly , they transferre it , and shift it from hand to hand . The Cleargie cast it on the Laicks , the Laicks on the Cleargie , the secular Priests on the religious orders : The other Orders on Iesuits , and the Iesuits cast it on other Orders againe . Fourthlie , when they see some Tragicall event of their doctrine , as a King killed , a treasonable plotte disappointed or discovered , when the World crie out against them , as in the powder treason , then they take them to A pologies So Cydonius wrote his Apologie for the Iesuite Garnet , to lay that cryme off him , and his societie . And Richeomus when he saw France abhorring the fact of Castellus , the Parliament condemning them , the Pyramide erected , and the Iesuits banished , hee laboureth to purge their order of that treason . This was but a floorish of words , for in the meane tyme , the Iesuits of Doway set out a refutation of the Parliaments sentence against Castell . But in a free contest and dispute , they maintaine these matters flatly . The Pope sayeth Bellarmine a may bind secular Princes , by excommunication by his spirituall power : Hee may by that same loose his people from the oath of fidelitie and obedience ; may binde these same people vnder the paine of excommunication , that they obey not the excommunicate King , but choose another King to themselues : and more peremptorly : Kings b both may and ought to bee depryved of their dominioun . And D. Marta giveth him that same power over Kings , by vertue of his temporall iurisdiction . And Franciscus Veronensis d affirmeth that the anoynting that made them Kings , was w●●ed off by excommunication , and they made private men , and by private men may bee killed : That they are furious men , and e ought to bee killed or bound : And when they are so , the people ought to haue recourse to the Pope , as a commoun father for remeede f . As for Castellus attempt to kill Henrie the fourth , he calleth it a iust fact ; that it was holy and lawfull ; that it was most holy and humane , in so farre that it is blasphemie to condemne it ; that it was divine , as the arrow or stroke that came from Heaven vpon Iulian , and as the fact of Ehud g &c. And as though that were little , it is plus quam Ehudi , more than that of Ehuds ; and in a word , it was good service to God , and meritorious : That it was an Heroicke worke , both in attempting , and constant induring torments for it ; and that in his honorarie punishment hee was so farre from confessing of sinne in that stroke ▪ that hee craved God pardon for his misse , in not killing him , but stryking out a tooth . As for Iaques Clements killing of Henrie the third , hee calleth it an heroick worke than which there was nothing more generous h &c. And Mariana i insulteth vpon that killed King : Let Henrie the thirdly killed by the hand of a Monke with a poysoned knyfe thurst in his bowels . Hildebrand also alloweth this doctrine , as a father doeth his childe . Wee holding the Statutes of our Predecessours , doe absolue by Apostolicke authoritie all these who are bound by oath or Sacrament , to excommunicate persons a , &c. And Vrbanus b the second following his steppes , forbade these who were sworne to their Prince , to serue him so long as hee was excommunicate : But more cleerely in his bloodie Canon : Wee iudge them not Man-slayers , who burning in the zeale of the Catholicke mother , against them that are excommunicate , doe kill some of them . And Becane c in his latter writes is more Iesuited , affirming that the Pope having excommunicate , and deposed Kings , may take their life from them , and their Kingdome also , that hee may depose them two wayes , one by absolving his Subiects from the bond of Obedience : — The other by way of compensation , that seeing they will not protect people , but trouble them for their Religion , they are no more bound to them . In like manner , Sixtus the fifth delyvered a gratulatory oration in the Consistorie , for killing of Henry the third , preferring it to the fact of Iudith . Cydonius denyeth it not d And while the world was astonished , and France sunk in sorrow for the death of their last King , a Preacher at Culen publickelie commanded Raviliacke . e But wee nee le not inquire the opinions of their I heologues : Let vs heare Sixtus the fifth , commending the fact of Iaques Clement in the Consistorie : And how Bellarmine defends that Oration . What can bee found ( saith hee ) of Sixtus Oration , but praises and admiration of the wisedome and providence of God ? — The Pope extolleth to the heavens , that a simple Monke with one stroke killed a great King in the midst of his Guards . And then giving vs the vses of that Oration . Thereby the Pope would admonish Kinges — for that King commanded to kill a sacred man ( the Cardinall of Lorrane ) and God caused a sacred man ( a Monke ) to kill that same King , not without a manifest miracle of the providence of God. Here the Popes Oration , defending Clemens Regicide is defended , and the fact it selfe fathered on God. With what face then doe they deny that they allow Regicide ? Cyprian said of another wickednesse , that it was not onelie committed but taught , and wee may adde more , that by them greatest treason is both taught , practised , and ( which is the toppe of iniquitie ) ascrived vnto God. Some times disapointment maketh them speak moderatlie . I excuse not the fact ( sayeth Bellarmine ) a of the powder-plot , I hate murther , I abhorre conspiracies : But If God for our sinnes had given way to that blow , wee should finde them Apologists , defending the lawfulnesse of it , who now abhorre it ; and his damning of it , is not for Atrocitie of the matter , but for the disappointing of the successe , as in Castellus attempt : And how can it stand with the posed resolvednesse of the Iesuits , to maintaine the Doctrine , and condemne the practice ? And what meaneth Garnets b exhortation to his Catholickes to pray profelici successu gravissimae cuiusdam re● in causa Catholicorum at the beginning of the Parliament : It could not bee for the disappointing , for that hee might haue done by revealing it , which hee knew without confession . That happie successe therefore was the blow it selfe . These facts are such quae non nisi peracta laudantur , they praise them when they are done , and consequentlie frustrata damnantur , they are damned , when they are frutrated . How ever then they deny , excuse , or transferre the matter ▪ it standeth on their doctrine and practise , that Kings may bee excommunicate and killed , and Richemous speaches , were neither from his heart , nor according to the trueth , but to serue the time in glosing a wise and offended King. The Iesuits then were in great disgrace , and the sacrifice of publicke hatred , as a Fox in the snaire , they gaue faire words ; but beeing at libertie , returned to their nature : So soone as they were restored , the Pyramide cast downe , and the King himselfe pleading for them , whereof they boast , a they proved irreconciliable : For though hee of a Princelie clemencie pardoned their treason , yet they neither layed downe their natiue or first hatred , nor the second , that they conceived of their supposed disgrace in banishment , but cut him off ; and so declared to the world , that their Apologies b were nothing , but fained complements . That good Patriot c ( whom Iesuits call a profaine politicke ) proved a Prophet in the end of his diswasiue Oration to the King , and foretolde with teares , That if hee restored them , they would destroy him , and so it came to passe . This is the summe of their Tergiversation , wherein the Iesuits labour to purge their order : d So when that order is iustlie pressed , then some one must suffer : But when France is in a broyle , Mariana must bee sacrificed to quench the fire . Cotton e condemneth him ; Gretzer calleth it his provat opinion : Cydonius extenuats it , but Aquaviva f censures it severelie in shew : The Authour of the Iesuits Apologie defendeth all , praiseth all , except Mariana alone . But that nicenes is needlesse , for hee is guiltie of a crime that commandeth to doe it as Cyprian g sayeth . In the meane time of all this shifting , they giue no securitie to Princes , but they are cutted downe , and cannot tell who doeth it , they ioyne scoffing with violence , as the Souldiers did to Christ , when they buffeted him , and said , Prophecie who smote thee ? But some may thinke , that these Effronts which they haue suffered in the late tossing of their cause , hath brought them to some moderation . No , but they are as hard sette against Princes as ever . Let vs heare the Cardinals of the Consistorie a It is in the Popes hand to set vp the Maiestie of the Impyre , to transferre the Impyre from Nation to Nation , and alluterlie take away the right of Election . They thinke matters succeede to their desire , and therefore tell plainelie , that their intention is no lesse than to overthrow Impyres , for the establishing of their Hierarcho-Monarchie . And Marta b giveth a strange advertisement to Kings , Let Princes ( sayeth hee ) beware to cast out or misregard Bishops , or other Prelats and Ecclesiasticks if they will possesse their Kingdoms and States , for a long time . This is plaine talke ; and the just extract of that which the King of the Assasines caused one ( carying a long speare full of sharpe knifes ) proclame before him : Fugite ab eo qui portat exitiū regum flee from him who caries the ruine of Kings . But I answere : Let Princes looke to this piece of Divinitie so deepelie contrived for their ruine , & ex ungue Leonem : Iudge what a Religion it is that maintaines such bloodie Doctrine and canonizes the executioners of it : And that so much the more that they are not ashamed of it as a sinne , but glorie in it as their perfection , in setting large Catologues c of Kings excommunicate , deposed and cut off by them : And that speciallie to terrifie Kings , in showing them their doome , if they doe not adore the Pope . CHAP. XVI . Of their fourth coverture , to wit : LVDIFICATION . And first of their pretended loue to Kings . THe fourth Coverture of their tyrannie , is Ludification . They are not content with indignities done to Princes ; but scoffe them also ; and that fiue speciall wayes : Pretext of loue : Fained limitations of the vse of their power : Futile and idle Distinctions : The baite of glorious titles while they are living , and canonizing after death . First , they professe great loue to Kings , and that all Vsurpations and censures are for their good , as Baronius a intending to throw the Monarchie of Sicile from the King of Spaine , will make him thinke that hee is pleading for his good , and in a flattering style calleth him a Tutour and keeper of the Faith , &c. But how that King b expondeth his flatterie , may bee seene by his Edict , condemning that Tome of Baronius to the fire in all his Dominions , and that for presuming to dispute the right of that Kingdome . This is like Ioab and Iudas kisse , vnder friendship to destroy them : And like Iulian c scoffing of Christians , saying , Hee would helpe them to heaven by causing them keepe their Masters command : If any man take thy Cloake from thee , giue him thy Coate also . Wise Princes know their flatterie to bee but insidious , according to Ieromes censure ▪ that flatterie in Hereticks is insidious , craftie , and full of insinuations . Of the same sort of mocking is their offer of good counsell to Kings : So Bellarmine d sayeth : Bee wise yee Kings , bee learned yee that iudge the Earth , &c. Men would think by this Text , that their wisdome were to kisse the Sonne of God : But their sense is to kisse the Popes feete And a Commenter of this wee haue in Baronius , a ascryving the prosperitie of Sancius , and others then Kings of Spaine , to the obseque of the Pope . So they abuse Scripture contrair to its end and meaning , for therein Kings rebelling against Christ , are exhorted to repent , and turne to him : But heere they mocke both God and Princes , in bidding them goe on in their rebellion against Christ , and adore Antichrist . Even as the Pope writting to that Apostate Iustus Calvinus ( who called himselfe thereafter Iustus Baronius ) abused that Scripture , Come out of Babylon , b The head of Babylon called Syon by the name of Babylon , and Babylon by the name of Syon : They count Kings wise , when they serue them , as though they had taken on the Iesuits fourth vow : But if they vse their Authoritie , then they call them madde and furious , as Charles of France , because hee wrote as a King , behold ( say they ) how the King roveth when hee wrote these things in a furie , c And when God in mercie openeth the eyes of Kings to see the tyrannie of Popes , and forsake them they call that work of Gods grace in reformation , a giving vp to a reprobate minde . d as though that were not rather a reprobate minde to giue their power to the Beast in fighting against the Lambe : In like manner , ( e ) another Iesuite calleth Kinges serving of the Pope in destroying of the Saincts , an opening of their eyes , and thanketh God that hee opened the eyes of Lewes of France , to destroy the Hugunotes . But Augustine expoundeth that Text better , that to kisse the Sonne , is not to bee sorrowfull , as though any benefite were taken from them , but to bee wise in not reigning rashlie , but serving the Lord in feare . CHAP. XVII . Of their second Ludification , To wit , their sained Limitations . IN their second Ludification of Princes , they tell them , that they neede not feare the Popes transcending power , because though it bee plenarie in it selfe , yet it is limited , and that in respect of the Iudge . The cause , and the proceeding : For the Iudge , they say , hee is limited , and doeth it not alone , but with advyce of Councell and Consistorie of Cardinals . a And Becane sayeth , that whither a King hath deserved deposition , it is to bee tryed by the iudgement of learned and godlie men . But that is a scoffing of the world , though in word they joyne to the Pope , the advyce of Synods and Consistorie , yet they put all in his hand alone , for without the definition of a Synode , the definitions of the Pope are sufficient sayeth Suarez . c And Castaldus is more cleare to the point , d That the Pope alone without a Councell may depose the Emperour . And Dominicus Bannez e is more peremptorie than both , affirming that it is left to the Dominion and iudgement of the Pope when to vse this power : And though it were a generall Councell , yet all its firmnesse and infallibiltie is from the Pope alone , sayeth Bellarmine f And Pius the second , g cutteth short this Limitation , when hee dischargeth all appellatition from the Consistorie : So they must stand to his excommunication vnlesse they will incur an other excommunication by a penaltie of Councell . Yea , and Augustinus Triumphus affirmeth more blasphemoussie , that the Popes power is such a qua non potest appellari ad Deum ipsum h as from which we cannot appeale to God himselfe : Let Councels then stand content , seeing God himselfe is excluded . What ever their Theologues dispute in Schooles , matters are caried absolutelie according to the Popes will. As for the respect hee hath to the Colledge of Cardinalls in the consistorie , Palaeottus a Cardinall can tell vs best , who for his practicke wit , and great performances at the Councell of Trent , gote a a Cardinals hatte for his reward . Hee maketh them the Popes creatures absolutlie , and that it is their best to giue their voice in the consistorie , according to the Popes pleasure . Quemadmodum illi ( sayeth he ) qui Divinam voluntatem , tanquam primam , ac potissimā rerum omnium regulā sequuntur : As they ( saith he ) who follow the will of God , as the first and chiefe rule of all things , are counted wise . So i●n may bee said , that the Cardinall , who in giving counsell , adhereth to the iudgement of the Pope , ( which is the reerest rule of humane action ) hee followeth the best course in doing his office , and exeemeth himselfe from all danger of errour ; and with all , giveth wholesome advyce to the matter it selfe . This ground beeing layed , hee telleth vs , that the Colledge of Cardinals assisteth not the Pope by way of limitation of his power , but by way of Ministerie b and that the consent of Cardinals , or other in matters consistoriall , is no wayes necessarie c : For what ever they advise , it is in his power to follow , or not follow at his pleasure d Where is then the limitation they speake of , seing it is heere denyed in termes : And what is this else but as Paul the second said to Platina , Doest thou not know , that all reason and law is in the shrine of our breast e ? And what moderation hee vseth in the Consi●●orie , Paulus Servita in his considerations for the republick of Venice , declareth how contrare to lawes divine and humane hee carryed that matter in the beginning , in the furie of his passion f , The limitation of the causes is like the former , which they summe vp in some generalls . Animarum g salus ; Aeternum & spirituale bonum , and bonum Ecclesiae : The salvation of Soules , Eternall and spirituall good , and good of the Church : These are faire pretexts , as though hee sought nothing but mans spirituall good ; but they are onely colours for his ambition : For if hee can come be his Monarchie he careth neither for the good of the Church nor of Soules ; for hee hath varifyed Basiles saying , That how much a Church decayeth , the more are they desirous of government : And it seemeth that hee had a Propheticall Spirit in that place , when hee said , that the domination of Bishops was devolved ad infelices homines , servos servorum , to vnhappie men , the servants of servants , This is the Popes propper stile : But the discerning of the weight or lightnes of these causes , is restrained to the Pope alone , because hee as a spirituall Father can best discerne when Kings doe wrong to their Subiects in things spirituall b . And they haue a more compendious course ; for beside Dogmaticall heresies in points of faith , they haue also a practicall heresie or schisme , which they call the Henrician heresie c : For as they call Antichristian vsurpation , Ecclesiasticke libertie , so they call the lawfull defence of imperiall authoritie , by the name of Henrician heresie . Binius defyneth what it is , to wit , the same that the Politicks of our tyme affirme . Behold wee haue witnesses for the libertie of Princes , vnder the name of Politicks ; as well as we haue witnesses of dogmatick trueth , vnder the Name of Heretiks : And it were wisdome in these Politicks to ioyne themselues to reformed doctrine , as they doe in the vindicating of Princes . They gaue the Name of Henriciana haeresis , from Henrie the fourth , who was opposite to Hildebrand the father of the Hildebrandine tyrannie . And a d councell at that tyme , was indicted by Hildebrand against that pretended heresie . And though they doe none of these , but bee slack in rooting e out of Protestants , that slacknes is a cause of deposition : for a secular Iudge may be deposed , not only for his heresie , but also for his negligence in rooting out of heresies . So whē the Pope is angry , he shal never want a cause : heresie , ( as they call it ) or Schisme negligence , &c. that is to say , the loue of the trueth , the defence of their liberties , and clemencie to their Subiects , are sufficient causes with him to cast them down . And smaller things than heresie o● schisme are found causes relevant : If they but violate the least priviledge of a monasterie , they shall bee cast out of their Kingdome : So Valdensis concludeth it for the power of Gregorie over the French Kings , and Bellarmine approveth his Conclusion f . But Bozius holdeth vs not long in suspense , affirming that the Pope may transferre greatest impires vpon iust causes , or without a fault . Persidious men ( said Tacitus ) g will never want a cause to break their promise , for they will ever set some collour of law vpon their deceate . Lastly Alphonsus à Castro putteth vs out of doubt saying , that they hold firmely many things pertaining to faith , by the Popes definition alone , wherein the Pope hath given no reason of his definition ▪ The Popes will then is a sufficient cause ; h●e careth for no cause , though it were to breake his owne oath : For when Gregorie the twelfth was periured in keeping still the Popedome , which hee sware to lay downe ; yet it was not perjurie ( sayeth Azorius out of Panormitane , because hee had a iust cause so to doe . This c●use was his owne will , and the loue of the Popedome . Their third Limitation is from the manner of proceeding . It is not rash h ( say they ) but all is in loue and wises dome , for this is the Popes custome , first to rebuke fatherlie , next to depriue them of the Sacraments by Ecclesiasticke censure : Lastlie to loose their Subiects from their oath , &c. Azorius i putteh three conditions : First , to bee admonished . Next , that the cause bee notour . Thirdlie , that hee be disobedient . The like moderation is set downe by their ●ateran● k Councell . And as for their sentence of excommunication , it is to bee vnderstood clave non erran●e , if the key doe not erre . l But their Law proues this a scoffing , for the sentence of the Pastour whither iust or vniust , is ever to bee feared , where the glosse and their Do●tours everie where affirme , that the vnjust sentence of excommunication is valide and differeth from that that is null . And Navarrus a affirmeth , that even the vniust sentence regularlie is valide . And Bellarmine taketh away all doubts , saying , Peccabit princeps spiritualis ; sed non poterit tamen princeps temporalis iudicium sibi sumere For if a spirituall Prince abuse his power in excommunicating v●iustlie a temporall Prince , or loose his Subiects from obedience without a iust cause , and so trouble the state of the Common-wealth , the spirituall Prince sinneth in so doing : But yet the temporall Prince may not iudge of these thinges , &c. And Hildebrand speaketh more b peremptorlie : Although that hee , to wit , the Emperour had beene v●iustlie excommunicate by vs , yet hee should haue made supplication to vs , and sought the benefite to bee absolved . And what they speake of the not erring of the Keye , is in vaine for they maintaine that the Key cannot erre in the Popes hand , and haue layed that fearefull yo●ke vpon the Church , to tak that for good , which he commandeth , c although it were vice . For the Church ( say they ) is bound in doubtfull things to acqu●esce to the Popes iudgement , and to doe what hee commandeth , &c. — And least she should doe against her conscience , shee is bound to belieue that to bee good which hee biddeth , and that to bee evill which hee forbiddeth . But they neede not a long Procedor , for how soone d a King becommeth Hereticks , his people are loosed from their obedience . And though hee bee not excommunicate by man , all is one , ●not●●● matter needeth no pronouncing of a sentence . And there is yet more , for the Pope needeth neither to call a Cou●cell nor a Consistorie ▪ for his interpreta●●●●●●● e is sufficient . There is then no more for Kings , but after the condemnatorie sentence of deprivat●o ▪ — Hee may bee ●●pry●ed of his Kingdome , f And Thomas closeth all ; affirming that Subiects of an excommunicat King are indeede loosed from his Dominion and oath of fidelitie , This is contrare to the wisedome and lenitie of the primitiue Church , for Cyprian a telleth , that in consuring Philumelus and Fortunatus the meanest of the Cleargie , hee would not proceede without the consent of his Brethren and the people . But they agree not amongst themselues in their limitation . Simanca will haue the cause declared ; and Thomas sayeth , It is enough that the sentence bee pronounced ; And Cydonius darre determine nothing therein . Yet Princes must bee content with that they know not what , declared or vndeclared : The Key erring , or not erring : In Councell , or out of Councell : Iustlie , or vniustlie : But all agree to cast downe Kings , and that with so many frivolous causes , as the justest King cannot eschew some of them . All their moderation in proceeding , which they call aliqua ratione : Omni ratione necessaria : Commodas ratioones : Congruum remedium : Convenientem medelam : And such like floorish of words resolue in a summar & violent destroying of Kings : Their Church is like some late Physitians , who wearie of Galens Methodicke curing , tak them to Paracelsus minerals and extracts , so they leaue the methode of ●enitie and Loue , that Christ gaue to his Apostles , and are come to a summar dealing , ure , seca : burne & cut : And of all cures of the sicknesse of their Monarchie which they thinke commeth of Kings , they like best to cutte the Basilicke veine . The k●ngl●e head of Nations is that they shoote at , and that not at the ●are as Peter did to Malchus but at the heart and throat , ●● Clement , Castellus , and Raviliacke did to the Kinges of France . So all this Limitation , is but a mist cast in the eyes of the world , and the sword put in the Popes hand to vse it absolutely and summarlie at his pleasure . CHAP. XVIII . Of their idle and futile Distinctions . THeir third Ludification of Princes , is by idle and futile distinctions : And first of the Iudge , pronouncing such bloodie sentences : That it is not the Pope a as Pope , but as hee is the chiefe spirituall Prince . Next they distingiush the Nature of the power , that it is not a temporall power , but a power in temporall things . Thirdlie , they distinguish the manner of the power , that it is not direct , but indirect , and in ordine ad spiritualia . That they allow not the killing of a King , but of a private man : That an excommunicate King is but a private man , and so may bee lawfullie killed . Of this sort are these , that albeit deposition of Kings exceede the bounds of excommunication , yet it exccedeth not the Popes power . Item , though absolution from excommunication restore a King to the peace of the Church , yet it restoreth him not to his Kingdome . I doubt if the Iesuits speak of these distinctions without smyling , for they know they are but Cousenings , as thogh we would say , that David caused kill Uriah , not as a King , but as an Adulterer to cover his adulterie with Bersheba : Was his sinne the lesse before God ? Or if a thiefe shall deny that hee stole his Neighbours goods , because hee did it not directlie by comming in at the doore , but indirectlie by creeping in at the Window , shall hee escape punishment ? And when Saul pretended a spirituall good end to Samuel in sparing the Cattell of the Amalekites for sacrifice , was hee allowed of the Lord ? Such are these foolries , they are fained to obscure the trueth , and harden their owne hearts in a wicked course . Besides , they doe not agree amongst themselues concerning the Nature of this power , and the qualitie of it : Some afrme it absolutelie , as the most part of the Iesuits and Philppus Ner●us Schoolers Congregationis oratorij , others deny it absolutelie such as they themselues call profaine politicks . And a third sort like Meteors , hing betweene these two , pressing to agree them with distinctions and mitigations . The Canonists goe from the Schoole-men , and the Schoolemen , are divided amongst themselues . So Bellarmine ▪ a confesseth that there lacketh no chydings among them of what sort & qualitie that power is , that is , whither it be by it selfe & properlie temporall : Or necessar , if it be spirituall it selfe , but by certaine consequence and in order to spirituall things dispone of temporall things . If it bee so , that they agree not amongst themselues of the Nature , the qualitie , and vse of this power , why trouble they the world in tyrannicall exercing of it ? This is ( as Augustine noteth of Heretickes ) that they are like Sampsons b foxes , though their opinion be diverse , yet their vanitie and wickednesse is one : Two of them speake not one way of the matter , and yet they all agree to fire the world . They vse Papa ut papa like Iuglers , playing fast and loose : When they speake of his knowledge they grant he may erre ut Doctor , but not ut Papa . There Papa caryeth away the priviledge : But heerein the vse of his power , hee may not vse it in temporall things ut Papa , but as summus Princips spiritualis : Heere Papa hath lost his priviledge . I require them to agree these two , that since his knowledge and power are transcendent things , why the one resteth on him as Papa , and not the other ? This is a tricke , they care not what they say , so that they say some thing , and serue the time and their turne . For this cause Bellermine c is iustlie called by some of them , an vnhappie devyser of distinctions : And wee may say of them all , as hee doeth of them , Qui defendunt Imagines adorarilatria , coguntur uti subtilissimus distinctionibis , quas vix ipsimet intelligunt nedum populus imperitus . Who defended that Images ought to bee worshipped cultulatriae , that their distinctions per se & per accidens , propriè , & impropriè : Relativè terminative , & conterminativè , &c. are so subtle , that scarcelie they who vse them doe vnderstand them , farre lesse the ignorant people . Cardinall Peronius hath a new devyce , which hee calleth a double wall about Kings : That the Execution of their downe casting partaineth not to the Pope alone , ●ut to the body of the Kingdome : And therefore , if the Pope erre , the States of the Kingdome shall adhere to the King. This he did to gull the Estats of France , and to hold off the Oath of a leadgeance ( a better Guard to Kings than his fansie . ) Where was his double wall when both their Kings were killed ? The Parricids waited neither on the Churches definition , nor the Subiects consent , but went on at the Iesuites instigation : With his Eloquence hee blew that Assemblie blind , and turned them to a blinde passiue obedience , that the Iesuits actiue blinde Obedience , might ruine all . All this argues that they presumed on the simplicitie of Princes , as though they could bee content with such distinctions : Neither are miscreants stayed from attempting treason , but rather inboldened , while as Conies they may play vnder the Clapper , of such sandie distinctions : neither are Princes secured from violence neither comforted heereby if it shall overtake them . What comfort would it haue beene to Henrie the third , to tell him : This is not done to you by the Pope , as Pope in an ordinar course by a direct power , but as a supreme Iudge and indirectlie for the good of the Church . Who can suffer himselfe vnder such injurie to be so mocked ? I turne Gretzers word vpon them , reproving Plessie , for chopping at the cutting off the ●e● p●ars , But thou art come , O Plessie too lat● and slow an Advocate for them . The matter is long si●● iudged and done And a late , and no Patrocinie are of alik● worth . So their Cardinals late fancied Guard proved no Guard. But how shall Princes stand content with these distinctions , seeing the Pope is not content , for the hard temper of the Ca●onists and Nerius Schollers please him better . Doctor Marta a mocketh Bellarmines nicenes of potestas in temporalibus , & non potestas temporalis . Carerius calleth him and other mitigators by the name of profaine politicks , so doe the two Bozii , and Azorius professeth a simple mislike of their mitigations . Mihi non placet modus loquendi quo utuntur Victoria Sotus , Bellarminus — In iure enim Can absolutè & simpliciter dicitur , &c. I like not the manner of speach which Victoria SoTus , Bellarmine &c. Doe vse to insinuat that the Pope hath onelie spirituall power , and not a temporall ▪ And Sixtus the fifth was so angrie at Bellarmine for his distinction of direct and indirect power , that hee was minded to cause burne all his Bookes , as Barcklay b obiecteth to him . And when hee commeth to c answere that part of Barcklayes Booke , hee passeth it in silence ; Wherevpon Barcklayes●onne ●onne d in his replye to Bellarmine taketh that silence or preterition of so weightie a challenge for a confession . Like to the Remonstrants in our time , ●hen they are challenged of Socinianisme e about the state of the dead , and desired to declare themselues heerein , they passe that weightie challenge with silence , and neete it with an impertinent Recrimination which is in effect a taking with that imputation : silence in such a case is to plead guiltie . CHAP. XIX . Of their fourth Ludification of Kings . In glorious Titles . FOurthlie they mocke Princes with glorious Titles : So Charles the Great gote the name Christianissimus : And King William of Scotland was called Defensor Ecclesiae , Defender of the Church , which stile the Councell of Mentz had long before given to Ludovicus a And Iames 4. of Scotland was called Protector b Christianae religionis , protector of the Christian religion , by Iulius the second . Henry eight of England was called defensor c fidei , defender of the faith , by Leo●0 ●0 . Ferdinand was called Rex Catholicus , the Catholicke King , which Alfonsus many ages before him had vsed . And the Helvetians were called Defensores d libertatis Ecclesiasticae , Defenders of the Church libertie , by Iulius the second . The ground of such denomination was some benefite receaved . Charles inlarged their patrimonie . King William inriched their Church , with the Abbacie of Aberbrothoke . Henrie the eight wrote against Luther . The Helvetians at Iulius the seconds desire scattered the Councell of Pisa , when it was gathered to reforme the Church . And Ferdinand was fi●te for their purpose , by his Catholicke Monarchie , to build their Hierarchie . The end of this denomination was , to proue their Superioritie over Princes , and please them with that Title while they were pulling their honours from them , and to ingage them more to a base subjection . But there is also some presage heerein , for these Titles were some-what Propheticall that the Kings of these Kingdomes should ●e● in Gods tyme reformers of the Church , to purge her from that superstition which raigned in her , when these titles were given them : For even Caiaphas serving his owne humour and preiudice , will some-tymes Prophetically light vpon a trueth . It hath also proven true in some part . The Kings of England proue now defenders of the Ancient and Apostolicke faith : So the Kings of Scotland proue also defenders of the Church ; and France and Spaine will follow in that same worke , in Gods tyme. This is like another conceate , when the Pope sendeth to Princes Roses , or Swords consecrate in the day of Christs Nativitie : So Pius the second sent a sword to King Iames the second of Scotland : And Sixtus the fifth sent another to the Prince of Parme , for to overthrow the Hollanders , &c. Tiberius gaue great honours to Seianus , while he feared his greatnesse , and plotted his ruine : So the Pope sendeth childish toyes to please Princes , while hee pulleth their honour and power from them . CHAP. XX. Of their last Ludification . In Canonizing Kings . LAstlie they mocke Princes by Canonizing , and a long list of the Names of canonized Kings is set out as a Glasse to them to looke in , but in effect to let them see their reward , if they will serue the Pope . They haue learned it from the olde Senate , with whom divinitie was weighed with humane pleasures as sayeth Tertullian a For except God pleased man , hee was not made a God , and man was propitius to God : And as it now practised amongst them , it is but a noveltie , and their Patrone b bringeth not a practise of it before the eight age : The Church till then was destitute of canonized patrons , and had none in Heaven but Iesus Christ for their Advocate : First ( sayeth h●e ) they were worshipped by custome , and thereafter came formall canonizing . But when Idolatrie grew , they ioyned patrons to him , as though hee alone sufficed not : And this conceate they turned also to Kings , and sancted them at their pleasure , as they found them superstitious in religion , or obsequious to Rome . Augustine observed that Aesculapius was made a God , but not the Philosophers , because men felt the benefite of bodily health by medicine , but not the health of their soule by Philosophie : and hee avouched , that Plato was more worthie to bee deifyed than any of their gods : So Popes being sicke of ambition and avarice , canonized such Kings as cured their diseases : No good and auncient Pope did so , but when they turned monsters , and were fardest from God , they tooke on them to make Gods by canonizing , they resigned holinesse to Kings , or rather declared that they were more holy than themselues c They distribute their charitie with discretion , and gaue to Kingdomes their kyndlie titular Kings , the pride of Spaine , and policie of Italie , either affoorded not , or admitted not many such Saints , but the simplicitie of the Transalpine people was more plyable to the Popes they filled them with Saints , while at Rome they were drowned in Atheis●e . I demaund if these canonized Kings ●●●e holyer than Melchisedecke , Moses , David , Ezekiah , Iosiah before Christ ? Or then Constantine , Theodosius after him ? I thinke they will not call them so . If they were not ; why are they canonized , and no the other ? Why suffer they these who are honoured by Scripture , and true histories , to stand amongst the people without respect , while as the other are in the Roll of Heavenlie Advocats , and honoured with Temples Dayes , Alt●●s , Services , & c ? And if these other b●e holyer as they a●● indeede ▪ why is the Church defrauded of their int●●c●ssio● ? They are lyke their forefathers the Romans , who apotheosed manie wicked men ; but did not so to Cato , of whom Velleius sayeth , that he was in all things nearer to gods than men , and that hee was free of all humane vices . Neither did they referre in the number of their gods , S●ip●o Nas●ca their high Priest , whom Augustine calles better than all the gods . a So of some of the Popes gods , the common speach is verified , that manie mens bones are worshipped on earth , whose soules are tormented in hell . b But heerein the Popes would proue their superioritie over Princes , for hee that deifies , setteth himselfe aboue that that is deified . They would reallie be Kings , and therefore pleased Kinges in making them titular and imaginarie Saincts . But it is no Divinitie that is subiect to men , and that mutuall protection is ridiculous , when gods keepe living men , and men keepe the statues of dead gods . c So they know nothing about Kings , but the two extermities of Excommuication or Canonization : If Kings serue them baselie , they shall bee deified by canonizing : If not , they shall bee damned to hell : But there is no truth in any of these ▪ and both of them argue an Antichristian presumption in Popes : They vsurpe over Kings , in casting them downe , and setting them vp at their pleasure , and over God himselfe , in making gods and thrusting them on him as intercessours . I close this point with Cicero d wondering at Romulus Apot heosing : For though times of ignorance made men gods , yet it was wonderfull in the midst of learning , men were so exalted , but hee satisfieth himselfe ; in that none , but Rome counted Romulus a god , and that when shee was little and b●ginuing . So it was no wonder in the middle Ages of darknesse , to see Rome canonize men , but now in so great a light of the Gospel , and in the Contest with Rome for her Idolatrie , to see her multiplie her ●ut●ar gods , it is wonderfull . But wee may content our selfe with Cicero . Who taketh these to be gods but Rome ( a ) & that no● in her minorite & beginning , but in her maioritie and declining to destruction ? I intreat you therefore with Augustine , to consider of this your Pagan impietie if your minde , so long drunk : with errours , suffereth you to thinke of anie wholesome thing . And this much of their cloakes of shame , or their Spider-web-covertures of their open tyrannie . The fourth and last Section : Of their foolishnesse and madnesse . manifested in their fruites . CHAP. XXI . Of their affected ignorance in the consideration of the two great powers Civill and Ecclesiasticke . THeir foolish madnesse is plaine if wee consider their course and their fruites that follow . Their folie considered not aright these two powers civill and spirituall ; and their ignorance was rather affected than simple ; to make greater way to their violent pride . God ruleth the world by two distinct powers , Civill and Ecclesiasticke : For Religion must bee in the Republicke . and the Republicke must bee in Religion ( sayeth Optatus ) a The Church and Common-wealth are as the two Estates , and everie one of them hath its owne full power and authoritie in thinges that concerne it . They are both of God , and none of them is that way more worthie than the other , as to subiect the other to it . Neutra potestas est altera eo sensu dignior ut alteram sibi subijciat utraque enim est in suo genere prima , & ab altera independens . Each of them in its owne kind is prime & independent from other . But yet they are distinguished from other in their endes , Taske and meanes for that end . They haue both God for their Authour , and generallie the good of mankind for their end , but their proper ends are different : For the spirituall power leadeth onely to a spirituall and eternall good , whereas the civill absolutlie looketh first to an humane & temporall good : All mankind lyeth flatte on the Earth , notwithstanding of all other Callings : But the Pastorall calling pulleth him from the earth and lifteth him to Heaven . The Taske of the Spirituall , is the preaching of the Word , ministration of Sacraments , and the vse of the Keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven , directing mens consciences in the will of God , and correcting them Ecclesiastickly . For which cause the Pulpit is called the Tribunall of the Church , because therein Pastors doe publish more glorious I awes than the Praetor . The taske of the civile power is notoure in thinges Civile ; and for Religion , it is appointed of God to defend the Church , and trueth in it : Indite and gather Councels , and ratifie their Canons , to abrogate superstition and idolatrie , to provide Pastors with hou●st maintenance , and maintaine their provisions against the Sacrilegious . In a word , the power of the Church is not temporall but spirituall ; not a coactiue , but a directiue power : And the power civile is not spirituall but humane ; not directiue but coactiue ; to see all these spirituall dueties performed in their Kingdomes . God hath not set them vp as contraire and opposite ; but as diverse , and that for agreement and mutuall helpe , to make vp an Harmonie of governement in mankinde . These two powers cannot compete to any one person a It is neither lawful nor seemlie for Princes to preach , baptize , communicate people , excōmunicate , delinqu●●ts , &c Neither is it tolerable in Pastours to denounce warre , lead Armies , shedde blood , and swey a coactiue power . Ambrose ( b ) riddeth the marches clearelie , Wee pay ( sayeth hee ) to Caesar the things that are Caesars , and to GOD the things that are Gods. The tribute is Caesars , and not denyed . The Church is Gods , and ought not to bee adiugded to Caesar , because Gods Church cannot bee Caesars right . Which none can denie is spoken with the honour of the Emperour . For what is more honourable ▪ than that the Emperour be called the Sonne of the Church — For a good Emperour is within the Church , and not about the Church . And in another place , a Divine things are not subiect to the power of the Emperour — And thereafter places pertaine to the Emperours , but Churches to the Priests . The right of the publick walls is committed to thee , not of the sacred , so sayeth he to the Emperour , who craved the Church to bee delivered to the Arrians . Athanasius , and Ambrose speake distinct lie : That Princes are in the Church by profession and possession of grace , and so the Sonnes of God , and of the Church : They are not over the Church , for her direction but for her protection : her Parents , but her Nurce-Fathers . Wise Kings ever granted the different power and interesse in things civill and Ecclesiasticke . That in the first they were Lawmakers , but in the second were directed and admonished themselues : In the first , they had a power both to make and allow Lawes for the publicke good : in the second , they are preservers of Lawes , not to decerne therein with authoritie : But to order matters Canonically according to the Lawes of the Church . The Church first discerned Trueth from Heresie , and then decerned : And Princes ratified their decrets . Pastours decrets according to the trueth obliged mens Consciences to follow the truth , and Princes outwardlie inioyned the People to follow a knowne truth . Though these two powers or callings simplie considered b●● not subiect to other , yet there is a sort of mutuall subordination a in the persons that are cloathed with them : Princes are aboue Pastours in respect of civill Eminence of outward governement , and compulsion , to do their duetie as Pastours ; though not in the intrinsecall direction . And Princes are subiect to Pastours , in respect of the informing and directing of their consciences in Religion The one is subiect to the other civillie , the other spiritually . Pastours are subiect to Princes . Let everie soule bee subiect to superiour powers . And Princes are subiect to Pastours spirituallie . Obey them who haue the over-sight of you and submit your selues . And yet not withstanding of the comparision of the callings , GOD hath wiselie subiected Pastours to Princes . First , because the Kingdome of the Church is not in this World * But principallitie , hath the beginning , vse and end in this life , and therefore heere must they haue the preheminence or else never . Next , because of vniversalitie : For the Church of God is not in everie place : And yet these humane Societies without a Church haue both neede of , and are governed by principalitie . Thirdlie , because of Ancietie ; for albeit God had a Church ever since hee called on Adam in Paradise , yet ere the Church came to any greatnesse in number or conspicuousnesse in the vse and worke of spirituall power , Principalitie had the own Governement and eminencie among men . For this cause some a haue pressed the name of secular power from the Ancietie , as though it beganne cum saeculo : Though more properlie it bee called a temporall power from the obiect and meanes . This great blessing reformation bringeth vnto Kingdomes , to ridde merches betweene these powers : Amongst other things this inrage● Luther , ( b ) that hee saw Princes mocked and abused as beasts : Therefore hee vendicate their honour from the Popes tyrannie . Wee teach according to Gods word , that Princes and Preachers are mutually sheepe to other : Princes to Preachers in respect of their spirituall office , informing , and counselling them out of the word of God : And Preachers to Princes , in respect of a temporall coactiue power , to protect them , or correct them , if they offend . If wee consider in Mankind a spirituall Sphere , Preachers are aboue all : In which sense Nazianzen sayeth , that a the Law of Christ hath subiected the Impire to the Priest. But if wee consider it in the Sphere of Temporalitie , then Princes are aboue all : And so that same Nazianzen , Wee are subiect to super eminent powers ; but they will haue Princes as Sheepe to Preachers simplie , and their Priests to bee sheepe to none but to the Pope , of whom they will bee ruled , not onely in spirituall things , but also in temporall . When these two Powers keeped them within their boundes , they were helpfull to others : Pastors by religion wrought the consciences of people to the obedience of Princes , and Princes by their coactiue power held people in the obedience of the Gospell . And Leo b commendeth this concurrance : For humane things ( saith hee ) can not bee safe , vnlesse both the Kingly and Priestly authoritie defend these things that pertaine to religion . And our more royall Leo said , that c these two powers are so straitly conioyned , that either of them dependeth vpon the safetie and incolumitie of the other : And Isiodore d Civile powers were not necessarie in the Church except to fulfill that by terrour , which the Priest can not doe by his doctrine : Oft-tymes the Kingdome of Heaven is furthered by the earthly Kingdome that such as doe contrare to the faith , and discipline of the Church , may bee broken by the rigour of Princes , &c. And Bernard e sheweth both the possibilitie and expediencie of their agreement , in his peaceable resolution . Non veniat anima ( sayeth hee ) in concilium eorum ; non enim viris usque institutor Deus , in destructionem ea connexuit , sed in aedificationem : Let not my Soule come in their counsell , who say that the peace and libertie of the Churches will hurt the impyre , or that the prosperitie and glorie of the impire will hurt the Churches : for God the Author of both hath not conioyned them for destruction , but for edification . It had beene good for them , if they had followed his advice , that these two powers would ioyne their myndes together , who were ioyned by Gods institution ▪ let them mutually cherish other , and mutually defend other a . But where Princes and Pastors passe their boundes , and incroached vpon other , the exercise of their power was the Apple of strife The matter it selfe was two great powers in their kinde , and the respects of mutuall subordination , and subiection , was a faire colour for ambition to vsurpe , and for the rebellious to resist . It cannot bee denyed , but there were faults on both sides : Some Princes haue given too much to Cleargie men , as they who gaue homage to Popes . This came of Superstition , which first playeth the Iugler to blind , and then the tyrant to force them to doe as that blindnes leadeth them : When they were possessed with Superstition , the Popes ambition could exact nothing of them , which they thought not reasonable . Some Princes againe haue fallen in the defect , and given too little respect to Pastours : They saw their persons base in worldly things , and considered neither their calling nor their worke ; and so counted them baser than any of their Estats . This misreguard was helped by some flatterers of authoritie , who either of ignorance , or Invy haue spoken and written disdainfullie of Pastours Calling , and equalled it to the basest handie craft in Cities . To let that passe ( in respect of personall subiection to outward Governement , and of civill censure in case of breaking the common peace ) yet the comparison of these Callings is odious ; for both iudicious Princes a and auncient Divines without passion or contest , haue giuen it greater respect , and casting these two powers in the Ballance , Nazianzen compared the one to the Soule , the other to the Bodie : Chrisostome vse the comparison of the Heaven to the Earth : And Ambrose the comparison of Gold and Lead . We allow not the bad Consequences and Practise , which Papists draw out of these popular comparisons , yet there is a considerable Trueth in the things ; for the Pastours calling is only about things spirituall and eternall . The Angels would thinke it no disparagement , to dispense the mysteries of the bodie and blood of Christ , to cleanse men in the Lawer of Regeneration , and to stand betweene God and man , in delyvering his will to them , and presenting their prayers to him . Beside that comparison of Callings , the person of Pastors haue a great excellencie in respect of Gods chusing them to the worke , his furnishing and assisting of them in it . Mens greatest excellencie indeede is by the Grace of Christ ▪ as they are Christians renewed and sanctified : But particular callings giue also some qualification to the persons that are cled with them ; and the Pastorall calling qualifyeth their persons with a spirituall respect , because they are Gods instruments in a spirituall worke . Their aptitude to a spirituall worke , giveth them a spirituall habitude and Gods imployment therein giveth a sort of transcendent specification . Second causes though of one kynde , take a diverse respect , both from the object , and from the imployment of the first cause : And it is greatest excellencie to bee Gods instrument , in converting , renewing , and saving men : For they that turne Soules , shall shine as the starres in the firmament , whereas others shall shine but as the firmament it selfe . If sanctification bee ioyned in Pastours with the excellencie of their aptitude and imployment , then they are Gods first borne with a double portion of holinesse : And that without preiudice of the externall supereminencie of honour , and authoritie , which God hath seated in Kings : The one breadeth a sacred , inward , and spirituall reverence , as to Gods Ambassadours . The other an out ward , and civile reverence , as to the toppe of humane Maiestie : This is proper to the supreme Magistrate alone , whom God hath invested with Nomotheticke prudencie , and Architectonick power in matters sacred and civile . But Papists abuse these comparisons of the Auntients , while they turne them in arguments for the exemption , and deny obedience in temporall thinges to Princes , and clame a temporall precedence and preheminence . God is the God of order , and alloweth on Princes supreme honour as their due in civill Societie : As for spirituall excellēcie of Pastours , it doth neither cōtaine intrinsecallie , neither clameth by way of consequence , any preheminence in temporall things , but in spirituall allane●lie . All their iuris●iction is merelie spirituall , as Halensis sayeth , that the spirituall power iudgeth according to the spirituall punishment , and not according to the civill : And it may bee instanced by the Apostle who ( doubtlesse ) if hee had civill power would haue vsed it against the incestuous man , and punished him civilie : But hee knew the reach of the Apostolicke power to be spirituall , and therefore censured him spirituallie with excommunication . But most clearelie , S Augustine disclames it in Christs Name . Hearken , O Iewes and Gentiles — hearken , O kingdomes of the earth : I stay not your domination in this world , &c. Heerein Popes vsurpe most who haue least right , the excellencie of Pastours flowed from their pastorall calling , and their discharge of it ; but hee is an idole pastour , who hath thrust himselfe in the most eminent place of the Church , and yet is least in worth . The least Pracher is worthie of more honor thā he though he were in his pontificals : Hee preacheth not and so can neither bee the Vicare of Christ , nor successour of his Apostles . For Christus Rex & Dominus noster ( as Bellarmine acknowledgeth ) non erat occupatus in rebus temporalibus , sed praedicatione verbi , & conversione animarum : Christ was not busie in temporall things , but in preaching of the word , and conversion of Soules . But he inver●eth Christs Dyet , neglecting preaching & imploying himselfe altogether in temporall thinges : Neither can hee be Peters successour , if wee trust Bernard a Proue thy selfe a Pastour to this people — least thou deny thy selfe to be his heire , whose seate thou holdest . This is Peter who never went out decked with Iewels — ●nd yet without these hee believed that command might bee fulfilled : If thou loue mee , feede my Sheepe . For in these things thou succeedeth not to Peter , but to Constantine — Thou art a Pastours heire , bee not ashamed of the Gospel , to Evangelize is to feed the flocke , doe the worke of an Evangelist , and thou hast fulfilled the worke of a Pastour . Their Analist b commendeth preaching Popes , Serigius secundus for that hee was praedicatione liberior , a free Preacher , and Leo the fourth , that hee was a preacher of the word , and left an Homilie in register , to direct Church-men in their office , which Baronius closeth with this marke . Pervigilis curae pastoralis , nobile documentum , a notable document of a wakerife pastorall care . It is a notable document indeede to proue Leos pastorall care , and to convince the later Popes , who are all together voyde of that care . Becanus c also overthroweth the Popes Vicarshippe in that same place , where hee pleadeth most for it . Hee scoffeth at that saying of Tertulian , that Christ reliquit vicariam vim Sp. Sancti , the vicariat power of the holy Spirit to rule his Church : And proueth the holie Spirit cannot bee such an Vicar , because hee doeth not these things visiblie , which Christ did in his mortall flesh , for hee neither administreth Sacraments , neither preacheth in publick ▪ This concludeth as strongelie against the pope , for as the holie Spirit cannot visiblie & bodilie exerce these offices , so the pope ( though hee may visiblie exerce them ) yet doeth it not at all , but in place of a Vicare , hee is that abuse and blot in the Church , whereof S. Cyprian speaketh ( if that be his worke ) The tenth abuse a is a negligent Bishop , who requireth his degree of honour among men , but keepeth not the dignitie of his Ministerie before God , whose Ambassage hee bearetth . The pope is wholie taken vp in consistoriall businesse . But since hee must bee called a Preacher , let him haue it in that sense that Gregorie speaketh of : Nova atque inaudita est ista praedicatio , quae verberibus exigit fidem : This is a new , and vnheard sorte of preaching , which exacteth faith by strokes . And if hee will haue honour for doing his office , let him haue it , as b Philo telleth , the high Priest amongst the Iewes , albeit hee was inferiour to the King , yet so long as hee was in his Ministerie entering in the Temple , cloathed with Aarons garments , &c. — In that respect hee was aboue the King. Let the Pope then exerce hierarchicall functions , as Christ , his Apostles , and the first godlie Popes did , and then let him pretend his spirituall eminencie , and clame the honour due to it . But so long as his preaching is the roaring of Bulls , Curs●s , Excommunications , &c. from the Capitoll , hee is Aba●don , and not the Vicar of Christ. But what would the Pope and his Cleargie say , if the Emperour vpon the ground of his supereminent power , would raise contrare positions and practises , and so pay the Pope home in his owne coyne ? As first to exempt himselfe and Kings and Princes , from all sort of Ecclesiasticke subiection , as to heare the word , partake Sacraments &c. Next to vse proscription against them , cutting them off from the commoun liberties of subiects . Thirdly , to depose them from Ecclesiasticke offices , and discharge them from all exercise of their calling . Fourthlie , to cause their people contemne them and set vp some other ambitious Church-men in their vaking rowme . &c , That clame of Princes over them in spirituall things , were as iust as their vsurpation over Princes , except wee trust the conceate of Bozius who affirmeth that the Ecclesiasticks take vpon them the secular power and iurisdiction , but the seculars may not take vpon them the Ecclesiasticke power . But their owne Pope Nicolaus a crosseth this conceate , and maketh the opposition equall , that the Ecclesiasticks may no more haue a temporall power , than the Emperour may haue a spirituall . Heerein was a Masse of their folies , they confounded things that God had distinguished , spirituall and temporall , heavenlie and earthlie ; and so verifyed Philoes first and better exposition of Babylon , to agree to them , to wit , that Babylon signifieth Confusion . a Next with that Confusion they inverted all , and made temporall thinges their end , and neglected spirituall : They pretended that they vsed temporalia in ordine ad spiritualia , but in effect they vsed spiritualia in ordine ad temporalia : And so verified of themselues Philoes other exposition ( b ) of Babylon , that it signified inverting . No right , no reason could content them to keepe their owne place , and suffer Princes to keepe theirs , as God had designed to both , but they will haue the King subiect to Christ , ( c ) and to the Pope , and the Pope , subiect to Christ onelie . Therefore with this their Babylonish confusion and inversion , they proue themselues by Nicolaus d testimonie to bee the successoures of Pagan Emperours , who would bee both Priests and Kings : But we need not draw this by way of cōsequence . Doctour e Marta granteth it in a plaine Assertion , that in these auntient times all businesse were dispatched by the Priests , and confirmes it by Ciceroes testimonie , that the chiefe Priests among the Romans did swey both the Religions of the Immortall gods , and the chiefe matters of the Common-wealth . For which cause it may b●e con●ectured that their controversar e speaking of their Pope , calls him rather Pontifex Romanus , then Episcopus Romanus , that vnder that olde Pagane name , h●e may insinuate the Notion of his two-fold Pagan power . As for his Consistoriall businesse , whereof I spake before , Palaeottus a hath plastered that sore , and telleth that the Popes businesse in the Consistorie about temporall things are hierarchicall acts , because they are ordered to a spirituall end . So great is his power , that treasons , deposing of Kings , overthrow of Empyres , &c. are all turned in hierarchicall acts by his medling . But I would know to what sort of hierarchicall act these may bee referred , for Dionysi●s b recounting the acts of Ecclesiastick hierarchie , hath no such matter : Therefore they are his Monarchick exercises , which hee hath taken vp , since hee disdained the Ecclesiastick hierarchie . This is farre from Chrysostomes minde , who thinketh that Christ forbade his Apostles to take provision for their iourney , that they might onelie waite on preaching , as the Apostles also did . How then doeth the Pope , who is altogether taken vp with temporall businesse ? Gregorie c calleth it an earthlie disposition , when men forget heavenlie thinges , and thirst onelie for earthly things . If their Visions tell that the Bishop of Anconaes d Soule acknowledged it selfe iustlie in hell because neglecting preaching , hee waited onelie vpon Worldlie showes , banquets , and such other toyes . What shall become of the Popes who are worse imployed in oppressing the Church , and disturbing Europe ? And if S. Augustine say truely , That the heart of the Wheate is in heaven , but the heart of the Chaffe is on earth : Then surelie the popes must bee Chaffe , and not Wheate , since his heart is all on the earthlie Monarchie . This then is their wilfull ignorance , whereby they deny to Kings not onely their Architectonik power , which maketh them custodes v●riusque Tabulae : And Pastores populi : Keepers of both Tables : Pastors of people , and Nurce-fathers of the Church : but also their Eminencie in temporalibus . For the Pope hath supreme temporall iurisdiction temporalie and directlie ( saith Marta ) And againe , hee hath vniversall Dominion , vniversallie and over all . Papa habet supremam temporalem iurisdictionem , temporaliter & directè . Item habet vniversalem iurisdictionem & Dominium in vniversali in omnibus . Petrus Damianus was the first who aff●irmed the Popes tempo alitie , and thogh ever since it hath beene in vigour yet as an exposed foundling of an vncertaine father : For the defenders of it cannot agree on the originall : Some father it on Christs institution : Some on the tradition of the Apostles : Others on Councels , exponding Scripture so : Some on the Donation of Princes : And some on Prescription . It is a staggering faith whose prime article knoweth not the father . But let them stand at Innocents the third decretal . Reges in tem● poralibus superiorem non recognoscunt . CHAP. XXII . Of the fruits of their folie , and first : Of Irritation . THis much of their foolishnesse in the course of vsurpation , follow the fruites , which are either in regard of the partie offended , or of themselues : In the partie offended it worketh irritation , and an exact inquirie of the matter : In themselues , it worketh a discoverie and distruction . Irritation came necessarilie of so violent and insolent courses , as to vse Princes for Lackeyes ▪ to cause them wait on bare footed in winter not to find accesse , to tred on their necke . These and the like indignities were int●lerable : For though Princes can oversee small offences , yet when their Life , Honour and Authoritie are tr●dde vnd●rfoote , it were not patience , but senselessenesse not to be moved : And so these matchlesse indignities put supreme powers to supreme perturbations of indignation and anger ; for oppression maketh wise men madde . Their generous pirits were as farre irritate by indignities , as they haue the prime and fl●wre of ingenuitic . This was augmented by many respects of their iniurers : In their Persons they were subiect to Princes , their calling was spirituall , and ought to haue procured every way their good : Their obligement by good deede was exceeding great , for they had received liberties and territories from Princes , and so were obliged to gratitude . But all these could not moue them to their duetie : Therefore their iniuries were more greevous to Princes . This foule ingratitude was contrar to that which Charles a the great exspected in his liberalitie to the Church : When hee saw the Germans inclining to rebellion , hee thought the best way to secure the Impyre to his house , was by giving large Lands and principalities to Church-men , and that because of their holie calling , and that their Children succeeded them not , and in case that Princes rebelled against his Posteritie hee thought Church-men both by their excommunication , and civill power would hold them in order . But all turned heere contrar to his exspectation . b for in all sturres the Impyre had not such adversaries as Church-men . And herein was verified the old Apologue c of the Axe and the Oake tree . The Axe without an handle lay on the ground , and intreated the Oake for as much timber to bee an handle vnto it , vnder promise to cut downe the brambles that molested the Oake , but when it was so mounted , it turned against the Oake , and cut it downe also . So when the Pope got the temporall power by the gift of Princes , they turned it against the Givers . And the parable of Ioannes de rupescisa d is not vnlik of a naked Bird who begged feathers from other Birds , and when they had busked it with lent feathers , it began in pride to smite them who had decked it . And most of all , they provocked God to anger , for they made his Name and trueth to bee blasphemed , when men saw nothing in them but the desire of a worldly dominion : They layed a stumbling blocke before people , to hold them on the earth , when they should haue led them to Heaven : The pietie of olde Prelats , turned Pagans to Christianitie : But they did what they could to make Princes and people forsake the Religion of so proude and fleshlie Prelats . That which seemed to bee peace betweene Emperours and Popes for some three or foure Ages , was but a conspiracy each of them flatetred other in offending God , but hee turned this ●ust irritation of Princes in a preparatiue to reformation , that Princes being sensible of the Effronts done to their honour by the Popes tyrannie , might bee led to feele the wounding of their Soule by his heresie , & so stirred vp to reform the Church in both . People were also irritate : For beside their defrauding of spirituall cōfort , wherof as then they were senseles , they were cast in civill discord . The factions of the Guelfs & Gibelins , so called from Gu●lfus D. of Baveere , & Conradus Giblingen Ann. 1140. &c. The excōmunicatiō of Princes turned them all in division , some of duetie & conscience adhering to their princes , other of superstition and treason falling frō them ; Kingdome against Kingdome , & Kingdomes , Cities , and Families divided amongst themselues : So soone as the alarme was given by excommunication , there was neither peace , nor place for Neutralitie , but the olde bloodie proscriptions of Sylla and Marius were acted everie where . This made them wearie of such broiles , and disposed them to embrace a more peaceable Religion , that would keepe them in peace with their Princes and Neighbours . Their intolerable crueltie against the Emperours inforced the world to this remeede , Gregorie the seventh , against Henrie the fourth , Paschal the second , against Henrie the fifth , Innocent the third against Philip. Innocent the fourth hyred men to poyson and stobbe Fridericke and Conrad . Iohn the twentie two , and Benedict the eight vexed Lodovicus Bavarus . They excommunicat them , stirred vp other Princes to invade them , and forced them to base & vnreasonable conditions of peace , they poysoned them with the hostie or cup. It is impossible to consider what miseries these iarres brought on people : For Otho testifieth that they brought so many evills and Schismes , and involved the bodies and soules of men in so many dangers that the crueltie and durance of that persecution was sufficient to proue the miserie of mankind . In all these broyl●s , people smarted , & being brought to desperation , were forced to take some course to vendicat themselues . Their law provyds that feudum meretur amittere , qui feudum inficiatur . CHAP. XXIII . Of the second fruit of their folie : An exact inquirie of the matter . THe second fruite of their foolishnesse , is an exact inquirie of the matter : When men saw their tyranny , they inquired the cause , and as Tertullian a speaketh of the Martyrs , when they know the trueth they follow it . For as hee speaketh in another place , who so studieth to vnderstand , b shall bee forced to belieue . Their tyrannie is so grosse and manifest , that the world shall bee forced to see the thing they could not imagine . The more that Princes inquired , the more they found their owne innocencie and the tyrannie of the Pope . Moderate iniuries are tolerable , but extreme indignities put men to the highest degree of redresse , & so bring them neerer to a remeed , thā lesser wrongs . This was a meeting of their Inquisition : For their bloody inquisitours , inquire persons to destroy them : But this inquirie seeketh out the cause to follow the trueth . If they had keep●d themselues in moderation , the world possiblie would haue bidden in their implicite Faith , in the point of iurisdiction , as well as in doctrine : But when they went to intolerable insolencies , men were forced to inquire in the state of the matter , as a man brangled in his Possession , searcheth all his writs . So Princes set Lawyers Divines , &c. to worke , to plead their cause at least by writ , for there was no place for iudiciall pleading their partie beeing their Iudge , and stopping all meanes of redresse by his tyrannie . Everie onset that the Popes made , brought both a new search of the matter , & a new discovery of their shame : Divines & Politicks were divided amongst themselues , and their contraire disputs and treatises made the world see more in these deepes , than otherwise they could haue seene . Their strife with the two Henries gaue some light : the other with Fridericke Barbarossa gaue more : Even in these times of greatest tyrannie , God raised vp some good Patriots , to plead the cause of Princes , as well as hee had Witnesses of the truth : And though the Pope bare downe the one vnder the name of Hereticks , and the other vnder the name of politicke Shismaticks , yet their workes testifie , that God lette not Antichrists pride goe without a witnesse . It is a wonder that so many durst write so plainelie in those Ages , and of that argument that was then tossed de potestate imperiali & Papali : Beside the Sorbone who proved loyall to their Princes : Many Divines else where made it their taske , as may bee seene in Otho Frisingensis , I read and I ●read over againe the doings of the Romane Bishops , &c. And the fruite of their reading ( at least so many of them as were honest minded ) was with Occam to implore the Emperours protection . Defend mee . O Emperour with thy Sword , and I shall defend thee with m● Penne ; so dangerous a thing it was then to write the trueth . Goldastus c hath done good service to God , and authoritie ( but hath given a blow to the Pope ) in gathering together in great volumes these many Treatises , which were scattered in obscure corners : As a Physitian by seeing the Recepts and Medicine of a diseased Age , will ▪ easelie know what hath beene the Epidemicke disease of the time : So a iudicious Reader will perceiue that Christendome was then in a burning fever by the Popes ambition . Such were then the Emperours best defences with Apologies ▪ Protestations , &c. Their authoritie was broken , the Maiestie of the Impyre defaced , and their Sword so blunted , by Superstition in their people , that they could neither defend their right , nor revenge their wrong . And if wee consider exactlie the ingynes of these times , wee shall finde that God stirred vp for the defence of Princes the most godly , iudicious and learned men ; but a rable of fleshlie flatterers defended the Pope . This great exact search of the matter was a second preparatiue to reformation : Irritation gaue the first by the Alienation of Princes minds from the Pope : And this inquirie gaue the second , by the illumination of their mindes in the trueth . It will befall him as to the Asse , who not content with his long eares , asked two hornes of Iupiter : And beeing importune in his pleading , hee got his eares cut off : And when the Persians were not content with their dominions in Asia , but incroached on Greece ; they stirred vp Alexander to ●ast them out both of Greece and Asia . So the Pope not content with his spirituall power , but vsurping on the temporalitie of Princes , will lose both powers together : For Princes and people see now more in that question , than in many Ages before . CHAP. XXIIII . Of the third fruit of their folie , The Discoverie of Antichrist . THe third fruite of their folie is Discoverie , whereby the Pope declareth himselfe to bee that great Antichrist , the head of that Apostacie , Some expone that Apostacie of Heresie , falling from the trueth : Others of rebellion ▪ falling from the Impyre , but both goe together , and the Pope is the head and heart of both : Hee beganne with Heresie , and Emperours cared not for it ; therefore God punished their carelesnesse , by letting popes fall frō their obedience , and the discoverie of both came joyntlie , though Princes were more sensible of the discoverie of rebellion than of Heresie . This purpose of Antichrist was obscure in the first Ages by three speciall causes : First , it was not an open iniquitie , but a mysterie of iniquitie : The Essence of it was in opposition to Christ , but it was coloured with the pretext of a Vicariat to Christ : A Vice-Christ in shew , but an enemie to Christ in deede : Next , because it was a Prophecie and the best interpretation a of prophecies is their accomplishment , for till they bee accomplished , they are as dark Riddles , but when the time is come , and the thing prophesied is done , they haue a cleare and certaine exposition ( sayeth Irenie ) b Thirdlie ( which is not well adverted ) this obscuritie was helped by two errors in Chronologie : The one was in fixing a certaine time of six thousand yeares to the worlds standing , according to a fabulous tradition of one Rabbi Elias : The other was in the wrong supputation of that fixed time , according to the reakoning of the seventie Interpreters , who added more than twelue hundreth yeares c to the Hebrewes iust reakoning . Lactantius and Phylastrius , following the opinion of their time reakoned fiue thousand , eight hundreth yeares before Christ , and so Elias six thousand yeares were fulfilled about the fiue hundreth yeare of Christ ; wherevpon the Fathers of the third and fourth Age were forced to an Individuall and Trieterian Antichrist ; because they saw no time for an Antichristian successiō . This made the Fathers in the first Ages to speak of the last day as comming presentlie on them : So Cyprian said a The last day was approaching : And in another place b That he was in the ruins of the decaying world . And it is probable that these same errours of Chronologie , made Papias and the Chiliasts to speake of a thousand yeares Ioy in this life ; they looked for Christs comming verie shortlie within two or three hundreth yeares , and so were forced to referre these thousand yeares to a time after his comming . That might seeme tolerable in them who wanted the benefite of exact supputation , but it is a grosse errour in them , who renew it ●n our dayes . Imperfect supputation in Chronologie , hath bred many errors inhistorie . The Egyptians , and Chaldeans are ridiculous for their innumerable thousands of yeares : And the Romans in the first Ages of their Towne , reakoned their yeares by the Pretors fixing of a Naile in Minervaes Temple in the Calends of September . But God in our time hath perfecte● supputation . The trueth of the Hebrew text , the bases of Eclipses , Iubilies , and remarkable Coniunctions of Starres , &c. Haue made now a certaintie of reakoning of times : And among other thinges doe taxe old supputations of error , and the conjecturs of Antichrist founded thereon of Temeritie . Now then supputation is mended , the Prophecy of Antichrist accomplished , and that Mysterie revealed : for many things are knowne to after times , whereof these auncient writters were altogether ignorant , sayth Alphonsus a And Onuphrius , to that end . Posterior hominum diligentia multa , quae ante parum comperta erāt , invenit The after diligence of men hath found out many things , which before were not knowne The Apostles layeth the proposition , who opposeth and exalteth himselfe aboue all that is called God. The pope ●aketh the Assumption , and plainlie crveth to the world in his vsurpation over Kings , me me adsum qui feci . His opposition wee haue heard , in that hee maketh the two powers spirituall and temporall opposite , which God hath joyned in a friendlie concourse and conspiration for the good of man : His exaltation is also plaine in depressing Princes : Hee will neither bee inferiour nor equall , but superiour to them ; and that as farre as the Sunne is to the Moone : The ignorance of their glosse in Astronomie , in reakoning the proportion of these Starres is no grosser , than their Divines inpudenc●e on the Apostles text . Rom. 13. 1. turning sublimibus in sublimioribus , and thereby pulling themselues out of temporall subiection , and setting them in a superlatiue degree aboue Princes absolutelie . If wee consider the thing that stayed his comming , and the removing of it , wee shall finde that both Antichrist is come , and the Pope is hee . This is the Empyre of Rome , which the Apostle darklie insinuateth , a least he should stirre vp the Romans to a persecution for prophecying of a decay of the Empyre . They held Rome to bee eternall , and Capitolij immobile saxum : Imperium sine fine dedi ; Roma vrbs aeterna , were the common titles of the ●owne , and that forsooth , because when Traquinius wold haue built a Temple to Iupiter all the other gods yeelded to that great one , except Terminus and Iuventas , wherevpon their flattering Augurs b inferred that Rome should haue no end of her indurance , but floorish in a perpetuall youthly vigour . Liminum Deus abscedere noluit — Terminus cum Iove remanens aeternum urbi Imperium cum Religione significaret . That the primitiue Church tooke this for the Empyre , it is plaine by Tertullian . Wee pray ( sayeth hee ) for Emperours and the whole state of the Romane Empyre , because wee know that the great crueltie comming on all the world , and the last dayes that threatned horrible calamities , are stayed by the standing of the Romane Impyre . This was removed three speciall wayes . Frist by Constantine , who translated the Seat of the Impyre to Constantinople , Which translating Genebrard a calleth a worke of Gods providence , that the Kingdome of the Church spoken of by Daniel might haue a place at Rome . Wee grant it came of Gods providence , but not for the end that Genebrard assignes , but for a contraire , to fulfill the prophecie of Antichrist , and to provide him a place at Rome . And Rupertus b beside Gods providence observeth also the craft of Sathan , in choosing Rome as a most fitte nest for hatching the mysterie of iniquitie . And Malvenda sayeth , plainely , That Rome is fallen in the hands of the Church . Next , the Barbarians weakened the Impyre ; for when Constantine had taken away the Guard of the Impyre , the Legions that lay on the Rhyne and Danube , the Goths , Hunnes , Vandals , Her●l● , Longobards , &c. Come in as deludges vpon the Impyre . Heere is a wonderfull change of Rome ; Leo marketh it well , that it was most conducible to further the worke of the Gospel that many Kingdomes should bee confederate to one Impyre , that so the generall preaching of the Gospel might haue more sudden passage : But now that same Impyre must bee dissolved , to make way to Antichrist ▪ that from that citie hee may the more fitlie send out his heresie and Apostasie . Thirdlie , the Pope had an hand in that Removall of the Impyre , for what remained ; hee broke downe by deposing Kings , and absolving their Subiects , &c. And it is worth our remarke , that their first Rebellion against the Emperour was for Images , which the Greeke Emperours in a godlie zeale had put out of Churches , as Onuphrius b marketh that Constantine the Pope was the first that durst resist the Emperour Philippieus : And after him Gregorie the second c was more bold , and cutted the Impyre of Italie from the Grecians . So idolatrie and rebellion began together , and when they had left God in the one , they forsook the Emperour in the other . But more fullie they weakened the ▪ Impyre when Hildebrand and his followers brought in Excommunication , &c. And it is the Apostles phrase , speaking of the removall of the Impyre , that shall bee taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the mids , And of the incestuous Corinthian to bee excommunicate , hee biddeth take him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And Augustine a observeth , that the Apostle borroweth that speach from Moses , and it hath a different sense in the olde and new Testament ; in the old it signifieth to sacrifice , or slay , but in the New to excommunicate , and that excommunication now is come in place of killing . But Baronius b Macta & manduca , kill and eate , hath brought the Evangelicke censure backe againe to the legall killing , and so everie way they helped the removing of the Impyre by excommunication , breaking the reverence of Emperours in the hearts of people , and by usurpation , beating them downe , and setting other Princes against them . Therefore Crantzius writting of Boniface the eight sitting in Imperialibus cryeth out , vides Petre successorem tuum : Vides Christe Vicarum tuum . Quo ascendit superbia servi servorum tuorum , Thou seest , O Peter , thy Successour , thou seest , O Christ thy Vicare . Next , as they did cast it downe they exalted themselues ; so the Pope is Emperour sede vacante , Though when the Popedome vaketh the Cardinals haue power , and when a Bishoprick vaketh the Chapter hath power , yet hee giveth not the like power to the Electors , in the ●aking of the Impire : His consistorie of Cardinals is in place of the olde Senate , and so old Rome is casten in a new mould & the Monarchie turned in an Hierarchie , as the reward of his oppressing of the Monarchie . Bellarmine giveth vs advantage c in this point , where he granteth that the Pope of old was subiect to Emperors as to their temporall Lords — But the Popes authoritie is more and more declared . By this confession so long as Popes keeped Apostolick & primitiue Veritie they gaue obedience to Princes , but wh●● they turned Apostaticke , they rebelled : And therefore this declaration of the Popes authoritie , wherof he speaketh , is nothing but the discovery of the mysterie of inquitie . Among their Demonstrations to proue that Antichrist is not come , this is one . a That the Romane Impyre is not altogether destroyed . Bellarmine granteth an inclination and decay of the Impyre . and that wee may see almost the vtter ruine of it , so in effect hee granteth that it is almost ●uinate , but not altogether . This is all which wee craue , for wee vrge not a totall ruine of the Impyre , but such a decay as maketh way for Antichrists entrie . But Greizer c is more bold , and biddeth vs goe to Prage and Vienne , and see whither or no the Romane Impyre bee decayed : But wee bid him goe to Rome , and see if hee finde a Romane Emperour there , either in person , power , or credite . For the Question is not of an Emperour of Vienne , but of Rome ▪ of whom the Apostle writeth ; and that his sending of vs to Prage or Vienne , is a granting of our clame , that hee is no more Emperour of Rome : His strength now is in no part within these bounds that were Romane Provinces in the Apostles time ; for then and some Ages following the Quadi , & Marcomanni , &c. were bordering enemies on the Impyre and no parts of it : Besides these Provinces that now hee possesseth , hee hath not as Emperour , but as a Prince of the Impyre : Austria is his hereditarie Duchie , and hee holdeth Boheme and Hungarie by intrusion , so that the Romane Impyre is but a poore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a naked shadow . For curing this blow , Doctour Marta hath an odde conceate . After hee hath refuted . Alciat for affirming the Impyre to haue beene ruinate by the Goaths , &c. He would proue that it standeth , yet in full intergri●ie , first d because the titles and Ensignes of the olde Impyre are sufficient to proue the integritie of the Impyre : But that is a weake reason , for so the ●atria●ks of Constantinople and Alexandria would be in their former integritie , because they keepe their ●un●ient Titles : By the like reason also the Pope standeth in his former large iurisdiction , because he keepeth his titles , and Peters Keyes for his Armes . But they see the contraire heereof to their griefe , for hee wanteth more than the halfe of his auncient bounds ; as may bee seene by his Provinciale Romanum , descryving the bounds of the Popes iurisdiction ; and Catalogus Annatarum prescriving the summes received at the entrie of Prelats . As for Ensignes they overthrow their Assertion , the Emperour beareth the double Eagle in signe of the two Impyres , the Westerne seated in Rome , and the Easterne in Constantinople . But these proue the vanitie of his Title , for hee can doe nothing in Rome or Constantinople , or in anie Province of olde , pertaining to them : And though the Eagles bee now double , yet they cannot doe the twentie part of that that one might , when Marius first put it in the B●nners of the Legions . His other reason is ridiculous , a That the Romane Impyre is the whole World , and that the Kingdomes of France Spaine , &c. are quotitatiue parts of the Impyre , though no Subiect to the Impyre , b These are mockeries , and no reasons : For the Scripture telleth , that the ruine of the Impyre shall bee by its division in severall Kingdomes : But by his sophistrie it standeth intire , not withstanding of that division ▪ And what an Emperor is he , that hath neither respect , nor obedience of Kings within his Impyre , who are both greate ▪ and mightier than hee ? c in so doing Martaes quotitatiue parts destroy the quidditie of his imaginarie vniversall Impyre . And by the same reason , the Assyrian , Persian , and Grecian , yea all the foure Monarchies yet stand in their integritie , because th●se Provinces and Lands over which they ruled are yet extant . And the Romane Impyre shall never decay till the last day , because th●se Provinces shall also continue till then . But Bellarmine in the heate of that same dispute overthowes Martaes conceate , affirming , Sciendum est imperium tandem divid●ndum in 10 Reges quorum nullus erit vel dicetur Rex Romanorum ▪ that the Romane Impyre shall bee divided at last in ten Kings , whereof none shall bee or can bee called the King of the Romans , albeit they shall possesse the Provinces of the Romane Impyre : As now the King of France , the King of Spaine ▪ and the Queene of England , &c. Therefore th●se Kingdomes according to Bellarmine , are not quotitatiue parts of the standing , but the scattered parts of a dissolved Impyre . Moreover both reason and their owne confession proue such a removall of the Impyre , as maketh way to Antichrist . The reason is taken both from Rome , and her auncient respects . For Rome it selfe : It was the mother and seate of the Impyre , and so long as they were Emperours indeede , they either abode there , or had it subiect to them ▪ But now the Emperour cannot doe so much in Rome as a Barron in a Village , for though hee were ●rowned there , yet it is expresselie provided , a that hee stay there but one Night after his Coronation , and thereafter goe vp to Mount Maurus , and shaking his hand , say , All that wee see are ours , and at our command And thereafter hee sendeth through all the World summoning all Barrons and Christian Princes , and Pagans , who ought to answere to him , &c. This is a ridiculous ●●tle of a ●owne that will not lodge him , and the ●i●ing of Iustinians wordes concerning an vniversall Impyre , fitteth him no more than Peters Name doeth the Pope ; for the Pope hath nothing of ●eter but his borrowed title ; and the Emperour hath nought but the shadow of the Impyre . In first times the Pope non habuit potestatem in urbe ante tempora Vitaliani , sayeth their owne Rolevinck fas● . Temp 60● . But now wee may turne it . Imperator non habet potestatem in urbe , That the Emperour hath no power in the Towne . There is a manifest change of the Emperour removed , and the Pope seated in Rome . And in the late Ages the Emperors came never to Rome , but with great Armies ; some times they tooke it by force : Other times they were surprysed in it as an evidente that they had no power of Rome . Lastlie , the wiser sort eschewed Rome as a snare . So Rudolph the first being invited by the Pope to come to Rome for the Imperiall Crowne , answered as Aesops Foxe did to the sicke Lyon , who requested her to come in the Caue and visit him , but shee refused , because shee saw the foote-steppes of many beastes entring the Caue , but none returned . So , many Emperours went to Rome with glorie , but returned with shame : Since Rome is now to Emperours as the Lyons Caue is to beastes , they cannot rightlie bee called Emperours of Rome . And Pope Iohn the thirteenth writting to the Emperour , did not style him Romane Emperour , which is sufficient to proue that they acknowledge no Emperour of Rome . As for the auntient respects of the Impyre , if wee follow Lipsii admirandae a in its Forces Riches , Works , Men and Vertues , it is weake , for in none of these can it compare with the auntient Impyre . The bounds also proue the same , for the Impyre of the Orient is taken by the Turkes , and the VVesterne Impyre destroyed by Odoazer in the time of Augstulus , and restored againe by Charles the great , is also turned to a shaddow : Bellarmine ( b ) hazards the issue of the question vpon this instance affirming that God erected the VVesterne Impyre by Charles the great , which Impyre ( sayeth hee ) indureth yet , b But this instance is sufficient to convict him , for Charles Impyre was betweene the Meditarrane and Balticke Sea , betweene Brittaine and Hungarie , whereof the present Emperour hath but a small part . And though in Maximilian the firsts time it was divided in tenne Provinces , yet was it but a small part of the auncient Impyre : In Constantines time ▪ the Impyre lay betweene Brittaine and Persia in length , and in breadth betweene Caucasus and Syene , and hee divided them in 94. Provinces , whereof scarcelie one is within the present Impyre . And how farre is it from the power of the old Emperours , when Maximilian the second begging the Election to the Crowne of Pole , was repulsed , and taken in battell by an handfull of Polonians . And when Ferdinand that now is ▪ ingaged the halfe of Austria to the Duke of Bavaria to assist him in the Bohemian warres , hee was farre from the riches and forcs of Augustus and Constantine , &c. These and the like reasons haue forced from some of them a confession of the desolation of the Impyre . Ubi nunc Romana Monarchia ? ( sayeth Faber ) — quam obsecro Roma Regi suo Monarchiae praebet obedientiam . Where is now the Romane Monarchie ▪ Where are they that rule the raines , since wee see the head of the Monarchie make defection from them ? For what obedience , I pray you , giveth Rome to her owne King ? And Dominicus Soto a affirmeth that the temporall Impyre of Rome is now ceased . And Paulus Iovius b entring in his Historie , and recounting the Kings of Europe , hee raiseth them all from the ruines of the Impyre ; for after that the power of the Emperours was dead , which some times by cutting off Kings , compelled all to obey one , and when the most fierce people in the loue of their auncient libertie rebelled , it is manifest that the most noble Romane Impyre , beeing shaken and rent in pieces by the force of the Barbarians , went in the possession of manie lesser Kingdomes . And Salmeron sayeth , Imperium illud Romanum iam diu eversum est — & quafi exstinctum — tenuissima quaedam umbra est Imperii antiqui . The Impyre is long since overthrowne and dissipate in many Kingdomes , and in a sort extinguished . For hee that now is , and is called the Romane Emperour , is but a small shaddow of the Impyre . So that hee doeth not so much as possesse Rome it selfe from which it is named . And Iustinianus a another Iesuite . The Romane Impyre is long since driven in these straites , that scarcelie it retaines a light shadow of the Impyre . This confession is enough against their Wranglers . And they say no more but what was said long before by Lyra b All Kingdomes are departed from the Romane Impyre , and denyeth subiection and tribute , and for many yeares that Impyre wants an Emperour . And Eberhardus c before him telleth , that the Maiestie of the people of Rome , whereby of olde the world was ruled , is taken from the Earth : And the Emperour is but a vaine title and a naked shaddow . By this their discoverie , we turne their demonstration against themselues , and haue evicted both that Antichrist is come , and that the Pope is that Antichrist : For since the Impyre is removed out of the way , first by Emperours , then by Barbarians , and thirdlie by the Pope ( who hath thrust himselfe in the desolate Impyre , as the reward of his vsurpation ) What can follow , but that hee is that man of sin , that exalteth himselfe aboue authoritie . And this one point of Antichrist may resolue all the questions betweene them and vs. For it is an infinite labour , to cast over all the Controversies , but this one virtuallie hath all : Some haue thought to bee resolved of all by the Question of Scripture , because it containes the places of arguments : Others from the question of the Church , because of her authoritie , &c. But this one of the Pope hath all , because hee is both Church , Scripture , and all to them , d and when it is clearlie proven that he is that Antichrist , it will follow necessarlie , that in all questions controverted they haue the worst part . So that the point of Antichrist proponed by the Apostles mysticallie , and knowne by the first Ages coniecturallie ; by the doctrine and practice of Rome , is made now so cleare , that wee may say with reverend Iuell , Multi quidem loci de Antichristo obscuri erant — iam verò Ecclesiae Romanae doctrina & institutis effectum est ut quibus oculi non desunt ne Sol ipse clarior fiet . Though many places of Scripture concerning Antichrist were of olde , obscure and ambiguous , because as then it appeared not to what policie they should apply them . Yet now by the doctrine and practice of the Church of Rome , it is come to passe that the Sunne himselfe is not clearer , to such as want not eyes . For which cause the Pope , when hee a saw that his person & estimation was touched by the things that were spoken of Antichrist , he discharged straitlie all Preachers , that none of them should so much as surmise any thing of the comming of Antichrist . This is nothing else , but secret conviction that the notes of Antichrist appertaine to him . And that same Leo the tenth , b more fullie in his Bull discharges that same the yeare preceeding Luthers kything . Therefore it galleth them at the heart to call the Pope Antichrist , and Maximilian Duke of Bavere , tooke occasion thereof to dissolue a Dispute at Ratisbone c betweene the Theologues of Saxonie , and the Iesuits of Bavere : Hee saw his Iesuits failing in the matter , while they cryed continuallie , ad formam , ad formam , and sought but a colour to breake the Dispute . And when Hunnius occasionallie called the Pope Antichrist , he fretted and discharged any further proceeding . Baronius d railes against vs in vaine for that same cause , saying , that the vile Novators vse reproachfull names and pictures , to the disgrace of the Apostolicke Sea , but they neede not , for the Pope endeth the plea , and bee vsurping on Princes , exalting himselfe aboue them , and putting them out of the way by excommunication and tyrannie , giveth a iust Commentar of the Apostles words & proclaimeth himselfe to be that great Antichrist , hee expresseth more vyle lineaments than the Protestants can attribute vnto him . And it was the prime question that the Emperours Commissioners for the reformation , or rather the deformation of Germanie , proponed to the Preachers of Augsburgh . To declare if they counted the Bishop of Rome to bee Antichrist — adh●ret capiti lethalis arundo . The deadlie dart of their discoverie hath wounded their head grievouslie , that they can not heare of it . CHAP. XXV . Of the fourth fruite of their folie : Their just destruction . THe fourth fruite of this vsurpation is their destruction . The Apostle descryveth it in two degrees , consumption and abolition : The Lord will consume him by the Spirit of his mouth , and abolish him by the brightnesse of his comming . This consumption is by the word of God , a most powerfull meanes to destroy poperie , for it is a worke of darknesse , begunne increased , and perfected by the graduall obscuring and depressing of Scripture : And therefore the graduall revealing and manifesting of Scripture is sufficient to banish that darknesse . So the Waldenses began with a private vse of Scripture , and thereby troubled Antichrists Kingdome . VVicliffe brought it to Lectures in the Schoole , and wrought them more harme : Hus broght it to the Pulpit , and made it shine clearer : But Luther , Calvine , and other VVorthies of reformation , made that Light to shine clearer in manie places at once , and so brought a great destruction vpon Antichrists kingdome , and made many Nations forsake him , and turne to the Lord. The Light of the Gospell discovered two thinges at once , the Popes heresie and tyrannie ; by the first discoverie , it looseth the bands that formerly held people in awe : Superstition so puddled their consciences , that they indured his verie tyrannie as equitie : But when the shining truth discovered him to bee an Antichristian se●ucer , their irritation was doubled to avenge themselves on him , both for his misleading of them and vsurpation . Doubtlesse , this is the secret cause why so farre they abuse Scripture , they accuse it of insufficiencie , and forbid the translating of it in vulgar tongues , and reading of it to people , because Sathan maketh them presagious of their destruction to come by it : Their adoring of the Nailes , the Speare and weapons that killed Christ , argues their sympathie with Sathan & the Iewes that crucified him : And their abhorring of the Sword of Gods word argues their Antipathie to it , as a malefactour abhorreth the Sword of the Magistrate . And the three Bishops at Bononia , who gaue advise to Paul the third , for reformation besought him to put the Bible out of the way , because it was the Booke that wrought them most woe . This their consumption they acknowledge with griefe , for who is ignorant ( sayeth Bellarmine ) a That the Lutheran Trueth ( which hee calleth a Pest ) arose in Saxonie , and thereafter occupyed almost all Germanie ? Thence it went to the North , and to the East , and consumed Denmarke , Norraway , Swaden , Gothland , Panonia , and Hungarie : Thereafter with the like swiftnesse to the West , and the South , and in a short time destroyed France , England , Scotland , some time floorishing Kingdomes : And lastlie that it passed over the Alpes and pearced into Italie it selfe : The Gospel preached into these places , was like the sounling of the Trumpets about Iericho , to throw downe mightilie the abominations of Babel : And Cotton confesseth further that the authoritie of the Pope is incomparablie lesse than it was ; and now the Romane Church is but a diminitiue of that it was , as may bee seene in the ardidinals b who were wont to meete oftner , but now meete one● onelie once a weeke because the businesse of the Court of Rome decressed . The order of their consumption is verie considerable , that such Nations for sooke the Pope first , who were most abu● sed by his vsurpation : They abused Germanie pittifullie in the dayes of the Henries and Fridericks : No reason could content them , the Emperors found more patience to suffer , than the Popes tyrannie found measure to bound it selfe . England a also was to them a Paradise of delight , and an inexhaustable fountaine ; at every occasion they sent Legats to presse that Kingdome b for money as a sponge , is pressed for water , and imposed the provision of some hundreth at their pleasure : Henrie the third , in a survey of the Church-rents , found sixtie thousand merkes sterling to bee provided for Romanes . Wherevpon with his Nobles hee supplicat Innocent the fourth , at the Councell of Lions to ease that burthen : They got faire promises , but their burthen doubled : ' For a new survey within six yeares found tenne thousand merkes more was yearelie assigned vnto them . They whipped Henrie the second , by Discipline , as a Boy , for Beckets punishment , and canvased King Iohn so fearefullie , that hee found no rest at home , but sought desperate courses with Mahumetan Princes , and in end was forced to resigne his Kingdome to the Pope , and take it holden of him , and lastlie was poysoned in the Eucharist . Navarre also found the like crueltie , and when their King was excommunicate and cast out of his Kingdome , by Iulius the second , his Subiects deserted him , when hee was invaded by Ferdinand . But their first blowes came from these abused Nations . Everie people hath their owne Genius ( I meane neither of the Platonicke conceats of attending Spirits , nor Paredri Daemones ) but a Gentilitious disposition , of a Nation : It is not mortall with persons , and therfore , neither so soone irritate nor appeased . Persons lay their quarrels at their death , but the surviving Genius or Spirit of a Nation liveth longer than persons , and in the owne time doeth resent olde iniuries , and revenge them . Therefore long oppressed Germanie ( finding a light in Luthers time ) gaue such a blow to Antichrist , that hee could not as yet cure . It had beene good if they had not run on the other extremitie about Church maintenance , but they fearing that the Cleargie would againe abuse authoritie , did spoyle the Church of her Patrimonie , and defyled the the reformation of Religion with horrible sacriledge . As Germanie began so England followed , and shook off his yoak vnder Henrie the eight , & brought fo●rth at last that great and ever-memorable fact which ( overcome with oppression for manie Ages ) shee had conceived with great sorrow . And what ever personall disposition they alledge to haue beene in Henrie the eight , yet GOD had his hand in the worke : And though hee had not beene at all , yet God would haue provided him meanes to doe that that was done . Therefore , in the reformation of England , we should not looke to the time of Henrie alone , but to fiue or six Ages preceeding , wherein that Kingdome was long grievouslie oppressed by the Popes , but the fulnesse of the Popes cup , and Gods iust anger , to breake his power in that Kingdome did meete together in that time . In like maner , the King of Navarres Posteritie payed the Pope home againe for his excōmunication ; they were stirred vp with privat hatred , & syded with them who cōspyred against the Sea of Rome . By their forwardnesse , the truth was first spread abroad in France , and to this day they haue beene shaking France from the obedience of Rome ; and who knoweth , but some branch of that stemme shall helpe to giue the Pope his fatall stroke in France also . Let vs heare from a bygot Papist , what vantage Pops haue made by their tyrannie over Kings : Event us rerum ( sayeth hee ) satis docent nihil proficere Pontifices dum hac — via incedunt — The event hath clearelie proven to this day that the Popes haue profited little , while they walke in this high , slipperie and steepe way : But they rather make broyles , schismes , and wars in Christian Nations , then propagate the Faith of Christ , &c. And when hee hath reakoned out the pernicious course of Gregorie the seventh against Henrie the Emperour , of Boniface the eight against Philip , of Iulius the second against Lodowicke the twelth , of Clement the seventh , and Paul the third against Henrie the eight , of Pius the fifth against Elizabeth , &c. Then hee inferres : Did not all these Princes contemne and mocke the Papall Impyre as an intolerable pride ? nonne hi omnes Principes papale illud Imperium ut meram arrogantiam riserunt . And concludeth , that that tyrannie was the cause of the overthrow of Poperie . And in another place hee affirmeth , that the strength of the Protestants in France and Britaine is hatched of the miserable heate of the Popes temporall power . This testimonie is true , and out of their owne bosome . This is like the ruine of olde Rome , shee forced out her tyrannie on farre Countries , and her furthest extension met with the greatest opposition of mightie Nations , and had in it the period both of her furthest reach , and the beginning of her ruine ; as the sea marke is both the point of the highest flowing , and the beginning of the ebbe . So when she streached out her selfe to Britain , Saxonie Persia , &c. In Gods time shee beganne to find her stresses there , & was compelled to call home her Legions to guard her head and heart , Italie and Rome it selfe , from the inc●ersion of the Barbarians . So now Rome stretching out her ambition to farre Countries , hath found her curbing to beginne there , and in Gods time by reformation ( which is her consumption ) shee will bee put to the defence of her Antichristian Seate , which in end shall fullie bee destroyed . This is the measure of his cup : Hee is called , the child of perdition , first actiuelie , because hee destroyeth mens Soules by herefie , and their bodies by persecution , and soundeth nothing but destruction : Santarellus the Iesuite discovered a secret , when citing the Apostles text , that hee had power to Edification , but not to destruction , hee left out the word of Edification , to tell that the Popes power is onelie for destruction : And though he was justlie censured by the Sorbone , yet their practice goeth broad according to his reading , and they inculcate for that same end , the words of Ieremie , I haue sent thee to roote out and destroy . Next , hee is the childe of perdition passiuelie , because God will destroy that Destroyer : Doe to her as shee hath done to other . It is his doome , that Kings shall eate vp her flesh , and burne her with fire . And yet he is so blinded , that hee falleth in controversies with Kings , and by that provocation sharpeneth them as Gods instruments , to his owne destruction . But in this time their prevailing against the Protestants seemeth to stay the course of their destruction . But indeede it is a furtherance of it : God is iustlie punishing Protestants for their contempt and abuse of the restored Light : And their sinnes are now greater , than in the time of darknesse : Yet the Pope also therein is filling his cup , and like Pharaoh hardning his heart , both to hold Gods people in thrall , and to pursue them when they depart . God hath charged his people to come out of Babel , and manie haue alrea lie obeyed : This inrageth the Pope , for hee seeth that his lies and deceit by Iesuits and Emissaries cannot recall them , who haue departed from him , therefore hee vseth the force of Armes to destroy them , and in so doing hasteneth his owne ruine , for the blood of the Saintes that hee spilleth lik water , filleth vp the cup fot his destruction . Everie droppe of that blood like Abels cryeth for a vengeance : Salmanasers prevailing over the ten Tribes was a forerunner of his overthrow , and Nebuchad●ezars carying of the Iewes captiue , brought ruine to his owne Monarchie : While the Pope now like Balthasar is insulting over God and his Church , hee is but hastening destruction on himselfe : God hath striken that Beast to the ground by the hammer of reformation , and his present broyles are sturring of his hornes & hooues to be vp againe , but he will never recover his former grandour . It is more like his vltimus conatus , his last pressing , preceeding his destruction , than a kindlie recoverie . They haue wrought their heartes to a strange hardnesse against their destruction : Baronius layed these grounds , that their seate non potest destrui , no not superabundanti peccato . And though hee grant that the abhomination of desolation was in it , Ibid. and Monsters sate on it , yet ( sayeth hee ) there remained a Church . 899 This is a pillow for them to sleepe to death . This argues an imminent ruine , as a Origen observeth : When a great disease ( sayeth he ) taketh a mā as now Babylon which is confused with the wound of her own malice , then God is hastening to punishment . Capitur Babylon & non agnoscit : Babylon is taken , and knoweth it not : And a sicke man the nearer to death , the further from the knowledge of his sicknesse sayeth S. August . This their senselesnesse is confessed : Sathan keepeth vs in captivitie ( sayeth their Onus Ecclesiae ) and hath bereft vs of sound iudgement , that wee know not how wee haue offended , neither ponder our sinne , nor see the punishment readie for vs. And hee giveth the reason in another place : Because the viall of ignorance of the owne state is powred out on the seate of the beast , That wee see this their state better than they , one of themselues hath told vs. The Babylonians ( sayeth hee ) seeth not Babels burthen , but onelie they who are in Ierusalem . The like Ierome noteth of their Predecessours , that when the Goths tooke their Towne , they fought not to God , but to humane helpe . And S. Austine , that while the world pittied their ruine they were seeking stage-playes , and laughing in the Theater : And Salvianus sayeth , The Romane people is drunke with the Sardonick herbe moritur & ridet , they die and they laugh . They feele a decay , and take not vp the cause of it to bee their Apostasie , Si cladis causa cognoscitur & vulneris medela invenitur , sayeth Cyprian : So long as they will not see the cause , they will not repent . CHAP. XXVI . That now - Rome is incurable . GOD hath gone so farre on with them , as to consume them in a part , & there restes no more , but to goe on till their finall abolition : In this case it were their happinesse to repent & reforme themselues : But what hope can there be of reformation since they haue wedded themselues to their wickednesse , and God hath given them over to it : The vyall is powred out vpon the seate of the Beast , and his kingdome is full of the darknesse of feare and sorrow , that maketh them gnaw their tongues for paine : And they blaspheme the God of Heaven , because of their paines and sores , and raile against his trueth , and yet repent them not of their deeds . There is no greater stay of this reformation than the greatnesse of the Pope : For corruption , hee is as the head of the fish that rotteth first , and then infecteth all the bodie . So Hadrian the fixt directed his Legate to confesse ingenuouslie in his Name that God had sent persecutiō on his Church for the sinnes of men , and chieflie of the Priestes and Prelats of the Church — for we know ( sayth he ) that in this holy seat for some yeares many abominations haue beene , abuses in spiritualie , excesse in commandements , and in a word , all things perverted . Neither is it to bee wondered if this sicknesse haue discended from the head to the members . All wee ( to wit , Prelats of the Church ) haue declined everie one to his owne way , and for a long space there is none that hath done good , no not one : And for reformation , the Pope is as the head of the Conie , when all the bodie is flaine , the skinne sticks at the head so it is more easie to reforme all the bodie of Popedome than this head . If hee would returne to his primitiue State to bee a preaching Bishop over the Citie , and his Ecclesias suburbicarias , In such a case wee might say of him , as Lactance did of old Rome . If she would lay down her Monarchie , adantiquas casas redundum esset . Then there might bee some hope of a reformation , but hee keepeth the Romane temper of whom justlie it was said , Romani regnare sciunt , regi nesciunt : Hee will not reforme one jot , but verifieth Ambrose , saying , that a continuall and long power begetteth insolencie . For what man will wee finde who of his owne accord will lay downe his Impyre , and Ensignes of his Government , and of a first in number can willinglie bee made last . It is not Religion hee striues for , but his triple crowne , and his exorbitant power over all , is dearer to him than his life , and it is the Iesuits doctrine , that they who denie that power would throw Poperie out of the Church . And Paul the fourth made this good , when hee offered to Queene Elizabeth of happie memorie to ratifie the Inglish reformation , if shee would but acknowledge his Supremacie . So he will rather mixe Heaven and Earth than lay down his greatnesse , & as Menelaus an usurping high Priest , was the greatest impediment to Iudas Machabeus in reforming and purging the Temple , So is the Pope the greatest impediment of Christian reformation . Many inquire what is the greatest controversie that holds vs and Papists at ods , & some think idolatrie , others the Masse or Transubstantiation . Some free-will , Merite , Iustification , Purgatorie , &c. But this is the greatest , even the Popes Monarchie : For if Protestants would acknowledge him to bee a Spirituall and Temporall Monarch , I make no question but hee would subscriue other controverted points . They pleade that the Pope is the best bond for vnion of the Church , and Canus affirmeth , that the Apostle speaking of the offices of the Church did forget that whereon her vnion most depends , that is Pope . But beside that blasphemie , the contraire is cleare : For hee is the roote and life of this Schisme . They talked indeede much of Reformation , and made a fashion by Cardinall Campegius to reforme Germanie , but hee medled with trifles and no substance ; and nyne Cardinals offered a plat-forme of reformation to Paul the third , and three Bishops of Bononia gaue him a more full one , but hee suppressed them both , and at the Trent Councell they mocked the world , both promising and pretending reformation , but they strengthened their deformation : They turned private and Schoole opinions in points of Faith , confirmed their owne heresies , and condemned the truth by their Anathemaes : They mended no point of Doctrine but multiplied Chapters of reformation of some abuses , and in end to mocke the world , cast the execution of all in the Popes hand . Lastlie , the holy Synode declareth that all statutes of reformation are so decreed , that the authoritie of the Apostolicke Sea bee safe The meaning of that clause may bee found in the instructions of Iulius the third , to Crescentius one of his Legats in the Councell : That there was no great pe●rell , though for the present hee yeelded to some things hurtfull to the Court of Rome : Of which sort some things before were granted : and that because things might easilie bee brought to a former estate so long as the Popes Authoritie was safe and intere . So the Popes Cabinat instructions , & the Councels exemptions of the Popes authoritie doe mutuallie expone other , and both of them are but grosse Iudifications of the world . Some Popes indeede had good desires of reformation , but they turned to nought : Hadrian the sixt did intend it seriouslie , but by Cardinall Soderinus hee was diswaded , For ( said hee ) it is not to bee hopped that the Lutherians can be satisfied by the reformation of the manners of the Court of Rome , and that in all humane things it is found , that when one is satisfied in one desire , hee multiplieth desires vpon desires — that the former Popes walked in a more sure way for they cutted not away heresies by reformations , but by Cruciatas instirring vp Princes and people by force to oppresse Heretickes as Innocentius the third , destroyed the Albigenses in France ; By these and other difficulties Hadrian professed that the condition of ●opes was miserable , because they could not doe good when they would most . Mercellus the second intended also reformation , as is plaine by his speach at dinner after long silence : I see not how they can bee saved , who haue this most eminent place But that Seate could not brooke him aboue twentie dayes , it either chocks the verie thoughts of reformation , or else them who breede them . These two are in the Lyne of Popes , as good motions in a naturall man , that beginne and end at once : It was their personall commendation to bee so disposed , but the conviction of that Seate that it is incurable . But as Bernard said to Engenius , non ambigo te ista deplorare , at frustra istud , si non & emendare studueris . I know thou deploreth these things , but that is for nought , except thou studie to mend them . So say I of these two comparatiuelie good Popes , where was their omnipotencie that they did not exert it as they doe against the Protestants ? Are they weaker in good than in evill ? But the trueth is that Rome is incurable , and past reclaming . If any good thoght be in them while they are privat men , it is choaked so soone as they sit on that Seate ; As Aeneas Silvius spake and wrote goods things in the Councell of Basile , but beeing Pope Pius the second , hee recanted them , saying , That hee had sinned as Paul , and persecuted the Church ignorantlie , &c. But wee say , that hee was rather first Pius , and then impius , for his greatest pietie in his Popedome was to canonize Bernardinus , & Catharine of Senes his countrey woman , and to abrogate appellations to councels . So Paul the fourth when hee was but Petrus Theatinus was an vrger of Hadrian the sixt to reformation , and had chiefe hand in the Councell of nyne chosen Cardinals , by Paul the third . But thereafter beeing Pope , he was the most cruell vrger of the Inquisition , and on his death-bed recommended it as the speciall prop of the Popes authoritie . And of Gregorie the twelue . Azorius telleth that one inveyed against him , because in the time of a great schisme , before hee was made Pope , hee sware solemnedlie in publicke , that if hee were made Pope , hee would lay downe the Popelie power : But afterward beeing chosen Pope hee would not lay it downe . They are now more like Pius the second , Paulus the fourth , & Gregorie the twelth , than like Hadrian and Marcellus : That Seate infects them with wickednesse , that they are not like these men they were in privat , and since it is the propertie of that Court , that Curia Romana potius recipit , quam facit probos , it must bee the priviledge of that Seate it selfe , the fountaine of that contagion . I doubt not but many of the best sort wish that their Predecessours had not gone so farre on in heresie or tyranny : They are like men by vnskilfull Sailers cast in such a danger as they cannot easilie expede : And with Caesar at the flood of Rubicon , they thinke the Dice is cast , according to Soderinus counsell , they resolue to holde all fast as it stands , and waite vpon the event . All their doing for reformation is either in trifles , as by Campegius : or else grosse mockerie of the world , as in the Councell of Trent : or if they doe any thing reallie , it is worse than these : so their Franciscans are refined in Capuchins ; the Capuchins in Recollects : The Dominicans in Iesuits : The Iesuits in Nerians : A llrefining is but advancing in a greater degree of hypocrisie , crueltie , and what may either blind or destroy man. Cardinall Boromaeus , Experience can tell how they are set for reformation : Hee intended to reforme ordinem humiliatorum and to reduce them to their first estat : But they tooke that intention so evill , that they stirred vp one Hieronymus Farina to kill him , who discharged a small gunne on him at his prayers , but killed him not . Therefore Pins the fifth abolished the order , In tanti sceleris execrationem totum ordinem abolevit . They cannot indure reformation , but cutted off Hadrian and Marcellus , who minded it . Who can tell when their ●vtter abolishing shall close all ? Pertinacie in one man maketh him wilfullie to insist in his errours : And pertinacie in a succession of moe men maketh the successours wilfullie to defend the knowne faultes of their Ancestours : So is it now in that Seate of scorners : They know the errours of preceeding Popes , and their owne wilfulnesse , and yet will persist therein , scorning both God and man. Thus now-Rome is incurable and reserved to the punishing hand of God. I close this point of reformation with Portugalius , writing of the abuses of the Church of Rome , and vrging reformation ; but considering in humane iudgement , that it was a desperate thing , and craved the hand of God , hee concludeth with this prayer , The onelie begotten Sonne of God reforme his owne Church ; reformet vnigenitus Dei filius suam Ecclesiam . CHAP. XXVII . Of their treacherous Practices in France . IT would now seeme that after so manie Effronts in this vnhappie Usurpation and in the time of so great discoveries of their wickednesse , and decay of their greatnesse , they would either change or relent their course : But there is no such matter , for this last age hath seene some strange practises thereof , and that either executed or attempted . Their crueltie executed in France is not our : The Massacre of Paris is their shame , wee may say , Their fained peace stroue with warre and prevailed . Pax ficta cum bello de crudelitate certavit & vicit : For these last yeares they haue made that floorishing Kingdome a wonder to the World , and astonishment to it selfe : They found the two Francises , Henrie the second and Charles the nynth according to their heart , to maintaine Poperie and represse the trueth : But after the Butcherie of Paris , their rage increased at the reviving Trueth , and therefore set forward to the like massacres ; and finding Henrie the third vnfitte for their cruell purposes , they cutte him off to serue themselues of the D. of Guise , who was lutum sanguine maceratum , Clay knedde with blood . Hee was indeered to the Pope for the massacre of Paris , and the Cardinall his brother , thought it a cause to thanke God that his house was honoured to be the instrument of that massacre . Henries catholick zeale could not saue him , because hee had not a Iesuited zeale to destroy all the Hugonots ; hee agreed with them in all points of Religion , but in this , his clemencie and their crueltie could not agree , and therefore , hee must bee killed . When Henrie the fourth arose , their rage was more kindled , because of his Religion , and notwithstanding his formall reconciliation to their Church , yet they ever keeped their prejudices and hatred to him : Their rage was not satisfied but doubled by Castellus his misse and their banishment : And their desire to returne , was not so much for the loue of their Countrie , as to haue occasion to cut him off , and their hatred had never a pause , till his death . That same spirit is yet powerfull in them : Though King Lewes bee zealous in their Religion , and ( contraire to his clemencie ) hath beene drawne by instigation to destroy many thousands of the Sainctes , yet they are not satisfied with that is done : They perceiue in him an halting , and therefore are wearie of him . They haue boasted him to desist from his League with Protestant Princes , ( which they see a meanes to strengthen himselfe against his common enemie ) and haue threatned him with rebellions and insurrections : They haue also giuen him an Admonition in nyne questions disputed , whereof the summe is , That if hee relent in destroying the Hugonots in France , or assist the Protestants in Germanie , they shall set vp with him , a coniunct King. And least he should think that but wind , they stirred vp Franciscus Martellus , a Priest , neare to deepe like another , Ravilliacke to kill him , but God discovered the Traitour , who before his suffering deponed that two Iesuits Guyotus and Chapusyus were his Counsellours and instigators . And lastlie , they are brewing a browst like the Guysian faction against Henrie the third , and stirring vp his brother against him vnder colour of Courtlie miscontentments against Cardinall Richli●u : And this is the corregnans , or coniunct King whereof their Theses spak . It is a wonder that so mightie a Kingdome should bee so fearefullie shaken by plots , and more that they see it and groane for it , and yet can not expede themselues of these snaires . There was matter for redresse , when Henrie 3. was killed , but nothing answerable followed : and Henrie the fourth , had just cause of anger , and revenge by Castellus stroake , but it turned to nothing ; for when hee had banished the Iesuits , within fiue yeares , that martiall King turned a pleader for their restoring . a And after his death , whē the presumptions of their treason were pregnant , they threw from the young King a declaration of their innocencie , and a condemning of the Booke-seller that dispersed the Copies of it : a And when the Nobilitie did their best homage to their dead King , to kisse his heart , affecting to shew their lone in marking their months b with the blood of it , the Iesuits by right of a pretended , or ( if it was true ) an ominous Legacie of his heart left to them , caryed it to their Colledge of Laflex ; and that not so much in the sorrow of funerals , as in the ioy of a triumph , for that they had found such a morsell for the paines of their long hunting . It were an hard matter to determine whether the hearts of the Nobilitie were more grieved , or the heartes of the Iesuits more over-ioyed about the Kings heart , but sure it is that the Iesuits gloried of it . In that common sorrow Abbas Sylviu● the Abbot of Boes in the iust griefe of a loyall heart , when hee considered the Iesuits Probleme : An fas esset tyrannos occidere , if it were lawfull to kill tyrants , and how Marianas and such Bookes were in the hands of people , hee turned him to the Iesuits in his Sermon , and exhorted them that they would provyde that no Booke passed vnder the name of their Societie , and with the Superiours approbation , that might any wayes offend the French , Summo studio providerent ne ex ipsorum officina vllus liber qui Gallos offenderet , prodiret , except they would expose themselues to such a danger , which all their wisedome supported with authoritie and riches of their favourers could not eschew , The Iesuits tooke that graue admonition so hardlie , that they complained to the Queene , and made him to bee sharplie rebuked : But what they could not doe at Paris , they effected at Rome , when they caused him to bee put to death there : whereof some accused them — because that hee was the first who after the Kings death reproved them out of Pulpit , albeit in the funerall oration which hee published , hee left out the speach that hee directed to them . c This was a Iesuitish tricke , that they who should haue beene punished for treason , turned the punishment of it on them who challenged them . It is like a new devyce of Bellarmines , who seeing how odious the Iesuits are made to the world by their wickednesse layed open in sundrie Books ; suggested to the Pope , and his Consistorie that a new censure of Bookes should bee institute to raze and purge out all thinges that were written against them . A devyce of a gnawing Conscience , for though all these Bookes were burnt . yet the treacherie of that order will bee knowne to Posteritie . Let France consider her estate . Before Iesuits arose , they were loyall to their Princes . But since Spaine thirsted for that Kingdome ( as his great stay of the European Moarchie ) and hath as manie friends in her bowels as Iesuits , there is nothing , but Leagues , Plottes , and Factions formed , and everie faction ending in the killing of a King. The Sorbone standeth yet in her honestie , but can doe no more , than a Schoole censure , and is borne downe by the incroaching of the Iesuits on her , to punish her for her former loyaltie to Kings . The auncient forwardnesse of the Court of Parliament seemeth to bee relented , since the Iesuits Schoolers haue place there . The processe of Ravilliacke was so tepide , that they seemed to feare nothing more than to find out the truth : What was it to burne Marianaes Booke ? and such like after that murther , or to tell their discretion to the world in condemning Bellarmines , booke but not burning of it for their respect to his Cardinalshipe : Curia Regia . Librum Bellarmini condemnavit , nec tamen exempla eius in Cardinalis honore concremari voluit vti Marianae & Suar libris factum est . The death of Kings would make men forget such respectuous distinctions : The Iesuits goe on in their businesse , and contemnes such paper censures , they know the event and punishment will bee no more , but a Magistralis censura of the Sorbone and an honorarie punishment of the Parliament , in making the Authour to burne his Booke . Such Paper-bridles are too weake to ride so hard-headed a Beast : They will as little preserue their living Kings , as restore them when they are killed . Some may think strange , that seeing both France and Spaine are popish , how it is that the Crowne of France is worse handled , than the other ? Wee read of no treason plotted against the Kings of Spaine , nor League maintained in their Countries ; but contraire ; that hee doeth foster a League in France against it selfe , and while hee is in securitie , France is daylie in hazard . The reason is , Spaine is fitter for the Popes end ; and the Iesuits ( who swey all ) are hispanized : They count Spaine the speciall pillet of the Catholicke faith , and the Protectour of their order , and therefore pray day lie for that King. This may bee called the Iesuits fifth vow , to seeke the Spanish greatnesse , for though hee were a French , English , ●cot , &c. Yet so soone as hee is Iesuited , hee would kill his natiue King , ( even though hee were popish ) for the grandour of Spaine : There haue beene moe treasons executed against the French King , than all the Kings in Europe ; for though they bee Popish , yet they are a barre to Spaine , and a thorne in the Iesuites eyes . The fancied fifth Monarchie is a fitte stoupe for the decaying Hierarchie . Wee may say of the Pope as Augustus said of Herod , when hee heard that hee had killed his owne Sonne amongst the Babes of Bethlehem , that it was better to bee Herods Sow than his Sonne : There is no King worse intreated of the Pope than his first borne most Christian King : That floorishing Kingdome seemes now to bee drawne to some period , which can haue none other end , but either her ruine , or the riddence of her disturbers : Let not France thinke to brooke her auntient libertie and peace , so long as the Iesuits nest in her bowels : Her floorishing , & their standing in her , are both incompatible and impossible : It is weaknesse in Princes to thinke by Courtesie to gaine them , who for the Character of their order , haue odium Vatinianum , an irreconciliable hatred against all Princes , that will not idole the Pope and Spaine . CHAP. XXVIII . Of their cruell attempts against VENICE . THeir two attempts were against Venice and great Britaine : They minded the overthrow of the liberties of Venice , but States are not so soone killed as persons . Pope Paul the fith his quarrell with the Venetians was vile and flagitious , hee sought occasion to manifest his omnipotencie against them , & waited not on an honest cause of contest , but tooke the first that offered , and commanded them absolutelie , to set at libertie two Church-men , whom they had justlie imprisoned : The one was Scipio Sarraceno , a Chanon of Vincenza , for purse wing a womans Chastitie even in the Church , and other villanies : The other was Brandolino Valde-marino , Abbot of Nerues , who was a Magitian , and studied the Arte of composing exquite poyson , and had thereby cutte off his Brother his Servant , and indangered his Father . It was not vnlike to the quarrell of the Thessalonicians against Theodosius Officers , for imprisoning a Coatch-man deprehended in adulterie , whom the people would haue inlarged . Hildebrand coloured his treason and disloyaltie with the cover of the Cleargies Chastitie : But Paul the fifth comming on the stage acted that same part of vsurpation , by defending the villanies of the Cleargie . Hee commanded the Venetians also to repeale some Lawes which they had made to restraine the profuse dotations of their subiects , wherevnto the cunning avarice of Iesuits had induced them : And because they stood to their liberties , hee put them rashlie vnder an interdict , which when their Cleargie , and other Orders would not acknowledge , the Iesuits ( whose Avarice occasioned the Law ) by vertue of their fourth vow of blind obedience to the Pope , maintained the Interdict , least they should incurre irregularitie . But the Venetians opposed so worthilie , that the Pope repented his attempt , they managed the matter wiselie everie way by the Edicts of their Senate and Writtes of their loyall Divines : a The storme brake vp vpon the faultie members of their Republicke , and the Iesuits were found in their treason , refusing their alledgeance , for to defend her in their iust cause : Therefore they were cast out as a pest of the Republicke , and the Pope forced to put a faire face on a foule retreate : Hee was glad in end to packe vp the quarrell , and dissemble the blow , which as yet is not cured . The Venetians would neither repeale their lawes , neither admit the Iesuits to this day , neither would enter in capitulation for agreement , but vpon this condition expresselie , that the receiving of the Iesuits should not bee mentioned at all . And inacted a Law that they should not bee admitted for an hundreth yeares : The which Law they renew everie yeare to keep that centurie of their proscription whole . I thinke heerein they repayed the Pope the old indignitie hee did to their Oratour Franciscus Dandalus whom hee caused lye vnder his Table as a Dogge at Avenion . This was another proofe of the Venetians wit and valour against the Pope , the former was against Paul the third , who approved an order institute by Baptista Cremensis , but they by a publicke Edict scoffed and condemned it . This was the end of the Popes brawle : Blind Pride devised it , Temeritie began it , Pertinacie held it on foote , and Necessitie forced him to retire with shame , a few Cardinals with him raised this storme , but they could not lay it againe ; that was a worke of great Kings by their Ambassadours : His former temeritie was turned in timorousnesse , hee durst neither hold out against the Venetians to the end , neither propone the Treatise of peace to the Consistorie fearing opposition , but to the Cardinals apart , and then told them in publicke audience when all was ended , The Venetians stucke to their liberties , and in the closure , would not admitte of any Ceremonie that smelled of Absolution or Benediction , least it should import guiltinesse on their part : Neither would they suffer in all their Dominions anie signe of ioy to be made by Bone-fire or reigning of Bells , least it should bee thought a formall reconciliation after a just censure ; but suffered a rash and vniust Interdict to bee revoked by a verball declaration : The Cardinall Ioyeous sent by the Pope , declared that the Pope revoked his interdict , and they gaue him an Act of the revocation of their Protestation : Hee keeped no order in giving out an Interdict , and as little in revoking of it , the pronouncing was in splene and passion and the retreate was in shame and confusion . This was against their owne Lawes , for the interdicted persons should not bee received , vnlesse first they satisfie for their fault , or that they giue their oath for fulfilling of the commandements of the Church , a But the late ●asuists b helpe the Pope in this straite , Avila sayeth , that that the Pope may relaxe an Interdict by his inward Act alone , Papa potest solo actu interiori relaxare Interdictum And Fernandes c affirmeth , that the Pope may absolue , albeit the cause cease not , and ( a ) Rodrikez sayth , That one who is absent or vnwilling may bee absolved . All these cases serue to cure the Popes folie : His intention is good enough to vndoe that whereby he had plondered the world two yeares : And while the Venetians held at the point of their innocencie , and would not bee absolved by him , he was forced abruptlie to declare them free . But Becanus telleth vs , That they are ashamed of the matter , for when it is obiected , hee frets and fumes , saying , That since the matter is setled , it ought not to bee wakened againe , because such doing is the worke of seditious men : Ais venetos — sed bis peccas . 1. quia cum lis illa sopita sit tu illam tuo flabello resuscitare non debes . Hoc seditiosorum hominum est . But I will serue him with his owne dilemmes . Either the Pope had a good cause in hand or a badde : If a good cause , why did hee quyte it so shamefullie ? Where was his omnipotencie that hee could not double out the defence of the great and maine Article of his faith : If hee had an evill cause , where was his omniscience and infallibitie , that they suffered him to enter in such a quarrell ? But the trueth is , it was the witlesse impotencie of his proude spirit . By their fretting they testifie they are ashamed of the cause , contest , and event . But if they had prevailed in this contest , they would haue put it in the Catalogue of the Popes victories over Princes , and gloried in it , as they did of Dandalus subiection to Clemens the fifth . a Thus was the Question & cariage of it vulgarlie takē vp , but God had a secreit in it to giue the Pope a foile at his owne doores , and that not so much in the opposition and event as in the cause which was not onely avarice and pride , but most of all , the defence of sorcerie and villante . Heere in GOD would haue the world looking on the Whoore in her owne colours : Sathan also blinded the Pope , that hee saw no more , but to pouse his power , and smyled in his sleeue when hee brought Sanctissimus on the Stage to patronize Villanie . It is their custome to act and maintaine villanies , and though they confesse Iohn the tweluth to haue beene a monstruous adulterer , yet they damne the Councell that condemned him . Lastlie , God was heerein teaching the possibilitie of the Popes curbing , when a petite state ( in comparison of great Kings ) at his Elbow gaue him an irrecoverable blow for his folie . CHAP. XXXIX . Their cruell attempts in great BRITAINE . THeir other attempt was in great Britaine : They assayed it with all sorts of weapons . First , by the wind of cursing Henrie the eight , and Elizabeth : But that proved evill wind to the blower : Next , by VVater and Sea , by their great Armado , wherein Sixtus the fifth ( a ) had his hand , but God scattered them , and made the winds & Seas fight for this Yland : Therafter they pressed to barre K. Iames entrie by Brieues perindiciall to his Succession , but when they saw they prevailed not , they pressed to flatter him , at least to feede themselues with hope of toleration : And when that failed , they turned to their wonted practice of treason , and laboured to kill him before his Coronation : And when God disappointed them therein , and all hope of toleration was lost , they went to extremitie and fetched from hell the devyce of the powder-plot . Some thing lik was attemped in Florence , and Lisbone & latelie in Genua , but they are nothing to this , for these were Papists against Papists , & their groūd was civill miscontentments , but heere Religion was the cause , & that against a King , a Queene , Prince and flower of all the Estates of a Kingdome , and many Papists also . These were against some few foes onelie , but this was to blow vp friends with foes , and not to giue them leaue to thinke of God at their death , but in one instant to bee Breathing , dead , and evanished without Buriall . But GOD turned this Mine vpon the Miners to discover and overthrow the depths of Rome . This brought the matter of vsurpation againe on the Stage with a new and singular sort of acting : Before , it was disputed by Divines and Lawyers , but then by the pen of a King , and while other Kings were either killed in the question , or beeing aliue durst not or could not debate it , God set vp a living and learned King on a throne to plead his cause . Strangers acknowledged his furnishing with wisedome and learning , as farre as any King since Solomon . Iacobus 1. Mag. Brit. Rex omni laude maior eminet , adeo ut cum Solomone sapientissimo certare posse videatur . a And that our Age hath seene him onelie among Princes , plenished with all knowledge , & beloved of them for his most learned works . b Cum autem nostra aetas te solum augustissime Princeps incomparabili felicitate sortiatur , qui excelsamente — doctissi mis lucubrationibus omnium Principum animos tibi conciliasti . And himselfe , professeth that God had raised him from an obscure Kingdome to a greater , that from so eminent a place the world might heare him pleading for the trueth . c Two glorious Titles concurred in him : First , the title of Defender of the Church , from the Crowne of Scotland : And the title of Defender of the Faith from the Crowne of England . And God gaue him a double measure amongst Kings , to bee one of his Worthies , and to lift vp his penne against many hundreth Papists . That royall Premonition dedicate to Princes was easilie vshered , comming from a Prince , but it cast the Iesuited Papists in a plunge : Manie of them railed against it , as Bellarmine , Becane , Suarez , Cofteau , Schioppius , and others , to the number of fourtie fiue , But it stands yet vnanswereable , because they brought nothing against it , but their owne preiudicate and ran●ide Paradoxes . And the worthy Divines of England , vnder such a Chiftane , haue so tortured them in that argument , that they haue left the field . And whereas the Parliament and Sorbone censured some Bookes written against it , they allowed it as a trueth : And it was so welcome to the popish Cleargie of France , that they were readie to subscriue it all , except that one point concerning Antichrist : And yet that is the most important point in it all , and their scruple was onely because then they were not so farre inlightned as to see that mysterie , which in Gods time they will subscriue as well as the other . The event of this attempt was their shame , as wee may see by their proceedings : Beside , the Parliament of Paris censure against these forenamed Bookes . Claud. Aquaviva the generall of the Iesuits , condemned Becanus Book of the controversie of England So soone as that Book ( saith hee ) came hither , and some thing was found in it which might better beene otherwise spoken or else omitted , wee sent vnto you these Notes of our censure , that it may be mēded , &c. Cum primum huc liber ille pervenit idque in eo deprehensum est — censurae notas remisimus . And in his Epistle to P. Cotten a Wee are sorie that it is so evill fallen out , that Becans booke was not sent hither to bee corrected — but wee haue caused such things to bee noted , and sent to him , as ought either to bee delete or corrected . Pope Paul the fifth with his Cardinals , b giue their censure , that in Becans booke are many things false , temerarious , scandalous , and respectiuelie seditious . But Aquavivas mandatorie Epistle to his order discovereth their minde more fullie ( which the Iesuite fisher makes the ground of his Tergiversation in refusing to giue direct answere concerning loyaltie to Princes ) VVee command our order ( sayeth hee ) by the vertue of holy obedience , and vnder paine of excommunication — that none of our order publicklie or privatlie by Lections and Councell , farre lesse by writting bookes presume to affirme that it is leasome to kill Kings , &c. Praecipitur in virtute S. obedientiae — ne quis nostrae Societatis — affirmare praesumat licitum esse Reges occidere . And in another place c By the vertue of obedience it is inioyned to the Provincials , that they suffer nothing to bee put out by Iesuits , concerning the Popes power aboue Kings , &c. These censures was extorted from them by force of Conscience and out-crying of the world , wherein may bee seene their policie , in that they condemne respectiuelie such Bookes , and not simplie : And their mocking of Princes , that while they condemne these Bookes , they allow the Doctrine & honour them who maintaine the like : For Bellarmine Baronius a Bozius , Marta , &c , were in great respect at Rome , and daylie venting their treasonable Paradoxes , while these Censures were framing there : And Sixtus the fifth , in the Consistorie allowed the deede of Iaques Clement . But out of these their Censures , wee may raise three necessarie conclusions . The first is . That they vtter their owne diffidence , and the weaknesse of their cause , as their owne Lessius obiecteth b to them in a passion , because hee durst not put to light a Booke hee had written of that argument , and that for feare of punishment . The second , They are either selfe-condemned Heretickes , carying their conviction in their Conscience , or else damned Hyporites , condemning solemnelie in write what they approue in the heart . The third , That they yeelde the cause to vs , and confesse that victorie is on our side : When the Pope with his Cardinals and generall of Iesuits , call their Souldiers from the fields , and chyde them for vsing such weapons as they put in their hands . This was the end of their Powder-plotte , and the disputs of the authoritie of Kings occasioned thereby . So long as the fire of that powder was in their head , they vexed the World with Bookes and Disputs . But when their mines went wrong , and the fire and fume of that powder turned on themselues , then the generall of the Iesuits , and the Pope himselfe sounded a foule retreate . Such a fearefull silence is a palinodie in Print . CHAP. XXX . The troubles of Germanie and France are from the Pope . NOtwithstanding of all their Effronts they goe on in their former wickednesse , and haue stirred vp these late troubles in Germanie , which ( though they bee amassed of sundrie causes ) yet the Popes hand is most in them . ) Some looke no further than civill quarrels , others to the iealousie of France and Austria , which hold Europe in businesse , but vnequallie : For France content with her owne Dominions , vindicats other people from Austriaes tyrannie : And Austria sicke of the fansie of a sitfh Monarchie , vexeth it selfe to oppresse other . But the two maine causes of these broyles ( vsurping over Princes , and rooting out of Protestants ) flow from the Pope . As for vsurpation over Princes : Hee liketh a Monarchie for its forme , that hee may borrow a colour to his owne Monarchie : But hateth the power of it , because it is more vnite and strong against him , than Republicks , and because of his presage , knowing that his finall ruine shall be by Kings . Therefore hee maketh greater Princes depresse the lesser , and feedeth discords among the greater to weaken them mutuallie , and withall stirreth them vp to destroy the Protestants . Some-times France was his first borne , when they cut off the Longobards and enriched Rome : But now since the Austrian power is increased , by the continuance of the Impyre in that house , by the accesse of the Low-Countries , Portugall , America , &c. It seemeth fittest for his end : And though hee abuse the French King , in making him destroy his owne Subiects by warres and Massacres ; yet a speciall end of that businesse , was to bleare his eyes , that hee should not see the growth of Spaines greatnesse in Germanie . This is Apostolicke simplicitie forsooth , or rather a too great simplicitie in the Frensh to weaken themselves , and strengthen the enemie : And it is time for that King to open his eyes , and see how hee is abused , since God hath discovered their secret plots , though the Authour of that Letter commanded to burne it so soone as it was read . But yet the Pope feareth Austria more than France : They haue him closed betwixt Naples and Milane , and within few dayes , may oppresse him in Rome . And Charles the fifth profaine policie is fresh in his minde , who held Clement the seventh captiue in Rome , and yet commanded the Cleargie of Spaine to pray for his deliverie . Hee serveth himselfe of the jealousies of these great houses , and assists or deserts either of them as hee seeth occasion ; and in all see keth his owne securitie in their jarres : and when hee saw the Austrian to prevaile for a time in Germanie , hee inclineth now to France , not in loue , but for his owne standing : This is his vsuall vsurpation to serue himselfe of Princes : Hee caused the Normanes expell the Greekes out of Naples : When hee wearied of the Normanes , hee assisted the Germaines against them : When hee wearied of the Germanes , hee brought in the Frensh : And last , stirred vp the Arragonians against the Frensh . When Nicolaus the second beganne that worke , Baronius called it , Divinum consilium , a divine counsell : So bee like these troubles of Germanie , are a divine counsell with them . With this vsurpation over Princes , hee intendeth mainlie the rooting out of Protestant Religion , and for that end , stirred vp both France and Austria against the Protestants , which wee may perceiue in his Resolutions and practice : His Resolution is with Innocent the third , to destroy the rising trueth : This hath ever beene in following Popes , and fullie concluded in Trent . The Cardinall of Lorraine a reveales the Conclusion of Charles the ninth , Philip the second , and the Pope was ad exstirpandas Germaniae haereticos & novam toto Imperio formam instituendam ex prescripto Pontificis ; and is confident that the Heretickes beeing assaulted both at home and abroad , shall be killed as beastes by Dogges sent amongst them , and no wayes es●hew the snares : And againe , seeing there is so great a confederacie and power against Hereticks , both the Pope and Cardinals doe exspect shortlie so great a mischiefe on them , as shall double the ioy for the Massacre of Paris . As for the Germanes hee sayeth , that nothing is to bee feared from these improvident beasts , who know not their strength — but shall perish before they perceiue their danger . And againe , That they are so imprudent and senselesse , that they never minde to repell a common danger b by common force , but everie one labours to defend their owne privatlie . And thereafter , There they are so stupide ; that they know not their owne danger , till they bee overthrowne . This is the opinion of the Pope , and his Cleargie of the Germanes , which imboldneth them to abuse Germanie , as they doe . To effectuat this end , they haue consederate the Emperour , Pope , Spaine , Bavere , and the holy League ( as they call it ) even as the Pagan Priests stirred vp the Emperours to persecution , and contribute large money to their Armies : So now doeth the Pope and his Cleargie in the persecution of Protestants . Their wayes to worke this end are , Policie , periurie , and oppression . Their policie , first , they pretend civill causes , to hide the other plot of persecution , and yet the Emperour discoverth it in his Letter to the King of Spaine : That their businesse concerned the conservation of the holie Faith , and the standing of their House . And it is manifest , that long before the sturres of Boheme , they were persecuting the Protestants in Westphalie●614 ●614 in Silesia , 1614. and 161● . in some imperiall Cities , as Ulme , Aken , Wesell 1614. in Donawerda 1617. in the Volteline , Stiria , and Bohemia it selfe 1618. And the Bohemian wars were occasioned by these persecutions , when they were driven to that desperate state in Religion , as to seeke the protection of some foreraine Prince . Their second policie : They divided the Protestants , and drew a part of them on their side , as Charles the fifth did at the Smalcaldicke war , and they boast of it , that the Protestants are so loose , that many of them fight on the Papists side a In all their meetings they pressed to draw the Lutherans from the Calvinists ( as they call them ) and vsed that speach , Sicut Catholicus , sic Lutheranus , promifing as great quetnesse to the Lutheran as to the Papist , that when they had broken vs by the Lutherans , they might destroy them also . Some of them contemned the D. of Saxe , as a man of no Spirit , b but the most part feared him for his great power and therefore first ●ngaged him by the offer of Lusatia : Next , they held him on to bee Executor banni Imperialis ; And lastlie ▪ they fed him with the title of Vicarius Imperij : All this was to gu●l him , as Charles the fifth did to Maurice his predecessor : So their secret correspondence reveales that they studied by all meanes to please him , that at least c i● s●ow hee might bee satisfied . Thirdlie , in all meetings they ever treated of peace , to make the Protestants carelesse : And while they were busiest in warre , they protested d most they were seeking the publick peace : and when Armies were gathered on both sides they fained a Cessation of Armes , to make Protestants disband their forces ; which beeing done , the Papists with their standing Armies seased on some Provinces , as the Palatinate . Lastlie , as they confounded Religion and policie , so in policie they confounded the quarrell of the house of Austria with the quarrell of the Impyre . This was the rypenesse of a long plotted persecution , for the Papists learned of Severus Canals , the arte of Intelligence and myning : Hee found them about the walls of Bizantium , and brought their Copie in this Land , to his Dyke betwixt Forth & Clyde ; They went so alongst the roote of it , that all Forts were advertised in an halfe houre , what the enemie was doing , and where hee assaulted . So the Iesuites turned their vniversall intelligence ( whereof their rules giue a direction ) to worke mines in all the reformed Churches beyond Sea : In France , Boheme , Silesia , Moravia , Uolteline Westphalie , &c. Princes were irritate ; People were miscontent ; the Papists fretted at the prosperitie of the Protestants ; and Protestants abridged of their owne wonted liberties in Religion , and debarred from publicke imployments , and defrauded of the course of Law &c. Such a broyling disposition was like powder layed aboundantlie in mines , that lacked nothing but firing . In Boheme was their head-mine , because of the electiue Kingdome , and the exasperate minds of people for their crossing in Religion : Thervnto the Iesuits layed the match of a new oppression to force the fire of defence . They both sought and wrought this occasion of the Bohemianes , & the meeting of all their Provincials at Rome , was to devise how to vse their opportunitie , which they had long exspected . So soone as Boheme fired , their mines played in all places at once , so that none could either helpe another ( as they were wont ) nor saue themselues . Thus the Protestants were at one time everie where oppressed . Secondlie , their periurie is manifest : For they come directlie against their promise confirmed by oath . The Pacification of Passau was solemnelie ratified at Augsburg : And the Emperour Rudolph and Mathias confirmed the liberties of Boheme by Letters reversall ( which in electiue Kingdomes , are strong obligements of Princes , and haue the force of mutuall contracts . And Ferdinand the second by the like Letters , declarations and Edicts confirmed the same : But most solemnelie by his oath at his Coronation a did sweare to maintaine both the Sacred and civill peace of the Impyre . b That hee would keepe the Electours Princes , &c. in their possessions , dignities , and rights . That hee would keepe friendship and good correspondence in the Impyre , and not bring strange forces in it : That he would iniure or offer violence to no Elector , nor Prince of the Impyre : That hee would not proscriue any vnheard or without a cause : That hee would not labour to turne the Im●yre hereditarie to his house : And finallie , that if hee did any thing beside or contraire to his Capitulation , it should bee null , and of no effect . In like manner , hee promised often to the Duke of Saxon , and by him , to other protestant Princes and Provinces , that hee would not crosse them in their Religon and liberties . Likewise , the Duke of Baveere , and Princes of the popish League , did sweare to disband their Armies ; not to invade any Protestants Land , and to leaue the questions of Boheme to their owne hazard Let GOD and the world judge how they haue keeped these oaths : When they feared a revolt , they sent out declarations and Edicts for libertie of Religion ; but when they prevaile , in warres , they turne to their oppression , When the Pope seeth his owne vantage , hee absolveth them from these oaths : They keepe their owne maxime , non est servanda sides Haereticis , that faith should not be keeped to Heretickes , which is as false in the These ( because wee ought to keepe our promise to all ) as in the hypothese , calling Protestants Heretickes . And though Gretzer and Becane would glose the matter , yet their exceptions are such as make their oaths but roapes of sand : For beside the case of feare or violence , whereby they proue the weaknesse of these oaths , they referre the tryail of the lawfulnesse or vnlawfulnesse to the Pope , which is in effect to make oaths , no oaths at all . Thirdlie , their Oppression is manifolde : When they had taken in Boheme , and the Palatinate , they oppressed all other Countries , and Provinces which had none entresse in the quarrell of Boheme , as Pomer , Mekelburge , Brandeburge , &c. First , they vrged them to inquarier Souldiers ; if they received them , they were subdued : If they refused , it was a quarrell to take them by force . Secondlie other Provinces and Cities which wanted Garisons , were exhaust with great contributions , as Hassen , Wirtenberge , Norinberge , &c. And these contributions were to maintaine Armies for oppressing the Impyre vnder colour of its defence . Thirdlie , when force and povertie had subdued all , they invented a new quarrell of the restitution of Ecclesiasticke goods , that they might finde a colour of plea against some Protestants , who assisted them . Fourthlie , when this had a course , they devised a new Commission at Regenspurg , to punish all these as traitors to the Impyre who assisted the King of Denmarke , Duke of Brunswicke or Count Mansfield : so there was no Protestant whither hee was their enemie or friend , or neutrall , but they devised a quarrell to oppresse him : A Lutheran and Calvenist was alike to them , and their owne distinction , sicut Catholicus sic Lutheranus was forgotten . And turned to sicut Calvinianus sic Lutheranus , for when they had first driven out the Calvinians , they banished the Lutherians also . Fifthlie , when all these quarrels were fished , they lacked a specious colour against the Duke of Saxe whom they had long gulled : Therefore they tooke occasion of it for the meeting of Leipswicke , wherein the Protestants had conveened , to helpe their desperate case , and prevent their finall ruine . The Emperour made that a new quarrell , and Count Tillie commanded the Duke to renounce the conclusions of Leipswicke , otherwise they would handle him as an enemie : Of all protestant Princes , his Lands onelie lay in integritie , and they reserved them as the last fat mo●sell to their ▪ Armies : Thus they fished quarrels against all Protestants , as the Wolfe drinking aboue the Lambe in that same strand , troubled the water , and yet accused the Lambe , and ranne vpon it . So the Papists troubled the Fountaine of the sacred and common peace , in cancelling Lawes and breaking oaths , and yet accused the Protestants of the breach of Peace . They made both their ▪ innocencie , and blamelesse ( though necessar defence ) to bee treasonable . When Austria had increased her Monarchie , than Poperie followed ; The one was a Coach to carie the other and they oppressed men both in Soule and bodie : They denyed them any Church benefite , Baptisme Marriage ▪ &c. except they went to Masse : And where pacifications had provided Protestants to some places of credit , Magistracie or Iudicatories , so soone as they died , their places were filled with Papists . They banished them with this clause , That it should never bee leasome for them to returne . And not content to persecute them in their life , they denyed them buriall after death , except in their sicknesse they had confessed , and taken extreme Unction . They haue followed Machiavell in their matchlesse crueltie : And let Palswach , Brandeburge ▪ and Magdeburge stand to the posteritie as the proofe of it : They destroyed young and old and Matrons with their Doughters cast themselues in the Rivers to eschew their villanies . Eusebius hath the like of a Matron in Antioch with her two Virgine daughters ▪ in Diocletians persecution . And as S. Austine cōparing the crueltie of Sylla with the Goaths , said , That the Goths were more mercifull to Rome , than Sylla who was a Romane . So I may say , that the Turkes are more humane to Christians than Papists are . And though heerein they equalled Diocletian in crueltie , and exceed the Turkes , yet they glorie in it , and Tillie proponed it to Leipsich , that vnlesse speedilie they rendered the Towne he would doe to them as he had done to Magdeburge . But God within two dayes tooke order with him for that bloodie insulting . Thus they wrought a pittifull deformation in all places : Preachers with the Gospel thrust out , and Priests with their Masse brought in : Men compelled either to goe to the Masse , or to sell their goods and leaue their Countrie : And if they remained , they were forced to take this following Oath . I poore sinner , doe confesse before God , and all Saints , before the Priests and Pastours of Soules standing in the place of God , that I haue all my life long gone astray in a cursed , execrable , and hereticall Religion . And in the Supper of that Religion , I receiue nothing but plaine Bakers bread , and plaine Wine in a Cup. I doe also beleeue , that all my Ancestors and all others that believed in that Religion and Faith are damned and perish for ever . VVherefore I promise before God and the Virgine Marie his Mother , and before the Priests and Pastours of Soules , beeing in the place of God , that I will never adhere nor cleaue to the cursed and hereticall Religon . So God mee saue . This is Antichristian crueltie vrging poore people to deny the trueth , damne themselues , and condemne their Predecessours . The world never saw a more deepelie contrived Policie , or a more cruellie executed plot : And doubtlesse by this crueltie Austria will lose the hearts of Germanie : And when God sendeth the Germans a deliverer , hee shall find their hearts , as Luther confessed by his owne experience : That the people gladlie imbraced him , because they had beene oppressed with the Popes tyrannie . And Carolus Miltitius Legat to Leo the tenth , confessed that in trying the Germane disposition , hee found three inclining to Luther , for one adhering to the Pope So did Cardinall Polus . They are confident for obtaining their end , and that both in respect of themselues and vs. For themselues , they haue made a division as a thing ended . That the Pope shall haue his hierarchie established through all their conquest . That the Emperour shall haue for his partage the Easterne Provinces of Germanie . That the Spainiard shall haue the Lower Palatinat with the Westerne Provinces of Germanie . That the Duke of Baveere shall haue the over Palatinat with the Electorall dignitie . Moreover the evidencies of their confidence breake foorth , and they had not prudence conceale it : For Thefes were dispute at Vienne and dedicated to Ferdinand the third ( prevento termino ) with this frontispice . Austriacum ad specimen si se componeret Orbis Irent obliqua sidera nu●●a Via . This is as much , as if Europe would bee happie , it must receiue the Austrian yoake : Herewith they ●ought closely to convoy the Election of the Emperours Sonne to bee King of the Romanes , to establish an hereditarie tyrannie in Austria . This was contraire to his oath at his coronation . And notwithstanding of that promise his Letter vnder his own hand told . That if he had one catholik vote more , they would make the Impyre hereditarie to his House , and that Baveeres promoving to the Electorship were the fittest meanes so to doe . And how strong their hope was in this point , may bee seene by a Booke of congratulation for his Election to bee King of the Romans , as though the matter had beene done without controlement : And the Iesuit Scambato , is not content with Virgils words Magnae spes altera Romae , but to encourage him to attempt , Aggredere , biddes him enter in , as though the doore of the Impyre stood open to him . Ingredere , O Magnos aderit iam tempus honores . Lastlie , they haue put out an hudge Volume with the title of the Austrian Lawrell , to tell the world of their semper victrices Aquilas ; as though they had gotten a piece of that Lawrell which the Eagle let fall in Liviaes bosome . But let not him that putteth on his armour boast , as though hee put it off : to sing triumph before the victorie , is foolishnesse , for no man knoweth what the Evening or the next day may bring . As for the Event concerning vs , they prophecy our ruine : Stella spake indefinitlie , Lutherani , qui nunc tam elatè & superbè vivunt tam citissimè erunt absumpti tanquam sal in aqua Ita vt nulla unquam sit reliqua recordatio eorum , sicut nec aliorum haereticorum qui praeterierunt . The Cardinall of Loraine sayth , That it was neare hand . Some Iesuits haue defined it within an hundreth yeares , as Iesuite Ogilvie in a Conference in the Castle of Glasgow , Affirming ▪ that within an hundreth yeare ●●fter Luther skything , the Protestants Religion would bee abolished . And now since their Victories in Germanie , they triumph over vs , as over a thing destroyed . So the Iesuite Cornelius a calleth our Religiō Calvini haeresin penè evulsam , an heresie almost rooted out . And Urbane the eight in his Papall prescience doubteth not but that heresie will bee shortlie rooted out of France . But they may guesse at the end of their prophecies by the b ardinals Alternatiue , for hee with the Pope was perswaded that this would bee done either by Charles the ninth and Philip the second , or else never : Now God hath made him proue a false prophet , for these two Kings are gone , and the trueth of the Gospel is yet shining into the world ; and wee doubt not but Urbane and Cornelius shall finde contraire events of their predictions , and possiblie Laurea Austriaca shall succumbe vnder Arma Suecica . This sort of prediction they haue learned of the olde Pagans who not beeing able to refute Christian Religion by reason , nor expell it by force , tooke them to predictions that it would not lest aboue 365. yeares . c But time hath made them lyars . If Papists would looke to prophecies , we desire them with Ierome to remember what is spoken of the purpoured coloured whoore , and the destruction of Babylon which maugre all their futile exceptions , is Now-Rome . And if wee would vse a propheticall libertie , wee might advertise the Iesuits , to take heede to the 1640. yeare , that makes the period and Centurie since their confirmation . The Templars alledged sinnes are yet secret , even after their cutting off , but the wickednesse of the Iesuits is manifest , and excites Princes to take order with these fire brands of Europe . Austria and Spaine are as two threshers , beating the Lords Church on the threshing floore ; and the Iesuits are as Smyths , that prepare their Instruments ; and God in his time will pay them all home . But wee leaue , these things to GOD , who shaketh the Counters of their hands , who would determine of times , and things to come , as sayeth S. Austine . When the slaues of Rome conspired , and some Masters were found killed in their houses : The Senate inacted a Law , that all the slaues of that house should bee killed where a Master was found dead . Senatusconsultum Silanianum . This Law would fitte Iesuits where a King is killed . But in place of Prophecies , let them take Count Tillies presage at Rodium , when hee considered his bad successe the former moneths , felices suos progressus iam claudicare , & placida fortunae aura se non amplius afflari armadvertere dixit , Hee said that hee perceived his prosperitie to halt , and that Fortune smyled no more on him . So mot it bee to Gods enemies . Let Germanie awake , and see her oppression both in Religion and libertie : Except shee will bee as stupide as the Cardinall of Lorraine calleth her . And let all Protestants awake , except they resolue to bee snared by Popish policie , to bee blinded by their oaths , and destroyed by their oppression . God for our sinnes hath suffered them to goe farre on , and they will proceede in all the wicked purposes of their heart except hee stay them : Hee hath begun in mercie to worke deliverances in some parts . It is our duetie to thanke him for that is done , and to pray for a continuance till his Church bee fullie delivered : That the Children of darknesse who haue conceived mischiefe , and travelled in paine , may in end bring foorth a lie . CHAP. XXXI . That Now-Rome will not reconceale . AS there is no hope of their reformation , so their reconciliation is desperate : It hath been often assayed , but ever in vaine ; and the old saying of Romes taking by Armes : Roma nunquā frustra tentata , that Rome was never in vaine assayed , may now be turned to the contraire , Romana reconciliatio semper frustra tentata , that Romes reconciling hath ever beene assayed in vaine . Paul the third politicklie set first nyne Cardinals and then three Bishops , to treat of reformation , yet hee minded no such thing , but onelie to gull the world . Though Wicelius and Cassander were set on worke by Ferdinand and Maximilian , to draw vp some forme of agreement , and abode still in the communion of their Church , yet they damned these Treatises ; and a maine cause why they burnt Spalato , was , for that hee held it possible to reconceale the Church of England to Rome . This irreconciliablenesse is both in the outward peace and in Doctrine . For the outward peace ; beside that hath beene said in the former Chapter : Since the Trent Councell they haue ever beene plotting ; and the Iesuits of Princes Confessaris turned their Corycaei and Counsellers the Frogges from the bottomlesse pit , haue stirred them vp to warre : And when they had prepared all things , one ( a ) of them began the Alarme in an Imperiall dyet . Nunc tempus est haereticorum istorum oppressionem & deletionem maturare : Catholicis nec nervum pecuniam , nec militem , nec Consilia deesse . Now it is time to hasten the oppression and destruction of these Hereticks : For the Catholickes want neither money , nor Souldiers , nor Councell . There is both their plotting and preparation against vs confessed & it is senselessenesse not to obserue it : But when all was readie , and the fire begunne in Boheme , then Sciopius gaue a formall Alarme , and intitles his Booke suasoria de ratio nibus haereticorum compescendorum . A Suasorie to compesse Hereticks . And because Granvellanus and some other had suggested peaceable counsels to Emperours about Religion , hee bids these moderate counsellers get them gone , qui mollibus sententijs haereticorum ingenia alere solent in maximam crucem facessant . And to ground their crueltie to Protestants , he bids Princes count of Luther as a divell , and sayeth , That wee worship Sathan in stead of God. This is like the blasphemous calumnies of the Iesuits of Munster in their Credo Calvini-sequarum , who a affained to vs that wee belieue in Sathan . Thereafter hee bids destroy all Infaints and Children , percuties in ore gladij & delebis etiam Infantes & pueros . That is Magdeburge Modell . Hee maketh not bones of that , that Iesuits deny : That it is leasome to cut off Princes that favour Religion . And in end that it is lawfull to make covenants with Turkes , Ethnicks , and Iewes , but not with Protestants . This is their preamble : Let vs heare what followeth , and that both from the Popes Consistorie & the Emperours Cabinat . For the first the Cardinalls at Rome declare that the Popes designe is to restore the Church of Rome to her wonted greatnesse : And for this end that as the Palatine is broken so Saxon and Brandenburge must also be removed as the greatest stayes of their purposes in Germanie . And when the French King by their instigation had oppressed the Protestants of France , the Iesuite Cornelius at Rome , not content to praise him for it , ( lest wee should doubt any longer who are these spirits , who stirre vp Kings to battell ) stirreth vp Princes to persecute other Protestants Agite Principes generosi , pergite magnis animis , opus felicibus adeo auspicijs caeptum conficite : Paribus studijs rebellem Calvini haeresin penè evulsam stirpitus ubilibet eradicate . Goe to generous Princes , set forward with great courage , Perfect the worke begunne with so happie successe : And with the like zeale , roote out everie where the rebellious haeresie of Calvine . And least this seeme to bee the humour of a privat Doctour . Their infallible Doctour Vrbane the eight breaths the like crueltie to that same young King after his taking of the Rochell , that hee would goe forward to hunt the rest of these fierce beasts , ( the Hugonotes ) out of their denne , and destroy them all vtterlie . And from Vienne they declare , that they minde no peace , but to destroy Religion by force . For the Iesuits vnder the fable of Abaris the Hyberborean ( far worse applyed than Nazianzen did ) stirreth vp the Emperour with his Arrow & Oracles , to propagate the truth by force as well as by reason . Et a norit ad propugnandum coeleste dogma non minus ferri aciem quam ingenij acumen adhibere . And that a Prince must vse Appolloes arrowes , and know that heavenly doctrine is propugned , no lesse by the edge of the sword , than by quicknes of Ingyne . This is another sort of argument , than Christ taught his Disciples Of old it was said , that Faith should bee propagate not by Armes , but by arguments , not by blowes , but by words : For who will compell me ( sayth Lactantius ) b either to belieue what I will not , or not to belieue what I will ? But let vs heare the Emperour himselfe declaring his intention , Ad exstirpandas sediciosas factiones , quae Calvinistica potissimum factione foventur : ●o roote out the factions of the Calvinists . Beside these wee haue evidences of their irreconciliablenesse from their Pacificators and Scioppius . Their Pacificators were set to worke by authoritie , to colour their crueltie by a large Volume . They saw the Pacification of Passau which was ratified at Augsburge , condemned them of crueltie and persurie : It provided peace of Religion , that none should molest or invade other for their profession . And that the peace should haue the owne vigour , usque ad finalem compositionem , vntill a finall composition . But when they saw that they prevailed , they set these Lawyers to work to put an Orleand glosse vpon the Pacification , and to make men belieue it had no force : Their speciall reasons are that the peace was not concluded by way of a Pragmaticall sanction , but of a covenant rising of necessitie for the time . That the Emperour is not bound to it , nor the Bishoppes . That beside the case of necessitie there was also feare , & vim inferens non meretur ut ipsi promissio servetur . And lastlie that it is null in it selfe ; Because the Pope did not approue it . Thus they elide that solemne Pacification which held Germanie in peace for sixtie yeares and more . Others say the like , that the peace was not valide . That it expyred at the publication of the Trent Councell . That it was onely till the Catholicks had expede their businesse ( that is their plotting against vs ) & postea hoc vnum bellum contra sectarios administrarent , they would follow out this onelie warre against hereticks . All the time of their practising the treate of Passau was taken to compryse both the Publicke and religious peace : But now when they thinke they haue prevailed , they cure their tyrannie with distinctions . That it was not a Sanction but a transaction : And that the Publicke peace did not touch the religious peace but materiallie and by accident , where as formallie they are diverse , yea , adverse . These are shifts to colour perjurie and oppression . As these Pacificators were set to worke , to loose the bands of the stablished peace , so was Scioppius to propone a new forme of Peace with his two Bookes , the one of the Consultations of Peace vnder his owne name : The other is of the Foundations of peace vnder the fained name of Theophilus Sanctafidius , or rather Miso-theus nulli-fidius . First , hee confesseth that the wickednesse of their Cleargie gaue iust scandall to the Protestants . Fundament . pag. 48. 157. Next , that their reformation would be a speciall meanes for our conversion . Consult . 50. 57. And that many other commodities would follow . Ibid. 70. 71. 72 , Then going alongst in quiring the meanes of peace hee damneth two . The first is Disputs or conference of learned men on both sides . Fundam . pag. 122. 125. The other is transaction or toleration such as was made at Passau . Fuad . p. 126. 137. 155. Thereafter hee commeth to positiue meanes of peace which must bee a Nation allcountell in Germanie Consult . p. 59. But such a one as shall vrge the obedience of the Councell of Trent . Ibid. p. 61. Heerewith hee setteth downe a short Catechisme to bee imbraced of vs as the speciall ground of peace . Fundam . p. 4. Wherein is the Divinitie of their Traditions , the infallibilitie of the Pope : The fiue bastard Sacraments . ibid. p. 16. 17. The Immunitie of the Cleargie , and the Popes Monarchie . p. 14. Impunitie to the Pope and Cleargie were they never so flagitious . ibid. p. 34. 35. 36. 40. 48. 50. 51. 54. But because these may proue weak meanes to worke this peace , therefore his last is the destruction of Protestants : If wee will not imbrace such a faith , to make vs as Sisera , Zeba , and Zalmuna : And so hee praiseth the Duke of Baveere , and Count Tillie , comparing them to Gide on and Barac , for destroying Protestants as Canaanites and Midianites . Barac imitatus est Sereniss . Princeps Maximilianus Elector , &c. — & comes de Tillie vir admirandae non minus innocentiae & sanctitatis , quam fortitudinis & fidei , verusque aetatis nostrae Gideon , & rei Catholicae in Germania , propugnaculum . In all their doings they pretended peace , but intended warre , and our ruine . So the Duke of Bavere : Nos nihil nisi pacem publicam quaerere : And yet his owne father giveth him the lie , professing that hee feared nothing more , than a most filthie peace , if they should embrace the conditions proponed by the King of great Britaine . Sed timeo ne in propositas ab Anglo inducias ruant , ipsam denique turpissimam pacem . And the Emperour in his Oration at Regensburg : though the first part of it was a suasorie to peace , yet the fiue remanent Articles were all of warre : The excluding of Count Palatine for ever , the curbing of the Hollanders , the compescing of the King of Sweden , &c. Therefore one defined well the proper notion of their peace , Pacem vocabant domus Austriacae dominationem , & è contra turpem servitij patientiam , they called peace the domination of the house of Austria , and on the other part , a vile patience of slaverie , and withall Poperie set vp againe . And Scioppius like himselfe cut them off , done● ex haereticis fiant Catholici seque Pontifici subijciant , till they fall down at thy feete , and of Protestants become Papists , and subject to the Pope : it is such a peace as the Spartans promised to the Messenians if they would depart altogether out of Pelopponesus . So doe their Pacificators to Protestants if they will change either Religionem or Regionem . This is like Edom , Raze it , raze it , from the foundation . And wee may say of them with Tacitus , vbi solitudinem faciunt , pacem appellant , they call it peace , where they haue wrought desolation . This is the plat-forme of their Pacification , which if any will so blind himselfe as not to see , wee must say of him as Cardinall Caietane said latelie of the Parisians , beholding these superstitious people thronging on him for a blessing , hee whispered these words in stead of a blessing , Quandoquidem hic populus vult decipi , decipiatur : Since this people will bee deceived , let them bee deceived . If it seeme strange how Scioppius who sounded the bloodie Alarme to the warres turned a Pacificator . Let them consider his alarme & pacification are alike , for in the first like Alecto , hee stirreth men to battell : In the other like Erinnys hee killeth them either by heresie , if they yeelde , or by crueltie if they resist . But if they seriouslie minded condescending or agreement in doctrine , wee answere them as Gelasius did Euphemianus an Hereticke who desired that hee would condescend . Whereas thou sayes , wee ought to condescend vnto you , thou grants that you are fallen and descended to the pit of error — And you would haue vs descend from our hight vnto you : But wee rather requeist you that yee would ascend with vs from your errours to the eminencie of our trueth . This should the more moue them , because they turne it to their owne vse ( though a preposterouslie ) There is no agreement betweene light and darknesse , and Bernard sayth , That inter Babylonem & Hierusalem non est pax , sed bellum continuum . And Cyprian . non est pax illa sed bellum , nec Ecclesiae iungitur , qui ab Evangelio separatur . This was Melancthons wise Observation : There was none in his time either more able to indge of controversies , or more calme to incline to peace : And yet after manie Colloques for agreement hee gathered this conclusion , that while the Papists treate of mitigation , Nihil aliud quam palinodiam nostram requirunt , They seeke nothing but our recantation : And I adde the other part of the Alternatiue , that if they get not palinodiam they seeke panolethrian our vtter destruction . But I say to them with Cyprian , if they seeke peace , let them lay aside their Armes . For ( as Augustine saith ) Negat Deum Patrem , qui pacificus esse contemnit : And againe , non potest concordiam habere cum Christo , qui discors esse voluerit cum Christiano : Hee denyeth God the Father who will not bee a peace-maker . And hee cannot haue concord with Christ , who will bee at discord with a Christian. And yet lest wee seeme too rigide , wee agree to such a condescending as may be elicite out of a ●riers sermon at Lyons , Nothing ( sayth hee ) holds vs at discord with Hugonots , but this vnhappie word , solum . For wee worship God , and Saincts , and Images , but they worshipp Deum solum . GOD alone : Wee take both Scripture and tradition for the Rule of Faith and manners ; but they tak Scripturam solam , Scripture alone . Wee take good works in iustification , &c , but they take fidem solam , Faith onelie : Wee take with Iesus Christ the Saincts for our Mediators , Intercessors and Saviours by their merits and satisfactions , but they take Christ alone , &c. If then they will come to our solum to worshippe God alone in Christ , and rest on him as our onelie Saviour , then wee will agree . When Agrippa advised Augustus to lay downe the Impyre , Mecaenas diswaded him , hee followed Mecaenas . So the Pope , though hee pretend a loue of peace and reformation , yet hee keepeth still his Monarchie and proues more like Iulius Caesar , keeping the Dictatorship , than like Sylla in laying it downe . Seeing then the life and beeing of Poperie is the Deformation of the Church , and her Reformation is the destruction of Poperie , and they are alreadie both iudged of GOD , and sentenced in his word to consumption and Abolition ; and the hand of Providence goeth on in the execution of that sentence there is neither ground to treate for reconcliation , nor hope to attaine to it . Or if wee will treate of it , wee accuse the Lords sentence of iniquitie , and his execution of rigour . Let Babell then bee vnder her sinne , and punishment begun and approaching , and let all that loue the Lord Iesus separat themselues from these wickedmen . A CONCLVSION Exhortatorie to Princes . I Turne now that speach ( which they abuse ) to you , most sacred Princes . Bee wise O Kings , bee learned yee Iudges of the earth : Christ Iesus whom yee haue long pursued by Antichirsts direction , when hee might destroy you , calleth you to repentance , to change both your mindes and course : Your Mindes ; to know that poperie is that foretold Apostasie , and that the Religion which yee persecute is the trueth of God. And your course that since blind zeale ( the companion of false Religion ) hath made you thinke it good service to God to destroy his Saincts , you would turne your power for the service of the Lambe , of whom yee haue it , and both revenge Gods quarrell , and your owne vpon the Beast . Consider how GOD setteth downe his Dittay and D●ome : His Dittay in Idolatrie , Filthinesse , and aboue all the blood of the Saincts . Rome was ever bloodie & the Mathematicians observed , that when her ground-stone was layed the Moone was in cauda Draconis , to tell that all her changes in rysing , growing , standing , would bee in the c●u●ltie of the Dragon : And soone after , Romulus wet her wals with his Brothers blood : Shee turned the earth in a Butcherie by warres abroad : And her Gan●es at home in the Theater , were bloodie : Shee shed the blood of the Saints in her persecuting Pagan Emperours : And lastlie , sheddeth the bloodie of the Protestants by her Antichristian head : Ierusalem was guiltie of the blood of all the Prophets , because they succeeded the Murtherers in malice and crueltie : And Rome succeeds Ierusalem , and exceedeth her in persecuting Christ : a All blood of the Saints is shedde either in Rome or by Romes authoritie : Shee hath shedde more blood than Ninivie , Babylon , Shusan , and Ierusalem it selfe . Her Doome is , doe to her as she hath done to you : And what she hath done to you , your Soules & Thrones may feele . For beside your soules killing , the Pope hath overthrowen the Maiestie and dignitie of Impyres . Shee denuded you of Kinglie Authoritie when shee exposed your Sacred Persons to the contempt and violence of the basest Villanes : Shee ate vp your flesh , not so much in catching the riches of your Kingdomes , as by nesting in your bosome , like a Viper to destroy you : Shee burnt your with the fire of excommunication , raising such combustions that your Countrie and Courts were divyded . The Sonne set against the Father , a as Henrie the fifth against Henrie the fourth , to pursue him to death , and after death to deny him Buriall . Therefore this is her recompence , that you make the Whoore naked , eate vp her flesh and burne her with fire God hath sentenced her , and there remaineth no more but execution : Though wee rest on none but Scripturall Prophecies , yet their owne Prophets foretold their ruine : For Hildegardis ▪ and Catharina Senensis , ( whose contraire visions Delrio b laboureth to reconceale ) Brigitta , telleth them of their destruction : c What ever bee the force of her writ it must be Canonick to them , d since Boniface the nynth hath cannoized her , and Martine the fifth confirmed that canonization , and their later writers as Chemensis , e Capistranus , Aytinger , &c. haue spoken broadlie , That Rome shall bee ruined by the Almaines and the French. As God calleth and commandeth you to doe it , so you are bound to it by these two bonds wherey they presse you most , your Baptismall initiation and sacred oath : In Baptisme yee were initiate in Christian faith , and not in Antichristian perfidie ; And the substance of your oath is to defend Apostolicke and primitiue trueth and not the yesterday novelties of Rome : Their own a Patrons grāt that in the middle ages they were Apostaticke and Apotactick , but since , we never find their reformation or amendement : The errour of time confirmed by badde custome hath made men mistake these Notions of Christ and Antichrist , trueth and vntrueth , and so to misplace their affections and actions about them , but open your eyes to the light God offereth in his word , and your better informed mindes shall reforme your affections , and rectifie your actions , b least you take darknesse for light , night for day , and death for life , that you may forsake Antichrist and heresies , and ioyne your selues to the Lambe , and his trueth in the reformed Churches . Or if you will not take Gods cause to heart , nor bee moved with these bonds , let your Life and Crownes moue you : Though hee vnder a Iudiciall hardnesse bee senselesse of the guiltinesse of his vsurpation , yet be not you senselesse of these indignities : He maketh you to fight against your selfe in his quarrell , while hee abuseth your power for the maintenance of his greatnesse to the overthrow of your authoritie : Remember hee is head of that Court , whose Ambassadours boasted in England , that they served at that Court , which commanded both other Kings and their Courteours . It hath ever beene your fault to neglect the commoun cause of Princely authoritie : There is nothing more s●oothed than that that is pleaded by many : When any one Prince was thunder-beaten by Iupiter Capitolinus , hee exhorted other Princes , that they should not betray the common cause , but all in vaine : For the ruine of one made a prey to many : Therefore they suffered the present storme to passe over , and that because by a wicked purchas some accession came to their state . This was specially when a great Prince was broken , whose greatnesse was fearefull to them all : The Emperour was most left in the sturre , while smaller Princes thought it their securitie , if he were redacted to that state , that hee might not rise to the greatnesse of his Ancestors . It is tyme for you to awake , when their flatterers pittie your injuries , and the Iesuits admire your patience . Petrus Ferrariensis a marking how the Pope insnared you to inlarge his owne iurisdiction , cryeth out . But alace miserable Emperours , and secular Princes , who suffer these things and make your selues slaues to the Pope ; and see the world by infinite cousanages abused , and yet you thinke not of a remeede : And where the Iesuits please to bee free , they wonder fatuos b fuisse veteres Imperatores , & imperij nostri ordines qui sibi tanto cum dedecore , ora sublinia Papis sustinuerint , that Emperours and the States were so foolish , as to bee gulled with Popes . Wee haue better cause than Athanasius to say , I am Ecclesiae tempora oculatos ▪ & operosos Principes requirunt , that the tymes of the Church require seeing and doing Princes . He had to doe with the Arrians , but now the Antichristiā Mysterie rages . God hath given you power ; open but your eyes to leade you in the vse of it . How long will it be ere yee awake to see how hee hath first led you from God in superstition , and now leadeth you against God in persecuting of his Saints . Consider how Maximinus c the Emperour was stirred vp to persecute the Church by Pagane Priests vnder hope of great successe : But when hee saw himselfe overthrowne by Licinius , hee destroyed his instigators as deceavers . The Pope and his Cleargie haue set you on this last bloody persecution : God vvill disappoint you , and turne it to your shame : It were your wisedome to avenge you of your seducers . Looke on other Princes , who haue shaken off his yoake , as England , Scotland , Denmark , Sweden , &c. Their Kings know none aboue them vnder GOD : They are honoured , and obeyed of their Subiects , without reflecting vpon any other power on earth You reigne but precario , as Titulars , and they count you but as Kings of the Chesse . Neither a dare you rule your Subiects as free Princes : Neither dare your people obey you as such . The terrour , at least the credulitie of the Popes Transcendencie , limiteth your p 〈…〉 er , and looseth your people to rebell . Receaue Christ in his Gospell , and set vp his Throne in your lands as they haue done , and then you shall finde both the sweetnesse of the Grace of the Gospell , and of a free and vndependent governement . Gods Trueth amongst vs ( Protestants ) maketh vs not onely to congratulate our happinesse in our free Kings and Churches , but also to commis●rate your estate , when wee see Gods image in you great Princes , so shamefully abused by a deceaver . You cannot be both Popish and free Princes : The verie Notion of Poperie subiecteth you necessarly to Hildebrands vsurpation , Renounce Antichristian tyrannie , and come to Christian libertie , and you shall finde both grace for your persons ▪ and glorie to your government . Angment the Popesplunges , and while that Iuglar knoweth not which of you to keepe , let him feele the revenging power of you all . You gote m●●y exhortations of this kinde from Preachers and Theologues , but you haue heard them with close eares : Therefore God hath sent you latelie a royall premonition from the Pen of the King of great Britaine . The suggestions of Subiects found little accesse , and as little regard at your hands : But the Counsell of a King to Kings , and that in the matter of a Kinglie authoritie , is more weightie . Trueth is trueth and powerfull , who ever speake it : But Trueth in the quarrell of Kings proponed by a great and wise King , will find more accesse , than private suggestions The royall Genius which is one in Kings , maketh them to haue a sympathie , speciallie where their common cause threateneth a common danger . Let none bee so simple as to thinke they will either repent their whole course , or relent its extreamitie : Though they haue found , and ( ere it bee long ) may find a great dash , yet they will but temporize , and suting peace , turne to more deepe and deadlie plotting . They thought all their own at the Smalcaldicke warre , and when God brak their forces , they simulat a pacification , yet they w●●e ever plotting a new persecution . If GOD shall disappoint them of their cruell intentions ( as in mer● hee hath begunne to doe ) yet ere it bee long , they would fire Europe with a new and greater combustion . Antichrist may bee destroyed ; but mollified or tamed can hee not bee : Their Romish temper is vncapable either of the change of repentance , or the mollifying of moderation . The curbing of the Popes insolencie is no more iust and necessar in it selfe than faceable to you : Romes natiue crueltie caried ever the cause of her ruine in her bosome . It was noted as ominous in olde Rome , that when they beganne first to execute that Romane censure interdicere igni & aqua , their Atrium or great Court was burnt with thunder , and so since Popes began to play vpon Princes with their ordinance of excommunication , their state hath beene broken : When Boniface the ●●ght would take on him the Habite , Sword , and Ensignes of the Impyre Philip of France comp●sced that insolencie shortlie , and made him die in exile and greiefe : And how much their power is broken , since Luthers time , the world seeth : King Henrie of England devorced his Kingdome from the Pope ▪ because Clement the seventh impiouslie denyed to devorce him from his incestuous Queene , to whom Iulius the second dispensation tyed him . Scotland in the minoritie of her Princesse , proved both Maior and masculous in shaking off the Popes yoake : Denmarke , Sweden , and manie Princes of Germanie haue cut his wings in their Dominions . What an angrie King can doe to him , was latelie seene betwixt Philip the second , and Sixtus the fifth , Cardinall Estensis the ruler of the Consistorie , promised to make him Pope if hee would never promoue Hieronymus Mattheus , but beeing chosen Pope , hee made Hieronymus a Cardinall , and so Estensis sent his hand-writ to Philip the second , to proue his periurie and Symonie : herevpon Philip minded to call a Councell to processe him for these two crymes , and declare the nullitie of his Election according to their Lawes : But while Sixtus is grieved for the intended processe , and devising a revengfull excommunication against Philip hee contracted a fever , and dyed . If that sturre had gone on , possiblie the Pope had beene curbed , or Spaine reformed , to bee as eminent in true zeale , as now pertinax in supperstition : But Gods time is comming : And seeing the republick of Venice gaue him a wound which hee can not cure ; What may not you great Princes doe , whose glaining is greater than the vintage of Abiezer ? As Princes and Republickes , so his owne Romans haue curbed his pride : And God set vp barres to it so soone as it began to overflow , for Cincius a a Romane , compesced Hildebrand in Rome , while he was abusing the Emperor in Germanie , and when Alexander the third , by his Legate was disciplining Henrie the second for Beckets cause , the Romans had expelled him out of Rome . And Onuphrius b marketh , that for the space of fiftie yeares from Celestine the second to Clement the third , the Romans did so intreate the Popes , that some of them died for displeasure , others were almost killed in tumults , and a third sort were banished ; and that in their heate of vsurpation over Kings . God hereby was both taxing the feeblenesse of Princes , and teaching Posteritie , the possibilitie of the Popes curbing . His Brieves , Bulls , and Legats , did more in Kingdomes , farre distant than his owne presence could doe in Rome . Hee domnineered absolutelie abroad , while hee fought at home for the governement of the Citie , and safetie of his owne life . Gerson hath made his curbing problematicke , and it is your part to turne his probleme in effect . The Apostle descryving Antichrist , taketh some part of that Description from Nero , whose tyrannie hee saw , and Uespasian ( the reformer of Neroes wickednesse ) pulled downe the golden Head hee had set on the Collosse , and in stead thereof placed the image of the Sunne . It were good service to God , to pull downe that head , that hath lift it selfe aboue the Church , and is the life of heresie and schisme , the impediment of reformation and of peace in Europe ; and in his place to make the Gospel , the image of the Sunne of Righteousnesse to shine cleerelie . Saint Austine a telleth you from your owne Lawes , that they who will not in peace worship the God of peace , nihil nomine Ecclesiae audeant possidere . And thereafter , If Princes doe not so , Quo modo possunt Deo rationem reddere ? How shall they giue a count to God ? But Baronius is more legall , Eijciendus vt Latro , hee is to bee cast out as a thiefe , who in an evill conscience possesseth that which is not his owne . Io. de Rupe scissa telleth you the way in his Parable , that when a naked bird was busked by other birds , shee became proude , and beate them : Therefore they tooke back their lent feathers , and left her naked . Take backe againe your profuse donations , wherewith you haue busked the Pope , and then , moveat coruicula risum , furtivis nudata coloribus . If hee bee redacted to an Apostolicke Preacher , his Cardinals wil return to their primitiue charge in sepeliendis mortuis in celebrating the Funerals of the defunct popish Synagogue : Rome hath beene twentie times taken since Christs dayes a And Charles the fifth , tooke it last , in show for a Revenge , but indeede to found his Monarchie . Why may not ye in the zeale of God destroy the whoore to vindicate your owne Monarchies ? God hath foretold Babels destruction , and it will certainlie come to passe : The time thereof is both fixed and knowne of God alone . And at that time hee will not want instruments ; for hee will put it in the hearts of Kings to fulfill his will. For they will make bright arrowes , and gather the shields : because the Lord hath raised vp the Spirit of the King of the Medes : For his device is against Babylon to destroy it ; because it is the vengeance of the Lord , the vengeance of his Temple . To the Pope and his willfull adhaerents , I speak as Cyprian did to Demetrian , Provide for your securitie and life , while you may : Wee offer to you the whole some gift of our counsell — And wee exhort you , while yee haue occasion , and are aliue , to satisfie God , and come to the pure light of the trueth , out of the deepe and darke night of Superstition . VVe● envy not your prosperitie , wee render you loue for hatred ▪ and shew you the path of life , in recompence of these torments , yee inflict vpon vs. Belieue , and liue , that yee who persecute vs for a time , may reioyce with vs for ever . I close with Gods command to the elect people who for a time are captivat in Babylon : Come out of her my people , that ye be not partakers of her sins , & that ye receiue not of her plagues : And his command to you Kings , Reward her even as shee hath rewarded you , and double vnto her according to her workes , in the cup which shee hath filled , fill to her the double . Therefore , let her plagues come in one day , that as the Angel speakes , Great Babylon may bee throwne down , and found no more , as a milstone cast into the Sea. That all the Saints may haue matter to sing . Halel●iah , Salvation , and glorie , and Power vnto the Lord our God : For true and righteous are his Iudgements for hee hath iudged the great whe●re which did corrupt the Earth with her fornication , and av●●ged the blood of his Servants at her hand . AMEN . Do illis eruditionem : Do doctrinam : Sed fidem & religionem ●●●quam coluerunt , Cicer. de Graec. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A13078-e190 Rom. 13. 1. Proverb . ● . ●6 . Micah . 5. 2 ▪ Luc. 2. ● . Matth. 16. Iohn . 10 ●●bros ▪ de dig . Sacerd , cap. ● . Ibid. cap. 2. Vtrum mai●r dignitas pradia dividendi an peccata di●●ittendi . Co●●●d . lib. 1. August . Cavit 2● . 6. Vni●u● in orbe I●p . Rex . ●●● niumque Princip●●● s●● pr●●um . &c. Marta . I●ris . Epist dedi● . Paul. 5. Suarez defen . 6. 6. ●ellar . Apol. Cypr. de Ie●u● . Revel 17. a Innocen 3 b Leo. 10. Bull. 12. Card. Lothar . Practic . Cancell . Hisp. Aphor. Card. 16 22. I●d . 9. 20. Virum negotiosis●imum in Repub. Epist. 54. Psal. 21. 6 Notes for div A13078-e3310 Psal. 33. 1. The Birth of the Prince : May 29. An. 1630. Polydor hist. lib 5. Azor. in●●st ▪ tom . 2. lib ▪ 10. cap 1. Ecbertus tot●●● insula Monarcha . & Edmundus . La●francus totius Insula Britaniae Primas . Concilium . Angl. Anno. 1085. Binius . tom . 3 ▪ part . 1. pag. 395. Fasting and thankesgiuing two od solemnities . Thankesgiving is more pleasan● . Sicci●e exprimitur publicum gaudium per publicum dedec●● . Tertul. Apolog. 35. The summe and order of the words . King Dauid a Supplicant . Prius peremptores quam parentes Bern. hom . 2 super missus est . Parentes sensimus peremp tores , &c. Cypr. de lapsis Sect. 7. Amos cap 3 5 Cū ipse Pater qui largitur ista suggerat peti , &c. Cypr de ascens . cap. 4. Rom. 11. 34. Rom 8. 27 Grace compleats all the parts and degrees of our happinesse . Credituros promisit , qui dixit , & non docebit ●nusquisq , proximum suum . Reconciliandos promisit qui dixit propitius ero inquit atibus eorum . &c. Prosper de Vocat . Gent. lib 1. cap. 9. Ephes. 2. Psal. 10. 17 2. Sam. 7. 27. 1 Chr. 17. 25. Solomon prayed for . Gods great respect of Kings . Rom. 13. 1 Colimus imperatore 〈…〉 , &c. Tert. ad Scapul . cap. 2. 1 The Author of Principality is God. Cum res sit praestātissima ordo politicus , &c. Calvin ▪ in hunc locum 2. The necessitie of principality . Chessan . Catal. part . 5. cons. 1. Prover . 8. 8 Dan. 2. 11. Divina providentiâ regna constitu●ntur humana . Mans necessitie , & Gods supplie by Callings . Eccles. 5 9. Gen. 1. 26. Gen. 2. 16. Gen. 4. 2. Gen 4 22. Gen. 4. Gen. 4. 26. Governement founded in Adam . Princes giue a civill life to a Land. 3. The excellencie of principality . The kindlie and sweete relation betwixt Prince and people . The Character of Principality is of GOD immediatelie . The signes of principalitie . 1. In their coūtenance . Quantus motus sit ad unā iussionem imperatoris , Aug hom 16. Prov. 19. 12. 2. In their Ornament . Aut capite Diadema , aut in manu Sceptrum . Tertul. advers . Iud. cap. 10. 1 Chr 29. 25 2 Chr. ● . ● . The limitation of Princes . Psal 82. 6. 7. Sciunt quiillis dederit impertum a quo sunt secunds post quem primi , &c. Tertul. Apol cap. 30. Hos. 8. 4. Eccles● 5. 9. Psal. 51. Soli Deo reus quia hominem non habet qui ●ius facta d●●udi cet . Cassiod . ibid. 1. Monarchie is the best sort of Governement . Tum Resoub . id est res popul● bene ac iuste geritur sive ab una Rege ▪ sive a paucis optimatibus , sive ab universo populo . August ▪ de Civi● . Deilib , 2. cap 20. Their practise is Monarchie . Monarchie is the end of all . 1. Errour in Princes : affectation of Divinitie . That conceate is a great frensie Ante ●mnes Deos & super ●mnes Deos. Tertul. Apol. Cap. 30. It is Sathans policie . August . civit . lib. 9. cap. 10 Gentium numina scelerum nomin . ● . Iovem non magis regno quam vitijs principem Cypr. Epist. 2 Portenta non numina , Cyp de va●t . idol . sect . 2. The Pope is taken with that frensie . Pontificale de Consecratione Imaginum . Minor est si tune Deus dicitur . Tertul. Apol. Maledictum est , ante Apothensim Caesarem Deum nuncupare . Tertul. Apol. 34. Nec Deus es nec bomo . 1 Anabapenemies to Magistracie . a Si quis putat quoniam Christianus est , &c. Aug. propos . 72. ex Epist ad Rom. b Iudai non peccarunt dicendo non habemus Regem nisi Caesarē , sed quia abnegarunt Christum . Aug. Ps. 55. c Singulare Dei opus est rectum in mundo princi● patum erigere ac tueri . Calvin in hunc locum . Rom. 13. Grace and Magistracie agree , Prov. 8. Rom. 13. 1. d Potes & officio ●urisaictionis tuae fungi & humanitatis meminisse . Tertul ad ●cap cap. 4. e Ambros. Hexam . lib. 5 passim . f Secundum istas vestras fallacissimas ●anissimasq . rationes habenis laxatis . Aug. contr . epist. Gaud ▪ lib. 2. cap. 1● . 2. A popular errour that Princes get good , but giues none to their people . ●ivius Dec●d . 1. lib. 2 Ambros. Hex . lib. 5. cap. 21 People should 1. pray for Princes . Nos pro salute imperatoris Deum in vocamus a ternum . Ter. cap. 30. 1 Tim. 2. 1. Such prayers are our profite . 1. Tim. 2. 1. Ier. 29. 7. 1 Kings 24. g Si quis de populo deviat , solu● perit : Verum Principis error multos involvit . Bernard . Epist. 1●7 . h Regun● lapsus p●na populorum est Amb. Apo Dav●d . Quapropter utile est ut bon● diu lateq . regnent . Aug. Civ . Dei lib. 4. cap. 3. 2 Obey them in the Lord. Rom. 13. 1. Gods designation of Solomon . 1. Chro. 22. 8 9. 2. Sam. 7 ▪ 13. 1. Chro. 28. 5 Three ways to come to a Kingdome . 1. Conquest is violent . Machiavell de principe . Conquerors abuse Providence . Esa. 10. 5. 6. Prescription alone is not sufficient . Inferre bella ●in . timis qu●d aliud quam grande latro einium nomi● nandum est . Aug. de C●● . lib. cap. 4. 6. a Elegante● enum & veraciter Alexandro Magno Pirata respondit . Aug. C●vit 4 c. 4 b Impunt ●itatem sceleribus ac quirit , &c Cyp. ad D●na . Prescription the maine ground of the Popes Vsurpation over Princes Dur and , spe cul lib. 4. 2. 25 marta de lurisdict part , 1. cap. 33. num . 13. Election to Kingdomes is tumultuous . Satiut esse exist●mabant eos intrusot qualescunq , tolerandos . Baron . An. 897. num . 1. It hastened the ruine of the Impyre . Tertul , apol . 3. Succession is the best way . Election and Conquest yeelde to succession . Womens governement lawfull . Scripseram cum resinter nos turbulentissima essent . b Lata est illa Lex Vocon●a , nequis haeredem faeminam faceret , nec unicam siliam . &c. Aug. Ci●it . lib. 3. cap. 21 Numb . 7. 8. Q. Elizabeths instance . Thuan. K. Iames his instance . Gods determination . Deut. 17. 26 2 Sam. 7. 12. David rests on Gods designation Barbarous Princes cruel against their Children . A Kings Sonne is a great Blessing . The Line of this Kingdome ▪ Hector ▪ Boeth Les●●ns . A Zorius Tom 2 , lib. 10 1. Quoniam Gaudium sem per properat . &c Cyp. Ep. 33. Praevenit omnia verba mea vester affectus Aug. Psal. 147. Dicemus bre●●iter . Bern. de resurrect . serm . 2. Spiritu rectitudinis . &c. Calv. in hunc locum . 1 Chro 29. 19. ibid. 22 12. & 28. 9. 1 The nature of Iustice. Eccles. 8. 4. Exod. 18. 2. Necessitie of iustice . 1. It is the bridle of mans corruption . Luk. 6. Nec sane frustra institutae sunt potestates . Aug Epist. 54 2. It is the Guarde of our Lotte . Exod. 20. a Remotá iustitià quid sunt regna nis si magna la ▪ trocinia . Aug. ●ivit . lib. 4. cap. 4. b Per iura Regum possidentur possessiones Tract . 6. in Ioh. Noli dicere quid nihi & Regi ? 3 Decyding questions . Summum in Regibus bonum , &c. Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 120 ▪ Rex est lex vi● va , & Lex est Rex iustissimus . Philo. de vita Mosis . lib. 2. Rempub. sine iniuria regi non posse . Au. Civ . 2 ca. 21. Princes fittest for to Iudge . Qui perso nam amici induit exuit personā & conscienti ●●● iudicis ▪ Aug. 3 The extent of Iustice. Reges terrae serviūt Christo , &c Aug. Epist 48. In hoc enim Reges ▪ &c. Aug. con . Cresconium Three haue enteresse in Religion . Constantins exact distinction . Vos eorum quae intra Ecclesia geruntur , Episcopi esti● &c. Euseb vit . Const. ● 24. Synods for Religion . 2 Ch. 29. 25 1 Chro. 17. 9. Popes debarred Princes . a Bellar de Laicis . cap. 1. Pet Thy. les . de Eccl Thes. 3 b Francise . Boz . de Monarchia . c Pla. Gre. 7 Canonizing of Kings , the popes baite to gul them . Bella de offi● . Principis . lib. 3 à cap. 3. ad finem . And the popes discover . a In Cathedra Petr● , solio Christi erant homines monstruosi vitá turpissimi , &c. Barron . Ann. 897. Bern. Ep. 96. 1 Politicke abuse of Religion . 2 King. 10. 16. 1. Kin. 12. 26 28. Animian . Marcellinus . a Memini enim me & ●e communiter aliquando &c. Basil Ep. admirand 4. Iusia . desert . b Quam quod Deo & religioni &c. Cusan . Crib . Alc●r . lib. 3. cap. 8. c Leo 10. P. Be●b . 2. Superstitiouslie abused themselues in it . Prateolus . lib. 2. hares . 8. Durand Rat. lib. 2. cap. 8. num . 6. Hilar. lib. 3. contr . Const. 3. Neglect of Religion . Et nune Reges entelligite id est n●lite tristes esse , &c. Aug. psa . 2. Non auferet mortalia qui Regna dat cale●●ia , Sedul . True Religion makes people more obedient to Princes . Princes owe their liberty from the pops tyrannie to reformation vnder God. Truth an vsher of loyaltie . Kinglie prudence is the gift of God. Prov. 8. 15. 16 Nam si propria virtute satis instructi essent Reget , &c. Calvin . in hunc locū . The popes tye God to their Chaire ▪ but not themselues to God. Ceremonial . lib. 1. 6. 2. a Non Cathedra facit Sacerdotem . Chry hom . Matth. 43. b In sedem Apostolicam horenda . &c. Barr. 900 n. 3 Per A●nos ferè centum , &c. Genebr . lib. 4. sect . 10 Barron . An. 897. num . 4. Stertentibus . omnibus quibus fuerat vigilandum . Idem . Anno 899. ● . 3● . Idem Anno , 900. n. 1. The work of the royall gift is good Governement . Exod. 31. 30. 1. Good Lawes the rule of Governement . Populi nullis legibus tenebantur . Aug. Covit . 4. 6. Good lawes haue both direction & sanction . Good Lawes the sinews of societies . The diverse respects of of Lawes . They are both for direction and execution . 1 King 9 3. 1 King. 10. 4 2 Practise of Lawes . Leges benè stabilitas sed sed malè observatas ▪ Ber-Non eris innocent . Bern. Consid. lib. 2 The due application of Lawes is fruitfull . Prov. 29 2. Their wrōg application is hurtfull Prov. 29. 2. Psal. 12. 8. Vnrighteous nesse is the mortality of Kingdomes . Ministration of Iustice. Eccle. 3. 16. ●nter leges ipsas delinqui tur , inter iura peccatur . Cyp. Epi st . 2. Ecclc. 3. 17 Perverted Iustice is a case reserved to God. It shall bee censured at ahe last day . Lexcuria c●● lestis & Re●pub . est volunta● Dei. Aug. Difficulties of judgement . 1. From the Lawes . Ad citiorem litium decisionem . Cod , ●● . in it para . h●c igitur . 2 From the parties . 3 From witnesses . Heb. 6. 16. Psal. 116. 11. Remeedy of these difficuties . Rev. 2. 17. Psal. 82 1. Necessitie of torture is a torture to the criminal Iudge . It is as necessar amōg Christians as among Pegans . The innocent sometimes punished . Ideo torque●●ur confiten tes & absol●imur negantes quia nomin●s proelium est ▪ Tertu . Apologet. The guiltie some times escape . Psal. 25. 17. 2 Chro. 19. 6. 7. 3 Kings haue great difficulties . Qui imperāt serv●●nt eis quibus videntur imperare . Aug. Societati humanae dominando consulitur & consulendo servitur . Rom. 13. 1. 4 And great dangers . Iustice irritateth vnrighteous men . Causa supplicis non est iusticia iudicis . &c Aug. de Trin. lib. 4 cap. 10. God guardeth Princes by a speciall providence . Flatterres are a snare to Kings . It is faintnes to lay down their Crownes . Nicephor . Euseb. Ruffin . Diocletianus post cruentam ●aedem in persecutione , &c Constan. apud Euseb. lib ● . cap. 25. Bar●n . Ann● . 304. nu● . ● . Bell. Smalea . 1 Pietie the first remeed of these difficulties . Isa. 11. 2. Psal. 119. 164 The popes profainnesse in the Consistorie . Palaot . de consul . Consist . pag. 373. M●rum nemini esse debeb●t — quod prop● ter sactissim● Christs Vicarii praesentiam — sed ad secretioris my sterii significatione●● . Dist. 40 cap. Convivia . Recede a me non te ●abe● necessarium . Hieron . advers ●elag Nullum tibi venenū , nullum gladium magis formido quam , &c. Bern de consid . lib. 3. Bellar. de officio Principis lib. 1. cap 22 Illius ergo ●●bis virtus quaerenda est , &c. Gregor . lib. 6. Epist. ●● . 9. 2. Prudence expedeth difficulties . The multitude vntractable . Psal. 78. 72. Moderat Governement is durable . 2 King. 12. Prov. 29. 4. Davids subjects are Gods people . Man most vnrulie of all creatures . No pure and meere Nature . Psal. 49. Philo de ●ita mosis ▪ lib. 1. p. 475. Idem de Agricultura . p. 150. Affectu bruto d●cuntur . Man most obliged and best furnished , is most disobedient . God hath set Magistrats to curbe mens outrages . Psal. 82. 3 4 Kings in Gods Church are most happy . Psa. 16. 6. 1. Pet ▪ 2. 9. Psal 18. 47. Good people easilie ruled . 2 Pet. 1 4. Best people most capable of equitie and disposable to obedience . Kings ought to rule them selues . Psal. 101. 1. vers . 2 ▪ Quic●●que proprium corpi●● subegit , &c. Amb. in psal . 118. ser. 14. Rege terram & eris Rex terra , &c. Aug. Psal. 75. Selfe-governement is a safe governement . b Xenoph●n . Cyr. ( a ) Seneca Ep. 37. c Greg psa . penit . 5. d Ambros. psal . 47. e Greg. mor. lib. 11 cap. 12 f Nam etsi ha bet aculeum , tamen eo non vtitur &c. Amb. Hexa mer. lib. 5 c , 21 Iustice beginneth at Kings . Aug. civ . 19. 4 Tot Dominorum quot vi● tiorum servus civ . 4. 3. Multae bestiae nobis sunt . Basil , exam . hom . 10. Qualiter alios corrigere . poterit . &c. Aug. Abus . grad . 2. Malus etiam si regnet ser ▪ vus est . Aug. civit . 4 c , 3. Kings are examplers . Great power without grace is hurtfull . Christian Kings are Kings over themselues . Tune enim verè Regi Regum amplius placebit . &c. Gregor . lib. 5. Epst. 106. The Governement of his Familie . Psal. 101. Civit. 19. 16 Kings are as helmes sweying their Kingdomes . 2. Chro. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34. Constantius wise try all of his Court. a Itlos tan . quam Dei proditores imperatoris servitio indignos censuit ; &c. E●seb . in Vit. Constan. lib. 1 cap 9. & 10. Baron Anno. 304 num . 18. Proofe of Solomons . wisedome . 1 King. 3 ▪ 16 17. &c. Maternus affectus parcens affectus , sed novercalis affectus crudelis . 1. King. 3. 28 Peace the fruite of a good Governement . 1 Peace with God. Rom. 5. 1. Rom. 14. 17. Iustitia non est nisi in ●a Repub. &c. Aug. 2 Peace civill . Aug. ●●vit . 2. 21. 1 Cor. 10. 14. 3 peace , particular . Micah . 4. 4. 4. Kinglie peace . Luk. 2. 14. The harmonie of these , peaces . No Iustice , no peace . Levit. 26. Deut. 27 28. Saving severitie . Cruell Clemencie . Num. 35. 34 Iustice and peace goe in others hāds . Deut. 32. 15. Solomon answereth to this peaceable name . 1 Chro ▪ 22. 9. 10. 2 Chro. 1. ●5 Christ the true Solomon Multa de Solomone dicuntur quae e● conventre non possunt , &c. Aug. Civit. 17. 8. 1 Cor. 1. Esay . 53. Num. 23. 1 Ioh. 1 ▪ 9. Necessitie of warre . a Tertul de Coro● , militis Non enim militare delictum est , sed pro praeda , &c Aug de verb. Dom. in Matth serm . 19. Warre is for sinne . Galat. 5. Rom. 7. It shaketh all . Man cruell against man. Neque enim vnquam in●er se Leones aut inter se Dra● cones , &c. Aug. civit 12 22. Armies are men transported . Aug. Civ . 2. 25. True Religion the great care of princes and people . True Religion is the health of Kingdomes . Pagan kingdomes farre behind Christian Kingdomes . Religio & timor Dei est qui custodi● &c. Lact ▪ de ●ra . 12. & 8. True Religion keepeth peace amōg Kingdomes . Isa. 2. 4. Micah . 4. 3. Regna in orbe ut domus in urbe &c. Aug No mixture of Religion . Religio & ve●●eratio nulla alia quam vnius Dei , &c. Lactant. lib. 1 ▪ cap. 20. Istud omnium maximè — vna fides — &c. Theod. l. 1. cap. 10. Such mixture is vnlawfull . Qua est peior mors anima , &c. Aug. 2 King. 17. 32 33 34. ( a ) Qua Divorum nostr●rum Apotheoses . Cerem . p. 1 b Ne D●am ipsā , &c. Leo. 10. lib. 8. Epist. 17. c Bellar recog . p. 2. d Vives ad Aug. civit . 8. cap. 27. e Civit. 4. 22 It is a fleshly policie . Aug Epi. 146. It is impossible . Baron . Ann. 357. n. 12. Bin. Tom. 1. p. 519. 520. Basil. de Spir. Sanct. cap. 1. Confusions of Holland . a Libertas prophetand● in Pastoribus , &c. Pareus . b Theophil . Epist. pasch . 1 c Anonym dissert ▪ de pace & concordi● Ecclesia . An. 1630. d Vorst pra● fat . Exeges . ( e ) Grot. de Ver. Christ. Rel. in fine . Exam Cens. cap. 10. C●eer . de Di vinat . ●dem de Nat. Deor. lib. 3. in fine . Aug Ep 107. Ci●it . ●ib . 5. c ▪ 9. toto . a A●●ter quā hactenus cre● ditū est . exam cap. 18. b Explanatores latuisse videtur . Socin Explic ▪ 10. 1. inifio pag 1. & 3. c Sententiā nostrā , ●nauditam scimus Socin . de nat . Christ p. 1. d Adversari omnibus , &c. So●in contr ▪ V●jek p. 134 e Lal. Soc. primu● omniuū docuit . Soci● ▪ def●ns . Asser 1. Soc. de nat . Christi . p. 7. f Cert●sumus hanc interpretationē , &c. Puc . Christ ser. rat 120. g Cuteu . Object . 21 a Quid hic faciat aut sentiat ▪ &c. Soc. resp ad C●t . Ob. 2● b Dum bene fundata ▪ &c. Lyrin . Con. cap. 6. c Damnate quae ●enebatis ▪ &c. Ibid c. 14 d Omnes sic , sed nō ego sic . Ber● Epist. 190. e Quod accipi ▪ ten●o nec d●muto &c. Hilar ▪ ad Constant p. ●81 . f Quis hoc vendi●at an Moses Paciā . Epist. 3 apud Biblio . Pat. Tom. 3. col . 4. f Et tant● scelus iugibus absterge ●acry●●s Hieron ▪ advers . Vigilant . Schisme renteth both the Church & the state . Aug. Ep. 146. Field of the Church . pag. 189. Plus no vitate turb●nt , qu● vtilitate prosunt . Aug. Epist. 118. Psal. 122. 6 , 7 Gods King. 1. His entrie 2. His disposition . Cuiplus licet qua● aliis ▪ plerumq . plus libet ▪ quam licet . 3 His Govevernement . Ios● . 1. Psa● ▪ 119. 4. His accompt of his people . 1 Chro. 28. 2 ▪ 5. In his ends Machiavells Tyrant . 1. His entrie Mach. pr●n . 18 disp 3 42 Machiavel . principis ● . 18 & 19. 2. His disposition . Antimach . 191. 3. HiS governement . Mach , de privit . 23 Antim . 482 , 487. Petrus Rex Arragonia . 4. His account of his people . 5. His end . Mach. Princ. 20. Oderint dum metuant . Borgia Machiavells Darling . a Quae enim meliora novo Principi Praecepta , &c. Machiavel . Prin. cap. 7. b Summa bonitas preces Authoris audivit . &c. Practic . Can. p. 233. Paulus Iovius . Guicciardin . Extraordinaria . quadam , fortun● malignitate . Machiavel . Princ. cap. 7. Borgia fortunes play foole . Machiavilian policie is madnesse . Iob. 5. 13. 1 Cor. 3 19. He contemneth both Christian Princes and Religion . Machiavel . Disput lib. 2 cap. 2 ▪ Regna mundi bonis & malis communiter praestat . Aug. Civit. lib 4. cap. 33 Qu● Augusto , ipse & Neroni Ibid. lib. 5. cap. 22. Aug. Civit. 5. 25. Stat magni nominis umbra . Gen. 6. 4. Ciacconi●● . But Bellarmine refuteth him , de Purgatorio . lib. 2. 8. Tyranny can not destroy Governement . Gen. 1. The Popes Vassals . 1. Hee vsurpeth on their entrie . 2 prescriveth their taske . Bellar. Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 7. 3 Appointeth their Lawes . Sulp. Sever ▪ de Vita . S. Martini . Bellarm. Apolog . A perfect King. Actor . 13. Few good Kings . In Israel Reges alios magis alios minus omnes tamen reprobos legimus . Aug. Civit. 18. lib. 23. His Paterne . Bellar de off ●rin● lib , 2 3 ▪ His end . 1. In godlinesse . 2. His righteousnesse . Prov. 21. 1. Psal. 8● . 1. His Throne . 1 Kin 10. 18 19 Affabilitie . Ester . 1. 2. Philip of Macedon . Loue of his people . His courage . Clemencie . Sicuti est aliquando misericordia pun●ens ita est crudelitas parcens . Aug. Epist. 54. Hee seeketh the loue of his Subjects . Exod. 32. 32. Mutual loue betwixt them . 2 Sam. 24. Tyrants tormented with feare . Loving Princes dwell in peoples hearts . Regem suum Apes summa protectione defendūt &c Ambros hex . l b. 5. cap. 21. Peoples loyalde the guard of Prince● . Civit. lib. 5. cap. 24. The hapines of a ●and . Heb. 13. Psal. 80 Malach. 1 Luke 19. Psal. 76. 1 Psal. 132 Esay . 32. 1. 17 Deut. 11. 12 Psal. 144 15 Wee ought to praise God. Psal 21. Scotlands Happinesse . Psal. 147. 19 20. Psal 2. Bed Hist ▪ Anglor . Great Britains happinesse . Psal. 147 12 14. Bernard . Sermon . 33 Deut. 4 7. 8 Deut. 4. 7. 8 Speach to the Nobilitie , &c. To the Colledge of Iustice . To Edenburgh . Wee ought to pray . 1. For the King. Esay 11. 2. 3 Cantic . 8. 6 Psal. 61. 6. 7 Psal. 132 2 For the Queene . Psal. 45. 3 For the Prince . 1 Sam 2. 12. 1 King. 2. 4 2 Chron. 6 16 Prover . 3. 1 Luke . 1. 4 For our Selues . Esay . 5 Rom. 2. Deut. 4. 9 True thanks giving is n●w obedience . Psal. 68. Notes for div A13078-e31600 Papists are better seene by their practise than controvesies They are vnder a judiciall and hereticall pertinacie . a Obstinatissima pervicacia Civit l. 2. cap. 1. b Praesumptionis insanae est Facian ad Sympron . Ruff. i● Symbol . They hane wedded thēselues to the Trent faith . Their miserable shifts . 1 They shift Scripture . a Hosius . Pighius . L●n●anus . Colloq . Ratis . 16●0 . 2 Traditions a ● Prateo● ▪ b●res b Tertul. Pr●scrip . ( c ) Lindan Azer . d Lactan. l. 5. cap. 20. 3 Fathers . a Lyrinens commonitor . ( a ) Proleg . retract . b Dur. fol. 140. 4 Counsells . Vives in August . 5 Popes . testimonie . Popes iudge and partie ▪ 6. Philosophie a Hieron in Esay 19. b Venenata eloquenti●●acula contorquens . Cypr. Epist. 57. c Apo● in Cantic● . Comment . in Amos. Ibid. Polid. invent ▪ lib 5. 1. Lactan. 3. 1 a Hieron ▪ ad Ctesiph ( b ) Basil C●nc in Ma● Mar ●y●● Their new Philosophie ( a ) Scot. 4 distinct . 10. Monsters in Philosophie Their disputs are many . Irene● . Cens. Paris . Val. Analys . But now tastlesse and hurtfull to themselues . Vasq de adorat . 409. Expurging Indices a mar●yring of Bookes . Sixti Biblioth . praefat . a Thuan continuat . No ende of their purging . b Tertul , de Test ▪ A●● ▪ cap 1. August . Epist . 156. They shift disputs . a Salmeron . Tom. 8 Tractat . 1. b Manual . l. 5. cap. 12. c Sciop . pag. 122. d Alexipharm . 12. e Martyrol . praefat . Contrare to their former practise . ( a ) August . praefat . ad Brevic. collat . ( b ) Contra Faust. l 14. cap. 12. c Salmer vbi supra . d Clamosis vocibus personantes e Possid . Vita August . c. 17. f Cent. Luc. 5. col 30. a Neque congredi audeut , quia sciunt se facile superari ▪ Lactant l. 5. c. 1. 7 Refuge is crueltie . [ c ] Omnia in gladium resolvis . Cusan . Cribrat . Alcor 3. 8. b August . civit . l 3. c. 18 e Onuph . Vit. Paul. 4. The Pope a lyar & murtherer Iohn 8. 44. See the Treatise Chap. 30. 31 Arist. Phis. lib. 4. They shall never destroy the truth , or the Church . Hilar. Psa. 63 Deficient , doctrin●s spiritu● albius refutati . Ibid. Cypr. de ietum . Hilar. Trin. L. 7. Theoph. Epist Paschal . 1. Sathan blind●th them to their destruction . a In Apoc. 14. 17 18. b de Antic . Lib. 4. c. 5. c In Apoc. 18 19. d Histor. Con. Trid. lib. 1. e Bernard . con . lib. 1. f Can. l. 4. Theophil . ubi ▪ supra . They are as blind as their idoles ? Psal. 115. Bloodie Rome shall perish in blood . Revel 17. 6. Revel . 18. 4. Their Apostasie . Revel . 18. 4 Matth. 15. 13 Notes for div A13078-e37380 Pag. 98. Onus Ecclesia Episcop . Chemensit 1. Ecclesia pu ▪ ra . 1. Ecclesia pu● ra . Ante Concilium Nicenum exiguu● aut ●ullus respectus habebatur ad Eccl Rom. 2 Ecclesia am bitiosa . Concil . Chal. Act. 16. Vt fraternitas tu● instruatur . Cypr. Epist 42. Cor nelio . 3. Eclesia insidiosa . Concil . African . 4. 4. Eclesia seditiosa . 5. Ecclesia perniciosa . Revel . 18. 2. 4 2. Thess. ● Cypriano gloriossimo Papae Clerus Romanus Cypr. Epist . 26. Gregor . 7. Romae Synodum habuit &c. Baron . Martyrol . lanuar . 16. Gregor . 7. di ctat . 11. Vestan . d● osc . Ped. Pont. c. 17 Azor. part . 2 col . 94● . Bellar. Tom. 1. prafat . Lorin . in Act. Apost . Baron . Mar tyrol . Octob. 16 Christianosque appellari , & censeri loco summa dignitatis esse puta bamu● . Nazian . M●nod . Chr. Homil. 33 in . Acta . Francisc. B●zius de Monarch . p. 1. Continuat . Th●an . Pacian . Epist. 1. Baron . An. 876. n. 6 Ibid. n. 9 Arbitrio papae imperium est collatum . Cregor . 7. lib. 2. Epist. 13. Facultas eligends Imperatorem , &c. Aphoris . Car. 19. Azor. part . 2 lib. 10. cap. 6 in fine . Ideo Imperator à Pontis●ce Diademate decoratur . Aphorism . 16. ● Romani P●ntifices in cor●nandis Imperator . &c. Constantinop . Baron . An. 87 9. n. 9. Bellar. recog . pag. 59. Cerem . lib. 1 sect 5. Pontificial . Rom fol , 55 Francisc. Leo Thesaur . for , Eccles. cap 1 n. 22. It. cap. 25. n. 13. b Marta Iurisc . part . 1 c. 18. n. 12 ▪ & n. 18. c Imperatoris juramento fidelitat . &c Vastan . de os●u . ped . p. 93. d Decuit Ro manum Pen tif●●em juramento fidel & obed . sibi Re ges obstringe re — vt il lorum arrogātiam & teme ritatem inhi beret Ibid. pag 97. Proverb . 8 Ceremonial . e Suarez de fens . lib 3 c. 22. num . 9 Vicarius Christi habet domi nium in Vassalum suum . Baron An ▪ 701 num . 16. 17 Et An 1097 n. 18 1● . &c a Bellar de transl . Imperij Dresser . de translat . Imp. ( b ) Implorationem potius quam vocationem hanc di● xerim . Otto ▪ Frisin degest . Frederic . lib. 2 a Martianū Imper. à Deo electum esse . Bellar. Rom Pont. Lib. 5. cap. 3. Potestas — Dominorum meorum pietati coelitus data est . Ibid. Casaub. de li bert . Ecclesiast . Cusan de concord . Catholic . lib 3. c. 1. 23. &c. Bell. Recog . pap . 52. Nomen Imperatoris potest & forte debet deleri . a Becan . controvers . Anglic quaest . 3. ● . 14 15. b Schiop Ecclesiast . cap. 147. Ecclesia est mandra , &c. — Carolus Magnus haud paule mai●r aut sapientior Asinus fuit . Barron . ann . 1073 n. 7 Idem . 1076. n. 8. Barron 1112 n. 17. Platina , Vit. Gregor . 7. Vestan . p. 75. ●n . 551. n. 2. Richeom , Expost . Apol. cap 22. a Stàpham equi Papalis ●enere debet . Marta ●uris . 1. cap. 18. n. 18. b Deinde accepto equi fre●● peraliquo● &c. Ceremo . Rom. fol. 26. pag. 2. Ibid. Marta Iuris . 1 18 Iuel . Defens . P. 235 1 Cor. 12. 12 — Cuius vestigia adorat — Matuan . Ceremonial . passim . a Imprimis Pontificium humilitas , commenda●i debet , &c. Vestan ▪ de osc , ped . Pont. cap. 18. pag. 14● . Zo●aras ▪ a Romani Pontifices ex ▪ pressam Apostolici muneris imaginem ▪ &c. Vestan . ibid. I am linte● calceamenta in usu Ecclesia Rom. non sint . &c. Ibid. pag 148 ( b ) Diocletian● quidem improbitas , &c. Ibid. cap. 2 p. 14. ( a ) Papa est successor Petri piscato ris & non Augusti Im ▪ peratoris . Psal. 68. 23. a Tum pedes sanguine ●ingunt●r , &c. Vestan Ibid p. 154. ( b ) — Sic convenientius ut arbitor intelligitur pes tinctus in sanguine . Aug. Psal. 67. Esay 49. 23. c Prophetiā illam imple●ā esse Imperatori● . & Regi bus &c. Suar Des●ns . Lib 3 cap. 3. cap. 24 ● , 17 d Eudaem . Iohan. Paral. Tort● cap. 8. Acts 16 Acts 10 a Marta de iuris part . ● ▪ c. cap. 46. b Pipin . An. Do● 752 , Marta ibid : a Alexandri . 3. factum commendari potest , &c. Vestan . p. 75 Rex Regina ▪ rum . Tholos . Syntag. 18. 1. 11. Horat. Turs de Aede Loret . Lib. 1. cap. 6. a Potest Pontifex illas emendare , Suarez . &c. Defens 3 22. Ibid. n. 15. 16 b Denegato brachio seculari , &c. Mat Iuris . part . 1. cap. 5 1. n. 1. c Eymer . Director . Inquis part 3. q. 34. Fegna Comment 83. d Quam●is Pontifex , &c. Bellar. Rom. lib. 5. cap. 6. Baron ann . 878 n 22. 2 Thess. 2. a Quod illi soli ●icet pro temporis . &c. Hildebrand Dictat . 7 Regula Canc. Stylu● curiae Romanae variat . quotannis . Ab eadem sede Apostolica , &c ▪ Baron . 878. Baron : A●n . 547 : n. 50. Idem Anno. 553. ● . 231 a Christus distinxit , &c ne ●ut Imp. iura Pontifecis , &c. Bella Rom Lib : 5 cap. 5 Gomes ▪ Regul . Cancel fol 83 2. Thessa : 2. 8 Tholos . Syntag . Lib. 47. cap. 20. n. 8. a Vis directi va sine coactiva inefficax est . Suarez . Defens . lib. 3 c. 23 ▪ n. 3 b Ibid. n. 18 c Nam non videretur dis cretus Dominus fuisse &c Bertrand . de Origin . Iuris . quaest ▪ 4. Bibliothec . Pat. Tom. 4 Col. 105. ( d ) Roderic . Zamor . spec . lib. 2. cap. 1 a Duobus modis potest Rex cōtumax , &c. Suarez . defen . 6. 6. 13 b Esto excedat . &c. Suarez . defens . 6 6. n. 16. 17 Cypr. epist. 51 a Suarez . Defens Cath. lib. 6. sect . 18 Ibid. sect . 24 Facio vt ille qui tibi Rex erat , non sit tibi Rex contra Barclaium . pag 259 b Hunc etiā ingratiam recep● — non ●at men ▪ &c. Pla ▪ tin . dè vita Gregor . 7 ( a ) Iesuit . Sicar . part . 2 , c. 8. p. 73. Neque etiam à Papa absolutus Rex potest esse Penes Impera torem — non amplius stat Palatinū Haeresiarcham , vel haeredes●● ▪ ponere — ●●lustris Cardinales v●ani●●ter jurarunt , quod Pon tif . Max. ●evocare non possit . Aphoris . Card. 27. 28 a In vitam ejus grassari , quacunque ar te licet . Marian , de Reg. lib. 1 : cap. 7 ( a ) Duplex beatiss . Pater ministerium Petri. &c. Baron in vot . ad Paul. 5 b Pulch-dici ▪ tur ei● macta & manduca , &c. Bel. Rov● 1 cap. 22 ( c ) Alcasar in Apoc. c. 18 Ibid. Notat . 7 d Et ait Petro , occide , & manduca ▪ occide quod sunt & fac quod tu es , Aug. e Nimirum eo mysterio Ec lesiam , &c Ann. 4 1. n. 6 [ f ] Diabolic● maliciae est , &c. On● . Eccles . 17. Cusan . Epist. 2 a Pontificia potestas , &c. Suarez de fen . 3. 26. n. 8 b Bellar. Rom. Pont. lib. 5. c. 10 c Alioqui obesset regibus Christi be neficium &c Bellar. Ibid. d - Suarez . defen ▪ 3. 27 Th. Aquin. Ibid. e Erasm. Enchirid. — Religio Christian●rū impossibilium est anima me● a cum Philosophis . a Hac sol● novitas , non dicam haeresis , &c. Sigibert . Ann. 1088. ( c ) Paganitatis crimen incurrit . Pelag. 1. Artic. 7 ▪ Qui Papaeprimatum negat peccat in Spi. sanctum . b S● haec pro positio negatur , fides Catholica abi●ratur , Suarez Defens . 6 ▪ 8 ▪ d Bell. resp . ad Apol. p. 7 In hoc cardo totius controversie vertitur Suarez . defen . 321. 3. Eudaem . Apol. Garnet . c. 5 e In qua salus totius orbis Christiani vertitur . Con tinuat . Thuā . lib. 8● f Onus Ec ▪ les . c. 15. ● . 13 ▪ ( g ) Gregor . Defen . Bellar h In secunda secunda . i Baron , 849. n. 17 k Ann. 504. n ▪ 1. & 506. n. 11 Bulla ●ij 4 de form , Iuramēt a Tempus hoc opportunū ratus &c Avent . lib. 5 pag. 56 9. b Etiamsi injuria vel ipsum Casarem affecerit &c. Ibid p. 564 c Romani rationem actorum reddere nolunt &c. A vent . l. 5. 563 d Imperiae , — & quicquid habere mortales possunt , auferre nos posse Plat. vit . Gregor . 7 Tho. 3. sum . 3. 48. 8. Caejet . ibid. Censur . Paris in prop. ex H● bern . Anno 1631. Azor. Instit part . 2. l ▪ 5. c Alvar. Pelag de planct . Ecclesiae fol. 7 col . 4. Ibid. fol. 2 — In omnibus . Per omnia . Ante omnia . Supra omnia . A●●● 160● a Pontifex ijs subjectu● e●at non minus quam cateri ▪ homines . Bell. Rom. Pontif. 2. 29. [ b ] Symmachus Biblioth . Pa●r . Tom. 3. col . 195. c Gregor . l. 9. Epist. 28 d Innocent . 3. Serm. 1. Sigibert●an 550 e Merito tri plicem ▪ coronā capiti aptavit &c Vestan ▪ pag 186 f Bellar , Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 5. & 7 g Marta jur●sd part ▪ 1. c. 21. n. 29. Ipse est quasi Rex Schacharum . Io. 6. August . ibid. Tract . 25. Am l. 5. Epist. 33 1 Cor. 8 a Christ●● non habuit vl● lum temporale●egnum , &c Bellar. Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 4 b Bellar ▪ Recog . pag. 21 Pascere est re● gi● more imperare . c Romanis proprium est libido dominandi . Aug. ●ivit . 1. 33 Ibid. lib. 1. c. 1 b Turpis est mutatio a coelestibus ad ter rena Bernard Cant ser. 35 c Bernard . Consid. lib. 3 Matth 6 d Alvar. Pe lag . 1. 62. fol. 58. Planum est in terdicitur do minatus . e Purpura Imperatorem decet . &c. Ambros. lib 5 Epist. 33 Anima humana &c. August . Epist. 1. 19. cap. 5 Th●los . Syntag . 1827 Dist● 40 c. 5 S● Papa . Apo● . in C●●t lib. 1 Aug. Civit. 4. 23. — Ante p●a ●eam hester num — ●quā ipsanovellitas Praxea h●ster ni — Id esse verum , quodcunq●e primum & adulterinum quod cunque posterius . Tertul. advers . Prax. cap. 2 b Quicquid a●ud te est pra ter vnam fidē persidia , non fides est . Hilar contr . Constā . d Spal . lib. 7 cap. 12 c Scriptura secundum cur re●tē vniversalem ritum exponendia , Cusan . Epist. 2 ad Bohemos Luke . 2 Rom. 13. 1. Tit. 3. 1. 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14 a Christianus null●us est hostis , &c. Tertul. ad Scapul . c. 2 b Nos pro sa lute Impera●orum , Deum in vocamus aeternum . Apol . c. 30 c Gregor Tho los. de Repub. l. 26. c. 7 n. 10 Christianos se ab eo dicerent appellari , cujus sit Hoc pi●ssimum dog ma ▪ vt Magistratui parea●t . Ibid. Malèvelle — eo forsi● an ma jus nec in ip sum qui per Deum tantus est . Tertul. ●pol . 36. Nazianzen . Chrysostom . Ambros. See heereafter , chap. 21 Rogam●s Auguste non pugnamus . a Quo tempore Principes erant Ethni●i &c Bell. Rom Pont. l 2. c. 29 b Supplicatio onem nostram &c Leo epist. 26. c Suppliciter postulav● . ●dē ad Eudoxia● ( e ) Omnibus modis paren●●● est piet● te vestra . Leo. Epist. 44 e Epist. 7 ( f ) Epist. 58 g Epist 75 h Epist ●5 i Epist. 78 Serenis●me Domine quod ad me att●net jussionibus o be●●entiam pr●beo . Lib. 4 Epist. 32 Lib 7 Epist. 1 Si c●de hominum v●ndica re me voluis sem . Aut haec non legunt , &c Erasm in scho ●d Ctefiphon O●●m aurei sacerdotes ligneis ministra bant vasis . &c Gratian de Consecrat ▪ Can Vasa in quibus . Gratian ca●s . 23 quest . 5. c. 24. Hieron tit . c. 2 Qui non est subiectus - in nullo fidem bonam extendit . a Quod Chri stiani olim nō deposuerant Neronem , — id fuit quia deerant vires temporales , &c. Bel. Rom Pont. l. 5. c. & contra Barcl . cap. 6 b Bellar. Ibid . Ridiculū est tale ius dedisse , & non facultatem vtendi . c Externi s●mus , &c. Tertull. Apologet . 37. d Euseb. hist Eccles lib. 8 e Et haberet agmina populorum , &c. Civit. lib. 22 c. 6. LudViv . ibid fuisse . a Iulian pag 259 & 258. b Ibid. 159 c Ibid p 304 d Pag. 300 e Pag. 300 ( f ) Pagani di cti quasi eodē fonte potantes , Baron ▪ Martyrol . Ianuar . 21 Iulian. a Non potest esse sa lubris correptio , &c. Au gust contra e pist . Parmen lib. 3 c 2. Canon . Non po test . 23 quaest 4 Eudaem Apol. Garnet p. 170 a Ea tunc erant tempora vt potius ad Martyriū sub e●ndem , &c. Romul . vel potius Bel cōtra Barclatū . c. 6 a Et si maximè fuit opus meritorium , ad id tamen non tenebantur . Iesuit . Si carius . c. 12. b Mandatū per ●eremiam vt subij●iant se Regi . &c. Ibid. cap. 13 a Suarez . de●en 43. c 23 n. 4 Non fuit materia vsus . b Bell cōtra Barcl ▪ c. 17 c Dissimula tioni se accom modantes & tempori ser vientes . Alca ser. Apoc l. 19 d Obedientia quam S. Gregor . Mau ritio exhibebat non fuit debita , sed coacta Bellar. recog . p. 25. 16 Regem sibiver bo ●euus praeposuit Waldens . lib 2. art . 3. cap 75 Duraeus lib. 5 pag. 140 b Non pater sed Vitricus est , Gretzer ▪ de lur prohibent . lib. 2. c. 10. c Mutis a mici , ●oque●tib●● adversarij Quo modo po test malus litigator lauda● re judices qui bus ●udicanti● b●●s ●ic●us ●st . a Gratian. distinct . 63. C. Qu●a . a Azor ▪ part . 2. lib. 10 c. 6. in ●ine . a Theologia haec Iesuitarum , non est nov● , sed antiquissima . Bell. Apol. c. 6. pag. 90. b Lau. Aust. pag. 44 c Primus ig●tur prodeat S. Gregorius 7. Bellar cōtra Barcla● um pag. 6 [ c ] Lego ▪ & relego Roma norum ▪ &c. Lib. 6. c. 10 d Bell. cōtra Barcla●um e Primus omnium Rom Pont Gregor . 7 &c. O●uph l. 4. de Car. creat . Res ante ea secula inaudita . f Hildebran . priv●●● specie religionis An tichristi imperij fundamen ta jecit . A vēt lib. 7 p. 684. a Gregorius ● constantianimo &c. Baron . Spalat . lib. 6 c 7. ● . 59 b Apud Wi thring ▪ discuss . p ●90 . c Magnam semper fuisse ●●●er ●mperatores , &c. Azor ▪ part . 2 apud Witbrig pag. 65. d Exulto spiritu , videns &c. Baron . vot . ad Paul 5 Exulto Spiritu videns — vindices collapsa libertatis . Contention of Hildebr . with the Emperour . a Imperij enim velonium no tollendi ▪ &c. Onuph . vit . Gregor . 7 b Episcopatus totius Germaniae in aula sua partim venales ▪ partim predae expositos habuit . Calvin . Inst. l 4 c 10 n 33. Plat. vita Gregorr . 7. The quaestion betwixt them . 〈◊〉 l. 5 a Benn● Cardinalis . Sigibert Gemla● . Matth. Paris . Waltran . b Lambert Ge●ochus . Binius . Baronius . Platina . c Naucler . Generat . 37 Abbas . Stad . Anno 1076 d Platin. Gregor . 7 Aventi● . Platin. ( e ) Inductum est , vt Rom. ●ontif &c. Azor part . 2 lib. 5 ▪ c. 43 V● liceret sexcent as ●n●re . ●vent 7 Naucler . Ge norat . 36. 37 a Vbi Christi●s operatus est salute●● in medio terrae . Bin tom . 3. part 2. col . 418 Baron . Anno 1 ●5 n 34 b B●n . vbi supra . Buron . ibid. n : 34. 51 Tyr ▪ de bello sacro . lib. 1. ● 11. & 12 b B●n . vbi supra . Buron . ibid. n : 34. 51 Tyr ▪ de bello sacro . lib. 1. ● 11. & 12 c Sub Ecclesia defensione ▪ &c. Bar. 1095 n. 41. 50 d Item illud pro omni pae●●tentia repu● tetur , Concil . Claramont . Can. 2. ●yrius lib. 1. cap. 15 B●n●us vbi supra . 416. 419. 683. 687. e Pro stipen● d●● , &c Bar. 1095. n. 41. f Fructum ●terne mercedis senon dub●●āt habi●uros . Co●cil ▪ Late ●an . sub Inn● cent 3 apud B●n . 696 a Sigibert Anno 1076. Matth. Paris . pag. 16 b Baron . An. 1085. n. 24 Matth. Tortus . Bellar. Apo. a Ecce s●culum inselex . Bellar. Chronol . ann 970 b Haec novitas nondum in mundo emerserat , Sigibert ann 108● . Baron . ann . 859. Idem . 845 : c K Iames Eliensis . Casaub. Spalato . d Baron . Martyrol . Maij 25. e Totius libertatis defesorem vnicum Annot. Plat. ad Gregor 7. Vestan . de ose ped . cap. 17 f Baron . ann . 1097. ● 21 , 28 29. 30 Tertul Apolog . cap. 6. a Vos dicitis licet , &c. Optat M●leadvers . Par menian . lib 5 b Illud veri● us quod prius , &c. Tertul. advers . Marcion . lib. 4. c Mih● antiquitas Iesus Christus Ignat ad Philad [ d ] Tam vetustam fidem . Tursell . hist , Lauret . praefa● [ e ] ●bid lib. 1. c. 2. & 6. a Fatues fuisse veteres ●●●eratores , & ●●perij nostri ordinis ●ui sibi tanto eum dedecore or● sublini a Papis sustini● r●nt . Iesuit a ●ud G●●dast . Replic . 1. Corruption in all estates . 2. Sathans malice . 3. Decay of the ●mpire . 4. The Romane ●eper . ● a Libido dominandi ●ne rat vnivers● populo Romano . Aug. Civit . 1. 30. b Quid tam notum saculis quam protervia & fastus Romanorum ? — Gent insue ta paci tumul tui assueta — vsque adeo subdi nese●a nisi cum non valet resistere . Bernard de consid lib. 4 5. Superstitious respect of the Pope . 6 Vnequall policie in Church and ●mpyre . Poperie a cōstant plot . ● Thess 2 Pretended holinesse a cause of the Popes greatnesse . Bellar. Chro ●ol 126. a Beea● O pus Tom. 5. p. 500. Duplicia sunt dona Sp. sancti — ad secundum genus pertinet illud quod agnos●imus in Pontifice . b Non ●mpedit assistentiam & directionem Spir ▪ sancti . Ibid. Matth 7. 23 Antiqu● est consuetudo ▪ vt R. P. dicatur sancti●simus , & beat●ss● mus Azor. Moral part ▪ 2. lib. 5. c. vlt. col . 941. a Meritis be at● ▪ Petri ind●bitanter sanctus effici tur ▪ Gregor . 7 dictat 23 Sufficiunt quae a loci decesso ▪ re praestantur . Gratian. distinct . 40. Non nos b ●u●●icit reputare San ctum vnde nō refertur san ctitas ad eum , sed ad ast●mationem subaitorum Apud Bin par ▪ 4 colum . 367 c Bellar. de Monach. lib. 1. cap. 2. d Em. Sa ▪ Aphoris ●it . absolu●to Octava nota sanctitas doctrin● . Bellar. de nota Eccl. c. 11 Idem recog . pag. 51. Change of their name . Bar an . 844. num . 1 Romes holinesse is profainesse . a Non requ●●● vllam in ternam v●rt● te● sed tan tum externa professionem &c Bellar de Eccles. milit . lib 3. cap. 2 b Campiaem Rat. 3. c Nostra defi●●●●● compre hendit capillos vngues , malos humores , Bel vbi supra . Civit. 1. 33 d In eorum sanctitate sa lus omnium Christianorū posita est . Ve stan de oscul . ped Po●t . p. 153. e Neminem ●oss● etiamsi ve●●t ●ubesse Christo — qui non su●est ontifici , &c Bel. ubi supra ▪ cap. 5. a Vnam ●s●nctam De Eccles 3. 9 Bee. Man● , 1 4 b Oculos nos erudi●os habe mus . l. c ult ▪ d Haec Var r● non credidit , &c August . Civit. 18. 10 e Oruphrius in vita Pauli 4. f Archi gal lus ille sanctis simus . Tertul. Apol. 25. Mater magna sacris suis non magnitudine numinis , sed crimini● . August . Civit. lib. 5 cap. 26. a Vidisti du● extrema Ep● scopum sanctis simum ▪ & pon tificem perditissimum Ba ▪ ron . an . 960. num . 7. b Totum ho● nor● , nihil san ctitati datur . Bernard . consid . lib. 4. c Monstrosa res gradus sūmus , & ani mus infimus &c. Ibid l. 2 d Nomen congruat actions ▪ &c Ambros de dign . sacerd . c. 3. Apon in Cantic . lib 1 O miserandā Ecclesiam tali creditampa ranympho . Bernard . Consid 3. Al●ac . de reso ▪ Excommunication the terrible motiue of their greatnesse . Azorius . Oratio ingenua ad Regem Christaniss . Revel . 13. 11 Platin. Aventin . 1. Schoolemen . a Os consecratum est Evangelio , & nihil crepat ni si Averroem , vel Aristotele Erasm Annot ● . Tim. 1 b Plerique ab Aristotele non aliter pen dent atque ab oraculo . Ca nus l. 10. c. 5. Erasm. vbi supra . ( c ) Verum est vnum falsum vero multifidum Nazian d Non sine manifesta suspicione adu lationis . Eras. vbi supra . e I am verò de Rom. Pont , potestate &c. Eras vbi supra Bellar. contra Barcla●ū p. 27 f Hominem acerrimum op pressum fuisse suae civitatis consuetudine , ac legibus . Civit. l. 6. c. 2 Possevin Ap p●rat . C. Mar Victor . Possev . Ibid. Bonaventura . Bin. Tom. 1. pag. 239. 2 Canonists . [ b ] Machiavel . Princeps . cap. 6. a Libris ●●ris Pont diligenter intuentibus , facile apparebit eos ad quandam imitationem , &c. Lancel . Inst. ●ur . Can. proem . b Baron a● . ● 6 5. n. 4. 5. 6 c Francis. Peg. disp . de aut . extr● . d Constit. Pontif. edit . a Petro Math. Radiu . de gest . Fred. 3 Casuists . Summa Angelica . Summa summarum . Tolet. Instruct Sacer. Vivald . Candel . Sayri casus Consc a Malven . de Antichristo lib. 1. cap. 12. b Caie● . de Delect . mo●osa . Gerson . de mollitie . Casuist . Tit. de debito conjugali . 4 Religious orders . Nostro hoc s● culo tam multae sunt religiones à Pontisi● cibus confirma tae , &c. Can. lib. 5. c. 5. fine . 5. Iesuits . a Thuan. hist. lib. 1●0 Hasenmull . hist. ●es●itic . Arnold● orat . lesuit . Lubin . praefat . ad Philippen . Tertul. Apol. 35. a Ignat. Epist . ad Lusi●anos . Tot sunt mihi milli● Clericorum , sed soli Iesuitae omnes superant , &c. Lucij . hist. Iesuit p. 144. Laur. Austriac . p. 49 Antonius Gallon . de ●ita-Philip . Nerij pag. 200. Gul. Barclai●s contra Bel. cap. 13. a Non audiunt Principes seculares , nec Imperatores , Salmer . tom . 6. Tractat . 23. b Societati h●retici sua appingunt scelera . Scriban . Amphitheat . lib. 1. c. 10 c Omnes Gal li● calamitates , &c. Richeo● Expost . Apol. cap. 26 d Lutheri , atque Calvini disciplina suapte natura ad scelus ar● mat atque impellit . Thuan. Hist. Oratio Sixti 5 Antisixtus . Rex alia habuit crimina praemeditata , &c. Cardinal Lothar . apud Goldast . polir . pag. 1139. Genes . 31. 32 Thuan. Continuat . 1. Auricular confession . 2. Aequivocation . 3. Seale of confession . Malder . de sigillo . c. 2 a Maldonat . summul . pag. 310. 317. Casaub. Epist. ad Front. Duc. Tert. Apol. C●vit . 2. 22 Oratio vera & ingenua . a Lud. Lucij hist Iesuit p 368. b Casa●b . ad Front. ●17 130 & 136 c Licet ei vts aequivocations dicendo non fe ci & ipse non habuisse complices , &c. Tolet. de In struct Sacerd. l. 5 c. 58 n. 7 4 Aequivocation . d Barnes . toto lib. de aequivocatione . e Sacerd Vis bic●n . Epist. ad Catholic . a Goldast . Replic . c. 1. ex Tyrio & Paul. Venet. Princeps c. 10 c Qui mortem suam con● tempserit tuae dominus est . Senec. d Tacit●● . e Cydon Apol Garnet . cap. 14 f Tantum vulnus palea inflictum Calviniane super stiti●ni ▪ Ibid. pag. 552. g Martyrē me ? &c. Gar , net . apud Casaub . Front. pag. 163. h Ibid. p. 170 a Illa est por tentifica sedes &c. Richeom . Expost . Apol. cap 27 b In Cathe dram Petri in ●rusi sunt homines monstruosi . &c. Baro. Anno 897. num . 4. c Apotastici Apostaticive , potius quam Apostolici Genebard . Chron. 1. 4 saec 10 d Nondum parasiti principum exorti fuerunt , &c. Bellar , contra Barcl . p. 31 e Viderint qui vel furore suo &c. Cyprian . Epist . 42 d Isti attendant specu ū saum , & si milia conqueri , si vllus pudor est , eru bescant . Ci vit . 4. 7. Richeom . les . Expost . Apol. a Capite 21 pag. 174. b Ibid. 174 c Ibid p. 222 Defens Aphoris . Iesuit . Cydon . confut . Anticot Scripsit Mariana nescio quid Cydon . Apol. Henric , Garnet . Richeom . Expost . Apol. a Potest sū mus Pontisex ●igare Principes saeculares &c , Bell. contra Barclaiū . cap. 3 pag. 46 b Possunt , & debent Reges privari suo dominio . Recog pag. 45 d Iesuita Sicarius . p 49 [ c ] Marta de Iuris . part . 1 cap. 23 to●o - e Ibid. 61 f Ibid. 63. g Ibid. 44. 133. 142. h Ibid. 272 i Henricus eo nomine 3. jaceat manu Monachi peremptus de Princip lib. 1 , cap. 6 a Gratian , Caus. 15. quast 6. Can. nos . b Gratian , Caus. 23. quest 5. Can. Excommunicatorum . c Becan . Controvers . Anglican . d Confut. Ant. p. 49 e Thuan. Contin l. 3 Oratio . Sixt. 5 Ballar . resp . ad Apol. oratio Sixti , &c. Scelus non tātum agitur sed & docetu . Cypr , epist. 3 a Non excuso factum , odparricidia execror conspirationes . Bellar. resp . ad Apol. de Iurament . pag. 22 b Apolog. Garnet . pag. 263. a Henricus 4 patroc●nium Iesuitarum suscepit , & publicè pro ijs perora vit . Becan Opuscul Tom. 1. p. 500 b Apolog Iesuit Bohemorum . Laurea Austriaca . l. 1 c Oratio ingenua p. 102. d Apolog. Garnet . 57. Confut. Ant. Cott. 32. e Continuat Thuan. 99. f Confut. Anticot p. 39 Vno Mariana aegre excepto . Casaub. ad Front. p. 8. g Non est immunis a scelere ▪ qui ●t sieret , impera●it . Cyprian Epist. 31. Matth. 26. a In man● Pont. Mux . est — Majesta tem●mperatoriam redintegrare , &c. Apboris . Cardin . 12. b Caveant igitur Principes ▪ expellere , vel parum honorare Episcopos ▪ — si volunt eorum regna , & status longo tempore possidere . Iu●is part . 2. c. 34. n●ult . c Azor 2 5. 43. Becan controvers . Ang ▪ l c. 122. Bellar , contra Barclaium . a Pro Rege agimus , imo cum Rege veritatis am antissimo Baron an . 1097. no ▪ 8 b Edict . Phi lip . 2. contra Baron . Thuan Cont. Spalat . l. 6 fine c Iulian. epist , ad Ecebol pag. 308 Semper insidi● osa est , callida , blanda adulatio . Hieron . adver , Pelag. lib. 1. d Bellar. de offic . Princip lib. 1. cap 4 a Baron . an . 701. n. 22 Clemens 8. Ian. 1601. b Vides vt delivarit Rex , dum ista furens scripsit . Baron . c In sensum reprobum dati non fnissent . Bellar. vbi supra . d Aperuisti Regum oculos &c. Cor. Cornel. praesa . in Proph. min. August . Psal 2. a Pontifices ordinariè in Synodis Episc● porum , &c. Bellar. contra Barcl . c. 12 ( b ) Ex prudēti piorum ac doctorum hominum judicio aesti●andum est . Becan . controver . A● glic . pag. 252 c Sine concilij definitione , &c. Suarez . defens 6 6. 27 d Lib de Imperatore quaest . 81 e Bannez . 22. quaest . 10 f Bellar. Rom. 4. 3 g Bulla 2. pag. 120. h De potest . Eccles q. 6 a Hist. Trident . p. vlt. b Paleot Consult . consist part . 5. pag 251. c Collegium Cardinalium non assistit Pa pae per modum limitationis sed instar mi nisterij Ibid. part . 1. quaest . 3 artic 2. d Ibid art 3 e Ibid. art . 4. Pope Paul his quarrells . lib. 1 f Plat●na in vita Paul 2 An nescis not omnia jura in scrino pectoris habere . g Causis exigentibus Be●● contra Barcla tum . p. 21. Basil. Epist. 8 b Beca● . controvers . Angl p. 252 c Ort● ▪ est haeresis Henrit ciuna , &c. Bin. Tom. 3 part . 2. 406 d Concil . Quintil cont . haeres Henrician● . Bin. ibid. pag 405. e Sed etiam propter negligē●ian● potest excommunicari . Ra●mond apud Bellar. contra Barcl . pag. 17 f Bellar. Ibid. 26. Bozius de sig●nis . 17 4 vel sine causa . g ●ersidis nunqam causa defic●et &c Constit. Pont. pag. 120. Azor. 1 ▪ 5. 15 h Bell. Barc . 7 i Azor ●ar . 2 lib. 10 c. 7 k Concil . lateran . sub . ●●●oc . 3. l Gratian caus 11. qu●t 3. cap. Sententia . a Navar. Enchir. c. 27 n. 3. Bellar. contra Barcl . c. ●7 b Tamen eum supplicē venire oporte● Aventin . lib. 5. pag. 575. c Tenetur in rebus dubijs Ecclesia acqui escere judicio summi Pontificis &c. Bel de Rom. Pont. lib. 4 cap 5 d Quamprim●m Reges fiunt haeretici , &c. Simanch e In hac ca●sa 〈◊〉 ad est 〈◊〉 interpret ▪ 〈…〉 ●●●nnes● f ●e●● 〈…〉 uare . lib 6 c ▪ 4 n. 1● . a Cyprian epist. ●8 ex pe●sa enim moderatione libranda est . Azor part . 2. l. 10 c. 8 Bellar. Rom. Pont. 5 6 Idem contra Barcl p. 19 Simancha . a Non potest Papa vt Papa Bellar. Rom. Pont. 5. 6 Idem contra Barcl . c. 12 Idem recog . pag. 23. Suarez . 6. 6 Platin. vitae Gregor . 7. Discrimen vocum directè & indirectè ▪ non refertur ad modum ac● quirendi , sed ad explicandū obiectum secū darium , Bellar contra Barcl . cap. 12 a Non desunt altercats ones quid sit , & qualis est , &c. Bellarm. vbi supra c. 3 Dubiae quastionis est inter Catholicos ● Azor. pag. 2. lib. 4. cap. 19 b Opinio diversa vanitas vna . August . Psal. 80. c Bellarminus in●elicissimus distinctinum architectus . Bellar. de imag . c. 22. Thuan Con rinuat . lib. 8 pag. 495. Duplex vallum adhi●e●●● , &c. ●t n●mis se●us & tardigra●● Advocatus es — ejusdem vt litat● . sunt serum & null●m patro cinium . Mysta sal a Marta Iuris c 19 & 20 Azor part ▪ 2 lib. 4 cap 19 b Bellar satisfacere non potuit ambitioni imperio sissimi ●xti 5 &c Barcl ▪ de potest . Pap. cap 13. c Bel. contra Barcl . cap 13. d ●o Barcl . pietas . c. 13 e Censura confes . c 19. ( f ) Examen censur . 19. a Baron . an . 847. ● ▪ 25. Connaeus de stat . relig . p. 63. b Camerar . de Sanctis Scotia . lib. 3. c Leo. 10. Bulla . 12. d Goldast . replic . p. 432 Kings Titles are the Popes triumphs . ( a ) Bull 15. a Nisi homini Deus placu erit , Deus non erit , homo iam Deo propitius esse debebit . Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. b Bellar de Sanctorum beatitudine . Baron . 998 num . 3. Bellar. recog . pag. 68. c His tempo ribus quibus P. R. apieta te veterum de generaverant Principes sae culi sanctitate florebant . Chr nol an 1026 Better Kings not canonized than canonized . a Augu C●vit . lib. 1 cap 23. & 32. b Multorū in terris cineres veneramur , & ossa , Quorum a nimas Orcit●r● m●na dira necant . c Tertul. d Magis est in Romul● admirandum , &c. August . Civit. l. 22. cap. 6. [ ● ] Quis autem Romulum Deum nisi Roma credidit . vbi suprae Ecce attendite &c. b●d ▪ lib. cap. 32 Two great powers . a Reli●ionem in repub ▪ & Re●publ . in religione esse oportet . Optat . Mile vitā Spalat . Ostens . Error . Suarez c●ip . 3. n 61 I●em , lib 6. ●●p 3. toto . Their task . Super pulpitū ▪ id est tribunal Ecclesiae . Cypr. epist. 24 Incompatible in one person . a Causab . de libert Ecclesiast . Hin●mar . de potest . eccl c. 1 ●olvimus quae sunt Caesari Caesaris &c Ambros. de basil tradend . a Quae divina sunt imperatoriae potestati non sunt subiect● ▪ Idem l. 1. epist. 33 Constāt . Imp. Basit . Imp. apud Baron . 886 n 1. K Iames in Deus & Rex Casaub de libertat Eccles. A sort of mu tuall subordination . a Spalat lib. 6 cap. 3 ●d . Ostens●er ●or . Suarez c 3 ● . 61. Interna vero Ecclesiastica , integrae relin quit judicio d● recti●● Eccles cur suam quo que animam & conscientiam submitt●t Deus & Rex pag. 56. Rom 13. 1 Heb. 13. 17 * Christ beeing the only spirituall Mo narch . a Hermas Let. de pace Eccles. l 7 c. 5 Their merches Ne principes quasi bruta at nimalia tractantur ▪ Luther . a Lex Christi subjecit imperium sacer dot● . Nazi ●nz ad C●v . No●eminenti oribus potesta ●ibus subiecti sumus . Ibid. Bellar. Their concurrence . b Reshumanae aliter tutae esse non possunt , &c Leo epist. ad Pulc●er .. 6. c Deus & Rex . pag. 3 d Gratian. caus 23. quaest 5. Can. Principes e Bernard . Epist. 243. a ●ungant se animis qui iuncti sunt . In stituto . Ibid. Extremities are noysome Iliacos intra muro● Neglect of Pastours . Deus & Rex . 3. 56 a K. Iames in De●u & Rex Nazianzen ad cives terror . Chrysost , de cacer● l. 3. Ambros. de dign . sacerdot . c. 2. Pastours Cha racter . 1 Cor 3. 9 1. Thess. 5. 12. 13. Daniel ▪ 12 1 Cor. 4. 1 Iob. 33. 23. Papists abuse these comparisons . Bellar ▪ respons ad Apol. c. 4. Halensis part 3. quaest .. 40. num . 5. Audite gentes August ▪ Tract Ioh. 115. Dumbe Pops haue least ex cellencie . Bellar. de offic ▪ Princip lib. 1. cap. 22 a Past. remte populo hu●c , aut nega , aut exhibe , &c. Bernard consid . lib. 4 Anciēt Pops preached . b Baron . ●55 . ● . 21 ▪ 26. c Nec facit ea visibiliter quae fecit , &c Becan . refut . Apol. Reg. Ang. paradox . ●1 . a Decimus gradus Abusi onis &c. Cyp. de Abus socul ▪ c. 10. Latter popes are bloodie , pastours . Lib 2. Epist. ●1 . b Extra ipso Rege superior . Philo de profugis . Item de vit Mosis . 2. 3. Sixt. Senens . 5. Annot. 176 Emperours may as justly bee Popes , as popes Emperours . Boz . Mon. 1. 12 a Nec imperator ●ura Pontificatus arrip●it . &c. Nicol. 1 ▪ Epist. ad Michael . Imp. dist , 96 Cum ad veru● . Babels confusion in Rome . a Philo de confus . & de Gigant . They succeede Pagan Priests . ( a ) Sed Regē Christo & Po●tisic● , &c Bellar. contr . Barc . cap. 17 d Pagani imperatores ●d●m &c. Nicol prim . ubi supra . e Pontifices & Religioni but Deorum , & summae re● publicae praef● . isse . e Iuris . 1. 25 50. ( a ) Bellar lib. de Rom. Pont. Popes profaine●esse , made holinesse . a Dicatur Papa his ipsis &c Pal●ot de consult , Cōsist . Conclus . Pag. 364. b Dionys de Ecclesiast . hie rach . Matth 10. Luk. 9 Act. 6 c Amissis bonis c●lestibus terrenum est omne quod sitiunt Greg. moral . 25 c. 10. d Inter Epist . Aug 20● . Aug. contr . Parm. l. 3. c. 3 Isa. 49. 23. Ibid ●0 . 1● . Marta jur is . 1. 19. toto . bidem part . 4 Cas. 79. 41 About . Ann 1070. Cap. per Ven. Their tyrannie irritats Princes . Platin. Aventin . Ecclesiast . Their vile in gratitude to Princes . a Carolu● Mag — omnes penè terras Ecclesiis contulerat . &c. Wi●hel Malmes . l. 5. apud Spalat . Lib 6. cap 7 ● . 89 b Sed quod Carolu● putavit sibi &c. Ibid. c In sylvam amplam venit olim securis ferrea inermis atque , &c. Spalat . Lib. 6 cap. 5. n. 173 d Fro●ard . vol , 2 , They irritate people : This irritatation is a disposition to Reformation . Otho . Frisin lib. 6. cap. 36 Deus & Rex . pag 64. Tot mala , tot schismat● , tot tā animarum quam cor porum pericula in volvit . &c. Casaub libe . Eccles. Inquirie bringeth knowledge . a Et inquirere accenditur quid sit in causa , &c. Tertul. ad Scap. cap. 5. b Qui studu ▪ erit intelligere , cogetur & credere . Id Apol cap. 18. Their extremities bringeth their ruine . The Popes onsets are his foiles . God provided pleaders for the authoritie of Princes . Lego & relego gest a Romanorum . ( b ) Defende me gladio tuo & ego defendam te calam● meo O●cam c Goldast . Constitut. It. Politica . It. Monarchia It Replica . Best spirits defended Princes . Slavish spirits defend the Pope . The pope is Antichrist . 2 Thesse . 2. Why Antichrist was obscure of old . 2 Thess 27. a Optima interpretatio prophetiae est ejus comple mentum Aug. b Omnis prophetia priusquam habeat efficaciam , &c. ●ren l. 4. cap 43. c Graecorum supputatio Hebraicam superat in 1236 Sixt. Senens . Bibl. lib 5. Annot. 68. a ●ppro 〈…〉 quante secul i sine . Cypr. de unit . Eccles , ●●-14 b Inter saecu li labentis ruin as . Idem ad Demetrian , n-17 The errour of supputation . Supputation is mended . a Multa sūt posterioribus nota &c. Alphons a Ca stro h●res tit . Indulgent ▪ Onuphr ad ▪ ●latin● Vit Petri. Can. Solitae . Antichrist is come . a Aiunt Apost hac sub tegumento verborumque involucris posuisse , &c. Otho Frisin . lib. 8 cap. 2 Servius in Virgilium . b Placuit Vatibus contumacia Nu minum . Flor. apud malved , de Ant. lib. 4 cap 9. Tertull Apol. cap. 32 The Impyre is removed out of the way . a Non sine , Let Numine — Vt regnū Ecclesiae — Romae haberet Sedem . b Diabolus locum aptum Antichristo novit . Ruper : Tuit . De Antichr . lib 4. cap. 10. Maximè congruebat — & citò pervios haberet populos pradicatio generalis . Leo. ser. 1 , de nat Pet. & Pauli . The Pope helped that Removall . b Primus Rom. Pont. &c. ●mpr . Graeco . in nos resistere ausus fuit &c. Platin de vit Constant. p. 108. c Gregorius ma●ora ausus , Ita licum . Imperium ●ure eripuit Ibid. 2 Thessa. 2. 1 Cor. 5. a August . quaest in D●u 39 b Baron . Paranes . ad Vene . Crantz Sax. 8. 93. Popes exalt themselues . c Bellar. re c●g . pag. 47. That removell demonstrats Antichrists comming . a Secunda demonstratio sumitur , &c. Bellar. Rom. Pont. lib. 3 c. 5. c Ego Plessaeo suaserim — ut ipsemet Pragam vel Viemam &c. Grez Myst. Sal● u● proleg cap. 6. p 55. ( b ) Quia Rom. Imp. de lendum erat id quod iam ferè &c. ibid. lib 2 cap. 7. Martaes conceat of the Ensignes of the Impyre . d Identitas Imperatoris hodierni cum Antiquis pro batur , &c. Mart. Iuris . p. 1. c 2 n. 23 a Considerādum est Rom. ●●●● . — in universo ●rbe consistere Ibid n. 26. And of the whole world . b Licet Franci non subdantur Imp. sunt tamen pars Imperi● quotitativa Ibid cap. 20 ● ▪ 26 c Christiani Reges Imperatore maioressūt Bellar ▪ Rom Pont. l. 3 ▪ cap. 5. Bellar ubi . supra . Rome is not the Emperours . a Vnde dictus Imperator stare non debet in uroe nisi per Vnam noctem post suam consecra tionem , &c Provincial . Roman ▪ in fine . — Oli● quod vulpe● agro●● caut a Leon● . &c. This Impyre nothing like the old . a Copiis , Opibus Operibus , Viris● , & Virtutibus . Lipsii admiranda . b Iteru● Deus erexit in Occidente priorem tibia● ; &c. Bellar. Rom. Lib. 3. cap. 5 The Impyre almost extinguished . a Temporale urbis Roman● Imperiū iam cessavit 4. apud . Vieg . Apoc. cap. 13 b Post quam Caesaris potentia face●s sit . &c Paul. Iov . lib ▪ ● . p. 16 Salmer . 2. Thess. a Vix tenuem quandam umbram ●mp . retinet . Iustinian ▪ ib id . b I am a multis annis Impertum caruit Imperatore . Lyra ibid. c Imperator vana appellat●o est & sola umbr● ▪ Avēntin ▪ lib. 5. Antichrist is come , & the Pope is hee . d De quare agitur , cum de primatu Ponficis agitur ? &c Bellar de Pon Rom. prafat . Iuel . defens . Apol cap. 16. pag 357. a In Concil . Lateranen — nequis de Antichristi &c. I vell ibid. b Tempus quoque — prae dicere vel as serere nequaquaquam pr●● sumant . Leo. 10. Ann. 1516 Concil . Lateran ▪ S●ss . 11. apud ●in ▪ tom 4 par . p. 2 1 12 c Ann● . 1600 The mention of Antichrist gnaweth them . d Le vissimi & sordidissimi Novatores &c , Baron . 867. n. ●6 . The Gospel shall destroy the Pope : 2 Thess. 2 , 8 The word discovereth . Therefore they hate the word . Consil. 3 Episc. Poperie is far decayed . a Quit enim ignorat ●estē Lutheranam , &c Bellar. Tom. 1. Orat. Rom● Ann. 1576. Iosua . 7. b Cardinales o●●m apud summum . Pontificem his in heb domada covenie●ant . &c. Tholos . syntag . lib. 15 cap. 4. n 15 Oppressed Kingdomes first left poperi . a Anglia hortus deliciarū & puteus inexhaustus . b De antiquis Rom. Curi● . in Rege , Angli● , &c. Casaub. ad Front. Duc pag. 68. Matth. Paris . Ann. 1245. Nations resent ancient wrongs . Germanies reformatiō . England ▪ reformation . Anglia regna●te Henric● 8. grande illud &c. Casaub. ad . Front p. 69. Quare etiamsi Henricus 8. non fuisset , viam tamen fata invenis● sent . ibid. p. 71. Navarre a thorne to the Pope , Io. Navarreni haeredes ad partes &c. Barel . Epist. dedicat . Popish tyranie vndoeth it selfe . Quicquid h●reticorum est in Gallia , &c. Id. Epist dedicat . Now Roms ruine is like old Romes . Quod in Anglia vide mus accidisse etiam in aliis regnis , &c. Causab . ad Front. p. 71. The Pope is the Child of perdition . 2 Cor. 1● 8. Ierem. 1. 10. Revel . 18. and 17. Their oppressing of Protestants hasteneth their destruction . Revel . ●8 . Dan. 5. Baron Ann. 900. n. 2. a Homil. 3. in Ierem. Rome senselesse of her ruine . Onus Eccle. l. 17. n. 26. Ibid. cap. 18. initio . Pint. in Esai . 13. c. 13. Hieron epist. 26. inter August . Salv. Lib. 7. Cypr. de . lapsts . Reformation were their happinesse . Apoc. 16. 10 The Pope stayes reformation . Item dicet nos ingenuè fateri &c. Hadrian . 6. ad Franc. Chereg . apud ▪ Fasc . Rer. 173. Omne●nos ( id est pralati Ecclesiastici ) declin avimus , &c. ibid. Lactantius . Bernard . Continua & diuturna potentia , gignit insolentiam , &c. Ambros. hexam . lib 5 cap. 15. The Pope cares not for Religion . Negare non possunt nisi qui Pontificatum plane tollunt , Cydon Consut . An ticot . cap. 2 Can. lib 4. c ult . & 6. 3. The Con̄cell of Trent a mockerie of the world . Concil . 9. Car. Concil . 3. Ep. Pestremo sancta ynod●● omnia — declarat ita decreta esse , &c. Concil . Trid. sess . 25. cap. 22. Neque si quid in praesens largiatur . &c. Hist. Con. Trid. lib. 4. Hadrian the sixt sought reformation . Animam ad-Ecclesiam fa di● abusibus ●corruptam restituend u●● adiecrat . On●● . vit . Had. 6. Vsu venire — postulata postulatis accumulans , &c. hist or . Concil Trid. lib. 1. So did Marcellus . 2. Post longum in prandio silentium , &c. Onuph Vit. Marcell . 2. Bernard de Consid. Lib. 1. They are better privat man than Popes . Seducti , pecca vim●● ut Paulu● &c. bul . Retract . Pii . 2. Bulla . 3. Pii . S. Inquisitionis , officium — quo vno niti affirmabat . Apost . sedis authorittatem eis commenda vit Onuph , vit . Paul. 4. In Gregorium 12. invehitur &c. Azor. moral . lib. 5. cap. 15. They see their errour , but will not mend . Boromeus instance . Thuan. Continuat . Ann. 1610. p. 130. Portugal . Aur spec . p. 460. France is their Butcherie . Civit. 3. 2● . Their crueltie on Henrie the third . Cardin. Lo● thar . ●ractic . n. 1. Goldast . polit . 1139. Against Henrie the fourth . Their plots against Lewes the 13. Qui rebelles juvat rebellionem juvat , quecirca j●st● Dei judicio reddetur etali● . Cornel. Cornel. ubi supra . Quest. 8. An. in tanta perturbatione consultum con stituere , corregnantem , &c. hist. Iesuit . l. 4. cap. 3. The extract of the olde Guisian treason . The Iesuits over●hrow Frence . a Becan Exam . Concord . p 29. ( b ) Cydon , refut . Antico●t . c. 1. Thuan. a Thuan. Continuat . Ann. 1610. They destroy their discoverers b Audit Hericu● Regem ita nostrorum opera delectatum , &c. Cydon . ibid pag. 44. They burne at Rome , what France spares . Thuan. Continuat . Ann. 1610. c Quidā Iesui tas accusabāt — propterea quod primus post mortem Regis ipsos insectatus est . Thuan. Con. Thuan. Continuat . Lib. 2. p. 53. France Iesuited is become treacherous . Hist. Iesuit . p. 179. But ex-Iesuited shall bee loyall . Why Spaine is more beloved of the Pope than France . Orat. vera p 41. Vita Ignat p. 69 Debemus orar● Deum noctes & dies ut servet quā dintissime , — Philippum Regem Catholicum qui — potentia ad insinitum ma●ore quam vnquam fuerit in mundo ullius Regis est propugnaculum ad defensionem Religionis Catholica . The standing of Frāce and the Iesuites incom patible . The Venetian question . Padre Pauli lib. 1. Of the quarrels of Pauli . 5. interdictum contr . Vene●os . The Pope patronizes villanie . Navar ▪ Ma nual . cap. 27 ● . 244. Lancel●● Instit ▪ lib. 4 ▪ ●4 The Venetians wisedome and courage Edict . Vene●contr . Interdict . Paul. 5 a Padre Paulo . Spalat . Vendrame ▪ Marsil . Crassus . &c. They reiect the ●esuits simplie . ( b ) Veueti — semper declararunt causá Iesuitatum ▪ esse peculiare &c. Thuan. Conti● ▪ 16 12 Paulus ▪ 3 ordinem probavis . At n●● per Ordo ille à Venetis edict● publico explosus . Can. lib. 5. cap. 5. The Popes shamefull retreat . Quarrells Paul. 5 ▪ lib 5. An vnlawfull Procedor hath an abrupt closure . Hee broke his Lawes . a Desent . excom cap. Alma mater . b Remittenda erit caut●● turatoria . Seyrus . The saur ▪ lib. 5. c. 15 n. 26. Vivald , Candel . p. 495. c Fernand. part 2. c. 12 , n. 22 ( c ) Potest absens vel invitus absolvi . Rodrik part . 1 cap. 8. n 83 n ▪ 13. The Papists are ashamed of that quarrell . a Becan ex am con . 53. Recitemus pactum memorabile Dandali magna panitentia magnum argumētum Gretzer myst . Sal. 57. p. 462. The secrets of that quarrell . Baron . 983. Their diverse assayes against great Brittaine . Rex Phil. Pont. sui instituti fecit certiorem : qui illud quam maxime lau ▪ davit , Regiq . animum addi ▪ dit cum promissione se ubi classis in Insulam esset appulsa certam pecuniae summam ad bellū continuandū suppeditaturum ▪ Cicarel . Vir. Sext. 5. Plat 391. Onuph . Iuli. 3 Cicar● Greg. 13. King Iames his Royall pleading . a Angel. de Polit ▪ Discip. b Nov. hom . E● ist . dedicator . c King Iames against Cardinall Perron . Fol. 1 His premonition vnanswereable . They reported shame . Aquaviv Ep●d Baltas Pro ●in●ial . Fran. Ann , 1613. a ●rrore factum est quod vehementer doluimus , &c Id. Epist. ●a● P. Cott. b In quo nonnulla falsa , temeraria , &c Censur . Paul 5. in lib. Becan . Ann. 1613. Claud. aqua . vi● . Epist. Aug. 1614. c In virtute ▪ obedientiae ne ▪ ●vulgari Pacia●turqui● quam in quo de potestate , &c Id. Epist. 2 Aug. 1614. Their Palinodie : a Frustra aliquid moderationis ab il la Civitate expectari , in qua Illus . Card Bell. & tot al● m●norum gentiū &c. Casaub. Epist. Front. Duc. p. 59. b Eo ipso diffidentiam ▪ &c. Less . apud Withring . discuss p. 279. The powder plot hath shaken Rome Germanies troubles frō diverse causes . The Pope an Incendiarie . Why he prefe●s Austria to France . ( a ) Rex Christianiss . dum distractus est in Subiectis — non potest aurēm praebere — ut crescenti Hispa norum potentiae in Germania se opponeret ▪ Epist. C. Caraffa dat Vienn Octob. 1621. Hee feareth Austria more The Pope a Iuglar playeth fast or loose . Hee intends the rooting out of Protestants . a Cardin Loth practic . n. 1 Goldast . Polit. P. 1139 They contemnet he Germanes . b Adeo imprudentes & stupidos esse . Ibid. n. 2. Their policies . In confounding causes . Epist. Caraff Cancell Hisp p. 112. Negotium mulium concernens conservationem . &c. Epist. dat . Vien . 15. Octob. Ann. 1621. Gallobell . In dividing Protestants . a Cancell . Hisp p. 90. b Cancell . Hisp. p. 116. c Vt saltem apparenter illi satisfiat . Cancell Hisp. p. 116. In pretending peace . d Nos nihil nisi pacem publicam quaererere Cancell . Hisp p. ●3 . Octob. 1621. Protestants at once everie where oppressed . Regulae Iesuitarum . Anno. 1619. The papists periurie . 1552. 1555. a Capitulatio iniur●●●rand● confirmata Franc● ▪ furt . August . Anno. 1619. Art. 2. b Ibid. Art. 3 Ibid. Art. 9. Ibid. Art. 25 Ibid. Art. 26. Ibid Art. 34 Ibid. 38. Tractat ▪ Vlmensis ●●n . Aun . 1620. No oath can ty them . Gretzer ▪ de fid H●r . Becā man lib. 5. c. 12. Their oppression . August . 1630 Epist. Anonym ▪ de Comit Rati●bone●s . Gallobel . Septemb . 1631. Melanct●●n . Austria an Vsher to Poperie . Their crueltie . August . Civ . 3. 26. Euseb hist. Lib. 8 cap. 12 They vrge ab●u●ation . In a godlesse ●o●●e . People to deny the Trueth , damne themselues . Austriaes crueltie , their overthrow ▪ Their confidence . Canc. Hisp. p 117. Octo. An 1621 Prasi● , Scipion Scambat . lesuit . An. 1630 Com. Ratis . bon . 1630. Capitul Art. 34. Epist. ad Zunig●● Ann. 1621. Epist. Anon. Their triumph . before the victorie . LAVREA AVSTRIACA . Impress . Ann. 162● . They prophecie our Ruine . Stella . Luc. 9. 20. Practic . apud , Gold ubi supra . a Cornel. praefat Commēt , in Proph minor . b Rome pont & Card. incredidibili diligentia vaca● re rebus Gallic●s , &c. Practic n. 3. An. 1573. But they should consider olde prophecies of themselues . c Aug Civ . 8. 53. Quid de purpurata meretrice , & Babylonis exit● c●ntetur intuere Hieron . Vbi suprae . Gallobel . Ian. 1632. It is time for Protestants to awake . God will deliver his Church in his time . Psal. 7. 14 Their reconciliation desperate . Sciopp . Class . Belli sacri Tics . Ann. 1619. a ) ●esuit . Hil. Rati●bo● . Ann. 1607. Gasp. Sci●p . Class bell sacri . An. 1619. Ibid. in praefat . Diabolum pro Deo colunt Ibid cap 1. a Credo in Diabolum Orcipotentem . Sc●oppius . Ibid Ibid cap. 19. Rome intendeth our destruction . Aphorisin . Cardinal . 1623. Comment . in ●● Proph. min. Vrban 8. Brevs . Ludovic . 13. An 1628 So doeth Austria . Scipio . Scamb . Epist. ad Ferdinand . 3. Nazian M●nod . a Colendi Numinis disciplima inferat volētibus , aut imponat invitis . Scip. ibid. Epist. dedic : b Lib. 5. c. 14. & 20 Ferd. Epist. ad Zunig . Ann. 1621. They damne former Patification . Compositio Pacis . Pax Augusta● na Art. 1. Ibid. Art 11. Compositio Pacis . pag. 12 13 Pag. 7. Pag. 11. Pag. 152. Pag. 147. & 149. P. Windek ▪ de exstirp h●res . Compos . Pacis 551. They faine a new peace . Consult pacis . Fundamenta Pacis annuente Pontifice & assentiente Imperatore . August . Ann. ●631 . Consult . p ●43 57. 71. But it is our revolt . Or else our destruction . Ibid. 139. 140 Guil. Bav●r . Cancell . Hisp. p. 126. They pretend peace , but intend warre . In Comit. Ratisbon . Anonymi . Ep. de Comit. Ratisbons . Classic . cap. 1. Psal. 137. Their peace is Ludification . No condescending in Doctrine . Gelasius . a Bellar de Laic . cap. 19 Bernard . sentent Cyprian . de lapsis . They seeke our Palinodie . Melanthon . Consil. Si pacem postulant arma deponant . Cyprian . August . Serm Temp. 166. 167. The right condescending . Iunius de Eccles . Rome shall bee deserted . Psal. 2. Princes are Gods instruments to punish Antichrist . Apoc. 17. Romes dittay Apoc. 17. Apoc. 18. a Aut Romae , aut . Roma , Spalat . Romes doome , and destruction . Matestatem & dignit ●●perit evert●t . Onuph V●● . Greg. 7. a Epist. Si ▪ gibert ad Pas●hal 2. Apoc. 17. 16. The prophecies of it . b Disquis . Magic . c Revel . L. 1 cap 41. d ●ardin . de TUr Cremat . pr●fat . Revel . Brigit . e Onus Ecclesie . Princes are bound to performe it . a Baron , Genebrard , Stapleton ▪ b Ne oro luce tenebras , pro die noctem mortem pro salut● sumatis Cypr Epist. 40 Their iniuries requite it . Matt. Paris . They neglect others in their iniuries . Barel . pietas fol , ult . Papists lament the faintnesse of Princes . a Practic Iuris sed heu miseri imp & Principes se culares , &c. b Goldast Replic pr●fat . Our time craveth doing Princes , Athanas. Ep. ad solit . c Cent. 3. Lucit . col . 28. Protestant Princes are free Princes . a Marta . ●urisd . lib. 1. King Iames a warner of Princes . Their hardnesse wil not repent . Paul Vindek de exstirpand . h●res . The Popes curbing is faceable . Platin Vit. Bonisac 8. Philip the second his threatning in killing Six tus the ●●●●● . Philip the second his threatning , killing Sixtus the fifth is ominous . Novus homo pag. 4. Bulla ●ul . 2. B●rclai● Epist. ad Lector . The Romans haue curbed the Pope . a Platin. vit Gregor . 7. b Perpetua per annos quin quaginta inter Populum Pontificesq . discordia civis lis fuit . Onuph annot ad vit . ●l●m 3. Hee shall be finallie curbed . Gerson , de auferib . Papae . a Tractat. 6 in Iohan , Ibid Tract . 11 The best way of his curbing . ( b ) Baron . An 886 n ▪ 28 ●●ossard . vol. 2. a Atalar . Eg●nolph . ●o●●● finall 〈◊〉 . R●●●l . 17. 〈◊〉 . ●● ▪ ●1 . Exhortation to Papists . 〈◊〉 igi● 〈◊〉 & vita 〈…〉 licet provid●te — Ad v●ra Religionis candidam ●uce●● d● profund● & te●ebrosa , &c. ●●●● Ad ▪ De 〈…〉 ian ▪ in 〈…〉 ▪ 〈◊〉 to the 〈…〉 ct to for 〈…〉 Babel . 〈…〉 l. 18. 4. 5 6. ● . 21. 〈◊〉 . 19. 1. ●