A09209	----	To the most honourable assembly of knights, citizens, and burgesses of the House of Parliament the humble petition of the adventurers in the ship called the Pearle. Pearle (Ship) 1621 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A09209 STC 19519 ESTC S2839 25224474 ocm 25224474 27893 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A09209) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27893) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1857:20) To the most honourable assembly of knights, citizens, and burgesses of the House of Parliament the humble petition of the adventurers in the ship called the Pearle. Pearle (Ship) England and Wales. Parliament. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1621?] A complaint that they have been deprived of their goods or the value thereof since April 1615.--Cf. (2nd ed.) Place and date of publication suggested by STC (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in the Guildhall Library (London, England). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- East Indies. Maritime law -- Cases. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the most Honourable Assembly of Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses of the House of Parliament . The humble Petition of the Aduenturers in the Ship called the Pearle . HVmbly shewing : That Shee departed out of the Port of London in Nouember 1611. and returned two yeeres after laden with goods , to the value of 20000.li. Vpon the 26. of Nouember 1613. before the goods came to London , Morris , one of the Aduenturers , was sent for before diuers of the Lords of his Maiesties Councell , Who deliuered that the Spanish Embassador had made a great Complaint to his Maiestie , that the Pearle had beene in the East Indies , and rob'd the King of Spaines Subiects , desiring therefore that the goods might be sequestred into his Maiesties Custodie ( as indifferent betweene the Embassador , and the Aduenturers , vntill the point of Piracie was tryed . Morris answered he neuer was Pirate , but a Merchant , and had paid the King many Thousands for Custome and Impost ; and yet if he were , the Law of England was , that giuing securitie , he was to possesse the goods vntill the Law had tryed the Title ; but this would not be granted . But their Lordships ordered that the goods should be put into Ware-houses ( the weights and contents first taken by Morris ) vnder three locks , whereof his Maiesty had one key committed to Sir Lionel Cranfield and Sir Arthur Ingram ; the Embassador another key ; and Morris a third key : and if by Law they appertained to him , God forbid ( said the Earle of Northampton ) but they should haue them . Afterwards the cause was brought into the Admirall Court , and in Aprill 1614. after seuerall daies of hearing of the same , before Sir Daniel Donn , knight ; and Doctor Treuor doctors of the Laws , chiefe Iudges of the said Court ( in the presence of Master Manning Proctor for the Embassador , and Francis Fowler Sollicitor for his Lordship , and of Iames Ireland Proctor for Morris ) It was vpon the 21. of the said Month of Aprill ordered , that the goods so sequestred , should be prized , and sold by the publique Officers of his Maiesties Exchequer , or by any other that were able at the full value with all Celeritie that might be , and the moneis arising thereof to be sequestred , and safe kept in the hands of Sir Lionel Cranfield , and Sir Arthur Ingram Knights , they giuing fit caution to pay the moneis to the true proprietors . But vpon the 23. of the said Month of Aprill 1614. Sir Arthur Ingram came before the said Iudges , and altogether refused , both for himselfe , and Sir Lionel Cranfield , to giue any caution for the said moneis , as they had ordered them to doe : Whereupon the Iudges the same day ordered , that the said goods should be by Sir Lionel Cranfield and Sir Arthur Ingram , prized , and sold to such as would giue most for the same ; And that the moneis thereof accruing , should be deposited in safe keeping in his Maiesties Receipt at Westminster , for whom right had . That in Aprill 1615. the said cause receiued finall hearing before the Right Honourable Sir Iulius Casar , Knight ; Sir Daniel Donn , Knight , chiefe Iudge of the Admirall Court ; Sir Iohn Crooke , Knight ; and diuers others his Maiesties Iudges of the Admiraltie of England : where the point of Piracie was legally acquitted , and discharged by Proclamation . Since which , they haue often attended the Lord Embassador of Spain , that as he was the Author of this their misfortune , so he would be pleased to get them restitutiō of their said goods , or the moneis they were sold for , with such damages as they haue sustained for want thereof : from whom , they haue receiued many faire and hopefull answers , and in truth neuer went from his Lordship vnsatisfied with strong assurance to effect their request within some short time after : And in these hopes they haue spent many Moneths , but yet no reliefe thereby , but they , their Wiues and Children still suffred to languish in great miserie ; besides diuers others to whom they are indebted , are also like to be vndone , for that the Petitioners are not able to giue them satisfaction , by reason their goods are kept from them as aforesaid . That they haue likewise diuers other waies endeuoured to haue restitution of their goods , or the true value thereof , but neuer could obtaine the same , nor certainely vnderstand how they haue beene disposed . THerefore the humble Suite of the Complainants is , That this Honourable House will be pleased to take into their considerations these Points following , as well for the reliefe of the Complainants , in restitution of their goods , or the true value , with such further damages , as they haue sustained for want thereof , as for the generall good of the People . Whether the goods were sold to the full value , and according to the true intent of the Order in the Admirall Court. Whether the moneis they were sold for , were deposited in his Maiesties Receipt at Westminster , or what is became of them . And whether it be not a iust grieuance to the Common-wealth , That vpon complaint , and suggestion of Piracie by any Forraigne Princes Minister , the Subiects , by strong hand , and powerfull proceedings , should be kept from their goods , and the moneis they were sold for , after the Point of Piracie legally cleared , and acquitted by Proclamation , as the Complainants haue beene euer since Aprill 1615. And if these , or any of them shall in the high Wisedome of this Honourable Court be found to be grieuances ▪ Then , the Complainants humbly pray , that they may be relieued therein , as the Iustice of their cause shall require . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A09209-e10 Heerein the Petitioner was debarred of the benefit of the Law , as he conceiues . The key of the Ware-house Morris had , yet the locks were broken open , the goods carried away , and sold without his priuitie . Of these goods , to the value of 2600. li. were deliuered to the Spanish Embassador , who was to giue securitie to pay them to the Proprietors , if the suggestion of the Piracie made by his Lordship was acquitted , but yet they neither haue the money , nor the securitie . That after the Piracy acquitted , so much of the goods as came to 2800. li. or thereabouts , were sold , and the moneis disposed of without their consents . 
A22009	----	By the King a proclamation for the search and apprehension of certaine pirats. England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) 1604 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22009 STC 8363 ESTC S123952 33149997 ocm 33149997 28515 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22009) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28515) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1875:25) By the King a proclamation for the search and apprehension of certaine pirats. England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) James I, King of England, 1566-1625. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. 1604. "Giuen at our Pallace of Westminster the xij. day of Nouember 1604. in the second yeere of our Reigne of Great Brittaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hull, William. Ward, Philip. Pirates -- England. Great Britain -- History -- James I, 1603-1625. Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- France. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Daniel Haig Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Daniel Haig Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. ❧ A Proclamation for the search and apprehension of certaine Pirats . WHereas it hath appeared vnto vs by the Records of our high Court of the Admiraltie , That William Hull Captaine of a Ship called the Talbot of Topisham in our Countie of Deuon , And Philip Ward Captaine of a Ship called the Thomasine of Dartmouth in the said Countie , Christopher Newman , Edward Follet , and Henry Burt , with diuers others their Complices and Associats , seruing as Mariners or Souldiers in the said Ships , respectiuely stand indicted , for that they in Nouember 1602. with their Ships in warlike maner appointed within the Mediterranean Seas , did rob and spoile a Ship called la Serene of Olona in France , and the goods therein laden , belonging vnto diuers Subiects of our good brother The most Christian King : And not content therewith , did also in most sauage maner commit wilfull murther ( a crime most foule , odious and detestable in the sight of God , and man ) vpon the persons of diuers of the Frenchmen , being in the said Ship , against the Lawes and Statutes of this Realme : Wee of our Princely care for the administration of Iustice ( the maine pillar of our Estate ) doe with no lesse zeale , aswell for the satisfaction of forreine Princes , as for the example of others in like cases offending , intend to prosecute them , and all their Abettors , Complices and Accessaries , with the greatest seueritie of our Lawes in that case prouided : And therefore we will , and strictly command all and euery our Officers and louing Subiects , that immediatly after the sight of this present Proclamation , they and euery of them do make diligent search and inquirie in all places aswell exempt , as not exempt , for the said persons , and all and euery of them , and the same , or any of them so found , to apprehend and commit to the next Gaole , there to bee detained , vntill our high Admirall , or his Lieutenant Iudge of our high Court of the Admiraltie , vpon notice giuen vnto either of them , of the persons so committed , shall take order in that behalfe . And moreouer our pleasure is , that no person or persons whatsoeuer , shall wittingly or wilfully receiue , conceale , harbour , intertaine or lodge the said Pirats and murtherers , or any of them , or any of their said Complices and associats , into their house or houses , after the sight and knowledge of this Proclamation , ( knowing them by circumstances , credible informations , or otherwise , to be the persons aforenamed ) vpon paine vnto euery such person and persons so receiuing , concealing , harbouring , interteyning or lodging any of the said Pirats and murtherers , or any of their complices , of death and forfaiture of all their lands , goods and chattels , according to the Lawes and statutes in that case prouided . Giuen at our Pallace of Westminster the xij . day of Nouember 1604. in the second yeere of our Reigne of GREAT BRITTAINE , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . ANNO DOM. 1604. 
A22013	----	By the King whereas the Kings Maiestie hath alwayes bene ready to imbrace and cherish such a perfect amitie betweene him and the king of Spaine ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) 1605 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22013 STC 8373 ESTC S123958 33150765 ocm 33150765 28746 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22013) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28746) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1875:27) By the King whereas the Kings Maiestie hath alwayes bene ready to imbrace and cherish such a perfect amitie betweene him and the king of Spaine ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) James I, King of England, 1566-1625. 2 leaves. By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. 1605. Proclamation against piracy. Other title information from first 2 lines of text. "Giuen at our Castle of Windsor the viij. of Iuly 1605. in the third yeere of our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Imprint from colophon. Reproduction of original in: Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates. Great Britain -- History -- James I, 1603-1625. Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Spain. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the King. WHereas the Kings Maiestie hath alwayes bene ready to imbrace and cherish such a perfect amitie and friendship betweene him and the King of Spaine , and the Archdukes his good brethren , as might stand with his owne Honour , and the common good of his people ( For the better and more particuler obseruation whereof , there hath bene lately passed a Treatie , wherein his Maiesties royall will and pleasure is made so notorious to the world in all things , as whosoeuer doeth , or shall crosse the sinceritie of his Maiesties intention by any action of theirs , cannot auoyd the censure of high & wilfull contempt against his person and State , ) Although his Maiestie is not ignorant , that these offences for the most part , are dayly committed by such , as ( partly out of their owne originall corruption , and partly by habite of spoile and rapine ) are become so insensible or desperate of the perill they draw vpon themselues , and the imputation they cast vpon the honour of their Soueraigne ( so precious to him ) as his Maiesty is driuen for repaire thereof , to make open profession of his sinceritie in this kinde , more often then otherwise he would : Neuerthelesse , his Maiestie hauing lately found by many circumstances , that most of these great faults do grow and multiply , by negligence of inferiour Officers , ( especially such as are resident in the Ports , and dwell in the Maritime Counties , ) from whom his Maiestie expecteth so continuall care and vigilancie ( not onely out of feare of his Maiesties displeasure , but euen for conscience sake , ) as they should bee rather industrious watches ouer those that runne such wicked courses , then ( in any degree ) Receitors or Abettors of the same , considering that those are as well accomptable to God , that hinder not the euill of others ( being in their power , and incident to their peculiar places and dueties ) as those that are the personall Actors , or contriuers of the same : His Maiestie hath thought it necessary once againe to publish to all persons of what place or condition soeuer within his Maiesties Dominions , these Rules and Ordinances following , as things whereunto hee commandeth all persons ( whatsoeuer ) to yeeld their duetifull obedience , vpon perill of his heauie indignation , and the grieuous paines belonging to the same . FIrst , his Maiestie commandeth that no Seaman or Mariner whatsoeuer , shal be suffered to put himselfe into any Warlike seruice at Sea of any forreine Prince or State , straightly charging all that are in any such Seruice already , to leaue the same presently and without delay , and to record their apparance in their natiue Countrey , to some of his Maiesties Officers , vpon paine to be held and punished as Pirats . Item , If any person offending , doe at any time hereafter come into any port , or place of his Maiesties Dominions , vpon what pretext soeuer : his Maiestie expresly chargeth all his Officers foorthwith to apprehend the same , and to commit them to prison without Baile or Mainprise , and the Certificat thereof to be presently returned into the Admiraltie Court , to the ende that they may bee proceeded withall , according to the Lawes of the Realme , and the contents of his Maiesties former Proclamations . Item , His Maiestie commandeth all his Subiects , ( as they will auoyd his heauie indignation ) to forbeare to be aiding or receiuing of any Pirats , or such persons as shall continue in any such Warlike seruice , as aforesaid , or any person not being a knowen Merchant , by contracting , buying , selling , or by victualling of them , or any of their Company , vpon paine for so doing , to be punished presently , as the principall Offendors and Pirats ought to be . Item , That no shipping , or men of warre , of what estate or condition soeuer , going forth with commission of reprisall , or in any other warlike maner to serue at Seas , shall be permitted in any of his Maiesties ports , or in the members thereof to victual or relieue themselues with any warlike prouisions , thereby to enable themselues the better , to any acts of hostilitie at Sea against any of his Maiesties friends : but onely in their returne homewards , if they happen to come into any of his Maiesties ports , that then it shall be lawfull for them to relieue themselues with victuall , or other necessaries to serue them onely for the space of twentie dayes and no more , which is a proportion reasonable to vse in trade of merchandize . Item , That all vice admirals , Customers , or other officers of the Ports shall not suffer any Ship of his Maiesties subiects to goe to the Seas , before such time as they ( respectiuely in their seuerall ports ) haue duely searched and visited the same , to the intent to stay such persons as apparantly shall be furnished for the warres , and not for merchandise or fishing . And if there shall be any maner of suspition , that the said person ( though he shall pretend to trade for merchandise or fishing ) hath or may haue any other intent by his prouisions or furniture , then to vse the trade of merchandise or fishing , that in such case of suspition , the officers of the Ports shall stay , and no wayes suffer the same to passe to the Seas , without good bands with sufficient sureties first had , to vse nothing , but the lawfull trade of merchandise or fishing . And if the said officers shall suffer any persons otherwise to repaire to the Seas , then aboue is mentioned , they shall not onely answere for any Pyracies , which any such person shall chance hereafter to commit vpon the Seas , but shall suffer imprisonment vntill the offenders may be apprehended , if they shall be liuing . And further , as his Maiestie declareth and denounceth generally all such Pyrates and Rouers vpon the Seas to be out of his protection , and therefore to be lawfully pursued and punished to the vttermost extremitie : so because his Maiestie presumeth , that all other States and persons in peace and friendship with him , will thinke it iust and honourable to proceede towardes him , with the same sinceritie , which hee obserueth towards them : His Maiestie doeth also hereby notifie to the world , that where it falleth out that diuers of his Subiects are or may bee enterteyned to serue at Sea vnder Captaines and Commaunders belonging to some forreine Prince or State , ( which are now or may be in termes of Hostility with any of his Maiesties friends ) thereby imagining , when they shal ( vpon occasion ) enter with their Shippes into any of his Maiesties Harboroughs , that they shall be free from any interruption , according to the libertie of Common Amity and correspondency which is vsually obserued betweene Princes in such cases , onely because the Commaunder or Captaine with some few persons besides are straungers , and the rest onely discouered to be his Maiesties Subiects : For as much as his Maiestie ( hauing made his iust and equall intentions thus apparant to all men by his publike Proclamations ) would be loath to frustrate the expectation of any his friends whome it doth or may concerne : He doth hereby declare to all the world , that if hee shall hereafter finde any such fraudulent course taken , in hope colourably to auoid the true construction of his so iust and necessarie ordinances , the breach wherof giues cause of further trouble and iealousies to arise betweene his Maiestie and other Princes in the mutuall exercise of their Subiects free trade and entercourse : he will make absolute stay of any such shippes and persons , which shal be so brought into his Portes or Harboroughs , as persons and thinges wholly exempted from that protection and fauour , which hee entendeth to maintaine and affoord to all others which shall not in such kinde goe about to abuse his Maiesties integritie , whose desire is to receiue no better measure in any thing , then he is willing to yeeld to others vpon the like occasions . Giuen at our Castle of Windsor the viij . of Iuly 1605. in the third yeere of our Reigne of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ❧ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . ANNO DOM. 1605. 
A22300	----	By the King. A proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to Algeeres and Tunis Proclamations. 1623-04-06 England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) 1623 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22300 STC 8708 ESTC S100906 99836733 99836733 1019 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22300) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 1019) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1601:44) By the King. A proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to Algeeres and Tunis Proclamations. 1623-04-06 England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) James I, King of England, 1566-1625. 1 sheet ([1] p.) By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, printers to the Kings most excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXIII. [1623] Dated at end: White-hall, the sixt day of April, in the one and twentieth yeere of our raigne .. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Military supplies Weapons industry -- Great Britain -- Law and legislation. Defense industries -- Great Britain -- Law and legislation. Arms transfers -- Great Britain -- Law and legislation. Military weapons -- Law and legislation -- Great Britain. Pirates -- Legal status, laws, etc. Tunis (Tunisia) Algiers (Algeria) 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. ¶ A Proclamation restrayning the carrying of munition to Algeeres and Tunis . THE Kings most Excellent Maiestie taking knowledge , aswell by the aduertisements of diuers forreine Princes and States , and of their Ambassadours , as by the wofull complaints of many of his owne good Subiects , that susteine great and continuall losses by Pyrats , and Sea-Rouers vsually retiring to , & harbouring themselues at Algeers , & Tunis , That the sayd Pyrats & Sea-Rouers receiue great comfort & encouragement by an abusiue Trade that some Merchants out of greedinesse , & for vniust lucre do maintaine at Algeers , & Tunis , for weapons , Gunpowder , shot , and other munition of all sorts , wherewith those common enemies of mankinde doe dayly inuade the Subiects of His Maiesty & other Christian Princes , Hath thought it agreeable to His own Iustice and Honour to forewarne , that none of His Subiects , from hencefoorth , haue any hand in a course so vniust . And therefore His Maiesty doeth heereby straitely charge and command , That none of His Maiesties Subiects whatsoeuer , doe at any time heereafter carry or import vnto the sayd Towne or Port of Algeers , & Tunis , any Gunpowder , shot , armour , weapons , munition or victualles whatsoeuer vpon paine to incurre His Maiesties indignation & highest displeasure , and to endure the seuerest chastisements that so high an offence may deserue to be inflicted on them by His Maiesties Lawes or Kingly Prerogatiue . Giuen at the Court at White-hall , the sixt day of April , in the one and twentieth yeere of Our Raigne of Great Brittaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXIII . 
A22327	----	These are to certifie you that the bearer hereof, by name Angelus Jacobi, a merchant of Cyprus, sayling out of Egypt unto Creet, fell most vnfortunately into the hands of Turkish pirats England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) 1624 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22327 STC 8737 ESTC S3886 33151130 ocm 33151130 28946 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22327) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28946) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:7) These are to certifie you that the bearer hereof, by name Angelus Jacobi, a merchant of Cyprus, sayling out of Egypt unto Creet, fell most vnfortunately into the hands of Turkish pirats England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) James I, King of England, 1566-1625. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : 1624] Date and place of publication from STC (2nd ed.). Includes cover letter signed and dated by Abp. of York, 11 April 1625, by bp. of Peterborough 28 October, 1625, and nine other bishops, undated. "Giuen at Our Palace at Westminster the thirteenth of September." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- Mediterranean Sea -- Early works to 1800. Turkey -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Turkey -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- James I, 1603-1625. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THese are to certifie you that the Bearer hereof , by name Angelus Iacobi , a Merchant of Cyprus , sayling out of Egypt into Creet , fell most vnfortunately into the hands of Turkish Pirats , who not only robbed and spoyled him of his Goods and Merchandises , but also tooke from him his Wife and Children , and as yet keepe them in Slauerie and bondage , not to be redeemed till the said Angelus Iacobi pay their seuerall Ransomes . Wherefore , We out of our Princely compassion , taking pittie o● the miserable estate and condition of this poore Christian , as also being moued thereunto by the example of other Princes , who by their Letters witnessed vnto vs the truth hereof , which cause we deferred vnto the Right Reuerend Father in God , George , Lord Archbishop of Canterburie , Metropolitan of all England , who did approue of the same , hauing granted and permitted him by Our Letttrs Pattents , to aske , collect , and gather the charitable Almes and Beneuolence of Our well disposed Subiects , during the time of his continuance in these Our Realmes . And for that hee now desireth to returne into Cyprus , his owne Countrey , Wee haue granted him these Our Letters for his safe conduct in his Iourney both by Sea and Land , as shall be most conuenient , as also that you by whom he shall passe , might the rather bee moued to relieue him by your Christian Charitie : So shall you lay vp your Treasure in heauen , and binde this poore man to pray for your safetie continually . Giuen at Our Palace at Westminster , the thirteenth day of September . God saue the King. HAuing perused of late his Maiesties Letters Patents , on the behalfe of this Bearer , Angelus Iacobi : These are to desire , as well the Prebendaries , Residensaries at Yorke , vpon some Sunday in the Metropoliticall Church there : As also to require all Parsons , Vicars , Curates and Church-wardens throughout my Diocesse of Yorke , to be ayding and assisting vnto him , in receiuing the free and Charitable beneuolence of all well affected Subiects , in their seuerall Chruches and Chappels , according to the tenor of the said Letters Patents , signified in that behalfe . At Bishopthorpe the eleuenth of Aprill 1625. Tobias Eboracen . and in our Diocesse of Peterborough . 28. October . 1625. Tho. Peterbor . Fr. Heref. Miles Glocester . Iohn Wigorn. Tho. Couen . and Lichf . Theophilus Landauensis Ric. Assaphen . Sa. Noruicen . Tho. Parke Procan . Cantrbrig . Gu. Peirs Uicecan . Oxon. 
A20982	----	A true iournall of the Sally fleet vvith the proceedings of the voyage. Published by Iohn Dunton, London mariner, master of the admirall call'd the Leopard. Whereunto is annexed a list of Sally captives names, and the places where they dwell, and a description of the three townes in a card. Dunton, John, mariner. 1637 Approx. 39 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 17 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A20982 STC 7357 ESTC S111090 99846507 99846507 11480 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A20982) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 11480) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 956:03) A true iournall of the Sally fleet vvith the proceedings of the voyage. Published by Iohn Dunton, London mariner, master of the admirall call'd the Leopard. Whereunto is annexed a list of Sally captives names, and the places where they dwell, and a description of the three townes in a card. Dunton, John, mariner. Simson, Richard, ill. Hall, Ralph, fl. 1637, engraver. [4], 26, [18] p., plate : map printed by Iohn Dawson for Thomas Nicholes, and are to be sold at the signe of the Bible in Popes-head alley, London : 1637. The plate is signed "Richard Simson fecet [sic] Ao: 1637" and "Ralph Hall sculpt.". Reproduction of the original in Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- Salé (Morocco) -- Early works to 1800. Salé (Morocco) -- History -- Siege, 1637 -- Early works to 1800. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2005-03 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TRVE IOVRNAL OF THE SALLY FLE●● VVITH THE PROCEEDIN●● OF THE VOYAGE . Published by IOHN DVNT●● London Mariner , Master of the Admir●●● call'd the LEOPARD . Whereunto is annexed a List o● 〈◊〉 Captives names and the places where 〈◊〉 dwell , and a Description of the three Townes in a CARD . LONDON , Printed by Iohn Dawson for Thomas Nicholes , a 〈…〉 be sold at the signe of the Bible in Popes-head al●●● 1637. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE LORD VAINE , One of his MAIESTIES priv●● Councell of his High Court of Admiraltie . RIght Honourable , in S●●tember last was twel●● month , I redeemed m●● selfe prisoner from Sal●● being sent out Mast●● and Pilote in a Sally ma●● of warre , with twenty●● one Moores and five Flemish rennagadoes , un●● the coast of England to take Christians , brough●● them into the Isle of Wight under the co●mand of Husk Castle , where I was detained●● a Pirate , and sent to Winchester with the re●● till wee were tryed by the Law , then comming to London very bare , I found much favour at your Honours hands ; For which I must ever rest ingaged , and have no way to testifie my thankfulnesse more , than by presenting this my poore indevour to your Honour : which if you please to accept and consider of , may be a meanes to relieve more as you have done mee ; for my onely sonne is now slave in Areire , and but ten yeares of age , and like to be lost for ever , without Gods great mercy and the Kings clemencie , which I hope may be in some measure obtained by your Honours meanes , and then your poore suppliant shall be ever bound to pray for you and yours all his dayes , and ever rest at your command , IOHN DVNTON , Mariner . A FLEET OF SHIPPES Set out by his MAIESTIE against the Turkish Pirats and Pirats of Sally in Ianuary 1636. IOHN DVNTON went aboor● his Majesties Ship the Leopard at Chatham the 26 of Ianuary , to see her v●ctualls and provision taken in for th● Voyage ; and the tenth day of February following , his Majesties Shippes had all the● victuals and provision shipped aboord , and were ready to set sayle , but the wind was not good , for it wa● against us , and at North-east , and at East North-eas● untill the 13 th day of the said February in the morning at 8 of the Clocke we broke ground to set sayl● with the said Ship the Leopard . And wee did warp● the same Ship to his Majesties Dock at Chatham , an● there did ride till the 14 th day of the said February i● the morning , and then at day-light we did make wa● to warpe the said Ship downe over the Chayne , th● weather then being calme , and no winde stirring● And as soone as wee were downe over the Chayn● with the Ship , wee had a little winde Northerly , s● wee sayled downe to Gillingham , and there came t● an Anchor in six fathome water , for the winde was against us at Nore and Nore North-east , and we did ride all night untill the 16 th day of the same February in the morning at ten of the Clock , at which time we set sayle with the wind at South Sea-west , and did get up as far as the west end of the Nore , and there came to an Anchor and rode all night till the 17 th day in the morning at day-light , and then wee set sayle and at noone wee came to an Anchor in Tilbery hope , and there did ride to get Sea-men to man our Shippes , and gather our Fleete together , and stayed for nothing but a wind . And the 24 th day in the morning , we set sayle from Tilbery hope with the wind at West and little wind ; and the 26 th day of February at two of the Clock in the afternoone wee came to an Anchor in the Downes , in eight fathom water , with the wind at West Nore West , and there wee did ride untill the 4 th day of March in the morning at six of the Clock we set sayle out of the Downes with the wind at South-east , a fine gale of wind : and sayling along the Coast of England untill the sixt day of March at noone wee departed from the Southermost land of England called the Lizard in Cornwall , and set our course for the Coast of Spaine with the wind at East North-east . And I will not be too tedious to set downe every point what course we did steere , and every day how the wind was , because I will make it as short as I can , and sayling alongst the Coast of Spaine with a faire wind , and sometimes a contrary wind , wee did not see a sayle nor a ship all the way , but one small Carvill , and short of the Northern Cape , wee had much wind at South-west , and West north-west , and the 12 th of March in the night betwixt twelve an● one of the Clock our Reere Admirall the Hercule●● bore her Mayne Mast by the board ; and wee were●● faine to leave her , and we staying by her all night un● till the next day , our Generall asked the Captain●● what he would doe , and he told him that he would●● goe for Lisborne to set a new Mast , so wee tooke ou●● leave of him , and steered away our course ; and tha●● Carvill we saw we could not speake with her , for sh●● was too Windward of us . It was the 19 th day of March that wee did see tha●● Carvill , and so sayling alongst the Coasts untill the●● 21 of March in the morning at day-light wee did se●● the South Cape of Spaine , and were fayre by the land●● by six a clock in the morning ; and so steering away●● our course South-east for Sally in Barbary , and the 2●● of March in the morning , we saw the land at noone●● we made the Towne of Momora ; and at night wee●● came to an Anchor in 27 fathom water , two leagues●● off the shore before Momora , and there did ride al●● night untill the 24 th day of March in the morning we●● set sayle at ten of the clock with little wind at Nor●● North-west , and at 4 of the clock in the afternoone ▪ we did come to an anchor in Sally Rode in 33 fathom● water , right before the new towne of Sally . And our● Captaine and Generall having the command of all● the Shippes , sent some unto the Southward , and some● unto the Noreward ; and wee riding in the middle● right against the Castle , and before the Harbours● mouth , that Ships should neither goe in nor out , so we● dispersed all our Shippes over all the Rode of Sally , that neither shippe nor boat could passe in nor our , for our shippes and boats did lie under the Castle every night close under the Harbors mouth the watch . The 26 th of March our Generall sent his Letter ashore to the Governour of New Sally to demand our Kings Majesties subjects , and Christians , and satisfaction for shippes and goods , and for all those Christians that they sold away both to Argier and other Countryes before we came there ; which did trouble them very much , and move their patience . And in a bravado they refused to send our Generall an answer ; whereupon we perceived , and looking well about us , wee went roundly to worke with them another way which they expected not , as you shall know hereafter . It was Gods great mercy that wee did come into the Rode so soone as we did , for they had made ready all their ships to goe for the Coast of England , as it was credibly reported of some Christians that were slaves ashore that did steale away out of the Towne , and came swimming aboord the Leopard , they were most Frenchmen , and some Spaniards , and they told our Generall , that the Governour of New Sally sent for all the Captaine Runnagadoes , and commanded all the Captaines in New Sally that they should goe for the Coast of England , so neere the shore with their shippes , and hoyst out all their boats , and goe ashore and fetch the men women and children out of their beds , had not GOD of his great mercy prevented them , but wee comming so suddenly into the Rode upon them before they knew of any shippes that our gracious King had at Sea , or any such intent to send a Fleete of Shippes upon the Coast of Barbary , and they were growne to such a height of pride , that some English Merchants and men ashore told the G● vernor of new Sally , that they were the King of En●lands Ships , he said , what care I for the K. of Englan●● Shippes , or all the Christian Kings in the world , a●● not I King of Sally : but wee made him sing anoth●● song in a short time after , for we went to workewi●● him another way that he dreamed not of . The 2●● of March at three of the clock in the afternoone the●● did come in a Sally man of warre from Argier wi●● passengers , and going close aboord the North sho●● as neere as shee could steere for running ashore , w●● and the Antilop did shoot above 100 peeces of On●● nance at that ship , wee shot through and through h●● and over her , and into the towne . It was such a gr●● Sea that wee could not sinke her , but wee met w●● her in the Harbour , and sunke her within amongst●● rest , as will appeare in a short time afterwards , a●● wee did come to an anchor hard by the Castle , 〈◊〉 the Castle did shoot at us , and wee did shoot at●● Castle , into the Castle , and over it , and thro●● it , and into the towne , and through the towne , 〈◊〉 over it , and amongst the Moores , and did kill a g●● many of them . The 29 th of March , the Governour of the towne did send our Kings Letters of peace aboor●● our Generall , and did desire a peace with our K●● for they are out with the new towne , and many ●●ters passed betwixt the Saint and our Generall , an●● in a short time after our Generall did make a pe●● with the Saint , for the old towne was so terrified 〈◊〉 the rogues in the new towne , for we saw them in fi●● all day ashore one with the other , and a great 〈◊〉 men and horses were killed and hurt on both sides , the old towne set up a white Flagge of truce upon their walles for our boats to come ashore to see what they would have , so our Generall caused five or six of our boats and shallops to be manned with good small shott , and our boat with our Kings Colours therein went a shore , and they told our men they lacked a Surgeon . Our Cockson having order from his Generall to take in two of the best of them and bring them aboord the Leopard for pledges , and sent our Surgions-Mate ashore , and in a short time , he cured all their hurt men , that were curable , at which the Governour and all the Moores in the old towne did much rejoyce , and were very diligent unto us ; and all those rogues in New Sally were very crop●icke , and much discontented at our being ashore , and so conversant with them , and called them and us English-dogges , and did say amongst themselves that they were all turned Christians , and rayled upon them and us , shooting with their great gunnes at them and us continually ; and they of the new towne had built a bridge over the River upon boats with Deale boords to march over to the old towne with horse and man with many thousands , and were fully resolved to take the old towne into their owne possession , had not wee prevented them , but in a short time after , wee made them pull up their bridge , breake their Campe , and goe their wayes home and fortifie their owne walles and Castles , for they found their hands full of us . Aprill the 5 th our peace was concluded with the Saint our friend , this Saints name was Siddy Hamet Allilash , he is a pettie King of the old towne , an● some other townes in Barbarie , as Barbary is in muc● trouble and much warres one with another , but ● will be now better : For the King of Morocus dot● now goe abroad to warres himselfe , he was abroa● this Summer with 40000 men horse and foote , an● was comming to Sally , but the Saint our friend prevented him , for he did burne up all the Corne upon the ground round about the Countrey , that the King could have no provision for his men and ho●ses , and by that meanes he could come no neer● Sally , than within thirtie leagues , and so he was fai● to retire home againe with fire and sword grammi● all the Country wheresoever he went , and put the● all to death . The 9 th of Aprill we did see a sayle off at Sea , w● did give her Chace untill night , and lost her , w● did goe into the Rode againe , for shee was so ● wind-ward of us , that we could not fetch her . The 11 th day in the morning wee saw two shipp● wee did give them Chace all day , they were so fa● off at Sea , and night was comming on , and then w● lost them . The 18 th day of Aprill , the Hercules our Reere A●mirall did come into Sally Rode from Lisbone , a● had set her Mast againe . The 20 th day of Aprill , the two townes of S● were in fight very hard one against another , and 〈◊〉 kill a great many men on both sides , wee did sta●● and looke upon them in our shippes as they wer●●● fight , wee riding at an Anchor , and could not re●● them with our Ordnance , they were ashore . The next day being the twenty-one of Aprill the Moores in the old towne did hang out a white Flagge for our boats to come ashore , and our Generall did send two of our boats ashore to the old towne with the Kings Colours in our boats , and as soone as our boates did come to the shore side , there were many Moores would have come aboord : Our men did take in three of the best of them , and they told our Generall that he should have all the old ●owne at his command , as Castles , Forts , and Gunnes , and men , and all to lay siege and battery against the new towne at his service , or any thing else in the towne , for the King of Englands sake , so in a short time after , our Generall did send our Master-Gunner and one of my chiefe Mates ashore , to see how the towne was fortified , and how many Gunnes they had mounted , and how many great Gunnes they can bring to beate upon the new towne , for to lay battery , and likewise how many great Gunnes they can bring to beate upon their Shippes to ●inke them , or how they may come to burne them , and also to goe round about the towne , and take very good notice of all things therein , and likewise of all their Shippes , and for a place to make a trench for great Gunnes , and they being many times ashore did find out a place for a trench , and so in a few dayes after our Generall had well understood himslefe , what a good worke it would be to sinke and burne their Shippes , did give order unto our Master-Gunner , and my chiefe Mate Simpson , with some other good Sea-men out of every shippe , to take some barrels of power & shot ashore into the old towne , and to shoot at their Shippes , and to sinke as many of them as the● can ; and they did sinke three of their best shippesth●● first day , and the next day they did come aboord f●● powder and shot , and they told our Generall th●● they had found out a place to make a Trench , th●● will sinke all their shippes in the Harbour , and o●● Generall did sent to every shippe for every Gunn●● and men to take their ●urnes ashore to manage th●● Ordnance and ba●●ery , all day lon● , and while t●● Trench was making our men did sinke many of the● Shippes , and shot through many of their house● and killed a 〈◊〉 many men in their towne and C●●stle ; and continued killing of them everyday , a●● when the Trench was made and their Gunnes hal●● downe into the Trench , our Generall sent for all t●● best Gunne●s of every Shippe , and appointed eve●● Gunner and his Company his day , and to take po●der and shot with them , and so to goe to worke w●● their Ships to sinke and burne them all , and as the●● were shooting at their shippes and barkes , the Moo●● in the new towne did shoot at our men in the Tren●● and did shoot off one of our mens legs , but he is w●● againe God be praysed for it , for we did so torm●● them in sinking and burning of their shippes that th●● were starke madde , and at their wits ends , for we 〈◊〉 every day 〈◊〉 some of their shippes , and kill some●● them in the new towne with the great Gunnes , w●● shooting out of the Trench at them , and shoot● through their houses and from the walls and forts● the old towne , & in every place where our men co●●r could bring great Gunnes for to beate upon the●● or their ships , boats , or houses , or Churches , or 〈◊〉 or anything of theirs , and at last we did sink & spoile and burne all their shippes but three that did lie up in the Harbour behinde a point of rocks , that our men could not bring any Gunnes to beate upon them , and what with the Saint besieging them by land , and wee by Sea , they were in a mutinie in all the towne , and together by the eares amongst themselves , and being so , and victualls began to be short with them , they were so tormented , that that side which was strongest , in the night did set upon their Governour , and tooke him prisoner , and put him in chaines , and sent him prisoner to the King of Morocus , that is fifty leagues from Sally to the Southward ; and when that Governour to that great King of theirs was gone , they made one Governour one day , & another another day , from the time we did come into the Rode , to the time the old Governour came to the Towne againe . The 27 th day at one of the clock in the morning , seven of our boats were in close aboord the shore at watch , and did see two great Carvells comming out of the Harbour ; and our boats did set upon them , and did wedge one of their Rudders fast , and did lay her by the Lee and were board and board , and did heave in fire pots unto her , and did burnethree men of them to death , and did kill fifteene men of them out-right , and did hurt eighteene more of them with our small shot , and they did kill us one man in the head with their small shot and hurt us eight more in our boats with small shot , and all our boats had men hurt in all that fight thirtie Sea-men , some i● the legges , and some in the armes with small shot : and two of the Hercules men were shot with arrowes in the backe , and are dead , and all our men be all well againe God be thanked , had they not beene so neere the shore , and a gale of winde off the land , that wee could not helpe them , nor rescue them with ou● Gunnes , and the rogues from the shore did beat of● our boats with their small shot ; and so our boate● were forced to leave them , and go aboord their ship● againe . The 28. of April wee saw two ships off at sea● the Mary and the Hercules did goe off to them , an● fetch them up , and spake with them . They were tw● Spaniards bringing Soldiers from Momora . The 29 of April the Saint our friend be●ieged th● new Towne of Sally , and set all their corne on fire o● the ground without the towne , and did keep them in●● that they cannot not stirre . The first day of May in the morning , we did see● sayle goe into the harbour from all our shippes : 〈◊〉 she did goe so neare the shore that wee durst not'follow her . The Antilop followed her to the harbour mouth , and made many a shot at her , and did kil● them a great many men , as the Moores in the ol● towne told our men . The 5. of May the Mary and the Hercules did com● into the Roade from Fedally , and told our General● that they did put a Sally man of Warre ashore at F●dally , and set her on fire ; and the Saint had taken al● her men : she was one of the best ships that they had● she had in her 23. or 24. great Gunnes , and comming from Argiere with a great many men in her● would have gone a roguing , had not wee destroye● them . The 11. day in the morning wee saw a ship off at Sea , and wee gave her chase all the day , and in the eight we lost ●●ght of her : for it was so darke , and no winde . The 12. day in the morning , we did see two ships , and wee did give them chase all day untill night , and then lost them , it was so darke , and little winde . The 15. day , in the morning wee saw two shippes to the norward of us , as farre as we could see them , wee did give them chase all day , and at night wee lost them . The 18. day at two a clock in the morning , eight of our boats were in fight with foure of their great boats untill day light : wee did kill them a great many men in their boats , as they were comming from Fedally : and had it not beene a gale of winde , our boats had taken them all before they had gotten into the harbour . Wee had but two men hurt in all our boats . The 24. day , our boats did take a great boat of theirs . The 25. day we did give a man of warre chase to the Southward of Sally all day : in the night we lost her , for it was darke , and little winde . The last of May in the morning , wee did see a shippe off at sea : wee gave her chase all day till night . She sayled too fast for us . All those shippes that wee have chased , were men of Warre , Rogues and Pirates of Sally . Some of them did come out of the Straights , & some small men of warre of them out of Sally . Iune . 1. The first day of Iune , in the morning we did see two shippes off at Sea , we did give them chase all day , till at night , little winde and darke , and then we lost them . 5. The fifth day at ten a clocke at night , the Governor was sent away prisoner in a boat to the King of Morcous , thinking that the King would have cut off his head , and wee having notice of his going , did watch narrowly for him with all our boats : it was such a night , and so darke , and such a Fogg , that our boats could , not meete with him , for we would have taken him prisoner . 7 The seventh day in the night , a small man of Warre did come out of the Harbour , our boats being at watch did meete with her , and did put her ashoare , and shee was spilt all too peeces , and all her men drowned and taken by the Saint our friend . The tenth day of Iune the Expedition did come into Sally Roade . The eleventh ' day Providence came into the Roade ; and one of their men of warre came creeping alongst the North shoare , a mile from the Norward of the Old Towne ; our boates and one of the Pinnaces did set upon her , and put her a shoare , and she was split all too peeces , and most of her men kil'd and taken by the Saint our friend . The twenty third of Iune , our Generall did goe aboard of the Expedition in the morning , to see how they would row , and they did row after three leag● s a watch , and did row under the Castle and the Castle did shoote at her , and thee did shoote at the Castle , and into the Castle , and over the Castle , and into the towne , and over the towne ; and the Castle at her , and she at them , and so they did lye shooting one at another , untill foure a clocke in the afternoone ; and then she did come off into the Roade againe , and did come unto an Anchor hard by the Leopard , and came off very well , and had never a man hurt we give God thankes : they broake one of their best Gunnes of brasse in the Castle , with shooting at her . The twenty seaventh day of Iune in the morning we saw two shippes at an Anchor under the Castle ; Our Generall sent for all the shippes boates to towe in the Providence , for it was clame , she did row and eight boates did towe , and they towed her within Musket shot of the shoare , and the Providence did shoote at those two shippes , 100 peeces of Ordnance through & through , and the great shot did kill them , some men right out , and went a shore amongst a thousand Moores , and the Castle did shoote above eighty peeces of Ordnance at her . And the men in the towne came downe to the water side with 1000 small shot at her ; And at noone they left off , and she came off very well , and had never a man hurt ; but her ropes , and her sayles , and her side ; were payd with small shot ; wee could not know how many Moores she did kill them . The thirteenth day in the morning we saw a shippe , Captaine White chased her a shore to the Northward . The same day at noone , the new town sent a boate aboard with letters to our Generall , about the Christians , & would saine have made a peace with our Generall , but he would not make a peace with thē , except they would give us al our Christians , and satisfaction for all that ever had beene taken by them , those words made them in a dumpe , and when they did see our two Pinnaces come into the Roade out of England , and did see them row with Oares after one of their shippes they were starke mad , and sought all the wayes they could for a peace with us , or with the Saint , and there did runne away one hundred men in a day out of the new towne to the old towne , to the Saint : and most of the best men in the towne for want of victuals , which were very short with them , who durst not goe out for feare of our men , they were almost all sterved for want . 30. Iune the thirtieth we saw a shippe at Sea , and gave her chase all day , and at night wee lost her , it was darke and little wind , that we could not fetch her . Iuly 3. Iuly the third , we did put a Sally man of warre a shore , with fifty five Mores and Turkes in her , all killed and drowned , and taken with the Saint our friend , and their shippe split all too peeces . 11. The eleventh day in the morning , wee saw three shippes at Sea , we gave them chase all day , and at night we lost them . 12. The twelsth day the Providence chased a Sally man of warre ashore , with eighty five Mores and Turkes in her , to the Southwards , all taken and kil'd by the Saint our friend , and their shippe split all too peeces , to the Southward of Sally , Shippes and Carvels sixe , and boates two put ashoare without the Harbour of Sally barre , unto the Southward two shippes and one boate , unto the Northwards foure shippes and one boate , they were all men of warre , and Pirats of Sally , and all the shippes that wee gave chase too , were all Turkes men of war and Pirats of Sally , but foure that came to trade with the town . But our Generall would not suffer them to trade . 26. Iuly 26. our Master Gunner , and my mate Simpson , and a grear ma●y men more , had made ready some great Gunnes to go up to the Saint , by the Generals appointment about the head of the river , for they in the new town had taken away their bridge , that they had made upon boates and deale boards , to goe over the river into the old towne , to fight with them , and did fight with them many times ; and had taken the old towne , if we had stayed away but tenne dayes longer , but when they saw our shippes , and knew wherefore we came , we made them soone take a way their bridge againe , for feare we should take their bridge away from them , and carry our great Gunnes over , and beate downe the towne about their eares , and made them in a wofull case , that they were sometimes in the minde to give up the towne to the Saint , & sometimes in minde to give it to the Spaniards , and ●t last they were in the minde to runne away , and did runne away a great many out of the towne dayly , if they could have told how to have got out of the Harbour , for they could not hold the towne above sixe or tenne dayes longer , the Christians did all scape so to our Generall , but we did looke out with our boates close in the shoare , and before the Harbours mouth , that they could not stirre ; and if chance they had got out of the Harbour from our boates , our shippes in the Roade ; were all ready to set sayle , and to cut our Cables in the Harse , and all our sayles in smiting being ready to set sayle after them , at an instant . The 27. day of Iuly there came letters to our Generall from the King of Morocus , and Master Robert Blacke a Merchant and Interpreter for the Kings Ambassador to our Generall ; and in that shippe was the old Governour , that was sent away in chaines unto the King of Morocus , and had made his peace with the King , so the King sent him to bee Governour in Sally againe , with a Proviso that he could make his peace with our Generall about our Christians , for the towne of new Sally was very neere the matter to be none of the King of Morocu's , nor hee to be entertained for Governour againe , had not our gracious King with his shippes given him possession of it , he had never beene King of Sally in this world , for we had notice of their comming a week before they came , and our Generall sent his warrant and the Providence , and one shippe more , and a small Friget out at Sea , to looke for their comming . The same day our Pinnace the Providence met with him , and commanded him a board our ship the Leopard , and he was kept prisoner till the next day , and our Generall threatned to hang him , at which he trembled very much , and was sore afrai● of it , and our Generall sent for all the Captaines aboard , and Called a Councell of Warre , and it was agreed upon , th●r the Kings , Alcade , and Master Robert Blake should goe ashore first into the new towne , and see how they would intertaine the Kings Alcade , and how they would intertaine the old Governor againe . And the 28. day , they sent a boate aboard unto our Generall with eleven Christians that were the Governors slaves or most of them , and Merchants some of them to my knowledge , and told him if bee would send the Governour ashore , he should have all the Christians aboard ; and it was agreed upon that they should bring all our Christians aboard in their boats , and the old Governour was sent a shore , and they did receive him very thankfully againe , for had not hee and the Kings Alcade come as they did , the towne had been the Saints and ours , but God would not have it so , and they did make as much haste to bring our Christians aboard as they could , because they would have us gone out of the Roade . August . 8. The eight day of August , wee had all our Christans aboard our shippes , and all their names , and in what townes they formerly dwelt , as you shall see in a List following God willing . The same day towards night our Generall sent foure of our shippes away to rove and to range the Coast of Spaine , and to looke for Turkes men of warre , Pyrates or others , the Antilop , the Hercules , the Providence , the Expedition , two shippes , two Pinna●es . 12. And the twelfth day the Mary Rose , and the Roe Bucke , did come into Sally Roade out of England , with a new supply , not knowing what we had done ; but the Moores of new Sally , seeing two shippes with the Kings Colours , they were madde to see more shippes come into the Roade of Sally , and we must stay still to take in the Kings Alcade , and Master Robert Blacke , and foure of the best men in Sally , to goe to the King of Morocus for pledges , and to see the peace confirmed betweene the King of England , and the King of Morocus . August . 21. August the 21. we set sayle out of Sally Roade . 23. And the twenty third day we came to an Anchor in Saffee Roade , twenty fathome water . September . 19. And the nineteenth of September , at sixe aclocke at night , the Embassador came aboard with all his men to go for England in the Leopard . 21. The twenty one day of September , at 4. aclocke in the afternoone , we set sayle out of Saffee Road , with the wind at South Southwest , little winde and calme all night . 23. The twenty third day at eight of the clocke in the morning , Cape canteene did beare East South-east , 7 leagues from us . October . 4. The fourth of October , in the morning at eight of the clocke , we sounded and had 110. fathome of water , the ground was great red sand , with some small blacke sand , and some white shels , and other small white peeces , and some round stones . 5. The fifth day at noone , a North-east and by North way , 31. leagues in degrees , 49 , and 41 minuts , the winde at South , and South-west . The same day at 2. of the clocke in the afternoone , which did beare from us at noone North , eight leagues off , and the Lizard North-East and by Nore Northerly , 20 leagues at noone , wee sounded 55. fathome water off Scylla , and did see land upon the decke at two of the clocke , the winde at South South-west . 6. The sixth day in the morning at nine of the clocke , we did lye by the Lee of the Bery , a mile off the shore to land all our Christians , that day at night they were all landed at Tarbay , that wee brought from Sally which were Cap●ives . 7. The seventh day at seven of the clocke at night , we came to an Anchor in the Downes , nine fathome water . 8. The eighth day being Sunday , in the forenoone , wee did set the King of Morocus Embassador ashore in the Downes , and at two of the clocke in the afternoone , we set sayle , the winde at South South-east , and at five aclocke in the afternoone we came to Anchor in eight fathome water in Marget Road , with very much winde , at South South-east we did ride all night . 9. The ninth day , at eight in the morning , we set sayle out of Marget Road , the winde at South South-west , and at one of the clocke in the afternoone , wee came to an Auchor at Quinborow in nine fathome water , and there stayed for a faire winde to go up to Chatham , and there to deliver his Majesties Shippe over the Chayne in safety . Captaine William Rainsbrough , Captaine of the Leopard , and Generall of the South Squadron of the Sally Fleete . Captaine George Carteret Captaine of the Antilop , and Vice-Admirall . Captaine Brian Harrison , Captaine of the Hercules , Rere-Admirall . Captaine George Hatch , Captaine of the Mary . Captaine Edward Symons , Captaine of the Providence . Captaine Thomas White , Captaine of the Expedition . Captaine Trunchfield , Captaine of the Mary Rose : And Master Broad of Rederiffe , Master and Commander of the Row-bucke . The Leopard in burthen 600. tunnes 36. great gunnes , 180. Sea-men . The Antilope in burthen 600 tunnes , 36. great gunnes , 180 Sea-men . The Hercules in burthen 400. tunnes , 28. great gunnes , 140. Sea-men . The Mary in burthen 400 tunnes , 28. great gunnes 140. Sea-men . The Providence Pinnace , in burthen neere upon 300. tunnes , with 14 great gunnes , 100. Sea-men . The Expedition , in burthen neere upon 300 tunnes , with 14. great gunnes , 100. Sea-men . The Mary Rose in burthen neere upon 400. tunnes , with 28 great gunnes , 100 Sea-men . The Row Bucke in burthen 80 tunnes , 10. great gunnes 50 Sea-men . All these good Shippes with the Captives are in safety arrived in England , we give God thankes . And God blesse King Charles , and all those that love him . Hampton Court , the 20. of October . 1637. This Iournall and Mappe may be Printed . Ex mandato S ae . R ae . Ma tis . R. Weekherlin . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A20982-e310 March 4 th 6 th 26 th . Aprill 5. 21 th . 27 th . 11 th . 12 th . 15 th . 18 th 24 th . 25 th . Last . Iune 1. 5. 7. 10. 11. 23. 27. 13. Iune 30. Iuly 3. 11. 12. 26. 27. August . 8. 12. Aug. 21. 23. Sept. 19 21. 23. Octob. 5. 6 7. 8. 9. 
A04099	----	A true and certaine report of the beginning, proceedings, ouerthrowes, and now present estate of Captaine Ward and Danseker, the two late famous pirates from their first setting foorth to this present time. As also the firing of 25. saile of the Tunis, men of warre: together with the death of diuers of Wards chiefe captaines. Published by Andrew Barker master of a ship, who was taken by the confederates of Ward, and by them some time detained prisoner. Barker, Andrew, fl. 1609. 1609 Approx. 52 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 15 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A04099 STC 1417 ESTC S104493 99840230 99840230 4709 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A04099) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4709) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 725:15) A true and certaine report of the beginning, proceedings, ouerthrowes, and now present estate of Captaine Ward and Danseker, the two late famous pirates from their first setting foorth to this present time. As also the firing of 25. saile of the Tunis, men of warre: together with the death of diuers of Wards chiefe captaines. Published by Andrew Barker master of a ship, who was taken by the confederates of Ward, and by them some time detained prisoner. Barker, Andrew, fl. 1609. [4], 27, [1] p. : ill. Printed by William Hall, and are to be sold by Iohn Helme at his shop in S. Dunstans Church-yard, London : 1609. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Ward, John, fl. 1603-1615. Danser, Simon de. Pirates -- Early works to 1800. 2002-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2003-01 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TRVE AND CERTAINE REport of the Beginning , Proceedings , Ouerthrowes , and now present Estate of Captaine WARD and DANSEKER , the two late famous Pirates : from their first setting foorth to this present time . AS ALSO The firing of 25. Saile of the Tunis , men of warre : Together with the death of diuers of WARDS chiefe Captaines . Published by Andrew Barker Master of a Ship , who was taken by the Confederates of Ward , and by them some time detained Prisoner . LONDON , Printed by William Hall , and are to be sold by Iohn Helme at his shop in S. Dunstans Church-yard . 1609. TO HIS WORSHIPFVL , WORthy and singular good friend Master T. I. these faithfull commendations . SIr , a farre greater happines then I of late haue had , either leisure to hope for , or means to expect ; I commend to your good selfe , & the frends of our acquaintance . Being certified by my affection , that your gentle nature , doth commiserat the misfortunes hath befalne me , and therein as a friend , doth share with mee in sorrow : I shall as soone as occasion will suffer me , make hast to London , to bee counselled by your aduise , touching those things in particular , that mainly concerne my estate : Nor make I any doubt , but before the receipt hereof , you haue heard of my mishap , from the report of some of my men who I hope , are ariued by passage , by the way of Holland : therefore I omit herein to trouble you with the maner of my first taking by the Turkes , whose gouernours , I meane Masters & Pilates , are all Englishmen , not onely Pirates , but mearely reprobates , and whose successe at Seas is so great , that it is most lamentable to report , how many Ships of London , and other parts of England haue beene taken and made prey vnto them : without the help of which English , the Turks by no means could haue gouerned and conducted them through their vnskilfulnes and insufficiencie in the art of Nauigation : yet of late to my wofull experience , I can witnes , they haue beene so readied by the instruction of our apostate countrimen , [ I meane of Ward and others , who haue beene their commanders ] to tackle their Ships , to man and mannage a fight , that if it doe not please God to moue the heart of his Maiestie , and other Christian Princes , and states , to ioyne together for their speedy suppression , and the disiointing of their late strengthned forces , which continually encreaseth by the Ships of England , and Holland , which they daily surprise , It will be discomodious to the state , and so dangerous to the common wealth , in succeeding times , that Christendome must expect no Trafficke at Sea : for they are alreadie grown to the number of fifteene saile of great ships belonging to Tunis , some bearing 40. some 30. and some 20. pecces of ordinance , with men accordingly , as 300. 250. and 200. men at the least , in euery Ship , so that I doubt , and the cause it selfe may breed a generall feare , that if expedition be not hastened against them , the state may heareafter share a part in that sorrow , which wee poore Sea-faring men haue already suffered . I haue sent you a note by Leanard Crowder , of diuerse ships , both English and Dutch , that haue been taken since Ianuary last , which although it be a businesse not much pertinent to gentlemen of your profession ; yet I doe assure my selfe , that you are so faithfull a wel-willer to the good estate and prosperitie of the common-wealth , of which the Merchant and Marriners are not the least members , that in pitie of our losses sustained , with vs you could wish , and expect a reformation , since the infinite wealth that our nation hath suffered ruine of , by the Turks this last yeer it were without doubt , incredible to report , since happily you haue heard , and I doubt not to prooue that Londons losses hath amounted to aboue 200000. pound . Thus hauing presented you at this time , but with a relish and taste of that which heereafter shall bee stored to your expectation in a more ample and fuller feast , I beseech you receiue this with my loue , in good part . Alwaies desirous to be commanded yours ANDREVV BARKER . The true report of Captaine VVARDS Piracies , done by Andrew Barker , Mr. of a Ship , and who was lately prisoner in Tunis . SIr , I haue receiued your Letter , and herein am glad to consent to your request , which was , ( that since so many flying fables , and rumoring tales haue béene spread , of the fame , or rather indéede infamie , ouer the whole face of Christendome , of this notorious and arch pirate Ward ) my selfe , who had euen knowne him to be a knaue , and of late ( yet too soone ) had prooued him a théefe , whose fortunes had béene so much decaied by his prosperitie , and who so long had béene held his prisoner 〈◊〉 ▪ who had there séene , abroad heard , and at Sea felt , the abilitie of his strength , the ordering of his actions , and the vniustnes of his procéedings . I might best gratifie my friends , and most truely satisfie the world , and their gréedy and auidous expectation , what iniurie hee hath done , daily doth , and still indeauoureth to doe , to rich estats , and prouident Sea-farers , to the venturing Marchant , and the carefull Saylor , to poore wiues and distressed children ; how like a villaine , and an apostata he liues , and how like a reprobate in persisting , he resolues to die . Which pleasure of yours , that I may the better and more fullie accomplish , and no way to seeme ingratefull for your benefits receiued , in neglecting my paines , I beseech you , let it not be held vnnecessarie by you , nor superfluous of the world , that I first indeuour , to deliuer truely , and of mine owne knowledge , the manner of his first going forth to Sea , and the forme that he vsed in vndertaking these courses : so shall I the more directly , and in order , delymate his proceedings , describe his outrages , dilate his customs , paint out his oppressions , picture his lusts , image his riotts , manifest his ruins , and in the end , giue you to expect that which is already begun of him , his endlesse infamy , and deserued confusion . Which desire of mine , being I know by your curtesie condiscended vnto , and I perceiue by your letter , is expected of others , I pray you receiue this that followeth for truth . This Ward , who now hath atchieued to himselfe , the title of Captaine , whose desperate actions hath caused terrour to trauellors by Sea , and whose name hath bred feare in the Marchants at home . In the last yeare of her late Maiesties raigne , was resident , and had his dwelling , ( as by my own knowledge I can certifie ) in the West countrie at the hauen Towne of Plimouth , a fellow , poore , base , and of no estéeme , one as tattered in 〈◊〉 , as he was ragged in conditions , the good past , that he could boast of himselfe , might bee , that hee was borne in a Towne called Feuersham in Kent , and there liued as a poore fisherman , and the vertue present , that he durst talke of was , he had abiding in Plimouth , wherfore a while kéeping house , although I haue neuer heard that he paid his rent , all the day you should hardly faile but finde him in an alehouse : but bee sure to haue him drunke at home at night . Othes were almost as ordinarie with him as words , so that hee seldome spake a sentence , but one was a silable , hee would sit melancholy , speake doggedly , curse the time , repine at other mens good fortunes , and complaine of the hard crosses attended his owne . All the vertue that any man could perceiue might grow out of his whole course , or reckon out of his whole life was , that hitherto hee loued not to be noted a quarellor : for rather then he would fight , he would be beaten by any one , he was commonly called by the name of Iack Ward , one that was welcome into any tap-house , more for loue of his coyne , then loue of his company , and all the reputation that his owne crue held of him , was but this , that he was a mad rascall , would sweare well , drinke stiffe , stick too t , and like a good cocke , hee would neuer out of their damnable pit , If there were either money in his purse , or credible chalke in his hosts hand , being once in . So that continuing thus for a reasonable season , in the same towne drinking and swearing , the two twins , that such damnable wombes are euer in labour with , and not without wonder of a number , by what possible meanes he could get chinkes , so lewdly to consume his time withall . It at last so happened , that in the beginning of the Kings raigne , hee found meanes to bee imployed for seruice , in a small ship of his maiesties , commōly called by the name of the Lions Whelpe , in which imployment , persisting as before , in his melancholy disposition , not contented , with that good and honest meanes was allowed him , and satisfied farre better men , to defend themselues and the necessitie of their charge : But hauing new reaches working in his braine , he one day selected out a choice crew , but of such , whose dispositions he perceiued were as vntoward as his owne , when the poison of his heart disgorged it selfe thus . My mates , quoth he , what 's to be done ? here 's a scuruy world , and as scuruily we liue in 't , we féede here vpon the water , on the Kings salt béefe , without ere a penis to buy vs bissell when we come a shore , here 's brine , but to reuell , suppe , and be mery , euery one at the proper charge of his owne purse . So that this following night . when the Captaine and Officers shall coniecture nothing . but that we are drawing drie the pot , wee 'll bee diuing arme deepe in the Fugitiues bagges . With which hopefull proiect , their resolutions being confirmed , and with the former purpose , getting a shore to their hosts house , ( which they chose to be without the walles of Portsmouth ) after some halfe a dozen of damnable healths tane downe , they agreed amongst them , that with full cans , for the deuising and foreseeing into this beneficiall businesse , they fréely , and of their owne accord would elect Ward for their Captaine , and which dignitie accordingly ( being downe on their knees ) with drinke they performed , which instalment done , and considering with themselues how they might best prouide themselues of a boat , which the next full Sea should set them abord the Barke , they resolued at a sortable houre to begin their ransacke . But see how it happened : A kinsman of this gentlemans , who had intended his departure , and furnished himselfe to this voyage for France , seeing the day before they attempted this Piracie , this Ward consorted with a crue of Scattergoods and swaggering Rascals , and knowing fully of the charge that his friend had aboord , and withall nothing such a crew of desperates , mustering about Towne , more then in one knot had béene accustomed , and with such vnciuill behauiour , hee began to bee iealous they had some proiect in hand : whereupon he aduised his friend to disbarke his mony againe , till the very instant that the winde serued , and to lodge it in some place of more safety , to preuent the danger hee stood in doubt of : for , quoth he , your selfe may witnesse what a knot of these knaues are linked together , who hauing not some intelligence , or but at least suspecting what substance you beare along with you , they will not sticke to venture their bodies , I and it were to hazard their soules for mony wherewithall to maintaine their riot . So that I pray you Sir , be aduised by my counsell : Redeeme your money out of the Barke , and preuent their purpose , lest your repentance come too late . Which counsell of his friends , setting some suspition in the gentlemans head , and being the rather confirmed and grounded , through the disorders hee beheld them continue in , and more then they were accustomed to exercise , hee resolued himselfe to his friends aduice , and priuately ( either without knowledge or suspition ) landed his money and most estimable riches , and stored them in the red Lion , ( contenting themselues , then suspectlesse , to see what would be the issue of these fellowes ) and vntill the winde and tide should helpe faire for their departure . Which defense of this gentleman 's this new Captaine Ward nothing at all suspecting , with his Command ( as he before had determined ) in the dead of night , and hauing so much experience to know when the tide and time was best for his aduantage , hee presently came and laid the Barke aboord , and entred his men in the hold of the Uessell , where he found none to resist him , but only two poore s●ekes , who belonged to the Barke , whom hee straight shut vnder decke , and commanded them , not to squeake like Rats ( in danger of their liues ) whereby , vpon their disturbance , the wach vpon the first Blockhouse might haue warning , and so with their Pot-guns disquiet their peace . So presently waying Anchor , and setting his sailes , to Sea goes he . Onely before his deparparture ( yet not till he found himselfe out of their reach ) he takes his farewell aloud , and very kindly bids me the watch good night . So that being now cléere , and out of danger of their summons , and likewise come forth , without the I le of Wight , like a Captaine indeed , who now had command , he demands for the two men were lodged in his ●arke , and who , according to his call , were brought to his sight , when most Commander like , hee began to question them , as they loued their safeties , to deliuer truly vnto him , in what place of the Barke was the Papists treasure hid , for that was the chiefe matter they came for , and that must bee the meanes to make them merrie withal , when these poore wretches shaking for feare before this terrible theefe , they replyed , that his expectation was heerein frustrate , store of riches they must confesse there was indeed , but vpon what reason they knew not , it was the day before landed againe . At which vnsatisfied newes , and finding by search their words to be true , the whole crue hauing this cake of Ice for Sunne-shine golde to chaw down , and comfort their stomacks withall . The Rogues all , began now to be ranck mad , there was then , such Cursing , such Swearing , such Banning : there was a pox of thee , a pox of thee , and a plague of vs all , what shall now become of vs ? The Goldfinches wee came for , were flowen out of their nest , little succour is to be found heere , and to go a shore we shall be sure to be hanged there , heare wee are fallen desperately into the pitfall , and there wee haue brought our necks iust to the noose . Yet at last , when their furie like an Hostler , had walked them awhile , and the heat of their bloods was growen a little calmer , they agreed amongst themselues , that since their pretence was to come for somewhat , they would at last see what was there to be found . In which search , there was presently laid open to their Rauening eies , a couple of Venson-Pasties , diuers Turkey-pies , Capons , Hens , and such other choice viands , as the forerecited Gentlemen , had stored in the barke for his own prouision , to conduct him into France and of euerie sort whereof , them was great store . At the sight of which , Ward raps out oathes like p●llets out of a péece , that fly as swiftly as they can passe one after another , and cals , come , le ts bee merrie my hearts , although the birds be flowen , we came far , and we haue found nothing but the emptie nest , come , le ts be merrie , & freely fat our selues with their fodder , here is good cheare , it was prouided for vs , and wee le eat , an ounce of sorrow will not pay a penny debt . It is bootelesse in these daies , to lie in a dich and cry for help , since euerie man is boūd to thrust out his hand to help himself , and therefore my hearts let vs be frolike with this , and liue in hope that our fortuns wil be better . At which ( as if they had forgot alreadie what they had done , and not fering what might follow ) with this encouragemēt they fell roundly aboord , when anon Ward called to them againe , what , say you my bloods , who would bee a boord of the Lyons whelpe , with bare and hungrie allowance of cold fish and naked cheese , and may as we do thrust vp their armes to the elbow in a Venison pastie ? and with that , breaking vp a case of bottles , which were presented full of wine to his theueships hand , heere my mates ( quoth he ) heare is a health to our good fortunes , and a pox of the Hang-man , wee know the worst , and le ts therefore hope for the best , wee le be merrie to night with wine and Uenison , and to morrow take counsell what 's best to be done . So that , no man taking care for any thing now , but that euery one pleaged his partner a ful carouse , they sailed one from the wight to the West part of England , where neere vnto Silly they met with a French ship , laden with marchandise , & who was bound for Irelād , the ship being a vessel neare about thréescore and ten Tuns , and who bare for her ●●●ence sixe peeces of Ordinance . This pray , had my Kight like Ward no soonner espied , but calling his companions about him , in this forme hee began to resolue them : my Comrads quoth hee , you know wee haue procéeded so far , into the Théeues path , that to returne backe we shall bee stopped with a haltar . To trust to the mercie of the law , is as good as for a man to chops hand vpon a Rasor and see if it will cut . Therefore since to retire can allow vs no safety , it will be wisdome heare to prouide for our safegard . Your selues see , wee haue a Frenchman heere a ba●t of vs and as I haue done , so I still doe , intreat the most of you , but to keepe down vnder hatches , and that not passing some four or fiue , may bee seene aboue , so by the scantnes of our number seen , & the smalnes of our Ba●k which I know he will take note of ( I destring to kéep cōapnie with him ) he shall haue no cause at al to suspect vs : So that , when I shall finde fit opportunitie to giue him the graple , & send to your eares the watch word ( which shall be this , now my masters for vs , we may on a sudden board them , and being taken , in the dismay , so hastily disharten them , that we shal immediatly be owners of their goods , and with the helpe of their ship and inunition , lay a fundation one the ground of which , wee may raise our good hap : which subtiltie of his , was so well entertained , that my Captaine had a Plaudite for his paines , and euery mans hand preast to bee ready at his becke . So then , with the hope of this plot , passing side by side familiarly , and vnsuspected by the Frenchmen , their burden being but small , and their number in sight so few , and passing many houres , in courteous discourse , either seeming glad of the others acquaintance , one the sudden Ward , taking hold of opportunitie , he claps me the Frēchman aboord , giues the watch word , and enters his men , so that in a breath , was my poore Frentchman surprised , his goods ceased one and m 〈…〉 ●●prisone , eare that any had time to thinke how they could bee hurt . All which discourse the two poore men who were first taken when Ward tooke the Barke , did after their setting a shore , and returne to Portesmouth , relate and constantly affirme to one Iohn Rogers , owner of the Barcke , in my hearing . So that it is without question , this was the originall and first beginning of Wards piracy , euen so base , and so low ▪ although it is manifest , he hath aduanced it to that height , which hath since beene the vndoing of some , and the impouerishing of many . To proceed then , after as you haue heard , the French man was taken by him , hee repaired into Causon Bay , neare Plimouth , where with a long boate going a shore , and flattring some others whom he met of his acquaintance , with the newes of his successe , and expectation to come , he their with men much strengthned his company , and so put on to the coast of Spaine . Where about the Southern cape , he tooke also a Fly boate laden with excellent Merchandise , and the ship béing about a hundred Tuns , with whom entering into the Straights , he turned away his small Barcke with the Flemings , and presently threupon hee tooke a Satta , and withall which thrée ships , namely , your Frenchman , your Flie-boate , and S●●ta , he put on , and ariued at Argier , where what was his entertainement , receiue this forcertaine . Not long before , one Captaine Iefferd had in the seruice oft he Duke of Florence , attempted to set the Gallies belonging to the King of Argier afire , and in which desperate resolution , he had so farre preuailed , that they departed not thence without performing much harme . In displeasure of which , the king had grounded such an inward hate against al Englishmen for Iefferds treachery , that he solemnly vowed , that this iniurie should bee a perfecution to any of the whole nation , that hapned in his power , and to manifest , that his oath was not triuial but as violent in performance , as it was forwa●d in promise , in reuenge of the former attempt , hee put twelue Englishmen , who were there in Argier to a most cruell and lingring death , so that vpon Wards arriuall , forbidding him to haue any succour on his shore , and Ward on the other side hauing heard of his vowe , & not willing to play with the Lyons paw , lest he should but faine himselfe asleepe , without longer stay , or further suit , he with his prises made vp for Tunis . Where with small suit to the King , in respect hee brought Marchandise with him , beneficiall to the state , hee had leaue , their to find safe harbouring for himselfe , his ships and followers , where hauing made sale of his Commodities , and presented diuerse acceptable presēts to the King of Tunis , as also for his gifts , receiued some outward graces of the Crossymon , which is as much to say , the Lord Admirall of the Sea , and the man that hath euer since , held share with Ward in all his Voyages , Prises , and Shippings ▪ and been his only supporter in all his disseignes , and vpon whose promised fauour and furtherance Ward growing bould , he was at length a suter to the King , that he might be receiued as his subject , or if not so , yet at all times , either in aduersity or prosperitie , himselfe and what the Sea could yeeld him , might be euer sanctuaried vnder his Princely protection , and in recompence thereof , he vowed , hee would for euer after , become a foe to all Christians , bee a persecuter to their Trafficke , and an inpouerisher of their wealth , onely ( belike the diuell not yet hauing his full gripe one him ) he desired , his owne Countrey might be excepted out of his taske , whom both by naturall loue and obedience , he was bound to respect : withall that his Maiestie would be pleased , for the better furnishing of those ships , hee had their taken , their might bee leauied vnder his command , a conuenient number of Turks with whom he doubted not to returne , of Christians goods , with so worthy a spo●le , that heereafter his name should bee held of his greatnesse in more regard , and his seruice more acceptable , which sute of his , being granted at full , and Croseman , being an ader and furtherance in all his expeditons , since as I said before in all his profits hee was a full sharer . He puts forth from Tunis , and procéeded downe to the bottome of the Straights , where he houered not long before hee tooke a small Argosie , of the burden of six hundred Tunnes . In the same action also , he tooke a Ship of two hundred Tunnes , which he afterward named The little Iohn , and armed her with foure and twenty péeces of Ordinance . Hee then surprised also the Mattalena , a French Ship , who came from Alexandria with rich Commodities . In this voyage likewise was gathered to him one Abraham Croften , and many other worthy spirits , whose resolutions , if they had beene aimed to honourable actions , either a sea or shore , they might haue béene preferred and commended for seruice to the greatest Prince liuing . Now concerning my knowledge in these Proceedings , they were all of them , and each particular deliuered mée by Graues , who tooke mee Prisoner , and euery circumstance thereof resolued mee at full , by diuers others , whom I had seuerall conference withall . As also that they were aboue two hundred Englishmen , good Souldiers , and expert Mariners , when they procéeded forward to the Gulfe of Venice . To the which voyage incouraged ( saies Graues ) we were foure well mand , and well appointed Ships , ouer whom Captaine Ward was our worthy Generall , who being seuered from vs by a forcible Tempest , himselfe in his small Argosie , hauing none but his Fly-boat with him , he met with a great Argosie of fourtéene or fiftéene hundred Tunnes , very richlie laden with Venetian goods , and who , by Computation , was estéemed to be worth two millions at the least , betwixt whom and him was such a mercilesse and incredible fight , as a man may compare is betwéene those two Tyrants , the remorselesse windes , and the resisting waters . It was long , and it was cruell , it was forcible , and therefore fearefull : but in the end our Captaine had the Sunshine , he boorded her , subdued her , chained her men like slaues , and ceasd on her goods , as his lawfull prise , whom the whistling calme made musicke vnto , vshering her and our Generall into Tunis , and whose bounty with his men , did there triumph with her treasure . Which report from Graues , I receiuing not without much wonder : and though I seemed to consent thereunto , in my iudgement I discredited it , reputing his tale rather a vaine glorious boast from him , to raise his Captaines fame , and the more to amaze vs , that were his Prisoners , then any discourse of truth that was worthy the credit : till afterward , falling into conference with Wards man , and who at that time was both in discontent and dislike with his Master : of him I enquired of the former relation , whose approbation was so much and so much more highly aduanced , that mee thought now , that Graues had but minced him in his discourse : and where I ghest the spight and difference betwixt him and Captaine Ward , should haue rather whetted his tongue to disparage his worth , then haue stéeled it on to describe his worthinesse , I vtterly found my expectation frustrate : for demanding in particular of his Masters valour , he did so farre commend his prouidence in going on , and so farther extoll his manhood in atchieuing , that for these last thrée yéeres , quoth he , he is growen the most absolute , the most resolute , and the most vndauntedst man in fight , that euer any heart did accompanie at sea . And if his actions were as honest as his valour is honorable , his deeds might be dignified in the Chronicles with the worthiest . As also that in the aforesaid fight , and taking the Argosie , whose oddes was reputed to bée thrée to one , he did in the deadly conflict so vndauntedly beare himselfe , as if he had , had courage to out-braue death , and spirit to out-face danger ▪ bastinadoing the Turkes out of his Ship into theirs , and pricking others on euen with the point of his poiniard , that , quoth he , I could impartially say , his only resolution was cause of the victorie , and that his forwardnesse made Cowards venturous ; whereby at last hauing seased her for his owns , and brought her into the Bay of Tunis : and when he had discharged and vnladen her goods , he diuided the spoile as in share with the Turkes , to the great inriching of the whole Country , and to the aduancing of his owne pride . But as it is certaine , he that doth once accustome himselfe to sinne , is alwaies sitting vpon Cockatrice egges , that bring foorth nothing but poisonous effects : so fares it with this Ward , and his whole company ; and to approoue , that goods ill gotten are most commonlie worse spent , with this Treasure , which thus vniustly they had inriched themselues withall , they accustome their liues to all disorder , making their habit and carriage a shore , farre more detestable , and vncomely to be talked of , or by Christianity to be condemned and abhorred , then their théeuing at Sea , swearing , drinking , dicing , and the vtmost enormities that are attended on by consuming riot , are the least of their vices , that can bee recited . Unlawfully are their goods got , and more vngodly are they consumed , in that they mix themselues like brute beasts with the enemies of their Sauiour : so that he that was a Christian in the morning , is bedfellow to a Iew at night . Nay sinne is growen to that ranknesse amongst them , through the fatnesse of Concupiscence and Couetousnesse , that the Iewes hire out their off-spring to them as we doe horses , either by the day or by the weeke : and as wee doe at an outcry , cry , Who will giue more : so doe these Iewes set out their children to them , asking , Who giues aboue a Sultane shall haue this . So then since that al men do know , it is a bad fare where nothing is bought , and a great many of these Buiers , I will leaue their Sodomie , and the rest of their crying sinnes ( which I feare their Atheisme hath led them into ) to the Iudgement of the Iust Reuenger , and not giue them to be talked of further by my pen. Only for Ward , he liues there in Tunis , in a most princely and magnificent state . His apparell both curious and costly , his diet sumptuous , and his followers seriously obseruing and obeying his will. Hee hath two Cookes that dresse and prepare his diet for him , and his taster before he eats . I doe not know any Peere in England that beares vp his port in more dignitie , nor hath his Attendants more obsequious vnto him . There is no admittance of any Suter on any businesse , but their businesse is first made knowen to one of his followers that is neere him , which if he list not to regard , they haue their answer from his man , that his greatnesse is not at leisure , neither will he bee spoke withall . Nor could I he●re of any affaires that were dispatched by him , in the time of my imprisonment there , at their first comming , but with long attendance , much sute , yea and ( by your leaue ) some bribes : so that his successe hath made him desperate and resolute , his riches haue made him proud . And so being now at the highest , in hope pride shall haue a fall , I procéed in this discourse . Ward hauing thus taken this great Argosie , and ( with her and others ) so inestimable riches , his minde was so inflated with pride , and puft vp with vaine glorie , that he now thought , nay did not spare to speake , he was sole and onely Commander of the Seas . And indéed , like the Sea , alwaies vnsatisfied ( although , as I haue heard , and by reason did coniecture , his Treasure was infinite ) prouiding himselfe for a fresh encounter , hee placed in this great Ship thréescore péeces of Ordinance , and put into her a hundred and fifty Englishmen , and two hundred and fiftie Turkes ouer whom he made Abraham Croften Captaine , and himselfe Generall , in his small Argosie the Mattalena and the little Iohn , with whom lying in the mouth of the Gulfe of Venice , there grew ( vpon some discontents ) a muteny betwixt the English and the Turkes : which Ward hauing intelligence of , hee went aboord the Argosie with his boate , and althoug the heat thereof , were already broke foorth , to a very forceable blaste , he by his Temperance and perswasion , did very worthily allay it , wherin ( being people of so differēt a nature , I meane Englishmen and Turkes ) mee thought although a Villaine , it was praise worthy in him to effect , which discontent and heartburning appeased , hee came a board his owne Ship againe , and lying in waite for more bootie , it pleased God , now to preuent them a little by a storme that arose , in which storme , the great Argosie being much disabled with cutting so many holes out of her sides for the planting of Ordinance and labouring in the Sea , the violent split her selfe , and suncke suddenly , all the men in her being drowned saue onely foure , who the next day were taken vp floting vpon a Raft of the ship . So that , he who but euen now thought himself Commander and resistles at the Seas , found here a power had Command our him , whereupon , hee now began to feare the retchlesnes of his estate , and greatly to complaine of the violence of his losse . Especially , for Croston , who was equall with him in manhood , and nothing inferiour to him in Command and warlike directions , as also of the ruine of so many of his English , in whom , his chiefe hope , stay , strength , and trust , was built and consisted . Beside at his returne to Tunis , it was no small dismay vnto him to heare so loudly the outcries and cursings blown in his eares , of wiues , Fathers , and Kindred for the losse , of so many of their friends at on blow , So that for certaine , as Graues reported vnto me ( in Wards own opinion ) he went not vp and downe but in feare of his life , which distaste past , and doubt present , made him the sooner haste to Sea againe , where to make it euident that one sorrow neuer comes without an heire to succeede him , my Captaine found that a second mischiefe did follow this : for the Venetians , hauing sustained excéeding great losse by his vngodly proceedings , the Segniorie of Venice in redresse thereof , had caused to be built a great Ship called S. Marke , of fifteene hundred Tunnes , in manner of a Gallias , with fourescore péeces of brasse Ordinance , and with her set foorth twenty or thirty saile of Gallies : whose voyage and enterprise was directed a purpose to beat him out of the Gulfe , and from houering about their Coast. These thus at Sea happened vpon Wards fly-boat , and forced her ashore , whose men for safety running on Land , the Venetians pursued , slew many of them , and two and thirty that they tooke , they hung vp for carrion in the Iland of Corfowe : another of his men of warre they haue taken since , so that by these two dammages my desperate Pirate being so much dismaid , he neuer since durst approch to the Gulfe , notwithstanding I haue heard of diuers rich prises of the French ( which traded for Alexandria , and Cypres , and other Ports in the bottome ) which haue by him and his Complices béene since taken , who , for that I haue not heard their names , I will forbeare to report . Only I pray you receiue these in good part , which from William Graues his mouth were deliuered me , with the report of incredible wealth that he and his men of warre haue taken since his first refuge in Tunis . Ward hauing thus had his Argosie shipwrackt , and after that , two of his best men of warrs taken by the Venecians . It followeth now that I in order deliuer , what happened to him at Tunis . This last yeere was left him onely , the halfe of two ships , the Mattelena , bearing two and thirtie péeces of Ordinance , and of thrée hundred Tuns , and the little Iohn spoken of before , which about Christmas last past , he was minded to come to Sea with all , and had furnished with victuals , munition , and all things fitting for the furthering of his voyage . But hauing the last two yéeres past , dealt but grosely and vnkindly with such Englishmen , who were now left with him , in not yéelding them their due shares , which they expected their seruice dad deserued , they began now ( taking aduantage of his lownesse ) to repine and to gather head against him , and concluded awongst themselues , that rather then Ward should containe them in that seruitude , which in the time of his height and pride they supposed they were held , they would now take a course to proud for redresse , and which was , they would immediately run away with the ship , ( or at least , the shippe should run away with them ) and with her whole prouision , sell her to the Maltesaies who were yet Christians , and so become at their seruice . To which opinion with a generall consent , they all agreed . And apointed one of their companie Captaine and the same night before the Turks should come a board , they did farewell to Tunis , without taking their leaue , and went for Malta , being in number fortie fiue English , and leauing their old Captaine , but thirtie in company , Which sudden alteration and vnexpected newes , the next day comming to Crosiman , hee sent for Ward , and there in very sterne manner , demanded from him whether hee were consenting to his Countremens Treason namely , to the conueying away of the ship and goods , in y● which the Kings maiestie his master was a party and hee himselfe had a halfe . To whō Ward made answer that he was no way guiltie of it , neither had he reason to be , since his owne losse was as great as his . Well replies Crosiman , be aduised that thou art not , neither let the honour and wealth , that thou hast got by our support , bée an incouragement , shall entise thée to leaue vs , and serue Christians , but beare thy selfe euen , and to preuent thy escape , I will haue halfe of thy part of the mattelena , for my share of the Iohn , which thy Countrymen haue depriued me of , then either resolue me of thy will , or resist mee as thou thinkest good , but Ward finding it no fit time to replie to the contrary , for feare of his head : made answer , that both himselfe , seruice , and all his , was at his pleasure . So that Ward , now left shiplesse , almost frindlesse , and his state declining , since the Crosiman hath left him , he began to leauie his wits together , what hee were best to resolue vpon , to aduenture to Sea himselfe he thought it not yet fitting , but determined , rather to send others a fishing for him . In which determination , he foorthwith buies him a ship of 80. or 90. Tuns , and appointed one Captaine Sampson to bee the Commander , mans her with a hundred men , of which although the ship were his owne , not many of them were English , but the most of them Turkes , who so ouersway them at Sea , that the Captaine may bid what hee will , and they will doe what they list . For this Sampson going foorth of Tunis the eighth of Februarie last , The first ship that he tooke was Captaine Fursman of London , a Gentleman who in former time had béene as Samsons sworne brother , of whom when Sampson came to take , note of , ( In this I commend his generous spirit ) hee would by no meenes haue ri●led him , but earnestly laboured in all that he might , to haue frely giuen him his ship and goods againe . To which request of his the Turks by no meanes would bee brought to consent , but the more he entreated , the more they denied , till at last one among the rest , and who it should seeme , was Life teant to Samspon , strucke violent at him , whom all the rest as readily seconded , so that hee was compeld to looke heauily vpon his friende , and enforced to be silent while they ceased on the good Marchant , Master William Fursman with the ship and goods . The very same day , the said Sampson in Wards ship , gaue Chase vnto a ship of Dartmoth whereof Iohn Fursman ( who was sole brother , to William Furseman , who they had taken not fixe houres before ) was master , from him they tooke likewise both ship and goods , and then most cruelly , without pitty , and not regarding praiers , turned the two brothers into their ships Boate , and thrée leagues from land in a very growne Sea , where it was impossible to recouer the land , but must vnfortunatly haue perished , had not a ship of Venice happened by chance to haue taken them vp . Oh , what inhumane crueltie was this , in them toward two naturall brothers , and who can expresse : the sorrow and griefe ( their cases being a like ) that one had for another one striuing to helpe the second when they saw nothing but to perish both , hee lending one hand to helpe him , when both would not serue to helpe himself , but leauing them to their Comfort , and the rest to be damned who tooke two prises more though but small Ships , and returned to Tunis who to their Captaine Ward was welcome , according to the prouerbe , Somewhat hath some sauour , although he séemed wonderous discontent , that Sampson had not brought him a tall Ship , wherein his worships Person might to théeuing himselfe , but contenting himselfe in the meane time , and neither lamenting nor reproouing him for dealing so vnkindly now with his Countrimen , got away straight , he sends Sampson to Sea againe , who in this action thriued so succesfully , that he takes for Ward a small Argosie , or rather a Spaniard , of thrée hundred Tunnes , with thrée prises more Flemings and French , which was in Iune last , whereby with the strength that they haue brought him , he is now preparing himselfe very forcibly to Sea , training men , and casting Ordinance , and the Tunis men making readie fourteene saile of great Ships for men of warre , and as many small for the same purpose , to scoure the Coast. Where I am glad I haue left them , to hope for their confusion . Only I pray you receiue that which from William Graues his mouth was deliuered me , of their incredible wealth , as also of the spoile that our owne Nation of England hath sustained within these two yeeres . Neither I hope shall it be impertinet to note héerewithall , the names of all Ships as I haue gathered by being partaker of the like hard fortunes . A small Barke Fulmoth laden with Pilcherds . Two ships of London , taken by the Gallies Besart about the Iland of Corsowe . The Merchant that was taken in the first , was also taken in the second . His name ( I suppose ) is Master Wallowbee . The next I heard of , was a ship , whereof Master Thomas Carrull of Plimoth was owner . She was taken by Captaine Elliet in the Bay of Cullery . The Troian of London , she was taken , and all her men made slaues but for shooting one shot in their owne defense . A ship of Portsmouth , laden with oiles from Talloun ▪ the master Richard Learner . The same day another small ship taken by the same men of warre . A ship of Hull , Master Andrew Barkers . The Tobias of Amsterdam . These fiue Ships were taken by Crosimans Ship , a Turke , being called Mamatrice , and an Englishman William Graues the Master , the Gunners name Iohn Lumbey , the Botsons name Thomas Hussey . Neither was there any more Englishmen in this man of warre , but Captaine Wards man , whose name was Iohn White . Other newes I learnt not . The pearle of London laden with currants from Zant , was taken by the Tunis men of warre in May. Iohn Bullard of London master of the little Amitie , lost goods valued to eight thousand pound . Foure great ships of Holland , of three hundred and foure hundred Tunnes apeece , and were taken all in one day . A French man of warre , who had in her 95. men , and fourteene peeces of Ordinance ; yet yeelded without any one shot shooting : there were three Caualeroes of Malta in her . A ship of London , which came from Anconia . Rebert French of Sandwich , in a new ship laden with allicant wines . A small Barke of Milbrooke in his company . The Bull of Amsterdam of 500. Tunnes . Two more in her company . At the same time , a small ship of Wards ( or a man of warre of Iunis , chuse you whether ) of 65. Tunnes , tooke a Holland ship of 500. worth foure and twenty thousand pounds . My men did see her brought into Tunis , ere they came away . And thus hauing deliueced as much as I can trulie certifie of Wards proceeding , let mee bee bold to speake somewhat of Danser ; ( for so is his name ) and of him , as of the former , no more then I can iustifie . And since they be theeues in one age together , liue almost in one fame together , I le be bold to pricke them downe in one ranke together . Of the Pirate Danser . THis Simon Danser , another Arch-pirate , was sometimes belonging to Flushing , where hauing serued the States , vpon a discontent hee went to Marseles in France , where leauing his wife and sonne , hee came to petuall slauery , and there remaine in the Galli●● . This Boniton was one of the Ireland Pirates , whose purpose was to goe vnto the Straits to learne newes . But you haue heard how it prooued to his cost . Not long after , the Moone of Amsterdam , a Ship that the Frenchmen bought , and set foorth from Newhauen , a vessell of 5. 02600. Tuns , which they furnished most nobly forth , and sent her to the Straits , who by good hap , met with the ship of Tunis which tooke me prisoner . Whereof Graues was Master , who in fight ouercomming him , they carried to Marselis , for so was the newes at Tunis , when my men were there , and were seconded for truth vpon their comming away . So that I make no doubt but they haue put him to death , and his Turks with him , which were about an hundred Infidels , are all made slaues . But the last and best newes is , that the Spanish nauy hath been in the road of Tunis , & there found riding fourtéene Saile of great Ships for men of warre to go toward the bottome of the Gulfe , and twelue or thirteene Saile of smaller , with men of warre to lie to the westward , and about the Ilands of Sardmia maiork and miniake , all which Ships my men which were secondly taken in a French ship in their passage homwards and carried backe againe to Tunis , did see thus preparing . So that I hope since the report holds , that the Spaniards haue beene in that road , and burnt twenty fiue saile of Ships , it is infallibly true , that both Ward and his assistants are at length depriued of most of their strength , or at least so infeebled , that they shall neuer bee able to carrie such sway againe . Further , it is for certaine , that the said fleet is busie in the search of Danser , and dispersed onely in seuerall places to cut him and his forces off . Of all which proceedings of Ward , Danser , or their Confederates , which I haue either séene , or by other mens knowledge heard , I haue truly giuen you to vnderstand . Which paines of mine , if it be either welcome to you , or acceptable to the world , your friend is satisfied , and accounts it well bestowed . Whereas it was reported in a former booke , that the Yorke Bonauenture ( of which I was master ) carried fifteene cast peeces at the time of her taking , she had scarce fiue which shee could vse , or were fit for seruice . Andrew Barker . 
A10235	----	A true relation, of the lives and deaths of two most famous English pyrats, Purser, and Clinton who lived in the reigne of Queene Elizabeth. Together with the particular actions of their takings, and undertakings with other pleasant passages which hapned before their surprizall worth the observing. Heywood, Thomas, d. 1641. 1639 Approx. 41 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A10235 STC 20512 ESTC S120267 99855466 99855466 20961 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A10235) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 20961) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1114:13) A true relation, of the lives and deaths of two most famous English pyrats, Purser, and Clinton who lived in the reigne of Queene Elizabeth. Together with the particular actions of their takings, and undertakings with other pleasant passages which hapned before their surprizall worth the observing. Heywood, Thomas, d. 1641. [20], 186, [2] p. : port. Printed by Io. Okes, London : 1639. By Thomas Heywood. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- Early works to 1800. 2002-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2002-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A True Relation , of the Lives and Deaths of the two most Famous English Pyrats , Purser , and Clinton ; who lived in the Reigne of Queene ELIZABETH . Together with the particul●r actions of their Takings , and undertakings With other pleasant Passages which hapned before their surprizall worth the observing . LONDON Printed by Io. Okes. 1639. The Lives and Deaths of the two most Famous Pirats , of that age wherein they lived , ( In the time of Queene ELIZABETH : ) Purser and Clinton . Together with the particular Actions of their taking , and undertakings . Chap. 1. Of the power of Iustice. IUstice is a vertue that giveth no man any or the least priviledge to defraude another , of that which he may call his owne ; besides she is figured like a Uirgin , who giveth to all men what is theirs , by even and equall proportions : The Philosophers make foure sorts thereof ; the first they call Caelestiall which is Divine , the second Naturall , which consisteth in our selves ; the third Civell ; the fourth Iudiciall : The first which is called Celestiall , is defined to be a true and exact consideration , with an humble & dutifull acknowledgement of God. Naturall Iustice is that which is borne with us , and every man hath in himselfe by nature ; that which we call Civill , consisteth either of what our owne best condition stirrs and prompts us to doe , or what the suffrage of the people , the the consultation of the Senate ; the will and power of Princes , or the Authority of grave and wise men , inioynes us to kéepe and observe . Iudiciall is that which propperly belongeth to the Bench , & is grounded upon Statutes & Lawes ; instituted and made for the benefit and profit of the Common-weale , to the depression of vice , and incouragement of vertue . Chap. 2. Wherefore the Lawes were made . NOw to see these things faithfully and punctuall kept , were the Lawes first devised and ordained ; the vertues whereof , are to beare sway powerfully to restraine and forbid things gently , to punish and chastice Malefactors severely ; but errors committed by ignorance , fo censure mercifully : under these foure heads may our inioyned obedience to the Law be comprehended , which is also by the Law strictly imposed : namely , to live honestly , to hurt no man willingly ; to render every man his owne carefully , and to extort from no man forcibly : It further tyeth us , to love our Prince loyally , to keepe his Lawes cheerefully ; to defend our Country valiantly , and to provide for our particular families indulgently : Besides , the rigour of the Law was devised to no other end , but to curbe , and bridle those refractory & rebellious spirits , who else would live without all regularity or reason ; for these three things are chiefely to be acknowledg●● , and obeyed ▪ with all one God , one King ; one Law : and whosoever breaketh one of them , transgresseth in all : for God hath the sole & absolute power in himselfe , who saith obey the King : He hath also a Uice-royall Regency from his Creator , ( whose substitute he is ) and He saith obey the Law ; & therefore , these ministers under him , to whom power is given to execute the law , have their authority from above ; as not to be murmured at , or any way opposed . Now , of two famous Pirats I am to frame my discourse , Purser , and Clinton ; whose irregular & and illegall lives , as they were notoriously famous , so their deaths and ends w●re as remarkably infamous . Chap. 3. All ill actions ought to be awarded . EUery bad attempt and evill performance , beget not onely shame , and infamy , which gall the conscience before death , and survive long after death ; for they are dyde of so déepe a colour , that they are very difficultly to bee washed off by oblivion : He that by any dishonest act shall lose his good name , draweth himselfe into a wretched and miserable predicament ; for good men will not beléeve him , bad men will not obey him ; few men that will accompany him , no man at all will befriend him : They that accustome themselves to swime in vice , there is no commiseration to be taken of them if they sinke in vanity . Cicero inveighing against Cateline , saith ; that his naughty and infamous life , hath not onely defamed himselfe , but so obscured the glory of his predecessors ; that though they before had béene of great name and eminence , in the City and Common-weale , yet hee had drown'd all their vertues in Laethe , and buried them in darke forgetfulnesse : Better it is for a man to dye for vertues sake , than to live with dishonour . To shut up all this monitory counsaile in a word , I conclude with Solon ; Wretched and most infortunate is that man , whose life the people mourne and lamrnt ; and at whose death they Clappe their hands and rejoyce . Chap. 4. Of all the famous men of Warre , and Pirats which have lived : and the occasion of Ships of Warre . OF Land-theeves I have no purpose to speake at all , but onely of those called Piratae , that is , Sea-rovers ; or men of Warre , but most commonly called Pirats : purposing to give you a briefe tast of some few forrei●●e , before I come to those more domestick ; that by comparing the one with the other , it may manifestly appeare , w ch of them have excelled or ( more propperly ) erceeded the other . Lucan remembreth us of one Basilius an arch robber by Sea , and the same Author in the list of those Marine Rovers , reckoneth Sextus Pompeinus the Son of Pompey the great , in these or the like words : Sextus , of Pompey who was cald the great , Th' unworthy Son ; banisht his native seate To the Syllaean Seas : did triumph there , A famous Pirate ; such as had no Peere , &c. One Ninus was his Uice-admirall , & under him , and by his countenance commanded all the Italian Seas , pillaging and robbing the maritine coasts thereof ; not onely to the great hurt and dammage of the Marchants , whose course say through the Adriatick Sea , but infested sundry Coasts , by landing on divers continents , burning and spoyling all the Sea-bordering Townes , and Uillages ; insomuch that by this inhumane cruelty , they were left desolate and uninhabited . Of the same function and rebellious condition was one Curpulus , deboucht in his life , and infamous in his actions : and another cald Icaron , who had not onely equald , but rather super exceeded the former in his direptions and robberies : parraleld with these may be Rhotho , and Rhotones , both Rutenians ; who troubled both Land and Sea , with almost unheard of rapine and cruelty ; to whom we may adde onely Thorias , and Bezo : Many other of the like condition , who lived in the former ages , and places remoate : I might very opportunely here introduce , whom for brevities sake I omit , &c. Yet to shew how ancient this sea-theeving hath bin , and even upon our owne Coasts : We reade that King Edgar being the thirtieth King from Brute , amongst other of his politicke actions , used in the Summer season to scower the Seas with certaine ships of warre , to free the foure Seas of pirats , and robbers , who much troubled the Land ; and against winter hee made provision , to lay the said ships in sure & safe harbours , and havens ; and had ever in his owne service , and billited in the houses of his Lords and Peeres , a certaine number of Souldiers , Pilots , and Mariners , that were ever at present command , when the King had any use of them ; his Ship-masters also were in wages with him through out the yeare , that ever attended those Ships , to see that nothing were wanting ; by meanes whereof he kept his Land in great peace & quietnes , free from the danger of all forreigne enemies . It is also reported of this King Edgar , by divers approved and Authentick Cronologers , that upon a time being at Chester , hee entred the river of Dee , and sitting in a new barge for that purpose , hee himselfe tooke the charge of the helme , and was the steares-man ; and was rowed by eight Contributary Kings which hée commanded to row him up and downe the Riunto the Church of St. Thomas , and from thence backe againe to his owne Pallace ; to shew that he was sole Soveraigne of so many provinces : amongst them was numbred a Romane Arch pirate , whom hee surprised ; who was called Maxentius , and after was Elected Emperour , and woare the Imperiall purple . In the yeare of our Redemption one thousand three hundred forty nine , and in the five and twentieth of the Raigne of King Edward the third , a great pirate cald Don Charles , suggested by King Iohn of France ( great warre being then betweene the two Kingdomes ) with a mighty Navy of Spaniards , entred into our English streames , and did much dammage to the Land ; insomuch that the King prepared a fleete to incounter him , and met with him uppon the Coast of Winchelsee , where betwixt the two Navies was a long and terrible conflict , to the great losse of both sides ; but in the end the victory fell to his Maiesty of England , who chased his enemies , tooke of them 22. saile , with a great number of prisoners . In the yeare one thousand three hundred seventy , nine , in the second yeare of Richard the second , who was then but a child ; one Sir Oliver De Clicon a French Pirate , committed sundry out rages , and landed in divers places of this Kingdome , who did much harme ; and lastly entred the river Thames , and so came up as high as Graves end , where hee spoyled the Towne without any resistance ; burning a great part thereof , and departed with great aboundance of riches . But in the yeare one thousand foure hundred and , eightéene , and the sixt of King Henry the first , certaine French men of warre , of whom the Uicount of Narbon was chiefe Captaine : committed great spoyle upon our Coast , robbing our Marchants , and pillaging the sea Townes and Uillages , of which the King hearing , being then at a place cald Toke in Normandy , he sent the Earle of March , the Earle of Huntington , with others to scower the seas , who encountred the fore-said pirats ; and after a long and cruell fight , vanquished and overcame them : this battle was fought uppon the ninth of August , in which the Uicount who was admirall of the Fleet , and one Captaine Mountney who was Uice admirall , were both of them surprised & taken prisoners , in which ships they found great treasure , which they had got by pillaging and robbing ; which after served the King to pay his souldiers . In the third yeare of the Raigne of King Henry the Eight , the Lord Howard surprised at Sea , a famous pirate called Andrew Barton a Scotch-man , with two faire shops and an hundred men in them : and in the thirty seventh yeare of his Reigne , were taken by the Kings ships , and those that belonged to the English Coasts , to the number of three hundred French ships and more , which were robbers , and pillagers at sea . We reade also in the first yeare of King Edward the sixt , being in the yeare of our Redemption , one thousand five hundred forty and seven , in the moneth of March ; Sr Andrew Dudley who was at that time Uice admirall , with the Pinnace , and the Heart ( being but small ships and single manned ) had a great conflict with three Scottish pirats , who were double manned , and had great store of Ordnance , who met them in the narrow Seas , and obtained of them a memorable victory ; as taking many prisoners , & bringing their ships into Orwell haven , where they long after remained . And now at this time , in this present yeare one thousand sixe hundred thirty seven , Captaine Rainsborugh with two of the Kings ships , and three other belonging to the Merchants , by the helpe of the Moores by Land have to the great honour of our Nation , taken in Sally , a great receptacle , and refuge for Pirats , who preyed upon all Merchants who past through those Seas , surprising those rebellious sea-robbers and releasing many Christian captives , who miserably were inforced naked , and chain'd , to tug at the Oares of their Gallies . Chap. 5. Of the first acquaintance of Purser and Clinton , and how they began their attempt to rob the Merchants Ships , and others from time to time : and of their bold carriage , and state they kept in their Shippe . I Come now to speake of those two parties proposed for my second discourse , ( omitting many since their dayes , notorious for pyracy as the Dutch Danseter , and of our owns Nation Bishop & Ward , who turned renegade , & after lived amongst the Turkes , with others : ) namely Purser , so commonly cald because he had béene Purser of one of her Maiesties Ships Royall , whose name was Thomas Walton , and Clinton , who was an apprentise in the upper part of new Fish-street Hill , who utterly abandoning his former Trade , gave his minde onely to Sea , turned Navigator , and in severall Merchants ships , had made sundry Commodious and prosperous voyages , in which hée so applyed himselfe to the Compasse , that he was able to guid or conduct any Shippe to all the parts of Christendome or further , and bring her backe againe . These two béeing growne into familiar acquaintance , and both of them of haughty and ambitious spirits , having divers meetings , they at length began to discourse betwixt themselves , that in regard of their experience and skill in Navigation , what basenesse it was in them to bée no better than servants , who had both the Iudgement , and ability to command , and to bée onely Imployed to benefit and inrich others , whilst they in the Interim wanted themselves : They further reasoned that service was no heritage , and that in regard they had eyther of them béene more than a prentiship to learne their Art , it was now high time to be freemen of the Sea , and set up for theteselves : This was soone concluded on , but how might bee as easily compassed , there lay the difficulty . To take oft which , they often consulted together , but still when any likely proiect offered it selfe unto them , the way to accomplish it did more and more perplexe them : Insomuch that since likelihoods faild them , they would determine upon impossibilities , and rather then not to bée seen in the eye of the world resolute , they would appeare desperate : the one alleadging that courage begun with a deliberate constancy , and continued without change , doth seldome or never faile . The other seconding it thus , that valour Conquers the enemy before the field be fought ; and moreover , the courage of a man is seene in the resolution of his death , concluding , that thunder terrifieth Children , and threatnings feare fooles ; but nothing can affright or dismay such as are of courage and resolution : to whom the former replide , that they were confident in their purpose , that the dye was already cast , and it was a meane folly for a man to feare that which hee cannot shun ; and who so feareth every storme or tempest , is neither fit for to bee a Traveller or a Souldier . Thus having one heartned and incouraged the other , as first to win gold and after to weare gold ( according to the Proverbe ) they made a voyage to Plimmonth , where they sounded many discontented saylers , and acquainting them with their purpose , drew them with much facility into their faction : And promising to themselves golden mountaines , who had before grazed upon barraine mole hils , they had got a gathering together of some fifty tall fellowes , every one provided with a good Musket , and aiming at a small Barke , which lay then well victualed , and sufficiently provided in the roade , they surprised her in the night , weighed Anchor , and away they went to Sea to try a desperate fortune ; which for the present so smiled upon them , that within few dayes they met with a Spanish Merchant , well laden , and indifferently provided of Ordnance , with other sea munition , who making no shew of opposition , and the other not minding them in regard of the smalnesse of their Barke , they came up so close by them , that finding themselves by reason of their lownesse of the vessell , and the talenesse of the other , to bee out of the danger of her Ordnance , they suddenly , ere the other were well aware , clapt close to her side , and every one of them having his Musket ready charged , they boorded her without any great resistance ; a sudden feare in the one , and a predicated resolution in the other , being greatly to their advantage . And now being so well accommodated with a vessell , victuall , and Ordnance ; they thought themselves to be halfe Lords at the sea , for there was scarsly any sayle they met with , which ( trusting to their courage and fortune ) they did not thinke themselves able to incounter with : and where those two meet and conspire together , what is unpossible , not onely to be attempted , but almost compassed . The second they met with was a Turkish man of Warre , and though of no extraordinary great burthen , yet well man'd , and furnisht with all munition , necessary for a Pirate and sea-robber ; the one haled the other , both were alike resolute , and neither of them willing to strike sayle , and now here was thiefe robbe thiefe ; a cruell fight was begun , and the victory uncertaine to whom it would fall , some were slaine on both sides : but at length a fortunate shot from the English , split the maine sayle of the Turkish vessell , by which they were made unable to sayle , and being suddenly becalm'd were ready to stand at the others mercy : This put spirit in the one , and feare in the other ; for fly they could not , no stand out they were not able , and to yeeld they were loath ; in this detraction and demurre , came another shot from the English , and strooke the Turke betweene wind and water , which made all their hearts to sinke as low as their heeles , and theirs of the adverse party , to mount as hye as from their breast unto their braines , crying aloud Saint George , and a maine for the Queene of England , and withall grapled with her , and made a bold attempt to board her soone , but small opposition was made in the entry ; for their ship being by reason of the former leake redy to founder , they thought it more safe to stand to the mercy of men , than to trust to the unplacable fury of the sea : But they found small comfort in either , for the English being now Uictors , they hanged up the Captaine and prime officers of the maine yard , in regard they found them to be Infidels , with some other ; the rest they kept as slaves to helpe to man both vessels , dispersing some in the one , and some into the other , because by that meanes they might have the better command of them : and having stopped the leake , and pumped the ship dry , they repaired their Mast , and now they were Masters and owners of two sufficient and able vessels . If they before were bold , the successe of this second victory made them insolent ; and now no single shippe whom they thought they were able to over-master , could escape them unrifled and unrob'd , still changing their vessels when they could meet with any more commodious for their use , and taking out of them such Marriners as they thought most able to manne them , swearing them to their owne faction ; till at length they had si vs lusty and tall ships at their command , & all bravely accommodated , insomuch that they had their Admirall , Uice-admirall , and reare-Admirall , &c. Some times they kept along the Coast of Spaine , sometimes they watched in the mouth of the Straights , not sparing Spaniard , Fleming , French-man , Scot , Biskaine , nay , their owne Countrimen ; and still what Merchandise and commodities they robbed upon one Coast , they vended on another , insomuch that within two or three yeares they were infinitely rich , not a Saylor amongst them of what low degree soever , but could show his Barbary Cheekens , Flemish Angels , English Rose Nobles , French Cardecues , Italian Duckets , Spanish Pistolets , and peices of Eight in plenty , for the Pillage which they had got and sold. Chap. 6. The places which they used to robbe the Merchants at Sea. THeir Randevous was some times at Gibralter , sometimes at Angeeres ; then againe you should heare of their exploits in the Cumaries , , and about the Islands of Majory and Minory , and sometimes at Cape bon Esperansa , Saint Georges Channell , and the Irish seas , certaine no where , nor constant to any one Channell ; neither was there scarce any Sea-towne , either in this our owne Kingdome , or else where , in which they would not command victuall , and other commodities which they wanted , ( for their mony ) sending their long Boates a shore to fetch them at their pleasure : the Magistrates of those places , fearing to deny them , because not able to withstand them . The end of the first Booke . The Second Part of The two most Famous Pirats , Purser and Clinton : Shewing how they were taken , and what manner of Death they suffered for their offence . LONDON : Printed by Iohn Okes. 1639. The Second Part of the two Famous Pirats ; Purser and Clinton : Shewing how they were taken ; and what manner of Death they suffered for their offence . Chapter 1. The complaint and losse of many Shippes , caused the Queene to send out her Admirall , to take them . SO many of their insufferable Insolencies , aggravated with grievous complaints , comming to Queene Elizabeth her Maiesties Eare , who was a mercifull and gracious Princesse , and who was ever a Royall incourager of all brave and resolute spirits : She thought rather by her clemency to reclaime them , than by her Power utterly to subvert them ; and if it were possible to reduce them to their former fidelity and obedience : and to that purpose she caused a Flyboate , or light Horse-man , to bee dispatcht , with her gracious pardon if they would submit themselves ; with a large promise upon her Royall word , and under her broad Seale of their imployment in her owne Navy , so they would prove themselves true and Loyall Subiects . To cut of circumstance , this small Barke the Uice-admirall be stirred her selfe , that by inquiring for them at sea of some Merchants who had paid tole to them for their passage , and others who with no small danger had escaped them that discovered them , about the mouth of the Straights , where they ambush for all such as Traded in those Seas , and haling them , ( and hanging out a Flag of Truce , the Captaine was commanded aboord their Admirall . Chapter 2. The Pirats resolution what to doe in this case , with the respects they gave to the Queenes Pardon or Letter . IN which the two Arch Pirats were at that time sitting in Counsell , where they kept a great state , and were attended as if they had beene no lesse than two Princes , and rivall Commanders of the maine Ocean , whom he presented with their free reputation from her Maiesty , with the conditions before specified , which at first they with great reverence seem'd to respect , as by kissing the Seale , and other signes of humility , when causing him to bee entertained with all the choise rarities aboord , they told him that after Dinner hee should receive his answer , which expecting according to the time appointed , whilst their followers plide him with healths to her Maiesty , and to some other Peeres of the Realme , they two with some others of the prime about them , retired themselves into a private Cabin , to consult what in that case was best to bee done : some thought it was the best and surest course , to take the advantage of their free and generall pardon , others againe held that it was no other than a state pollicy to forfeit their Ships and goods , because uniustly extorted from others , and withall to insinuate their lives : these things were Pro et con long debated , but the latter prevailed , with a consideration that they were then free Commanders at sea , and to submit themselves upon such faire and sugred promises were but a certaine entrance into their future and utter ruine : upon which having concluded they cald to the Captaine , and returned unto him this answer . True it was , that they were much bound to her sacred Maiesty for so great a grace and mercy , as to pardon offenders in that high degree ; such as they acknowledge themselves , and that they made no doubt , but that her highnesse in her owne Royall disposition , meant no otherwise than was there in her most gracious Letters specified : but there was another feare and doubt to bee made , namely of the strict Court of the Admiralty , which seldome or never had any mercy of any who had transgressed in that nature ; besides , they presupposed that many grievous complaints had beene commensed against them ; of which , though many were uniustly conferred upon them , yet they were not able to cleare themselves of all : and since the least of any were of force sufficient , not onely to strip them of all their fortunes , but forfeit their neckes to the Gallowes ; they thought it was the safer course for them of the two , to hazard their fortunes bravely abroad , than by submitting themselves endanger their lives basely at home , howsoever they held themselves much obliged to her Maiesties great grace and goodnesse , &c. and with this answer they dismist the Captaine . Chap. 3. The relation of the Captaine to the Queenes Counsell of the Pirats ; with the Proclamations which was sent forth to Proclaime them Traytors . WHo not a little glad to bée so well and fairely dismist from the hands of a crew of such desperate and dangerous robbers , made what speede hée could into England , and before her Maiesties Counsell , delivered every circumstance before related , who wisely perceiving in their smooth and excusive answer , a perverse and obstrinate boldnesse , gave present order that Proclamation should bee made through the Kingdome , but especially in all the port Townes , and Cities adiacent to the Sea ; that they should thenceforth bee held no better than enemies unto the State , and meere rebells and Traytors to their Queene and Country , which was accordingly with all expedition performed . And heere a pleasant accident I am loath to overpasse , in the executing of these publications : a Pursevant by reason of riding in the wet , and thereby catching so great a cold , that hée had such an horsnesse that hee could bée scarcely heard to speake twice his lengthes distant from him , agreed with a plaine and crafty Country fellow , who had a cleare audable voyce to speake from his mouth , as hee should dictate unto him , who comming into one of these maritine Townes upon a market day , and in the market place set upon an empty Cart , and he standing close behind him with the Proclamation in his hand , prompts him as followeth . He proceeds , Purser and Clinton : who ecchoeth to him againe , Who hath lost their Purses at the Clinke : Notwithstanding her Maiesties Proclamation : Answer , Notwithstanding her Majesties Declaration : Still kéepe out : sayth the pursevant . Answer . And they will not come in . The Pursevant hearing him speake so out of order began to grow angry , and said , I bad thee say , and still keep out : who replide againe , And they will not come in . And why ( said the Pursevant ) not as well keepe out ? Is it not all one ( answered the fellow ) For all the while they keepe out , you see they doe not offer to run in . The Pursevant said , How am I troubled with his Cocks-combe : Hee ecchoed to him againe , How am I troubled with this Cocks-combe : But I see there is no remedy . But I see there is no remedy . The Pursevant proceeded againe , and said , Who have lately robb'd divers of our ships : Who have lately rob'd divers shivers of our Chippes . Persev . Well , I see I must indure it : Well , I see I must indure it : And flung the chiefest Merchants over board , And flung the Merchants Cheeses over board , But what soever he bee , man of Warre or Merchant : But whatsoever hee bee that deales in waxe , or Parchment ; Who can bring in these Pirats , Ships , or heads . Who can bring in these Picruft , or Sheepes heads . O intollerable . O intollerable . Shall have for his reware , Shall have in that regard , A thousand pound sterling . A thousand Steerlings ( if hee can tell how to catch them . ) This it is for me to bee hoarse . This it is for mee to bee thicke of hearing . And so God save her Maiesty . And so God blesse her Majesty . Why that in the end was well . Why and is not all well that ends well . Some other discourse past betwixt them , which no doubt was much more pleasing to the auditors in the action , than I can make plausible to the Readers in the relation : howsoever , this fellow was a Sayler , and thought to bee a favourite of that piraticall faction . But enough of this discourse , which is as a merry passage to please the Reader ; and now I procéed in the next Chapter to tell you how they were surprised , and by whom . Chap. 4. The manner how they were taken , and by whom ; and what manner of death they dyed : and where . They were Arraigned at Saint Margerets in South-warke , convicted , and condemned ; and two dayes after brought by the Officers out of the Marshalsees , ( with a silver Oare borne before them ) and conducted through South-warke over the Bridge , through London , and so to Wapping , and to the place of execution there , where they appeared as brave in habite , as bold in spirit : some of their garments they then wore , they distributed amongst their private friends who came to see them dye , that they might remember them after their deaths . Many questions were asked them concerning their Piracies , which they punctually resolved : desiring first , pardon of all men whom they had wronged , and then remission of their sinnes from God , whom they had most heinously offended : when imbracing one the other in their armes , it seemed they no more ioyfully lived together than they were willing to dye together : and so being at once turned off from the Ladder , it appeared to all the multitude that were then present , that they could not live more irregularly , than they dyed resolutely : and so there they hanging till from that ebbe two Tydes had overwhelmed their bodies , which were after taken downe , and committed to Christian buriall . And thus you have heard , the true relation of of the lives and deaths of the two most famous English Pirats of that age , Purser and Clinton . The chiefest and most remarkable passage in all this time , was William , Lord Somerset , Earle of Worcester , who sent Embassadour into France , was likewise to stand instead of her Maiesty , for baptising of the Kings daughter there ; her Maiesty sent with him a Font of pure gold for that same purpose , weighing three hundred and twenty sixe ounces . At the Christning he gave the child to name Elizabeth ; and returned into England atter he and his traine had bin royally entertained . Likewise , at his passage by sea into England , he had notice of divers sea Pirats which kept the narrow seas , did much harme and outrage , by robberies ; they were so bold that they attempted the robbing of the same ship the Earle of Worcester was in ; where hee lost divers goods of great valew . Complaint was made by him to her Maiesty , and forthwith was there three good ships , whereof one was her Maiesties , called the Swallow , which was appointed to be the Admirall , under the command of William Holstocke Esquire , Controuller of her Maiesties ships : where hee did such good service , that he scoured the narrow Seas ; and tooke and fired twenty ships , and Barkes of sundry Nations , which were all Pirats : as English , French , and Flemish ; he apprehended in those vessels the number of 900 men of severall Nations , and sent them bound to wards Sand witch , Dover , I le of Wight , and Portsmouth ; whereof three of them that were in this company , robbed the Earle of Worcester : who were all shortly after executed at the I le of Wight ; and some of them in other places . Also at the same time , the aforesaid William Holstocke , did rescue and take from the abovesaid Pirats fleet , other Merchants Ships , which were well fraughted with divers commodities , that they had newly taken , and were their prises ; all which he set free both with their goods and vessels ; and for the space of three yeares all was in a quiet and peaceable manner , none plundred or robbed , but a free passage was too and fro in all parts and places of the Coasts of England . One more strange accident I will relate , which our Histories and Chronicles doth afford for truth , which is of a terrible earthquake which hapned in London , and almost generally throughout England , that caused such amazement of the people , as was wonderfull for the time , and caused them to make their earnest prayers unto Almighty God , for their safe deliverance in such tempestuous stormes : The great Clocke bell in the Pallace at Westminster , strucke of it selfe against the hammer with the violence of the earthquake , as divers clockes and bels in the City else where did the like : The Gentlemen of the Temple being at supper , ran from the Tables , and out of their Hall in a great maze ; there did fall a peece of the Temple Church at that time , and divers stones from the Church of St. Pauls London : And at Christ-Church in the Sermon time , a stone fell from the roofe of the Church , and killed an Apprentise , and hurt another , so that they both dyed in the space of foure houres : Divers others were sore hurt , and much wounded with running out of the Church . Likewise in this earthquake , many Chimnies in the City were falne downe , and many houses much shaken and rent by the violence of this storme . This earthquake continued in or about London not above one quarter of an houre , and was no more felt or heard : But East-ward in Kent , and on the Sea coast , it was felt three times as long . Moreover , it is credibly told of many honest men , that five miles from Blonsdon in Wilt-shiere , a cry of hounds were heard in the aire , the selfe same day that the earthquake was ; and the noyse was so great that was made , that they seemed to be three or foure score couple of hounds : whereat divers Gentlemen tooke their Greyhounds , thinking that some had bin hunting in the Chase , yet some of them that went out of their houses , seeing nothing below abroad , cast up their eyes towards the skies , and there they espied in the aire five or sixe hounds perfectly ; all which in a more ample and large discourse , thou maist finde in Howes Chronicle . Divers other earthquakes hath hapned in former yeares , which for brevity sake I will omit , because I feare they will prove distastfull : but let us all thinke of them , and be mindfull of Gods iudgements , for they are not to be slighted or cast behind us ; but let us know that they bee warnings sent from God , to cause us to repent ; and forsake our evill wayes . FINIS . 
A14719	----	Nevves from sea, of tvvo notorious pyrats Ward the Englishman, and Danseker the Dutchman VVith a true relation of all or the most piraces [sic] by them committed vnto the sixt of Aprill. 1609. 1609 Approx. 65 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 23 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A14719 STC 25022 ESTC S119452 99854659 99854659 20092 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A14719) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 20092) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 726:15) Nevves from sea, of tvvo notorious pyrats Ward the Englishman, and Danseker the Dutchman VVith a true relation of all or the most piraces [sic] by them committed vnto the sixt of Aprill. 1609. Nixon, Anthony, attributed name. [48] p. : ill. (woodcuts) [By Edward Allde] for N. Butter and are to be sold at his shop, at the signe of the pide Bull, Printed at London : 1609. Sometimes attributed to Anthony Nixon. Printer's name from STC. Signatures: A-F⁴. "A catalogue of all such shippes, as haue beene taken by .. Captain Ward, and Captain Danseker ..", F3 (signed B3). The first leaf bears a woodcut of a ship captioned "The shippe. that M. Startop of London was taken in". The last leaf bears a woodcut of a ship captioned "The charity of M. Megs of London, taken twise". Title page cropped, affecting imprint date; lacking A1. 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Pirates -- Early works to 1800. 2002-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-01 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2003-05 Aptara Rekeyed and resubmitted 2005-02 Ben Griffin Sampled and proofread 2005-02 Ben Griffin Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Nevves from Sea , Of two notorious Pyrats Ward the Englishman and Danseker the Dutchman . VVith a true relation of all or the most piraces by them committed vnto the sixt of Aprill . 1609. Printed at London for N. Butter and are to be sold at his shop , at the Signe of the pide Bull. 〈◊〉 TO THE RIGHT VVorshipfull & most worthy gent M. William Cockin . SIr , if the greatnes of your worth can extend it selfe to the lownes of this discourse , or the dignitie of your curtesie ( in accepting my loue ) proue a counterscale to my presumption and bouldnes , you shall engraue in mens mindes the nobilitie of your humblenes , & fortifie my endeuours to inheighten your name and memory . To be a Patron ( although but to a begger ) is the office of a King , and to be a protector of the meanest , I doubt not 〈…〉 well become the Magistrate . 〈…〉 that induced me to select you from 〈…〉 of the worthy , whose wisedomes like firme bases are the vphoulders of our peace , is not onely that your merit stands transparent with the highest , but that you being as it were ētring into the Temple , where Iustice hath her sacrifices , and your selfe aduancing your self vp those degrees of dignity , at the foot of which , ofēses shal be corrected & the offenders cut off , you may but in looking ouer this litle body , be remembred , how vgly vice lookes , how deformed she seemes without , and how loathsome she is within : so that when the edge of authority shal be put into your hand , you may giue this corruption such a blow , that her power shallsinke , like the name of the wicked , not worthy to be remembred , & her sinewes be so infeebled , that she shal neuer renue her strength to haue foot againe , wherein if I plaid the bad workeman , and that this picture be not drawne out to the life , I beseech , you le● your countinance be as a curtaine to shade it from the contempt of the world 〈…〉 painter is studying how to lay 〈…〉 , the glory of which , shall 〈…〉 vnderstanding , and be of you receiued , as thought worthy of your eyes . To him that desires nevves ; whosoeuer h● be , Or , TO the Reader , which is as much as to say , I care not what he be , so he be not a Turke : thou hast heard much talke of one captain Ward , and I know thou desirest to vnderstand what he is ? then not to bely him ( since t is a sin to bely the deuil ) he is a notable theefe , he has vndone many of your country men , by which he giues you warning to haue care of your selues : he has made slaues of many poo●e Christians , and I ●old him no good Christian , that wil blesse him for it , To content thee , I haue heere in ( white & black inckle ) hung him out to thee at Sea , who could better haue wished to haue seene him hang'd to death ( in hemp ) a shore . If thou hast a minde to heare more of him , spend thy time on a fewe foule papers following , an● thou shalt know as much as I know . Farwell . Wards Skiffe when he was a Fisherman . Wardes first Fight going foorth from Plimouth in a man of Warre , & of his practises & proceedings in the Streights , and of his comming to Argier . Chapter 1. THis Ward , as base ●n Birth as bad in condition , in the last yeare of her late Maiesties raigne , gaue the first onset to his wicked intendments : his parentage was but mean● , his estate lowe , and his hope ●esse . His profession was a fisherman of 〈◊〉 in Kent , though 〈…〉 would be confinde to no limits , nor any thing ●ould ser●e him but the wide O●ean to walke in . In this wicked resolution , he set foorth from ●euersham in a small Ca●ch towa●ds Plimouth . He stayed not long there , but he be●ooke himselfe to the Streights , where lying off and on the 〈…〉 Cape , called Saint Vincent ▪ he tooke a small 〈◊〉 of some foure score Tunne : with her m●king a continuance of his course , and setting forward his ●icked purposes , to the tryall of their fortunes , he tooke also another smal vessell called a Setty : and her he brought out of the Streights into A●gier , euen at that time 〈◊〉 as the Turkes Gallies should haue bene burnt . Howbeit the practise tooke not effecte vpon the Turkes , but that the Tu●kes ga●e the ouerthrowe to that assault ▪ 〈◊〉 as thirteene of the English were put to death for that , attempt , that were vnder the commaund of Captaine Gifford an English Pirate , and some 〈…〉 Wards company at that time imprisoned also for the same fact . But Ward hauing gotten much money at Sea , and greatly inricht himselfe with vnlawfull purchase by his Setty , ioynes wth certaine Ianisaries , promises a somme of money , and so procures the peace and inla●gement of his followers . This is the first of Wards proceedings in the Streights , till he came into the Turkish Dominions . Of VVards setting foorth from Argier into the Streights , and his taking a man of Warre of Ma●●a . Chap. 2. THis VVard had 〈…〉 and 〈◊〉 custome of his wicked 〈◊〉 , had cleane taken away the feeling of his wickednes . All his felicity was placed in the prosecuting of mischiefe , he n●ither 〈◊〉 present death , nor feareth daungerous endurance ; or 〈◊〉 of torments : so the Barke of his 〈…〉 but ride at Anchor , that is wasted in streames of spoyle and r●ine . Euery perrill vndertaken in his vnn●turall actions , seeme a pleasant to him , euery reproac● honorable , euery doubt delig●●●ome , yea the very wounds that come by occasions of others harmes , seeme void of smart vnto him . His life is nothing but a continuall bat●aile and defiance with Christians , with whome he ought to make his best peace . His senc●s are as so many swordes that f●ght against him , his words so many blowes , his deedes so many wounds . He stayed not long in Argier but his heart was on fire , till he had made proofe of the fortunes of his Setty , for he had now left the Catch he came foorth in , and made the Setty ( which he took ) his man of Warr● : with her he went from Argier towards the bottom of the Streights , or about Scicillia or Malta ▪ where vnderstanding there was a man of VVarre of Malta set foorth on purpose to take him , he began to bestirre himselfe , for his desires admitted no limtiation , nor could he perswade his minde to submit his necke to any seru●●e yoake . The lawe of nature ( quoth he ) allowes euery man to defend himselfe being ass●ild , and to withstand force by force , and in that resolutiō opposeth himself against the force of his enemy . Many assaults were made , and seuerall showers of shot sent foorth on both sides , yet the forces of VVard , did so farre disanimate the Maltan , as the edge of his courage was cleane taken away , and forct to submit himselfe to the mercy of his enemy . VVard that in all his intentiōs aymd at nothing more then to strengthen himselfe with men , munition and money , to gaine successe to his attempts hauing gotten the vpper hand in this encounter , made purcha●e of what 〈◊〉 found , and left it to the choice of such as were taken in her , either to be resolued to subiect themselue● to his se●uice , or 〈◊〉 their neckes to the stroke of death . Of the two they rather chose the first as hoping after a long time of enforced 〈◊〉 , to obteine an vne●pected freedome and releasement . Ward by this purchase ( the ship of Malta being welmand ) did add much ●ower to his former strength , and therefore ●ayling from thence he bended his course to Tunis , where he intended to 〈◊〉 his ship , and to prouide himselfe to the like wicked imployments . VVard hauing staied a while at Tunis and victualed himselfe , sets foorth againe to Ciprus , & takes his first Argosie of Venice . CHAP. 3. DV●ing the time of his stay at Tunis , his march was still vnder the maske of vanitye , and folly at●ended vppon all his actions . He neuer thought on the seruice of God , but as Traian numbred not that day among●t the date of his life wherein he had not done something worthy of memory , So he held that Nefanda dies , wherein he did not triumph in the doing of some notable villany . Thus as the Sea might by experience relate his spoiles and cruelty , so the Land was ●n eye-witnes of his drunkennes and idle prodigallity . He made no long abode there , before he put on the habit of his former resolutions , and hauing v●ctualled the said Malta man of Warre , he set forth from Tunis to Cyprus : heere he lay ho●ering vp and downe for purchase , but initium malorum haec : These are but smokes in respect of the ansuing fires , wherewith he burnt & consumed the goods of many Christians , for euery day he had new inuentions for effecting his villanous attempts : euery day new proiects to obtaine purchase : and as often as fashions alter , so often dooth he alter his Stra●agems , and hath new plots to make prey of other mens goods and labours . Heere he met with his first Argosey of Venice , which after he had subdued , being a ship of nin● hundreth tunne and very rich , and that he had seased vpon her , & sworne her men to that subiection which he did them of Malta : he brought her to Tunis and made sale of all her goods , Hauing by great guifts and large promises made the great Turke so much his friend , as that he had free recourse and liberty , to make marchādize of what purchas● soeuer he got and brought into the country . And by this also the Turkes much inriching themselues , are not a little pleased with Wards continual concourse into those parts . This was the first Argofey he tooke , and now being much stronger then he was before , hauing left the Catch in which he came from Feuersham to Plimouth , his Pincke also , his Setty , and the Malta man of war : he makes his Argosey his vessell of warre , and in her he performes his other spoiles and exploits . Wards being in Tunis with this Argosey , and his trauaile with her towards Candy , where he tooke another Argosey also of Venice . Chap. 4. AT this time Ward made his continuance and ab●ad in Tunis for 5. monthes , where he spent his time in his accustomed riotous and lasciuious manner . His licentious liberty so ouer-maistered his reason , and conquerd the good that should remaine in the mynde and inclination of a Christian , that the strength and power of all vertuous or good thoughts , were taken from him , so as he was diuerted and abased to most vile actions , cloathing his mind with the most vgly abiliments that either Pride , Luru●ie , or Cruelty can produce from the blindnes of vnruly desires : his chiefe of trust in his practises , was one Bishop , whome he imployed as his vice Admirall , giuing him his full authoritie to goe forth , and bring in prizes at his pleasure : with him one Iohn Brian of Lyme in the west Country was maister . Vnder Ward , Iames Procter of Southampton , and Iohn Frith of Plimouth were his chiefe Gunners . These were his true and trustie associates in all his false and wicked proceedinges : with these and with his other fellowes , making that Argosie his man of warre , he went againe to the souther most part of Candy , betwixt which and the Southermost part of Cipr●s , he tooke his other great Argosie , being likewise of Venice , and a vessel also of nine hundreth tunne , or thereabouts . This Argosie came in like maner to surprize VVard , and to repell his forces , hauing another of lesser burthen in her company : which he perceiuing , added a further desire to his aspiring ▪ minde , and set his thoughts on worke vpon such other attempts as he soone gaue discouragement to his aduer●ary , and brought her to subiection . The lesser Argosie seing her to be vanquished and ouercome , and to rest at the commaund of C●ptain Ward and his company ▪ gaue way to necessitie , & made a spéedy and sodaine flight away , which the Venetians took in such disgratious maner , as that the Maister was adiudged to death for the same : no other infliction was thought a sufficient punishment for forsaking his company , and lea●ing them to the spoile of a merciles enemy . This great A●gosie he likewise brought to Tunis , making hauock of what she had , and selling her goods , which were thought if they had bene solde to their value , had bene worth 〈◊〉 score or an hundred thousand pounds . His going in on this course : His lying about the Gulfe of Venice , where many were cast away by foule weather Chap. 5. AFter the flight of these Venetians ▪ and the sale of their goods afore said , and that Ward in his consultations had aduisd him selfe what his next course should be , it was thought best that he should goe forth in course , and at randon , and make pray and spoile of whome soeuer they met . Hauing the last great Argosie of Venice his admiral , and a fly boate of three hundred Tun , his vice Admirall . In this resolue lying off & on , ( as he did then ) 〈◊〉 the gulfe of Venice , an accident be●el worthy note , for example , and may be a warning in the like head strōg and irregular enterprise● . The●e hapned a great storme , and tempest , and the ship being ouer-charged with ordnance , and cutting away her timber to make more 〈◊〉 to place ordnance , he so w●akned his ship , that meeting the same foule weather , the rage of wind and Sea was so great as his Argosey was filled with waues , her tacklings , sails , and Anchor● lo●t ▪ and the violent storme so dashed her bulks and brused her bottom , as she was made altogether vnfit , and vnable for resistance , and so was sunke , and cast away . His maister was one Master Grafton : in her there were some foure score English men and three hundred Turkes , all drownd and that lost theirliues . Some foure dayes before this tempest this Ward with his liestenant ●ne William Graues a trūpeter ●orsooke the great Argosey by reason that the Turks being so manie in number , tooke vpon them to beare too great a sway , and grew too peremptory & insolent , which the haughtines of wards minde could not any way brook or disgest , and went into the vice-admirall , and so saued his life , and seapte that daunger . This losse was so great , that it was accounted the first of aduersse fortunes that hapned vnto him in all his proceedings , and it was obserued by some in his company that were a litle better minded then the rest , & adiudged an efficient that breathed hope and life into them if they would leaue the pursuite of their vnlawfull li●ing , and forsake their ●mpions and detestable courses , in which they had béen so gracelesse and generall offenders , and trespass●rs against the princes & subiects of most nations , as Fraunce , Spaine , Italy , Germanie , Barbary &c. But ward soone changd● their mindes from these good motions , for he that was so obdurat to all goodnes himselfe , could not indure to perceiue any relenting spirits , in others . Graues , ( his lieftenāt ) was very inward with him , and one that among the rest might doe most with him , yet in their contentions , and falling out at their feastinges . and Bachanals , would often reuile ward , calling hi● Boore , and Oister-catcher , and vpbra●de him with th● meane basenes of his beginning , and would often tel him that if it should one day be his fortune to kill him ( as he thought it would ) he doubted not but God would presently send an Angell from heauen so carry him imediately thither for depriuing the earth of such a 〈◊〉 creature . Sir Anthony Sherley hearing of this Ward , sent letters vnto him to disswade him from this detestable life . Chap. 6. SIr Anthony sherley in Iuly 1607. came from Genoa to Naples , being in imployment from the King of Spaine , and made his admirall for all his shipping of the Leuant Seas , was royally feasted , and entertaynd by the Neopolitans . From thence Sir Anthony sent his letter to Warde , directed to Tunis ( where Warde was then resident ) to disswade him from that wicked & villanous manner of liuing , and the rath●r ( he told him ) he was perswaded to vrge him to it for that he was his Country man ; or ( which is most of al ) for that he was a Christian : alleaging the incumbent paine in the world to come for euery Senses pleasure in this life , and pro●●ising to doe the vtmost of his power , to effect his peace with al people if he might but preuaile to call him in , or be the happy meanes to intice him , rather to serue and beare Armes with the christians against the Turke , then to doe the Turk seruice , or by the robbing or spoiling of Christians to inrich him or his dominions : But what bootes words to deafe eares , or aleadgmēt of reason to such as are wilfully bent to follow mischiefe ? what though he be able to tryumph in his chaines of gold , in his Iuels of pearle and pretions stone , or his other riches wonne and got by rapine and Theft and the spoyle of others ? What though he be able as yet to boast of freedome , when euery threed about him , is a manifest marke of his captiuity like to happen ? and when his sence , body and minde , is seruile to his owne sensuality ? It is with him , as with those who one the one side , by their brauery seeme great and mighty ▪ when if you consider on the other side them ●●auish actions , their base and villanaus filthines , and their dayly dr●dgery in ●●●n●ful enterprises , you cannot but ●eeme them extreamly miserable that are in thralled in so h●uie a bōdage of con●cience . Wel ▪ no 〈◊〉 wold take effect with Warde to ●duce him from those courses , or to draw him to a lawful , & reguler kinde of li●e ▪ but that continuing his first resolutions , hee made answere that he would giue no credit to any fayre promises , or hazard his life on the hope of words , but would rather venture himselfe amongst the Turks , then in to the handes of Christians . Dansker at this time assotiated Warde , who hauing taken a Spanish caruiil , and vnderstanding of Sir Anthonyes letter sent to Warde , reprehending the life he lead , and perswading him to surcea●e the same , ●elease● this caruill vnto the marchant and maister , & sets it free againe , but vpon this Condi●ion and charge deliuered vnto them by oath of the holy Sacrament : that is , that they should tell Sir Anthony he meant to lye about the mouth of the streights , some 2. or 3. daies if he dared to come to remooue him . This was the pride of his minde , this was ( as he thought ) a reuenge for the letter , and in maner of a chalenge vpon the same . At this time also that Dancker was Wards companion , there liued with him one Robert Roupe , Tiball Susbridge , and one Long castle , very resolute fellowes , and farre more sitte for better imployments : they were very strong , and when they met together , were able to put to flight a great fleete , and to make ( as they did ) much spoile and hauocke . Dansker liues now of himselfe , and is apart and seperate from ward and his company : the one keepes continually at Tunis , the other at Argier : the one robbes the Dutch , French , Spanish , &c. and all but the English : the other robbes the English , French , Spanish , &c. and all but the Dutch : The cause of their seperation , is reported to be , a breach and contention had betweene them , about the sha●ing and deuiding of some spoiles and booties that they had gotten . How Ward serued one Fisher of Redriffe Maister and owner of a shippe , by whome he sent money to his wife . Chap. 7. THere haue bene diuers and various reportes of VVards inritching his friends , especially his wife by sending guifts vnto her : the truth whereof is not knowne , howbeit it may wel be perceiued and coniectured by the estate she beares , ( which is very poore ) that those reports are vntrue ▪ and that he sent nothing to his wife , or if any thing that then it ●aild in the carriage , as this did which is credibly related for truth . That Ward and Fisher meeting together in the Streights , about September last , after many conferrences and spéeches past betweene them . Amongst which Ward perceiued that Fisher was bound for England , VVard deliuered vnto him the valew of one hundreth pounds , to be giuen to his wife , and others likewise of the company ( according to their abilities ) deliuered Fisher money for their wiues and friends vpon his faithfull promises to see the same performed . Fisher possest of these seuerall sommes of money , was better fraught homewards then he made account he should haue beene . howbeit he neglected that office and duety that he was put in trust to do : VVard by some meaues or other had notice of this false measure , which he meant he should neither cary to hell nor to heauen at their next meeting , which was not long after . For Fisher being implo●ed in a Marchants ship , VVard hales him to him in the streights , & at his comming questions with him about his wife , and whether he had deliuered the hundreth pounds he sent by him ? Fisher affirmd that he had , but he knowing the contrary , and charging him with it , Fisher could not greatly deny it . VVard thought to pay himselfe for his losse before they parted , and made no more adoe but entred his ship , and dispossest him of all such goods as he was fraught with , leauing him to take what order , and to make what reckoning he could with the Marchant , and giuing peaceable departure to him and his company . This strooke Fisher into a deepe quanbary , yet hee knew not how so mend himselfe : but after the shippes were cleere , he began to reuile and raile against VVard and to giue him bad and discontented speeches , which stood not with VVards minde and resolution to brooke , or put vp , so as he presently fitted himselfe and boorded him againe : this encounter was worsse then the first , for it was deadly . He was no sooner possest of him , but full of fury and impatience , he causd him to be very vildly handled , and after he had duc●t him at his yard arme , he tooke his life also from him . The rest of Fishers company , he gaue liberty to choose whether they would serue him , or follow the way their Maister went before them . The fellowes in this case of extremitie , knew not well which part to take , ●or that in them both they found doubt and danger , yet at last resolued vpon the first , and so being sworne to be true vnto him , he gaue them admittance and entectainement . How Warde made lawes for the gouerment of his shipp , and was the first breaker of them , vppon which arose a mutiny . Chap. 8 HIs lawes were , that in seuerall places in his ships , there should be wine sould , as familiarly as there is in Tauerns on land : but with this law ( which himselfe made ) that if any one in his Drunkennes , or otherwise falling out , should kill or stab any man in that disorder , he should presently be bound to the dead mans backe , and both cast into the Sea. The law-maker was heere the lawe breaker for in the fury of his heat , in drincking he sodainly stabd one West a maisters mate in the ship : vpon which some thee score of his other men knowing the daunger of their owne estates , if they should passe that abuse without exceptiō , began a daungerousmutinie against him : & plainly tould him , y t they would be no longer vnder his commaund , and did absolut●●ly refuse to follow those head strong cources and detestable plotts which he had practised , respecting nothing , but to satisfie his longing hopes , and cruell condition Perfas , aut nefas , by any wayes● o meanes whatsoeuer . Warde was much perplext with the contemptuous and vnruly behauiour of his men in his owne shipp● , and first vsed threats and menaces befitting his place and commaund : but the mutiny being amongst so many , he thought he did but adde fuell to that fyre , that raged so ●reiu the mindes & tongues of his mutinous company , so that he was inforct at last to leaue all extent of the authority of a commaunder , and as a common and priuate person with continuance vnanswerable to his minds , in milde termes to intreat them to desist , and surce●se their impatience : vowing amendment and satisfaction , for what his ouer sight had committed rashly : which appeased them all for that time , howbeit it was like to haue proued very daungerous to their generall estate , had not good words so easily pacified it . How he reiected Longcastle that cal'd him to prayers in a time of tempest . Chap. 9 WArd and his company being thus againe incorporated , and as it were mixt together in one opinion of r●ot and disorder , pampering and fatting themselues with the poyson of their soules , began to put on another resolution of purchace , and spoile , in any Coast , or by any preposterous course whatsoeuer . And ryding to that purpose in the streights vnder Saracota , there fell a great storme of lightning , and thunder , by which foule weather , he was put from all Cables , and anchors but one : notwithstanding which extremitie of Tempest , he was deeply drinking in his accustomed manner . They al perc●iued they were in imm●nent daunger , and there vpon one Longcastle a then follower of his , and some others likewise of his company called him to goe to prayers , as nessessity of the time required but such were his distempered passions , and the frantick errours of his owne wil , bent all to mischie●e , that the heat thereof in flames , with burning ordor , and ●ete the soule on fire to persue all things that are farth●st from God and goodnesse , and neerest vnto those thinge that ar●opposit and cotrary vnto reason : he bad them pray that would , for his owne part he neither feared God nor the deuill . Thus was his heart hardned with sinne , neither willing nor able to imbrace any godly or wholsome aduice or counsell . Of his strength of ships at Sea , the maner of his guard , and how he came to Tunis . Chap. 10. HE hauing growne very rich by the spoyle of many Nations , crept into their fauours by his often comming to Tunis to make sale of such goods as he made wrongfull purchace of at Sea , which liberty he had by all fol●eration , and allowance from the Turke , so as he might goe and come at his pleasure , for they had them at such prises , as they made great profit of them , in so much as the Vice roy of Tunis gaue him a large peece of groūd , that somtimes before was an old Castle , and all the stone that belonged vnto it : vpon which it is reported he hath built a very stately house , farre more fit for a Prince , then a pirate : By Sea he is said so be of the strength of three or foure and twenty sayle of shippes : he is guarded at Sea in a Cabbin with a doubleguard of 12. Turkes , alwayes standing at his cabin doore , in the name of his Court a guard : His respect and regarde is reported to be such with the Turke , as he is made equall in estimation with the Bashaw . But these honoures are like letters written in the sand , which are blowne away with euery gust of winde , and in the end shall proue sorwes to his heart , being paynd with a thousand passions , and ●tung with a continuall gnawing of conscience , for committing so may impieties , and doing such open wrongs and iniuries , to many thousands of men , women and children , whome hee hath brought to vnrecouerable distresse , by his rapines , spoyles , and robberyes . NEVVES FROM SEA , OF WARD THE PIRATE . OR A Letter sent from the Masters of certaine Ships , to their worshipfull Owners the Marchants of London : of what hath happened by him , and his Confederates , since the sixth of Aprill . 1609. BEING by you imployed ( our right worshipfull Masters ) in your seuerall shippes , called the Charitie , and the Pearle of London , for your seuerall ventures beyond the St●eights , wherein we were bound , aswell to offer our bodies and liues , to enlarge our owne fortunes , as to increase your possessions ; and hauing found for a reasonable season our V●yage to sueceed so prosper●usly , that it gaue vs encouragement to goe on , euen to the vtmost of our Commission : wee now your more carefull ( although at that time your most cheerefull ) seruants , at Grand Malliga , had laid our Paper ready , and with our Pens full of that Iuce , to haue registred Letters , at the reading of which your heart should haue tickled wi●h ioy : so inconstant is Fortune , so transitorie is the state of man , so mutable are the seasons , and so lamentable are the trauels of poore Sea-●aring m●n , That Tempora m●tan●ur , & nos mutamur cum illis . And from L●sborne we are now inforced to write , and we must intreat you with patience to read , of nothing but of the worlds Period makers , Death and Destinie : of sorrow insteed of prosperons successe : of our lamentation at Sea , insteed of bringing profite to shoare : and of dire●●ing teares to the eyes of our wines , who were ordained as fathers for the féeding of our children . Yet least I should to much discomfort you in the beginning , that it should prooue burthensome vnto you to read he acci●ents of the end ; we will in this , play the Phisitions with you , who giue a milde preparatiue , before a sower potion : wherein wee promise vnto you , that although our fortunes haue happened to bée m●st wretched , yet are they not in the halfe degrée so miserable as our neighbours . For whereas of English , French , Dutch , Spanish , Italian , nay , euen of all Christian nations , they haue lost all that euer they were Owners of , and their bodies condemned to perpetuall slaueris : Yet happēs 〈◊〉 not so desperate with vs , notwithstanding we were held in chase th●ice , and taken twise , whereby we lost all we might eall our own : since we are by the grace and leaue of God to vs , bringing home our selues , and part of that we had in charge of yours . The trueth and manner how , I pray you , thus vnderstand . The 15. of March last past , we put out of the Ro●e of Aucona , and according to our English Prouerbe , transported our selues from foorth a safe ●ay , to an infortunate Sea ; so that hauing a faire and prosperous winde , in 〈◊〉 daies we cleared out of the mouth of the Gulfe , when presently ( although it prooued otherwise ) we thought it hapines , to méet M. Lewes of Lime-house , in the Pearle ( which was M. Patisons ) withwhom ( as reioycing one at anothers company ) for the safety of all , we desired to be conforted ; so that both consenting , with this flattering winde , that neuer forsooke vs vntill wee anchored sa●e , as high as Caithagenia , néere adioyning to Cape Paul , & by the aduantage of which , we had run in 15 dates almost 500 leagues with a Leuant , which is as much as to expresse to him that vnderstands not the word is , when the winde is Northeast ; and as they call it a Penent , when it blowes Southeast : a thing in these seaes chansing , is by all and the best Marriners accounted very rare and wonderfull , which prosperous & hopefull promising passage , was by all of vs accounted to be of great aduantage , since that nothing could happen ( although with much industry desired ) that might stand mor auaileable to the furtherance of our Veiage to good effect . But it is a saying no lesse common , then commonly prooued true , that many things happen betwéen the cup and the lip , man purposeth and God disposeth : that who trus●s himselfe vpon the pinacles of fortune , is most readiest to fall vnder the tempest of ruine : that when good hap and hope , health and wealth are at the highest , and like the glorious morning Sunne is vp early to awake vs , with the promise of a delightfull day , yet euen then immediately , by the ouercharging of the clowds , the day is ouercast and our expectation frustrate , the Sun hath forsooke his promise to lend vs his beames ; calmenesse is turnd to tempests , & the fairnes we had but hope on , is turned to fearfulnes we had proofe once , euen such was our hopefull estate , & so sudden was our alteration . For hauing gotten with this faire wind so high as Cape Paul , the winde presently began to be more duller and calme , and shortly after to chop vp westerly ( which was against vs ) when neither hands nor mindes being idle we plyed it off on the Cape , as the winde would giue vs leaue for our best aduantage . In which paines hauing spent some time , and being that day the third of Aprill , at length we discried thrée saile of ships , whom we after prooued to be confederates of Wards ; & within 2. houres after , perceiued without any amazement ( as yet hauing no cause to mistrust them , that they had vs in chase , but in the effect they being cleane vessels , by which it appeared they were newly come out of harbor , & which helped them to be of better speed , then our consort the Pearl : they came first vp to him , and in conclusion made him strike saile , but we being of better swiftnes ( & hauing seen what they had offred , it was no boot to bid vs make haste ) so that we gaue our Vessell all the saile we could , but to a bootles purpose , for alter long chase , they came vp also to vs ; and being ech within the vnderstanding of the other , they called aloud to vs , and bad vs amain for the great Turke , their Master : to whō we an swered , that we were Englishmen and Christians , who whilest we had either power or abilitie to resist , would not pesantly yéeld vp our freedom to any Pagan breahing . But what of all things we least doubted ( séeing they who hayled vs were Turkes ) it was that Christians and our Countrymen , should do seruices amongst Infidels . Yet for certaine it prooued contrary , namely , that all the Saylers and Sea faring men within these three ships ; to wit , of the Admirall , Vizeadmirall and Rear-Admirall , were all of them Englishmen , and all are most of them knowen to our Master M. Daniel Banister , or to diuers of our Company . Namely , one Linckes Master of the Admirall . One Powell , of their Vize-admirall . And one Foxeley , an ancient man of their Rear-admirall . The last of which , most sternely looking vp , as sternly told vs , that if we would not presently strike our top-saile , thereby to shew our yéelding was immediate , they would ley vs directly aboard with their ships & as readily sin●ke vs. When we as resolute to repell , as our enemies were ready to offer , boldly answered them , that if they were as constant as their speech to lay vs aboard , we willed them come on , for we were fitted to bid them welcome . But such a hot intertainment should they finde , as all the water that bare them , should hardly bring them into a coole temper againe , béeing then indeed purposely minded ( finding little comfort by resistance , and no assurance to escape ) to burne our selues and them together . When they vnderstanding our intent , by the boldnesse of our answere , compassed vs about on euery side , with preparation to fight , and at length to sinke vs with their ordinance , béeing so well enabled for such a deadly purpose , as Turkish Pirats ( before this our calamitie ) haue , bin neuer heard to bée so strongly furnished . But to our purpose , wée séeing them so ready for the encounter , neglected nothing of the strength wee had , to fortifie vs for our defence , some of vs managing all things fitly veneath , whilst that others mand al things readily aboue : euery man of vs hauing made his soule fit for heauen , and consenting his body to a watry graue . So that we bes●ch you now to conceiue , that we had fitted our netting , ●ung out drablers , & that you sée vs ready for a Sea fight , we hauing little but faithfulnesse and courage to withstand them , and they like a violent Sea ready to beat against an vnfortified shoare , where the weakest must of force be ouerthrowne . So that as they were ready to call vpon vs in fire , and we as furnishe● to make answere in flame there were diuers Englishmen among them ( whom they had taken before ) imprisoned in chaines like slaues , and condemned to perpetuall slauerie in pitty of vs belike , finding it vnprofitable ( it should seeme ) to complaine for themselues , with teares in their eyes , which shewed they had sorrow in their hearts , who cryed and called aloude vnto vs ( & specially to our Master , M. Banister , by name ) that as we were men , as we tendred our owne safeties : if we had a desire to see our Countrey againe : if we had parents to mourne for their sonnes ; wiues to lament for their husbands , or children to cry out for their fathers , not to shoote so much as the voice of one small shot against them : for if we did , such as was their sentence , such should be our ends , continuall thraldom . For this was a decrée amongst them ( which they had established should stand irreu●cable ) that what Christian soeuer they met , ( be he of what Country soeuer ) if hée submitted it not vpon the first sommons , or durst be so hardy , as to outdare them with the least of breath betokening death : if he were taken he should die a slaue , if not taken , they would s●●ke them in the sea . For our partes ( quoth they ) we haue had our sentence , we doe ●eele the affliction , we can hope for no releasment , and therefore are compelled to be content . Ferre quam sor●em patiuntur omnes nemo recusat . What all suffers no man refuseth to suffer . You are our Countrey-men , yet wée desire not your company , although it be a comfort to thinke : Solamen miseris socios habuisse doloris . But we admonish you as brothers , and desire you to remember . Felex quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum . We haue withstood them ( as you may doe ) which hath brought vs into slauerie as you shall be . O be aduised then , before you fall , and séeke to saue your selues before you perish . But if you thinke it not necessarie to bée aduised by our admonition : or your resolution be such , to preferre an honourable death before a dishonorable peace , then fight it out brauely , while you haue any refuge of life , or that your ship hath any saf●tie wherwithall to swim , since that death is the eas●est taske , the which you now haue in hand . With which words of theirs , euen the Infidels themselues being mooued to compassion , by which you may iudge ( séeing no other safetie but destruction ) that wo had reason to be driuen into consideration of our states , so that after a second summōs we had parl●y with these our desperate enemies , for the space of an houre , the end and purpose was , Wether we would yéeld for our liberties , or giue our bodies to y e Sea : when we considering how vnequally we were matched , beeing incompassed round about and assaulted with thrée shippes , the Admirall carrying 30. pieces of Ordinance , and the other two wherwith they were consorted , hauing 28. a piece : beside sixe hundreth ▪ Turkes with small shot , who are held the best shot in the world , wée béeing but 20. men , & our ship bearing but a 11. pieces of Ordinances , we strucke our sailes and yéelded , holding it more discretion to stand to their mercie for our liberties whome we had no abilitie to confound , then desperately and wilfully to destroy our selues , and the estate wée had of yours , fore-seeing that by fighting wée could not purchase our safetie , and the best of our resistance must determine with perpetuall slauery . Thus after our yéelding , Sir ; they presently b●arded vs , & commanded that our Master , and eleuen of our Company were carryed aboard their Admirall , where after consultation had amongst them , and wée seuerally dispersed into their shippes , and diuers appointed to goe aboard of ours , it béeing almost darke when wée were taken , we were for that night guarded , and euery man hauing his Centinell to watch him . The next Mo●ning , the Captaines of the men of Warre consulted , how to dispose of vs and our shippes , where in this misfortune it fortunately fell out , that our Master hauing in former Voyages , much vsed the Trade of transporting of Passengers , from Argier , and Tunis , to Alexandria , and Constantinople , hee séemed well to be remembred by many of these Pirates ( whom more then we expected lamenting our case ) inforni●● their Captaine , what seruice heretofore our Master had done to their Nation , as also what 〈◊〉 both themselues , and ●iuers of their friendes had receiued at his hands , that our shippe was not a stranger vnto them , for our Master had brought in her the ●ast Voyage , the great ●ashaw of Tunis , from Constantinople to Tunis . Which fortunate accident , was one and the chiefe cause , that you shall sée your Vessell againe , or , we our Countrey & Families : and another , that our ship was layden with corne , which they vtterly neglected , as a commoditie vnworthy of them . In briefe , the ●nde of their consultation was , that our shippe should bée restored : which vnderstood by the souldiers ( I beseech you , let it not grieue you to read , what with terror wée did behold ) how they presently came aboard vs , fell violently to ransake : pilliging our Traffick , cutting down our Cabbens , and stanin● our chefts to pieces , leauing vs nothing to call our owne , but what wee had on our backes , they tooke away all the powder we had , sauing what our Ordina●te was laden withall , leauing vs not so much beside , 〈◊〉 would preyne one Peece . They bereft vs of most of our great shot , all our muskets , all our small shot , of our match , pikes , ladles , spunges , rapiers , swords , daggers of al necessary munition for defence whatsoeuer : leauing nothing with vs ( what necessitie so euer should succéed ) but the vaste sea , and the vnconstant windes to defend vs. Neither seemed this crueltie to them sufficient , but as they were about to lea●e vs , hauing as it were bethought thē of some new encounter ▪ they violently 〈◊〉 backe , at whose return● ( building no great confident● in the promises of Tu●kes and Pira●es ) wee expected ( either slaughter or ●●auery ▪ ) But contrary to our expectation ( although 〈◊〉 ) better was their purpose , namely so ●eare from vs part of our Sailes and Ta●klings ; to take from vs our Bée●e , Porke , Cables , all our Butter , and Ch●ese-Rise , and Oyle so that although they gaue vs 〈◊〉 ▪ they would not leaue vs without languishment , although they could finde in their hearts to ●id vs farewell , yet they would doe the best in them consisted , to 〈◊〉 vs ea●e wée could come home . In briefe we were left nothing to defend vs , little or no-nothing to féed vs , 〈◊〉 enough to torment vs , so that to your charitable considerations we submit our lamentabl● cause by your selues , but to bee adiudged in what distresse they left vs. But eare I shall procéede to driue you into wonder , by relating all our succéeding accidents : I beséech you let me with your patience to deliuer at full what hath happened in this . First , you cannot forget ( I am certaine ) that I related vnto you , that vppon our first yéelding , diuers of vs wer● 〈◊〉 aboorde of their shippes , and many of them ( as well Turkes as English ) shifted vnto ours , euery man of vs hauing for the first night his sentinell appointed to guarde him : where hauing little mind to sléepe , who were in ●oubt euery minute to haue our throats cut . Our purpose is to deliuer what with waking eyes wee were witnesses of in this nights imprisonment . The Englishmen being the first that boorded vs ▪ they 〈◊〉 of vs with what was our lading to whome we answered , that the whole for the Marchant was Corne , besides we had euery one some little particuler venture for our selues , or our friends : The which being matters of no ●alew , wee desired and hoped they would not make prey of , to which they answered it was no way their intents , neither was it their Captain Captaine Wards pleasure , that any priuate Sea-faring mans venture should be any wayes hindered by him or his confederates . Wherefore 〈◊〉 they , least these Turkes whome I doubt not but you haue heard to bee cruell enough , and as the affaires with you now stand , haue as much commaund or more than our selues ? Wherefore if you haue any thing that you would haue defended from their gripe , deliuer it in trust to vs , and as we are your Countrimen , while wee continue together wee will see it faithfully reserued , and vppon your free discharge re●●ored to you at full , with this pit-fall poore birds were we caught : so y t partly with feare not to dare to distrust them ▪ and partly with hope to reserue some what , who were certaine wée had lost all , euery man distributed vnto them what he had , namely of our needefull shift● of appar●ll , to witte , 〈◊〉 and woollen , and our Master M. Banister , who was to goe aboorde of them , euen his whole prouision , to the stluer whistle and Chaine about his necke , so that all that euery man had , hee might say it was on his backe . Still hoping that theeues might prooue to be men of their words , and that there might be found some cōsci●nce in thē , because they were our countrimen . In short this was the successe of it , when wee found ourselues to bee discharged , euery man began to enquire for him to whome he had deliuered , but non est Inuentus they were stolne away in the night , and our owne Countrymen had made vs their Cosens . So that being thus ●heated of all our shift whatsoeuer , the incurrence of which at Sea. I knowe you need not he remembred off , wee began to complaine vs of our wrong , to the Turkes , and implored their assistance , who straight made vs this answere , since our owne nation had serued vs so vneristi●nly , what conscience were it in them to bee courteons vnto vs ? at which cold comfort Sir , euery man began to shrincke already , for want of shift he knew hee should bee lowsie before he gotte home , but Necessitas non habet legem , and when there is no remedy to bee had , it is but bootles to make resistance . By this time our master and his company ( I beséech you vnderstand ) are discharged and sent backe againe and our Consorts men put in to vs , so that when they sawe they could take no more , they heaued vp their hands and bad vs be gone , onely in our sight directing our Consorts ship the pearle for Tunes . If any man shall further aske of you what entertainment our owne Countrimen gaue vs since you had before to vnderstand , that Master Masters make cosens , nay all their Sea-faring men were Englishmen , truely I must report to you they vsed vs well , I and so well that the deuill in the habbit of a Turke , would not haue vsed vs worse , for hauing had that which they expected , they could by no meanes affoord vs good woordes , and with much a 〈◊〉 allow vs bread and water . Now if this were not curtesie from our owne Countrimen , I hope there is no man will erpect further ●uidence . But by the way , I beséech you to vnderstand , that when we had proued it fer certaine , Necessitas non habet legem , when we saw there was no remedy , but for safety wee must submit euery one of vs so farre as the occasion of time would permit , ende auoured to make the best shift as he could for himselfe , which was to conuey in secret the particuler commodities and aduentures both of our owne and others of our especiall freindes at home , and which purpose of ours ( before they had boorded vs ) with much industry we had purchased ▪ some of their déepe amongst the Corne , and ordering some in one place , some in another , where we thought it might ●e the most guarded from their search . But the deuill , hauing broad eyes and quicke sighted they looke farre , and little is done that can be concealed from him , and I hope you will not deny but these are of his neare acquaintance , so that bee wee as charie as ere wee could ( these golla●●of●y of ro●gues , I dar● now call them so , béeing indéede more renegad● than Turkes , for what conference we had we receiued from them in Italion ) they did such ro●ige in euery corner , that they were ouerlookers of all and what they did find which they thought not vnworthy to bee contemned for the taking , they held it discourte●●e to leaue it aboord , it was vnnecessary to bewaile vnto them , this is the Marchants , this is our own , or this is our friend● , for whatsoeuer they liked and layd ha●ds on ( béeing all 〈◊〉 ) they cryed one to another , this is for vs , 〈◊〉 posse non est esse , their will is a law , they are frée men of the Sea , and their liberty must haue no resistance . In briefe , we beséech you to conceiu● , that you sée vs parted , and whereas , it is continued as a comm●ndable custome , for euery man to be sorry for his particuler losses , it is now contrary with vs , for we were glad euen to our soules when we had lost them , our eyes had bidde them heartily farewel ▪ y●t had we not the heart to shake hands together , we were not a little glad when we looked backe , and sawe them as farre a stearne as we could descry them ▪ but we were glad indéed , when we beheld for certaine that we discerned them not at all , so that for that night we were out of ●en the one of the other . But the morning after by breake of the day ( although to o●r colde comfort ) wee might espye they were come vp within a mil● of vs againe , in which nearenes wee might perceiue ( as they formerly had had vs , ) so there was a frenchmā had now found they had him in chase , who first vsing the best wings he had for his escape , but to a fruitles purpose , and after resisting them by an honourable fight , yet to as bootles an end , for that as we were formerly forwarned , hee would not vaile his top-saile , and submit at their first shot : but trusting to their owne ablenes , stoode out till they were surprised : our eies were made witnesses that they tooke the Merchant and the master , and hanged thē vp at their yard armes , and as before they had sent away one of ours so they commanded away his ship to Tunes , & made slaues of all the rest of the company , being fourescore and foure men in her : the pittifulnes of which spectacle , wee being in the view of beholding , would haue compelled any but such sated villaines , euen with teares for to haue lamented . Heere might you haue séene the poore captiues knéeling for pitty , while the Conquerours triumphing ouer them , bound them backe to backe . Heere might you haue beheld the eies of the one full of sorrow , intreating for compassion , whilest the other euen in their faces did ●●éere at their calamitie , this we viewd ( and not without much pittie ) had happened vnto them : this wee knew , had we not yéelded , must haue befallen vnto vs. Théeuing is their liuing , bloud is their exercise , tiranie is their practise : Christians are turned Turkes , and Turks are the sons of deuils , then what good can be expected from them ? O what a lamentation is this , that in one minute by y e cruelty of villaines fourscore & foure Fathers shall be b●rest of their sons , so many wiues be bereft of their husbands , and no doubt so many Childrē be dispoild of their parents : a calamitie so excéeding , that me thinks , euen but at the report thereof , all christendome should bee made vp into one hand for the reuenge theirof . But well a day ▪ this Tragedie is acted , death and slauery vsurped vpon these Innocents , well might we pitie them , but we knew we could no way preuaile to their helpe , so they neither making to vs , nor w●●●strous to haue more a●qua●ntance with them , away steard we for the shore , and ioyfull men we were you must thinke , hauing now nothing to loose but our liues where we were cleere of them the second time . But who is desirous to shunne Scillas doth commonly fall vpon Caribdis , who carefully striues to auoid a dangerous rocke , doth often fall vpon more deuouring sa●ds : one mischance doth seldome or neuer come , but there succéedes another as his inheritor , or according to our English prouerbe , we striue out of Gods blessing into the warme sunne ; euen so it fared with vs , for the verie next day after we had discharged our selues of bad , we were subiect to fall into the iawes of worse , being now most eagerly pursued by a bloudy French man of warre , and a Pirate like the other , of whose cruelty we had heard of so many before , that we accounted our selues compassed euen in the armes and gripe of death , being but c●me within his sight , for when the other doth vse but to kill some , and make slaues of the rest , this vphold it as custome to make murther of all that ere he takes : this is not glutted with the hanging of one , two , thrée , nay twenty , but if he happen to be at the taking of a hundred , he bindes them back to backe , and buries thē together . For two dayes and a night this French Pirate had vs in chase , and the wind beginning to grow duller and calme ( although our shippe was of indifferent spéede ) he was come within a mile of vs , so that the neerer wée percei●ed him , the neerer we iudged our selues to our sudden destruction ; it was in vaine to striue to make shift for our bodies ; for we had nothing to any purpose wherewith to make shift withall Wherefore euery one hauing betaken himselfe to his prayers for the good of his soule , we were ready to offer our selues vp into the hands of him from whom it was in vaine to expect any mercy . So that being all armed with this determination , and voide of all feare , since we had no hope whereon to anchor our trust , yet it p●eased God who is the defence of his seruants , when we least thought of helpe , when all expectation of res●ue was frustrate , and when wée had giuen our liues ouer to the ruin of their hands , and our bodies to y e seas , to send in sight of vs fiue ships vnder sayle , when we ( although we knew not what they were ) chose rather to fall into the hands of them , whose pursuit made no attempt against vs , than to submit our selues vnder the crueltie of him , who so long had held vs in chase , which to effect we made al the spéed we could to get vp to them , & which intent of ours this Frenchman mistrusting ▪ he on the contrarie stroue as much as in him lay to cut vs off from our purpose : but spight of his practise , we being come within their ken , and that we gest they might discerne our inward mystery by our outwarde signes , wee exprest the liuely motions of distressed men , as by kneeling on our knées , and holding vp our hands , which they perceiuing , although not knowing what we were , they in charity made vp to vs , and in short time we were come within their command , which this French-man considering , and gessing it would not prooue much for his ease to make vp any néerer , he sprang aloofe , and left vs. These Ships prooued to be foure Englishmen , and one Fleming . But by your patience , I must giue you to vnderstand , that vntill we had truely tasted their 〈◊〉 , we were as ●●●lous of them as of any of the rest , making a doubtfull question , whether it were possible that truth or honesty might be met at sea . Of these Ships English , one was Master S●anley , another was Master Humfrey ; the other two Ships , the one was of Yarmouth , and the other of Linne , at the m●●ting of whom , I pray you vnderstand there was no little ioy on both sides , in them , that they had been a means to res●ue their countrey-men ; in vs , that they had preserued our liues , and what was left of yours . But nothing is there in this world , but is transitorie like our selues , our life is not permanent , no more is our fortunes ; we haue ioy in this m●nute , and sorow in the next ; we came crying into the world , and we must goe wéeping out , all which is verified in vs , for as I began with sorrow , so far as I can see yet , I must make my period in sadnes : for sca●ce had our ioy felt an houre of embracement , or our comfort giuen a harty sal●tation the one to the other , when presently they might perceiue our selues the third time to be had in chase by a man of warre , and his Pinnesse , who drawing néere vp to vs , we perceiued it was Captaine Danseker of A●gier , which Ship of his is so potent in shew , that 〈◊〉 séemed to vs any way res●stlesse , for he caried 55. péeces of Ordinance , besides 400. Turkes with small shot . Roome , comes he amongest the thickest of our fleet , as if he had had power to swéepe vs away with his breath , but when he came neere to vs , he caused his followers to wafte vs amain with their glistering swords , threatning tos●nke vs the one after the other , if at his command we did not immediatly strike , so that we thought we were now falling à ●aloa●peius . The first Ship they came vp into was Master Startop , who séeing thē so strongly furnished , so laden with Ordnance , and so powerfull in shot , he forthwith yéelded himselfe vnto him . Master Humfrey and the other two Ships of Y●rmouth and Lin , by this hauing got the winde of Danseker , they steared backe againe to Master Startop , intending their vtmost endeauour to rescue him . and calling aloude to him , they bid him hoyse vp his sa●les againe , vowing to him by the faith they ought to their Countrey and loue to their Countrey-men , they would neuer forsake him , they would fight for him , ●eskue him , or die with him . But whether it were that M. Startop misliking of their resolution , fore séeing the ouerstreng●● of the Dansker , or whether he was conquered with the Dutch-mans oath and promise , which was , that hée would neither ransacke nor pillage any thing from him , he refused to h●yst his sailes and consented to the yéelding . Which M. Humfrey and the rest perceiuing , and not willing further to daunger their owne shippes , euery man shifted for them selues , and so escaped . Our shippe , and the Flemming were the Lée ward of the whole Fléete , so that when he was poessed of M. Startop , then comes he vp to vs poore v●nquished men , but it is a bootelesse mention to remember you how casily it was for him to deale with vs , who had neither powder nor other munition to offend him . The first hee spoke when hée came vp to vs , was , I command you to strike saile and follow me , and we séeing it were a bootlesse resistance and that there was no remedie obeyed him , onely we entreated him to be good vnto vs , and told him that we had béene robbed by the Tunis men of wa●re , Confederates with Ward , not fixe daies before . Captaine Danseker demaunded of Master Startop , whether the relation of our suprisall was true or no ? who constantly in our behalfe affirmed it to bée true , when he like a proude ( yet we may call him an honest ) Pirate tolde vs , that since the men of Tunis , had had vs in hand , he scorned to rob an hospitall : to afflict where was miserie before , or to make pray of them who had nothing left . Onely by a Messenger commanded vs , to shoot off thrée péeces of Ordinance as a thankes to him or ransome for our libertie and depart : but we certifying him , that such was the crueltie of our enemies , that wee had not so much left whereby to gratifie his curtesie , and answer his command , he forthwith gaue order we should be dismist , but kept the Flemming and M. Startop . The Flemming was laden with Corne , and vpon it lay diuers trusses and bales of rich stuffes to the valew of twentie thousand pound , the which Stuffes hée tooke away from them , being the Marchants goods , but not any perticuler aduenture that was due to any priuate man : so that this is the difference betwéene these two Pirates , ( Ward of Tunis , and Danseker of Argier : ) Ward makes prey of all and Danseker hath compassion of some : the one contemning to be charitable to any , the other holding it hatefull to take any thing from them , who labour in continnall danger to maintaine their liues . And we haue heard that the like cause as this , was the falling out betwixt these two Pirates : for certaine they are now at difference . This ●lemming ( who before wee haue spoken of ) though at the first he commanded him with him , the next day he dismissed him and sent him after vs : but M. Startop and his whole companie hee carryed away directly for Argier , where what will succéed vnto them it is yet vncertaine . But I must be bolde to remember you , what in this discourse I haue omitted , that before hee left vs , some of our confederates , men , who vpon our first taking were discharged out of their ship , into ours of the Chari●ie séeing how vncertaine was their hope , and how continuall was their danger ( since euery shippe we saw , wee must feare to be a Pirate ) they intreated of the Danseker , that he would be pleased to set them a shoars : when hee not onely condiscended to their request , but also gaue them foure shillings a péece , to helpe to carry them vp into the Countrey of Spaine . Thus to our sorrow , hauing séene our good friend Maister Startop , and his whole Companie hoysted toward Argier , our selues ( conforted with the Dutchmā ) put in at Almanika in Spaine , where we intended to repaire vs , of what necessaries wee lacked that might furnish vs for our better safetie home ward . The Gouernour of which ( hauing at large vnderstood what had happened vnto vs ) commaunded that wee should haue all things that we thought needfull for vs , and offered vs a hundred men for a safe-guard euery night , while wee stayd there to repaire our wants , least they should come backe , or any other of their Crue to doe vs iniury . But while we remained in this Harbor , repairing our ships and ●●rnishing our wa●ts , there was Newes brought to the Gouernour : the tenure whereof were spread thus : That the Cr●simo , who at the first was but a Ianizarie , and since aduanced by his consederacie with Ward , is now the prime Gouernour of Tunis , That Ward hath a while retyred him from Sea , and sendes forth his Colleagues , as he did the fléete which surprised vs , not minding to put himselfe to hazard againe vppon the maine , till they can take a ship for him , shall be Owner of thréescore péeces of Ordinance , in emulation that Danskers beares 55. That whatsoeuer his consederates bring in to him , they transport it for saile to Sophe , and Sancta Cruce , 2. Port Townes , that lead vp to Morocco and Fesse , & that while he continues in Tunis he is not idle , but practiseth the casting of ordnāce , & in training vp those Turkes which hee hath purchased leaue to leauy ( as it is reported of the Grand Signior ) in Military Discipline . Thus haue I truly del●●ered vnto you what hath happened to vs at sea , by which you may iudge what difference there is betwixt our states and yours a shea●e : I haue giuen the marchant cause to 〈◊〉 , & haue giuen him h●art to strengthen himselfe for desence : Which if he 〈◊〉 not do , and not leaue till these Pirates be deprest , they may hang vp their shippes and bid farewell with their Traffick to the Straights . FINIS . A Catalogue of all such Shippes , as haue beene taken by these two Pirates , Captain Ward , and Captaine Danseker , or their Confederates , to the sixth of Aprill . 1609. THe Yorke bonauenter of Hull , of the burthen of 180. tunnes , of whome Andrew Barker was Maister : this ship had 15. peeces of ordnance . The Troian of London , of burthen 106. tuns , Leonard Iohnson Maister , who for shooting off one shot , all the company were made slaues . The Pearle of London , of burthen 80. tuns , William Levves Master . The Charitie of London , taken the Owner M. William Megges . The Elizabeth of London of 70. tuns , laden with oyle , from Tallon in France , Tho. Hilles , M. One Maister Long , in a ship of Bristol . By Danseker . Maister Iohn Reekes , in a great ship of London , of burden 200. tunes , & 17. peeces of ordnance . M. Bennet , of Tower wharffe in a ship of 80. tuns . M. Read of Lime-house in a Flieboat of 70. tuns . The Charitie , the second time taken . M. Startop , in the Prosperous of London , of 150. tuns , laden with Muskadine . A Flemming in his companie ; in burthen 150. tuns laden with Corne , and other goods . Besides , there are many more shippes haue beene taken by these Pirats : the names of whose Maisters and the names of which shippes are not yet collected to bee knowne : as for certaine , few or no parts in our Land hath escaped free . As 2. from Bristole , 2. of Foy , 1. of Saltash , 2. of Plimoth , one great ship of Dartmoth , one of Saleren , one of Douer , 3. ships of the North-countrey , and many more there are yet abroad , which before they can compasse our Harbour , must if they doe escape , yet not escape without great danger . FINIS . The charity of M. Megs of London , taken twise 
A32543	----	By the King, a proclamation for the discovery and apprehension of Don Philip Hellen, alias Fitz-gerald England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) 1675 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A32543 Wing C3467 ESTC R37626 16990240 ocm 16990240 105640 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32543) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105640) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1611:48) By the King, a proclamation for the discovery and apprehension of Don Philip Hellen, alias Fitz-gerald England and Wales. Sovereign (1660-1685 : Charles II) Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. [2] leaves. Printed by the assigns of John Bill and Christopher Barker ..., London : 1675. "Given at our court at Whitehall the first day of October 1675, in the seven and twentieth year of our reign." Imperfect: cropped at top. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Hellen, Philip. Pirates -- West Indies. Great Britain -- History -- Charles II, 1660-1685. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV·ET·MON DROIT . HONI·SOIT·QVI·MAL·Y·PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King. A PROCLAMATION For the Discovery and Apprehension of Captain Don Philip Hellen , alias Fitz-gerald . CHARLES R. WHereas it hath been represented unto Us by the humble Petition of Martin Stamp , and due proof made by the Testimony of credible Witnesses , That Timothy Stamp , Brother of the said Martin , being a Merchant , was in December ▪ 1672. taken by a Spanish Man of War , and his Ship , called the Humility of London , and the Goods therein , to the value of Five thousand pounds , carried into the Port of Havana ; But the Governour of the place not finding cause for the Detainer of the said Ship , restored the same , with promise of Satisfaction for the Damage sustained , and a Protection against all Spanish Ships ; Yet during the restraint of the said Ship , a Man of War was fitted out under the Command of Don Philip Hellen , alias Fitz-gerald ( Our Natural born Subject ) who retook the said Ship within Musquet shot of the Castle of Havana , and after Tortured and Murdered the said Timothy Stamp , and most of his men ; some they hanged until they were half dead , and then cut them with their swords , afterw●●s hung them up again until they were almost dead , then cut them in pieces with an Ax ; others had their Arms cut off , and were cleft down with Axes ; And afterwards the said Don Philip Hellen , alias Fitz-gerald , and his Company shared the said Ship and Goods ; And the like Barbarous cruelty the said Don Philip Hellen , alias Fitz-gerald hath since exercised upon other Our Subjects : We have therefore thought fit ( with the advice of Our Privy Council ) to publish the same to all Our loving Subjects , and doubt not of their care and forwardness in the discovery and apprehension of the said Fitz-gerald : And We do by this Our Proclamation ( whereof he ought and shall be presumed to take notice ) Enjoyn and Command the said Don Philip Hellen , alias Fitz-gerald , within Six Moneths after the publication hereof , to render himself to one of Our Principal Secretaries of State , or to the chief Governour of the Island of Jamaica , or to the chief Governour of some other of Our Foreign Plantations , to receive and undergo such Order as shall be gi●● concerning him . And We do hereby further publish and declare , That if the said Don Philip Hellen , alias Fitz-gerald , shall not within the time aforesaid , render himself accordingly , then if any person or persons whatsoeuer shall at any time after apprehend and bring him dead or alive to one of Our Principal Secretaries of State , or to the Governour of Our Island of Jamaica , or to the chief Governour of any other of Our Foreign Plantations , he or they so apprehending and bringing him , shall have a reward of One thousand Pieces of Eight . And We do also strictly Charge and Command all Our Officers and Ministers , as well Military as Civil , and other Our Subjects whatsoever , to be diligent , and use their best endeavours to search for and apprehend the said Don Philip Hellen , alias Fitz-gerald , in all places whatsoever , as they will answer the neglect thereof at their perils . And We do hereby further publish and declare , That if any of Our Subjects shall after the publication of this Our Proclamation , directly or indirectly conceal or harbour the said Don Philip Hellen , alias Fitz-gerald , or shall not use his or their best endeavours for his discovery and apprehension , as well by giving due advertisement to Our Officers , as by all other good ●eans , We will ( as there is just cause ) proceed against them that shall so neglect this Our Command , with all severity . Given at Our Court at Whitehall the First day of October 1675. In the Seven and twentieth year of Our Reign . God save the King. LONDON , Printed by the Assigns of Iohn Bill and Christopher Barker , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 1675. 
A39488	----	By the Lords Justices of England, a proclamation ... whereas we have received information ... that one Henry Every commander of the ship called the Phancy ... has, under English colours, acted as common pirate ... England and Wales. Lords Justices. 1696 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39488 Wing E933 ESTC R39433 18410808 ocm 18410808 107510 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39488) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107510) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1632:11) By the Lords Justices of England, a proclamation ... whereas we have received information ... that one Henry Every commander of the ship called the Phancy ... has, under English colours, acted as common pirate ... England and Wales. Lords Justices. 1 broadside. Printed for Charles Bill, and the executrix for Thomas Newcomb ..., London : [1696] Other title information taken from first five lines of text. "Given at the Council Chamber at Whitehall, the seventeenth day of July, 1696, in the eighth year of His Majesties reign." Date of publication suggested by Wing. Imperfect: cropped. Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Avery, John, fl. 1695. Pirates -- England. Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- 1689-1714. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-10 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the Lords Justices of England , A PROCLAMATION . Tho. Cantuar. J. Sommers CS . Pembroke C.P.S. Devonshire . Shrewsbury . Dorset . Godolphin . WHereas We have Received Information from the Governour and Company of Merchants of London Trading to the East Indies , That one Henry Every Commander of the Ship called the Phancy , of Fourty six Guns , and One hundred and thirty Men , has , under English Colours , acted as a Common Pirate and Robber upon the High Seas , and hath presumed under such Colours to Commit several Acts of Piracy upon the Seas of India or Persia , which may occasion great Damage to the Merchants of England , Trading into those Parts ; We have therefore thought fit ( by the Advice of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council ) to Issue this Proclamation , hereby Declaring , That the said Henry Every , together with divers other English Men and Foreigners , to the Number of about One hundred and thirty , did Steal and Run away with the said Ship then called the Charles , from the Port of Corona in Spain ; And that the said Henry Every hath not any Commission or Authority from His Majesty to Command the Ship or the Men therein , but that the said Henry Every , and such as are with him in the said Ship , are Pirates , and Common Robbers upon the High Seas . And We do hereby Charge and Command all His Majesties Admirals , Captains , and other Officers at Sea , and all His Majesties Governours and Commanders of any Forts , Castles , or other Places in His Majesties Plantations , or otherwise , to Seize and Take the said Henry Every , and such as are with him in the said Ship , and cause them to be punished as Pirates upon the High Seas , and in case of Resistance to Sink and Destroy the said Ship. And We do hereby further Declare , That in case any of the Persons who are in the said Ship with the said Henry Every , shall Discover the said Henry Every , so as that the said Henry Every , or the said Ship may be Seized or Taken , or shall be otherwise Instrumental in Seizing the said Henry Every , or the said Ship , he or they making such Discovery or Seizure , shall have His Majesties Gracious Pardon for their Offences : And that such Person or Persons , or any other Person or Persons who shall Discover the said Henry Every , so as the said Henry Every , or the said Ship may be Seized or Taken , or shall be otherwise Instrumental in Seizing the said Henry Every , or the said Ship , he or they making such Discovery or Seizure , shall have a Reward of Five hundred Pounds , which said Sum of Five hundred Pounds the Lords Commissioners of His Majesties Treasury are hereby Required and Directed to Pay accordingly . Given at the Council Chamber at Whitehall , the Seventeenth Day of Iuly , 1696. In the Eighth Year of His Majesties Reign . God save the King. LONDON , Printed by Charles Bill , and the Executrix of Thomas Newcomb , deceas'd ; Printers to the Kings 
A39489	----	By the Lords Justices, a proclamation ... whereas we formerly received information ... that one Henry Every, commander of this ship called the Phansie ... committed several acts of piracy ... England and Wales. Lords Justices. 1696 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A39489 Wing E934 ESTC R39434 18411138 ocm 18411138 107511 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39489) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107511) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1632:12) By the Lords Justices, a proclamation ... whereas we formerly received information ... that one Henry Every, commander of this ship called the Phansie ... committed several acts of piracy ... England and Wales. Lords Justices. 1 broadside. Printed by Charles Bill, and the executrix of Thomas Newcomb ..., London : 1696. Other title information taken from first four lines of text. "Given at the council chamber at Whitehall, the tenth day of August, 1696, in the eighth year of His Majesties reign." Reproduction of original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Avery, John, fl. 1695. Pirates -- England. Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- 1689-1714. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Daniel Haig Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Daniel Haig Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT royal blazon or coat of arms By the Lords Justices , A PROCLAMATION . Tho. Cantuar. J. Sommers C. S. Pembroke C. P. S. Shrewsbury . WHereas We formerly received Information from the Governour and Company of Merchants of London Trading to the East Indies , That one Henry Every , Commander of the Ship called the Phansie alias Charles , of Fourty six Guns , and One hundred and thirty Men , had , under English Colours , committed several Acts of Piracy upon the Seas of India or Persia , whereupon We Issued a Proclamation , bearing Date the Seventeenth Day of July last , for the Taking and Apprehending the said Henry Every , and such other Persons as were with him in the said Ship , in Order to have them Punished as Pirates and common Robbers upon the High Seas ; And whereas We have since the Issuing the said Proclamation received further Information from the said Governour and Company of Merchants Trading to the East Indies , That the said Henry Every hath changed his Name , and now goes by the Name of Henry Bridgman , and that James Cray , Thomas Summerton , Edward Kirwood , William Down , John Reddy , John Stroger , Nathaniel Pike , Peter Soanes , Henry Adams , Francis Frennier , Thomas Johnson , Joseph Dawson , Samuel Dawson , James Lewis , John Sparks , Joseph Goss , Charles Falconer , James Murray , Robert Rich , John Miller , John King , Edward Savill , William Philips , Thomas Jope and Thomas Belisha , together with several others whose Names are not yet Discovered ( amongst whom were Fifty two Frenchmen , Fourtéen Danes , and others of other Nations ) were with the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , in the said Ship Phansie , when the several Acts of Piracy were committed , and were Aiding and Assisting therein , and shared in the Plunder so by them Piratically taken , to the amount of One thousand Pounds a Man or thereabouts ; And whereas We are Informed , That the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , with several other Persons above named , have , since they committed such Acts of Piracy , left the said Ship in the Island of Providence , and are arrived in Ireland in Two small Sloops , and have there dispersed themselves , some of which Persons remain there , and others are come into this Kingdom and the Kingdom of Scotland , as Two of their Accomplices , who are now Taken and in Custody , have Confessed and Declared : We have therefore thought fit ( by the Advice of His Majesties most Honourable Privy Council ) to Issue this Proclamation , hereby Declaring , That the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , together with the said several Persons above named , and others , Englishmen , Scotchmen , and Foreigners , to the Number of about One hundred and thirty , did Steal and Run away with the said Ship from the Port of Corunna in Spain ; and that neither the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , nor any of the Persons abovenamed had any Commission or Authority from His Majesty to Command the said Ship , or the Men therein ; but that the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , and the several other Persons abovenamed , and such others as were with them in the said Ship , are Pirates and Robbers upon the High Seas . And We do hereby Charge and Command all His Majesties Admirals , Captains , and other Officers at Sea , and all His Majesties Governours and Commanders of any Forts , Castles or other Places in His Majesties Plantations , and all other Officers and Persons whatsoever , to Seize and Apprehend the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , James Cray , Thomas Summerton , Edward Kirwood , William Down , John Reddy , John Stroger , Nathaniel Pike , Peter Soanes , Henry Adams , Francis Frennier , Thomas Johnson , Joseph Dawson , Samuel Dawson , James Lewis , John Sparks , Joseph Goss , Charles Falconer , James Murray , Robert Rich , John Miller , John King , Edward Savill , William Philips , Thomas Jope , and Thomas Belisha , and such others as were with them in the said Ship , ( who may probably be known and discovered by the great Quantities of Gold and Silver of Foreign Coins which they have with them ) in order that they may be brought to Iustice , and suffer the just Punishment of the Law , as Pirates upon the High Seas . And We do hereby further Declare , That in case any of the Persons abovenamed ( except the said Henry Every alias Bridgman ) or any other Persons who were in the said Ship with the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , shall Discover the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , or any other of the Persons abovenamed , so as they may be Seized and Taken , in order to be brought to Iustice , he and they making such Discovery shall have His Majesties Gracious Pardon for their Ofences . And We do hereby further Declare , That such Person or Persons , or any other Person or Persons who shall Discover the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , so as he may be Seized or Taken , or shall be otherwise Instrumental in Seizing the said Henry Every alias Bridgman , he or they making such Discovery or Seizure , shall have the Reward of Five hundred Pounds promised in the said former Proclamation , for the Discovery and Seizure of the said Henry Every . And that in case any Person or Persons shall Discover any of the other Persons abovenamed , so as they may be Seized or Taken , or shall be otherwise Instrumental in Seizing any of the said Persons , he or they making such Discovery or Seizure , shall have a Reward of Fifty Pounds for every of the said Persons , whom he or they shall so Discover or Seize , which said several Sums of Five hundred Pounds and Fifty Pounds , the Lords Commissioners of His Majesties Treasury are hereby Required and Directed to Pay accordingly . Given at the Council Chamber in Whitehall , the Tenth Day of August , 1696. In the Eighth Year of His Majesties Reign . God save the King. LONDON , Printed by Charles Bill , and the Executrix of Thomas Newcomb , deceas'd , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 1696. 
A46576	----	A proclamation for the more effectual reducing and suppressing of pirates and privateers in America James R. England and Wales. Sovereign (1685-1688 : James II) 1687 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46576 Wing J355 ESTC R1555 12368884 ocm 12368884 60494 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46576) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60494) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 920:5) A proclamation for the more effectual reducing and suppressing of pirates and privateers in America James R. England and Wales. Sovereign (1685-1688 : James II) James II, King of England, 1633-1701. 1 sheet ([1] p ) Printed by Charles Bill, Henry Hills, and Thomas Newcomb ..,. London : 1687/8. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. At head of title: By the King. Broadside. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- America -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Sources. Privateering -- America -- Sources. Broadsides 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Stephanie Batkie Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Stephanie Batkie Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King , A PROCLAMATION For the more effectual Reducing and Suppressing of PIRATES and PRIVATEERS in AMERICA . JAMES R. WHereas frequent Robberies and Piracies have been , and are daily committed by great numbers of Pirates and Privateers as well on the Seas as on the Land of and in America , which hath occasioned a great prejudice and obstruction to the Trade and Commerce as well of Our Subjects , as of the Subjects of Our Allies , and hath given a great Scandal and Disturbance to Our Government in those Parts . And whereas We being resolved to take some effectual course for the putting an end to all such Outragious Insolencies , have therefore thought it requisite to send a Squadron of Ships into the Parts aforesaid , under the Command of Our Trusty and Welbeloved Servant Sir Robert Holmes , Knight , Our Governor of Our Isle of Wight , and have otherwise given him all necessary Powers for Suppressing of the said P●rates and Privateers , either by Force , or assurance of Pardon , and have Constituted and Appointed the said Sir Robert Holmes Our Sole Commissioner in that Affair ; Now to the end that this Our Royal Purpose may be the better put in Execution , and that none of the said Offenders may have any cause of excuse or pretence left for want of a due Advertisement of Our Intended Mercy and Clemency towards them , upon their withdrawing themselves from their said wicked and Piratical courses for the future : We are Graciously pleased hereby to Promise and Declare , That in case any such Pirate or Privateer Pirates or Privateers shall within the space of Twelve months next ensuing the Date of this Our Proclamation , either in Person , or by their Agents Surrender , or become obliged to Surrender him or themselves unto the said Sir Robert Holmes , or any other person or persons appointed by him , or such other person or persons as in case of his Death shall be further Constituted and Appointed by Us , within any of Our said Islands , Plantations , Colonies , or 〈…〉 or Land , lying between the Tropiques of Cancer and Capricorn in America , and in case any Pirate or Privateer , Pirates or Privateers shall within the space of Fifteen months next ensuing the Date of these Presents , Surrender , or become obliged to Surrender him or themselves to the said Sir Robert Holmes , or any others Appointed as aforesaid , in any other parts of America , or within Our Kingdom of England , and shall give sufficient Security to be approved of by the said Sir Robert Holmes , or in case of his Death , by such other person or persons as shall be further Appointed by Us , for his or their future good Behaviour , We will , upon such humble Submission , and after such Security given , Grant unto such Pirate or Pirates , Privateer or Privateers , Our Gracious , Full and Ample Pardon for all Piracies or Robberies committed by him or them upon the Sea or Land before the Date of these Presents . And We do hereby straightly Charge and Command all and singular Our Admirals , Uice-Admirals Chief Governours , Captains , Commanders , Mariners , Seamen , and all Our Officers and Ministers of and in all and every Our said Islands , Plantations , Colonies , and Territories whatsoever , and of all and every Our Ships of War and other Uessels , and all other Our Officers and Subjects whatsoever , not only to be Aiding , Favouring and Assisting in their several Places and Stations , unto the said Sir Robert Holmes , and such other Person or Persons as shall be appointed as aforesaid in and for the more effectual Reducing and Suppressing of all manner of Pirates and Privateers within the Limits and Parts aforesaid , or any of them , but also ( upon the producing a Certificate or Instrument under the Hand and Seal o● the said Sir Robert Holmes , or such other Person as in case of his Death shall be further Appointed by Us , signifying that an● Pirate or Privateer , Pirates or Privateers hath or have Surrendred him or themselves unto the said Sir Robert Holmes , or su●● other Person or Persons appointed as aforesaid , and given Security for their future good Behaviour according to the Tenor of these Presents ) to permit and suffer the said person or persons lawfully to Pass and Travel either by Sea or Land , wit●out any Let , Hindrance or Molestation whatsoever , to or from any of Our said Islands , Plantations or Colonies , or int● Our Kingdom of England , as soon as conveniently may be , in Order to his or their receiving Our full and Gracious Pardons aforesaid , and that in the mean time no Indictment , Process , or other Proceeding shall be had in any of Our Courts of ●●cord , or elsewhere , against any such person or persons producing such Certificate or Instrument , for any Piracy or Robbery b● him or them committed as aforesaid , before the Date of these Presents . Provided always , That if any of the said Offender or ●ffenders whatsoever shall after the Publishing of this Our Proclamation , in contempt thereof , and of Our Princely Mercy and Clemency to them hereby offered , wilfully and obstinately persist in their Piracies , Robberies and Outragious Practices , or shall ●ot Surrender themselves in manner aforesaid ; Then We do hereby expresly Direct and Command , That all and every such pers●● and persons shall be pursued with the utmost Severity , and with the greatest Rigour that may be , until they and every of them ●e utterly Suppressed and Destroyed ; We Declaring it to be Our Royal Purpose and Resolution , That they and every of them ●●all from thenceforth be finally Excluded and Debarr'd from receiving any further Favour or Mercy . And lastly We do hereby 〈◊〉 , Annul and make void all Proclamations by Us formerly Issued touching the Premisses herein above mentioned , or 〈◊〉 them . Given at Our Court at Whitehall this Twentieth Day of ●anuary , 168● . In the Third Year of Our Reign . GOD SAVE THE KING . LONDON , Printed by Charles 〈…〉 to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . 168● 
A41761	----	The Grand pyrate, or, The life and death of Capt. George Cusack, the great sea-robber with an accompt of all his notorious robberies both at sea and land : together with his tryal, condemnation, and execution / taken by an impartial hand. 1676 Approx. 50 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 16 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A41761 Wing G1505 ESTC R4898 12269881 ocm 12269881 58200 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41761) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58200) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 186:6) The Grand pyrate, or, The life and death of Capt. George Cusack, the great sea-robber with an accompt of all his notorious robberies both at sea and land : together with his tryal, condemnation, and execution / taken by an impartial hand. Impartial hand. 31 p. Printed for Jonathan Edwin ..., London : 1676. The account of the trial has special t.p. reading: An exact narrative of the tryals of the pyrats, and all the proceedings at the late goal-delivery of the Admiralty, held in the Old-Bayly ... the 7th and 9th of Jan. 1674/5. Printed in the yeare, 1675. "Licensed Novemb. 19, 1675, Roger L'Estrange" Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Cusack, George, -- Capt. Pirates. Trials (Piracy) -- England. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Grand Pyrate : Or , the LIFE and DEATH OF Capt. GEORGE CVSACK The great Sea-Robber . WITH An Accompt of all his notorious Robberies both at Sea and Land. TOGETHER With his TRYAL , CONDEMNATION , and EXECVTION . Taken by an Impartial Hand . Licensed Novemb. 19. 1675. Roger L'Estrange . LONDON , Printed for Ionathan Edwin at the Sign of the Three Roses in Ludgate-street . MDCLXXVI . THE GRAND PIRATE , Or the LIFE and DEATH of Captain GEORGE CUSACK . THE World hath been long entertained with Accounts of Highway-men and Land-Robbers , but Piracies and Sea-Robbers being for the most part either under the guard & protection of some States , that avowedly drive this infamous Traffick , as they of Algiers and Salley do , or on the pretence of a Commission from some Prince engaged in a War with his Neighbours ; therefore it is hoped that the following Account shall be received and read generally , since it contains some of the passages of the most signal Sea-Robber , that perhaps this Age hath known , who encourag'd with success , did with a most daring boldness , drive that cursed Trade for 15 years , and not daunted with one misfortune , continued and improved in his villainous course of life , till at length this Captain George Cusack ( for that was his name ) was taken , and being found guilty of unparallell'd Crimes , was put to death at the Execution Dock on Monday the Eighteenth of Ianuary , 1674. according to the Sentence past upon him . GEorge Cusack Son to one Mr. Cusack of Granstowen in the County of East-Meath in Ireland , was bred a Scholar and a Roman Catholick , and was disposed by his Parents for a Fryer , but the wildness of his youth not agreeing with a Religious Life , made him first rob his nearest Kinsman Mr. Benedict Arthur of Sixty pounds and his Watch within two Miles of Dublin in the year 53 ; after which he went to serve as a private Souldier in Flanders , but the severity of that Discipline not agreeing with his looser temper , he did betake himself to Sea-Service in several Privateers , where he continued for some time in a private capacity ; but after frequent removals , his first Rise was to the degree of a Gunners Mate aboard of Captain North , in a Voyage to Guinney ; where being very mutinous , and usual punishments not being able to keep him in order , his Captain put him aboard the Gift Frigate , Captain Reynolds Commander , in whom he sayled to Barbadoes ; and after his return entred himself a Midship-man aboard Sir Edward Spragge : by whom being employed as a Press-Master in the former Dutch War , amongst many others he prest one that was in the hands of the Bayliffs , taken by them upon Execution , and carried him clear away ; for which and for being a grand Mutineer , he was afterward seized , and committed a Prisoner to the Marshalsey for some moneths . But at last being set at liberty , and having resolutions to raise himself by any sinister wayes , and determining to surprize and run away with the first good Ship he could get employment in , it so happened , that in the year 1668. being at Cadiz in Spain , he was entertained as Gunner aboard the Hopewell of Tangier , Captain Lambert Bartholomew Welters Commander , a Vessel of about 250 Tuns , and 24 Guns , bound from Tangier to Virginia , and richly laden , who sayling from Cadiz the second of September , and the next day springing a Leak , thereupon by the general opinion of Officers aboard , it was thought best to put in at the Grand Canar●es to stop it , where meeting with contrary winds , they constrained them to make more Southerly . Upon the Eighth of October following at One of the Clock in the Morning , being in 24 Degrees and about 40 Minutes Northern Latitude , and about 220 English Leagues Westward from ●erre , the said George Cusack , with one Richard Parslow , one of the Mates or Pilots , and several others of their Confederates , having privately armed themselves , fell upon the Watches , and by violence seized the said Captain Lambert , Thomas Power Merchant and Supercargo of the said Vessel , Daniel Gilson chief Mate , together with the Boatswain , Carpenter , Butler , and several others , having first through the great Cabbin door shot the Cabbin-Boy through the Thigh , and the Carpenter upon the Deck through the Buttock , whom they also wounded in the Arm , together with the Boatswain , all whom this Cusack commanded unto the Round-house , placing Guards over them , where they apprehended every minute to be murdered and thrown over-board ; at last he hawled out the small Boat of tht Ship , and by violence forced into the Boat Captain Lambert , with the chief Mate , the wounded Carpenter , the Butler with three Seamen more , whom he exposed to the mercy of the Ocean , denying them the Long-boat , though they begged it upon their knees , without giving any reason for so inhumane an action , or having any provocation thereunto . The said Thomas Power being commanded out of the Round-house with the rest , observing the said Cusack to be the principal Conspirator , desired to speak a few words with him before he was put off , who replied , God damme , what you have to say , say quickly ; whereupon the said Power desired him to Pistol him there , rather than to expose him to the mercy of the Sea , for he had rather dye a sudden death , than a certain lingering one ; but withall told him , he conceiv'd he had a better way for the saving of his life , for a day or two might be of use to him till he had taken an accompt of the Ships Cargo , & how she was stored with Water and Provision , which having done , he might Pistol him , or throw him over-board at pleasure . Upon which the said Cusack forthwith commanded the said Power into the great Cabbin , under the command of two Musquetiers , straitly charging them upon pain of death to shoot him if he spoke to any man. The Boat being fired at by a small shot out of the Gun-room by one Edward Barry , and forced away , Cusack together with ●ar●ow , the same day broke open Captain Lambert's Chests , and there divided betwixt them all the Goods and Money in equal proportion , together with all the things of value belonging to Captain Lambert in the great Cabbin , declaring their resolution of running away with the Ships and Cargo , and of taking or sinking all Ships or Vessels they should meet with belonging to any Nation , English only excepted : promising to all persons aboard that joyned with them , their proportion and shares of the Ship and Cargo ; together with all other Ships they should afterwards take or surprize , according to the Lawes of Pleron : to which end he ordered to be drawn up in Writing an Obligation to himself as Captain , and the said Parslow as Lieutenant , expressing the Resolutions of the Subscribers upon their Oaths to live and die with them in this their present design , to which there subscribed one Thomas Carre alias Richardson , formerly Gunners Mate , whom he now made Master ; one Nathanael Estan alias Hillon , whom he made Masters Mate , Moses White made Boatswain ; thirteen Servants ( who all voluntarily entered themselves upon the said Voyage for Virginia ) together with most of the Seamen , many of them not daring to refuse . The persons names not subscribing nor consenting being Iohn Samuel the former Boatswain , sore wounded ; Iacob Marrelly the Chirurgion , Leonard Cornelly the Carpenters Mate , Iacob Cornelly the chief Boy , with three other Cabbin Boys , and Benjamin Wilbius servant to the said Thomas Power . All whom they forced along with them . The persons unwillingly or constrainedly subscribing the Writings were , Thomas Wildsmith , Serjeant Andrew Mattes , and one Clark of Tangier Sea-men . After the seizure of the Ship he possessed himself of all Letters and Writings relating to the Voyage , as well belonging to Captain Lambert , as also those in the possession of Thomas Power , except three Papers onely which Power hath concealed and reserved , almost all which he threw over board , lest any of them should discover his Piratical proceedings , and could not be perswaded to save a great large Bible that constantly lay upon the great Cabbin Table , from the mercy of the Waves , which whiles some of his own Crew endeavoured to perswade him to , he replyed , You Cowards , what do you think to go to Heaven and do such Actions as these ? No , I will make you Officers in Hell under me ; and with that threw the Bible out at the great Cabbin window , saying Go thou thy way Divinity , what have we to do with thee ▪ Upon which he presently altered his Course , and set Say● for Guinney , intending there to convert the Cargo into Gold ; in ten days time he run into fourteen Degrees and a half of Northern Latitude , but not being able to find the Cape de Verde Islands , and being ignorant whether he was to Windward or Leeward of any of them , and not having above a months fresh Water , he determined to Sayle full West , in hopes either of falling in with some of the Islands , or at worst to have the advantage of a Trade Wind for Barbadoes , where he arrived the fourth of November following ; during this passage , as also before , he often sollicited Thomas Power to close with him in his design , profering him not only his own goods , but the moyety of the Cargo besides , which Power refusing , wrought in Cusack such a jealousie of him , heightned with the discontents of his Confederates , that it was daily expected when Power should be murdered , and thrown over-board , being judged the only person that was in a capacity of discovering their piratical proceedings . The Boat with seven men forced to Sea , being concluded without fail lost , this merry Crew often drunk to them in Hell , though indeed they had more reason to conclude it nearer to themselves , which they were far enough from having any apprehension of , witness their daily Song , and their drunken bouts , which was HANG sorrow , let 's cast away care , the World is bound to find us : Thou and I , and all must die , And leave this World behind us . The Bell shall ring , the Clark shall sing , The Good old Wife shall wind us . The Sexton shall lay our Bodies in Clay Where the Devil in Hell shall find us . In this passage she espied a Sayl to Windward , to whom she gave chase some hours , supposing it to be a Portuguize from Brazile , whom they intended to make a prize of , but were out-sayled by her , before their arrival at Barbadoes , where they determined to touch and sell for ready money , as much of the Cargo as they could , as also to carry as many men as they could get . They forced Power to draw up several Articles of their own dictating , to prevent the discovery of the Vessel , which they had likewise altered all they could , and now called her the Valiant Prince , pretending her to belong to Dublin , from whence she was freighted to Cadiz , laden with loose Pipe-staves , &c. by Cusack , Barshow , and others ; and that there she invested the produce of her Goods in the present Cargo aboard , and was bound for Iamaica , and so back for Dublin ; and that she hath lost her Boat at Sea in foul weather with seven men in it ; when she sprung a Leak , that she touch't there to take in fresh Water , and to stop her Leak only : which pretences being proclaimed at the Main-mast , it was declared present Death to every man that gave out otherwise ; with Order to sayl forthwith . At Carl●●●● Bay the Fourth of November , they saluted the Fort with seven Guns , who returned one : without touching , they keep their Course for Speights Bay , where they hoped to Treat with more privacy and security ; but before they arrived there , a Sloop with the Kings Jack and Ancient out , was making after them ; Cusacks Vessel lay by for her , and upon her coming up , invited her Boat aboard , who examined Cusack whence he was , and whither bound , who answered as formerly agreed on . The Boat left one Thomas Fox aboard to bring him to an Anchor in Speights Bay , who immediately acquainted Cusack with the safe arrival of the Boat , & the seven men in her that he pretended he had lost at Sea , and that if he touch't there , my Lord Willoughby would presently seize him ; that Captain Lambert had acquainted my Lord with all particulars ; and that there was a Privateer setting out , that was ordered to pursue and retake him ; that the said Fox knew his design , and resolved to live and die with him . Upon which Information Cusack called for a Pistol , and also Parslow fired at the small Boat of the Sloop , but neither going off , the Sloop steered away , which Cusack repented he had not either sunk , or forcibly carried away with him . From thence he immediately resolved for Martinico a French Island , and about eleven a Clock the same night he was overtaken by a small Vessel manned out by my Lord Willoughby ; who being to Windward , and within shot of Cusack , he fired about eleven Guns at her ; upon which the Vessel immediately tacked and returned without firing a Gun ; the next Day being betwixt Sancta Lucia and Martinico , and being becalmed towards the Evening , he espied a Katch plying to Windward , which he made towards all he could , but night coming on , he haled out and manned his Long-Boat with twelve men , whom he doubly armed , and commanded them to Board and take her whatsoever she was ; the Long-Boat haling her , received this account , That she belonged to Flushing , and was bound to Sirenam , and desired them to keep off ; upon which they durst not attempt her : but Cusack by this time coming up ( the Katch not altering her Course ) hailes her himself , being within Musquet shot , and commands her to Strike , otherwise he would sink her ; but receiving no answer , he fired about ten Guns at her , besides some Small-shot , thinking himself sure of her ; but in half an hours time she got the Windward and escaped ; but what damage is uncertain . The Eighth of November being Sunday , by break of day , with the King 's Iack and Ancient out he came to an Anchor , betwixt the Town of Martinico and Carbat , giving himself out for a Man of War , bound from London to Iamaica ; that he intended to touch at , but had missed Barbadoes , and wanting Water and Wood touched there to supply himself , which all the men aboard were then to give out upon pain of Death . With these pretences he sent his Boat ashore to the Fort , in which returned aboard with him one Mr. Blake an Englishman , pretending himselfe an Interpreter , with two English-men more , and some French , who acquainted him , that the Governour was at Carbat at Church ; and that it was both customary for others , and would be necessary for him to kiss his hands ; assuring him of all fair accommodation there . Upon their importunity , together with the invitation of the Captain of the Guard ( by whom he sent the said Governour a large Looking-Glass as a Present ) he was prevailed with to go ashore , and presently commanded with him Thomas Power : the Church being near the Sea-side , and their Service then ended , the Governour Monsier la Bier ( with many followers ) meets Cusac , who discoursed with him in French : Power it seems conceiving there was then before him a most fit Opportunity , not only to discover the piratical proceedings of Cusack , but to recover the Vessel and Cargo , and bring the Pirates to condigne punishment , acquaints the Governour with the sum and substance of what has been here related touching the Ship in the presence of Cusack , which was interpreted to him by the Black in the presence and hearing of two or three English-men more and many French , desiring the Governour that he would secure Cusack , with the Boats Crew ( who all alledged their Vessel a Man of War , and Power only a Passenger , whom they were to deliver at Iamaica , to which they were all ready to give their Oaths ) Power profering to make good the Truth of his accusation with his Life , and for the better satisfaction of the Governor , then produced the Orders and Instructions of his Principals , together with his Letter of Attorney , and Captain Lambert's General Bill of Lading , signed with his own hand , ( which Papers , it seems , Power had privately secured ) desiring they might be read ; but Monsieur la Bier would neither suffer them to be read , nor secure Cusack , nor protect Power , nor send for other Testimonies from aboard , though he was earnestly entreated to do it ; only ordered Power to draw up in writing what he had to charge Cusack with , and he would give him a farther hearing : Power not being believed , and being forced to shift for himself , Cusack with what men he could get makes haste aboard ; and not daring to stay to weigh his Anchor , cuts his Cable the same night , and stands off to Sea , and the next Morning early sends his Boat ashore doubly arm'd to Leeward of the Town , and Waters and Woods by force , or at least by private connivence . From thence he makes for Mountserrat , where he and the rest of his Confederates being under the sense of their own guilt , and knowing themselves fully discovered ; endeavoured to piece up a kind of agreement with the Governour Colonel Stapleton , but not daring to trust themselves under his power , and being informed that my Lord Willoughby was then upon his way for England , and intended to visit and strengthen the Leeward Islands in his passage , he withdrew himself to a small Island called Anguilla , where the Governour Captain Howel ( being informed of their villany , by the dispersed intelligence of Power ) upon his coming ashore seized him and his Boats Crew , the particulars whereof you have here exposed to your perusal as it was taken out of Cusacks own Journal , under his own hand-writing , by which you may not only discover the nature of the man , but from thence experience how custom in sin begets in some men an opinion of the lawfulness of their actions , though never so criminal , villainous or injurious . December the 9th . 1668. I went ashore , says he , with five men to look after six men that runn'd from the Ship , and some five miles in the Country after I drunk a little Molby at Captain Hews , one Roch comes in and told me that two Dutchmen run away with the Boat , and hearing this I arose to go away , and stept some 40 or 50 paces from the House , they told me if I went any further I was a dead man , then I did suppose I was betrayed ; then came one suddenly and profered to lay hold on me , thinking that I had nothing but my Cane , with that I pull'd out a Pocket Pistol and bid him stand off ; and so came through two of their ambushes , meeting in my way one of their Lieutenants , called Lieutenant Derrick , whom I trust in amongst the rest of his consorts in the wood , and so going along until my wearied leggs missing the path-way were forced into the woods , where they were sufficiently torn , till at last being very dry with such unsatiable thirst , I found a puddle of rain water which contained to the value of a pint betwixt two Rocks , sharing to every one his portion , we marched further , and being troubled with the former thirst , we spied a House in the wilderness but the place a little plainer , where I espied a woman big with child , fearing to fright the woman we asked for some water which she tendred to us at our request , and withall taking notice of our wearied limbs to be scarce able to sustain our bodies treated me with a civil entertainment in her house , which was a Cup of cold water , being at that present more welcome to me than Gold , there I stayed for two hours to revive my thirsty soul which breathed for air , after this little space of time comes one Iohn Merideth , and one Bedhell , both Merchants who courted me to yield upon terms , and deliver my Sword and Pistols to them , and the Governour should do the same , to which I did give consent being unable to live in those solitary and rather venemous woods , where Mirwings & Musculers sting'd us as bad as Wasps , then honour was forced to yield to unworthiness , for as assoon as the Governor ( or rather a Swine driver ) had spied my Rapier in one of those Gentlemens hands he forced him to deliver my Rapier and Pistols , and this finished , till the next day following he summonned me again , and I delivered my self up upon conditions that I should have all my cloathes and moneys belonging unto me in the Ship. But what could I expect of a rebellious and unworthy Bandida which never did familiar himself with men , but with wild goats in those woods , he left me with one sute of cloaths and one shirt to my back , continuing among those Satyrs from the eighth day to the fifteenth , to requite my former kindness sent up with me two more , the Boatswain and another , all three in Irons , down a Shallops hold , denying me only to breath in the Hatch-way , as if that I had perpetrated the greatest murder in the world , which was a great vexation to my Spirit , which with great courage being never inferiour to any , overcame this villainous action with patience . It would be too tedious to insert here the havock that was made of the Ship and Cargo and Stores , with the hard usage of Captain Lambert , and the Supercargo Power , the design of this Paper being only to pursue the life and action of Cusack who from hence was sent up in Irons to Barbado's where being committed to the Marshals Custody , and afterwards to the Common-Goal , he with several other Felons broke Prison , and seizing upon an empty . Boat ventured to Sea , and touching at an Indian Island or two to refresh themselves got down to Tartodos a French Island , where being arrived he met with an opportunity of surprizing another Ship to a greater value , the Particulars whereof you have as followeth . A Frigat of 250 Tuns and 28 Guns mounted , called the Saint Ioseph , belonging to David Godfry of Lisbon Merchant , and others his partners then residing at Rochel , being laden with Campeach Wood , Varenus Tobacco , Coco , and other Merchandize to the value of 125000 pieces of Eight , whereof 20000 were in ready money , and being ready to sail in the Month of March 1669. whereof one Peter Asdel was Captain , and Stephen Goliard Merchant or Supercargo ; who considering the hazard the Ship and Cargo might run by the Spanish Men of War in those parts , who make prize of all Ships but their own betwixt the Tropick , thought it convenient for the better security of the Ship to strengthen her with as many men as they could conveniently get , and amongst many others unfortunately received aboard George Cusack and his Fellows , who having now been used and pretty well experimented in the Trade of surprizing , and having before-hand contrived and agreed upon their designed Treachery , the First of April following being the same night of their departure , they fell upon the Master and Merchant , and the rest of the French aboard being 27 in number , whom having mastered and secured in the Hold , they immediately set Sayl for Carthagine , and there exposed them to the mercy of the Spaniards their sore enemies without any relief or maintenance in a most miserable condition , where they remained 17 Months in close Imprisonment ; he and his followers in the mean time making for New-England , conclude they might now pass with more security and out of fear of discovery , the proprietors being in no condition to pursue them or disperse Intelligence concerning the fact ; during this passage we may reasonably conclude their carriage and behaviour was not much different from that of their former , if we consider only the new name they gave the second Piratical purchase , calling her now by the name of the Flying Devil , as indeed she might be so termed , as having none but Devils aboard her ; however though the wind that fills Pyrats Sayls does in no case justifie their actions , they shortly after arrived safely upon the Coasts of New-England , where in a short time they disposed of the Cargo of their Vessel , and afterwards burnt the Hull , as will appear more particularly by the ensuing Letter from thence . Boston , N. E. Decemb. 23. 1673. Mr. GEORGE NEVIL , SIR , Yours by Mr. Tirry I received , and should have been glad without the recommendation of our Kinsman upon that common account of Courtesie and assistance , that the course of Commerce and obligations of humanity is due to strangers to have opportunities and means to have answered your request ; but as I was at Rochel when the Pyrat Cusack came into these parts , so I cannot particularly as quaint you with his negotiations here ; but since my return home by proenrations from Mr. Bossereao an Agent from Rochel , I have been put upon enquiry after the concernment you recommended to me , and find that the Iurisdiction under which I live , viz. the Colonie , never countenanced the importation of any of his Commodities , but upon penalty of forfeiture interdicted the same , however some of the inhabitants of this place , and persons of considerable interest and estates concerned themselves with the person that purchased the Cargo , and landed and disposed of the same in the Colonie of New-Plimouth , and also made purchase of the Ship , and in exchange furnished the Pyrate with a small vessel or two to transport himself & Comrades , and upon consider ation that the Frigat was not worth setting to Sea or not worthy to drink any other water , the Artillery , Ammunition , Sayles and Furniture● being secured they burnt the bottom . I understand that the common people of the Colony manifested agreat dissatisfaction at the concernment of those that interested themselves , also that the authority resented the same , and took security from one Dominick Bodkin an Irish man , the principal correspondent with Cusack , to respond the claims of such as were concerned in the said Ship , and should in a year and a day prosecute the same ; but the said term being elapsed and no demand made , his Bonds became void , and he by the improving of what his profit was there , is become very considerable , and this year hath been here with a very rich Cargo ; and had the order you intimate met him , it might possibly have prevailed for some competent satisfaction ; the Magistrates and People hearing a general displacency against those that were concerned , but him in particular , as being the only and immediate Agent ; he is gone hence for Virginia and thence is intended for Flanders , with at least a 1000 Hogs heads of Tobacco in two Ships upon his imployment ; and in regard his success here hath been so good , 't is probable he may come here again . Hereby your self or friends may know how to govern their expectations , and wherein I may serve you or them I shall be ready to assure you I am Your faithful friend and servant , Richard Wharton . Cusack having thus altered the property both of Vessel and goods , and being no doubt plentifully stored both with monies and rich goods , his insatiate desire still thirsting after more , he could not forbear enlarging his own share , though with the loss of several of his own Crew , who being big with expectations of their proportions of the whole product , and being resolved to be more than ordinarily merry ashore , at parting he gives them a small sum of money to that purpose , and whilst they were in the height of their merriment , he with the rest of his Countrymen and principal Confederates make all the Sail they could , leaving their Fellows as empty of their hopes , as full of their liquor , a pleasant but not sufficient reward for such villains . Hence he steers his course for Ireland , and though report gives an accompt of some small depredations he was guilty of in his way thither , yet I am unwilling to trouble the Reader with matters of uncertainty , his whole life being a series of continued Villainies , of which there are too many and too true instances . Being therefore arrived in Ireland , and having disposed of the product of his ill gotten purchases as he thought most convenient , and that the might follow his old trade with less suspicion , he provides himself with an old Greenland Shallop , and with others of his Crew putting to Sea , in Saint George his Channel , they meet with a Malligo Ship of Twenty four Guns , fraighted by own Mr. Fleming , and bound for Glasco in Scotland , whom they made towards all they could , and coming up with her pretended themselves to be Shipwrackt men , and were ready to starve for want of sustenance , the Captain out of pitty received them aboard as distressed men , and having plentifully relieved them with all things necessary , little expecting so sad a return of his kindness , they according to their wonted custom seized the Vessel , and carried her for Galloway in Ireland , where they disposed of her and her Cargo , and sent the Captain and his men in the Greenland Shallop to the mercy of the Seas , who by Gods providence got the English shores . But now his many and frequent Piracies having rendred him notorious in those Seas , he thought it most safe to retire himself for some time within land , and to that end having provided himself with Horses , he associates himself with a Company of Tories , and after many robberies , he could not forbear falling upon the House of one William Chanvelly a Quaker , for which some Months after he was apprehended and committed to Prison in Dublin , where putting in Bail for his appearance the Term following , in the interim he made for England , acquainting his Bail that he was gone thither to endeavor to procure his pardon , which if he obtained he would then return in certain weeks , otherwise he must shift for himself . After his private abode in England for some time , he went over for Holland , where prying to and again for some advantage , and pretending to have deserted the French Service , and that he intended for England , having several associates along with him he became acquainted with one Simon Harcourt , who was taken on by one Mr. Calhoon owner of the Ship Robert , for Master of that Ship upon a Voyage to Newcastle , with whom confederating for the surprize of the Vessel , they accordingly effected their design as particularly appears by the depositions following . Edward Creswel of London-derry maketh Oath , that about the first day of July last past , being aboard the Ship , called the Robert , one Mr. Calhoone being owner , the said Ship being bound from Amsterdam to Newcastle , one Symon Harcourt being Master , did take in one Smith , alias Dixon , alias Cusack , with several others of the said Cusacks Companions , pretending them selves to be passengers , and the said Ship being at Sea , this Deponent did often observe the said Harcourt and Cusack and the rest of the pretended Passengers whispering together , which gave this Deponent cause to believe , that the said Harcourt and Cusack , and the rest of his pretended Passengers , did intend to surprize and seize the said Ship ; soon after one of Cusacks Companions ( this Deponent being asleep ) came to him with a Sword drawn in his hand , and did awake this Deponent striking him over the ▪ face with the flat of his Sword , and calling him Dog , Swearing several Oaths , using the Deponent in a very ill manner , and said the Ship was their own , and that they seized her by Vertue of a French Commission , and afterward came up with three Ships , two Swedes , and one Dane , and Robb'd them , leaving them not so much as Victuals to maintain them for Twenty four Hours , having taken their Sails , Cables and Anchors , leaving them to the mercy of the Sea , and one Main-Sail ; and having begged on their knees for their Fore-Sail , and Anchor , in a passion they let their Water go out of their Casks which was more dear to them than their Victuals , he bidding them go , the Devil would furnish them with Sails and Anchors ; this Deponent having humbly begged for a Sute of his own Cloaths , after all being taken from him but his Shirt and his Drawers , Cusack with his Sword drawn caused him to leap over board , and if the Danes Boat had not been near , ( whom they had Robb'd ) this Deponent had been drowned ; and this Deponent further maketh Oath that they took out of the said Swede Ship , a parcel of Dollars to the value of 1000. as this Deponent on Oath believes , with much other Merchant goods ; It was made out upon Oath by the Master of the said Swede Ship , before the Council of Elsenore , that he did take out of the said Ship all the Victuals and Water , excepting half a Barrel of Water and a little broken Bisquet , and left them but with one Sail and one Anchor , and that the said Ship was left to the mercy of the Sea , having fourteen days Sailing to Elsenore . Jurat . the 22 day of September , 1674. coram me , Ma. Bramston . Being possessed of the Vessel , soon after that he seized another Ship called the Saint Anne of 500 Tuns , bound from Norway to London with Timber and Deals , chiefly belonging to Captain Shorter of the Bank-side ; and at the same time seized an old Fly-Boat belonging to a Dane , which after having plundred and taken away her Fore-sayl , with one Anchor and a Cable , and utterly disabled her , he put the men into her that belonged to the Saint Anne , and turned her adrift , whom it pleased God , after much hazzard and hardship , to send safe ashore near Yarmouth ; but he immediatly sayled with the Saint Anne to Aberdeen in Scotland , where ( having disposed of parcel of her loading by the way ) he sold her and her remaining loading for betwixt 2 and 3 hundred pound , though she was esteemed worth about three thousand pound : after which he came to the Thames , and had the confidence to come to an Anchor betwixt the Forts at Gravesend , where he continued two nights and a day ; but not finding himself secure there , he retired to Lee-Road , where he lay nine days before any discovery was made of him ; but notice being given to one Lieutenant Colonel Kennedy , ( who was the man that took him ) by the Owner of the Ship Robert of her surprize , and Lieutenant Colonel Kennedy receiving intimation of her being at Lee , obtained a Warrant for her apprehension from the Court of Admiralty , which was accordingly executed , as appears by the following Deposition . James Dalton of Saint Giles in the Fields , in the County of Middlesex , maketh Oath , that he this Deponent on the twenty fourth of August last came to Lee with Lieutenant Colonel Kennedy , about ten of the Clock in the Evening , and the said Colonel Kennedy then having a Warrant from the Iudge of the Admiralty to seize a Ship called the Robert , this Deponent then knowing her to be a Robber or Pirate , for he sailed in her when she belonged to one Mr. Calhoone the right Owner , and was on board her when she was surprised by Captain Cusack , alias Smith , alias Dixon , who then came as a Passenger in her from Amsterdam about June last ; about four Leagues from the Fly , the said Smith , alias Dixon , alias Cusack , seized the said Ship ; and a few hours after came up with three Ships , viz. two Swedes and one Dane , and robbed them of their Sayls , Anchors , Merohandize , and Provisio●● , leaving nothing but one Sayl and Anchor to each ▪ and left them to the mercy of God and the Sea , and 〈◊〉 into Alford Creek , and sold the Plunder there , this Deponent being then one of the Ships Company ; all which this Deponent in formed the Iustice of in the presence of the said Lieutenant Colonel Kennedy whe● they came to him with the Warrant of Admiralty to seize the said Ship : and further , that he was a notorious and desperate person , he cared a●t what he did . And this Deponent too then desired the said Iustice to be very careful of the Prisoners which he had on 〈◊〉 out of the Ship , for they would use all violent and desperate means to carry off the said Ship , their lives being at stake : and the said Iustice replyed , they were all honest men , the Ship should not be taken away , he would secure it , which he said in presence of Colonel Kennedy and one Mr. Dermot and others ; notwithstanding that the said Iustice did say , that he had a suspicion of them the next Morning after the Ship came . Jurat . 18. die Septemb. 1674. Coram me , Ma. Bramston . The said Ship-Robber being thus secured at Lee , and his Sayls brought ashore , and secured there also , Cusack at the same time being absent upon new designs for more purchase , but hearing how things went , makes all the haste he could to Lee , where he and his Comrades partly by force , and partly by connivence , repossest themselves of Ship and Sayls , and turned the man ashore that was in possession of her ; Colonel Kennedy then being with the Judge of the Admiralty for a special Warrant : which being obtained , he returned with one of his Majesties Yachts , and Mr. Ioynes the Marshal of the Admiralty , who pursued the said Vessel , and found her at Anchor near the Essex-shore , waiting for more of their Comrades to come aboard . When Cusack saw the Kings Yacht and Colours , he would have engaged , but his men would not : he being on the Deck with a Pistol in each hand , swore God dam him that he should be hanged , which was to the great grief and loss of many a Merchant , that his Oath was not sooner kept , and to the good of others so soon , leaving his Ship plentifully victualled with fresh Meat ; for he and his Crew the two Nights they were gone had stolen a number of Sheep from Essex , according to their wonted custom , whereof some killed , some alive were found aboard : he was constrained with the rest to submit himself a Prisoner , and from thence was brought and committed to the Marshalsey in Southwark . It now remains , that I give you an Account of the Tryal and Sentence of this famous Pirate , which cannot be better taken than from the Accompt then , which followeth . AN Exact Narrative OF THE TRYALS OF THE PYRATS : AND All the PROCEEDINGS at the late Goal-Delivery of the Admiralty , Held in the Old-Bayly , on Thursday and Saturday , the 7th and 9th of Ian. 1674 / 5. WHERE Eight Persons were Condemned to dye . Viz. Capt. George Cusack , alias Dixon , alias Smith . Gerrard Coundon . William Collingwood . Gerrard Stack . Henry Lovewell . Symon Harcourt . Michael Fitz-Gerald . For taking , and Robbing Two Ships , viz. the Robert , near the Fly : And the Anne on the Dogger-Sands ; With several others . And many other Circumstances there very Remarkable : The like Court having not been held for many years before . Printed in the Year , 1675. AN EXACT NARRATIVE OF THE Tryals of the Pyrats ; AND All the PROCEEDINGS at the late Goal-Delivery of the Admiralty ; Held in the Old-Baily , on Thursday , and Saturday , the 7th and 9th of Ianuary , 1674 / 5. CAptain George Cusack , sometimes called Dixon , and at other times Smith , with several of his Confederates , having been detained above Six Months Prisoners in the Marshalses , in order to their Tryals : Which at last was appointed to be on Thursday the 7th of Ianuary Instant , at Iustice-Hall in the Old-Baily , as a Place most convenient for that purpose . But this Captain , being it seems Conscious to his own Merits , and apprehensive of the Danger ; on Munday before in the Night-time , broke Prison ; Getting first down a Chimney into a lower Chamber , and then by a Rope into a Garden , and so Cleverly made his Escape : And could not be heard of till this very Thursday , just as the Court was going to sit . At which time , Diligent Enquiry having been made all wayes , and Rewards promised for his Discovery ; News came , That there was notice of him at a certain House towards the Upper end of Holbourn . Where immediately after he was taken in Bed with a Woman ; who was brought along with him , forthwith to the Old-Baily , and was by some reported to be his Sister . The other Prisoners were brought over the Water with a strong Guard. The Court was held by a Special Commission of Oyer and Terminer , and Goal-Delivery , directed to Honourable Persons of the Court of Admiralty ; and several of his Majesties Justices of the Courts at Westminster , &c. A Silver Oar was born before the Iudge of the Admiralty ; And Three Anchors put upon a Cloth above the Kings-Arms , over the Bench. The Judge after the Commission read , gave his Charge to the Grand-Inquest , in an Excellent Oration , acquainting them with his Majestie 's Right of Soveraignty over the British Seas ; even to the very Shoars of his Neighbours . That they have alwayes been accounted , The Royal Chambers of our English Monarchs : Whose Jurisdiction extends to punish all Outrages , Violences and Offences whatsoever , committed thereupon , by any persons , ( whether his Subjects , or Strangers , ) upon Ships , Persons , or Goods , of our own Nation ; or others in Amity with us . Then he shewed the heynousness of the Crime of Pyracy ; That it was against the Law of Nations ; Destructive to Commerce : and therefore particularly branded by our English Laws , by being excepted out of the benefit of Clergy ; allowed in other cases . Dividing the Offences he had to give them in Charge , as the subjects of their Enquiry at this time , into things against the Statute Law ; and things contrary to the Laws , Customs and Usages of the Admiralty . On each of which , he particularly enlarged . And amongst other things , declared the Ceremony of the Flagg , to be our King 's Indubitable Right ; whereby all Ships whatsoever , in those Seas , are bound to strike to those of his Majestie 's , where ever they meet them : And that all that refuse so to do , are severely punishable by the Laws of the Admiralty , &c. Immediately after this , Six Prisoners were brought to the Barr , viz. George Cusack , William Coundon , Gerrard Stack , Symon Harcourt , Henry Lovewell , and William Collingwood ; Who were Indicted , For that on the Third day of Iuly last past , they Pyratically , and Feloniously did set upon a Ship called the Robert , near a place called the Fly , on the Coasts of Holland . And by another Indictment , That they had Feloniously stoll'n several Goods out of another Ship , whose name to the Iurours was unknown . To both these Indictments they pleaded Not Guilty . But upon the Evidence , the Case appeared to be in effect thus : Cusack , and others of his Company , having a Design to Rob this Ship , and understanding the Master wanted Sea-men , set Two of their Confederates to offer their Service to him . Where they were entertained ; and at last betrayed the Ship into his hands : which he carried it away . The Captain at the first took some exceptions to the Jury ; not for any prejudice against any particular men of them ; but because they were Citizens ; who did not ( he said ) understand Maritime-Affairs . And that it was necessary , Sea-Captains , and Masters of Ships should have been Impannell'd . Upon which occasion he cryed out , We will be Tryed ( my Lord ) by men of our own Trade ! Which being understood in another sence , made not only the Audience , but his fellow Prisoners to laugh heartily . But being over-ruled in this , he next insisted on a Commission from the French King. Which was read ; but was found to be directed to another person : But he alledged , it was his Kinsman , who had the Grant of a Commission at the same time ; and that by mistake the Commissions were changed : and so his Kinsman's Commission sent to him from Callice to London ; where he paid a Sum of Money for it to the French Resident : And that he not being able to read French , could not perceive the Errour , but acted by it ; not doubting but that it had been his own . And that this Ship the Robert , was never made any free Ship of England ; but the Owners were Dutch , and lived in Rotterdam : and that he hoped the Court would allow of his Commission . The Court told him , The Commission was nothing worth . For if it had been directed to him , ( as it was not ) there was yet no power given him thereby to seize Ships of England , as this proved to be . Besides , they ask't , How he durst take a Commission from any Forreign Prince , directly contrary to the late Treaty , and his Majestie 's Proclamation ? To which he Replyed , That his Commission bore date before that Proclamation . And besides insisted , That whereas by the Indictment he was charged with an Offence committed Super altum Mare , upon the Sea ; This Ship was taken in one of the Dutch Ports , and so not appertaining to the Iurisdiction of the English Admiralty . But this the Witnesses refuted , proving she was taken Three Leagues out at Sea , from the Fly. This Mr. Cusack appeared to be a Person of a Clear Courage , and good understanding : he pleaded very well for his life ; but the matter was too foul to be washt off with good words . The Court having withdrawn about an hour , returned to give Judgment . Which was performed in most Grave and Solid Speeches ; setting forth the nature , and aggravations of their Crimes ; and advising them to prepare for death , &c. Captain Cusack presented a Petition ; wherein he begg'd his life very pathetically : Recounting his former Services ; and offering himself to the Service of his Majestie 's Gallies at Tangier , till by his future good Demeanour and Services , he might wash off the stains of his late ill Actions , &c. Most of the others presented Petitions also , desiring Mercy and Favour of the Court : who proceeded to give Judgment . Which against Captain Cusack , and the Seven others , before mentioned , to be Convicted for Pyracy and Robbery , was , That they should be hang'd till they were dead . FINIS . 
A53026	----	An act for restraining and punishing privateers and pyrates New York (State) 1693 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A53026 Wing N825 ESTC R235649 13574965 ocm 13574965 100433 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A53026) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 100433) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 797:8) An act for restraining and punishing privateers and pyrates New York (State) 3 p. William Bradford, [New York : 1693] Caption title. Imprint from Wing. At head of title: Province of New-York, Anno regni Gulielmi & Mariae, Regis & Reginae Angliae, Scotiae, Franciae & Hiberniae quinto. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- New York (State) -- Early works to 1800. Privateering -- New York (State) -- Early works to 1800. New York (State) -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775 -- Sources. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Province of New-York , ss . Anno Regni Gulielmi & Mariae , REGIS & REGINAE , Angliae , Scotiae , Franciae & Hiberniae , QUINTO . An ACT for Restraining and Punishing Privateers and Pyrates . WHereas nothing can more contribute to their Majesties Honour than such Articles as are concluded and agreed on in all Treaties of Peace , should by all their Majesties Subjects according to their Duty , be most inviolably preserved and kept , in and over all their Majesties Dominions and Territories . And whereas against such Treaties of Peace made between their Majesties and their Allies , several of their Majesties Subjectts do continually sail under Commissions of Forreign Princes and States , contrary to their Duty and good Allegiance , and by fair means cannot be restrained from so doing ▪ Be it therefore Enacted by the Governor , Council and Assembly , and it is hereby Enacted by the Authority of the same , That from and after Publication hereof , it shall be Fellony for any Person which now doth or hereafter shall inhabit in or belong to this Province ▪ to serve in America in an Hostile manner under any Forreign Prince , State or Potentate in Amity with their Majesties , without special Lisence for so doing , under the Hand and Seal of their Maiesties Governor or Commander in Chief of this Province for the time being ▪ and that all and every such Offender and Offenders , contrary to the true intent of this Act , being thereof duely convicted in their Majesties Court of Judicature within this Province ( to which Courts Authority is hereby given to hear and determine the same , as other cases of Fellony ▪ ) shall suffer pains of Death , without benefit of Clergy . Provided nevertheless that this Act , nor any thing therein contained , shall extend to any Person or Persons , which now are or have been in the Service or Imployment of any forreign Prince , State or Potentate whatsoever , that shall return to this Province , and leave and desert such Service and imployment , before the first day of September next ensuing , rendring themselves to their Majesties Governour or Commander in Chief for the time being ▪ and giving such Security as he shall appoint for their future good Behaviour , and also that they shall not depart this Province without the Lisence of their Majesties Governour or Commander in chief . And for the better and more speedy Execution of Justice upon such who having committed Pyracies , Fellonies , and other Offences upon the Sea , shall be apprehended in or brought prisoners to this Province . Be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all Fellonyes , Pyracies , Roberies , Murders , or Confederacies committed , that hereafter shall be committed upon the Sea , or in any Haven , Creek or Bay , within the Jurisdiction of the Admirality , shall be enquired , tryed , heard , determined and judged in such Form as if such Offence had been committed in and upon the Land , and to that end and purpose Commissions shall be had under their Majesties Seal of this Province , directed to the Judge or Judges of the Admirality of this Province for the time being , and to such other substantial persons , as by their Majesties Governour or Commander in chief of this Province , for the time being ▪ shall be named or appointed ; which said Commissioners , or such a Quorum of them , as by such Commission shall be thereunto authorized , shall have full Power to do all things in and about the enquiry , hearing , determining , adjudging and punishing of any of the Crimes and Offences aforesaid , as any Commissioners appointed by Commission under the great Seal of England , by Virtue of a Statute made in the Twenty Eight Year of the Reign of King Henry the eight , are Impowered to do and execute within the Kingdom of England ▪ And that the said Offenders which are or shall be apprehended in or brought Prisoners to this Province , shall be lyable to such Order , Process , Judgment and Execution , by Virtue of such Commission to be grounded upon this Act , as might be awarded or given against them , if they were proceeded against within the Realm of England , by Virtue of any Commission grounded upon the said Statute . Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all and every person or persons that shall any way knowingly entertain , harbour , conceal , trade , or hold any correspondence by Letters , or otherwise , with any person or persons that shall be deemed or judged to be Privateers , Pyrates , or other Offenders within the Construction of this Act , and shall not readily endeavour , to the best of his and their power , to apprehend , or cause to be apprehended such Offender or Offenders , shall be lyable to be prosecuted against , as Accessaries and Confederate , to suffer such pains and penalties , as in in such case by Law is provided . And for the better and more effectual Execution of this Act , Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all Commission Officers , in their several Precincts within this Province , are hereby required and impowered , upon his or their Knowledge , or Notice given , That any Privateers , Pyrates , or other Persons , suspected to be upon any Unlawful Design , are in any place within their respective Precincts , to raise and levy such Number of well Armed Men , as he or they shall think needfull , for the seizing , apprehending , and carryinig to Goal all and every such person and persons , and in case of any Resistance , or Refusal to yield Obedience to their Majesties Authority , it shall be lawful to Kill or Destroy such Person or Persons . And all and every Person or Persons that shall Oppose or Resist , by Striking or Firing upon any of the Commanded Parties , shall be deemed , taken and adjudged Fellons , without Benefit of the Clergy . And every such Officer that shall omit or neglect his Duty herein , shall forfeit Fifty Pounds currant Money of this Province for every such Offence , to be Recovered in any of their Majesties Courts of Record within this Province , by Bill , Plaint or Information , wherein is no Essoyn , Wager of Law or Protection shall be allowed , one moiety thereof to be to their Majesties , their Heirs and Successors , for and toward the support of the Government of this Province , and the contingent Charges thereof , and the other moiety to the Informer . And all and every Person and Persons that upon Orders given him or them , shall refuse to repair immediately , with his or their Arms well fixed , and Amunition , to suth place or places as shall be appointed by any super Officer or Officers , and not readily Obey his or their Commands , in the Execution of the Premises , shall be lyable to such Fine or Corporal Punishment as shall be awarded against them within the Courts to which the Recognizeance of the Fact doth belong . FINIS . 
A55709	----	The present state of Algeir being a faithful and true account of the most considerable occurences that happened in that place during the lying of the French fleet before it / in a letter from a gentleman in Algier to his friend in London. Gentleman in Algier. 1682 Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A55709 Wing P3256 ESTC R9107 13742189 ocm 13742189 101667 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A55709) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 101667) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 847:49) The present state of Algeir being a faithful and true account of the most considerable occurences that happened in that place during the lying of the French fleet before it / in a letter from a gentleman in Algier to his friend in London. Gentleman in Algier. 1 sheet ([2] p.) Printed by George Larkin, London : 1682. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- Algeria -- Early works to 1800. Algeria -- History -- 1516-1830. Broadsides -- London -- England -- 17th century 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Daniel Haig Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Daniel Haig Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Present State OF ALGEIR : BEING A Faithful and True Account Of the most Considerable OCCURRENCES That happened in that Place , during the lying of the FRENCH FLEET before it . In a Letter from a Gentleman in Algier , to his Friend in London . Worthy Sir , I Hope mine of the 6th , 11th , and 13th of Iuly are safe Arrived to your hands ; in Answer of your several then Received , to which please to refer your self , since none of yours appear ; Having some extraordinary Advice of News to impart to you , is the Occasion of this Trouble , which I shall be glad may prove grateful unto you . On the 2d . past Arrived the Bristol and Saphire Friggots , from Leghorn , ( at the same time lying here about 50 Sayl of French Frigats , Gallies and Attendants ) one of our Boats being sent ashore , was not Admitted , but a Boat from hence sent to tell them that they should not come ashore because the French Fleet lay before the Port , and withall , Orders given that the Consul should not be Admitted to go out of the Gates ; but before the Order Arriv'd the Mould-gate , he hapned to Run down , and coming to the head of the Mould beckned to the Boat which was then Rowing off again , but knowing him , Return'd , and when was within call he told them they should be gon and stand upon their Guard , for he was a Prisoner ; the Lieutenant of one of the Ships being in one of the Boats , asked him whether he had any thing more to say , he Answered , No ; whereupon he went a board , and the Ships stood off to Sea , the next day stood in again and sent both their boats in , but the Governour prevented their coming a shore by ordering three Guns to be fired at them , which was accordingly done , though at a distance , upon which they Return'd aboard and the Ships went to Sea. The boat being the first day Refused coming a shore , the Consul , went to the Kings House Requesting that if they would not suffer him to go a board alone , that they would send two or three Renegadoes with him , that could understand what he said , to avoid the suspicion of his giving any Advice to the French , but was denied ; and after being demanded the Reason of his calling so to the Boat , he , answered them briskly , and being threatned what damage hapned thereon should fall on his head , told them he would rather die then one poor English man should be brought in a Slave here , through his holding his Peace . The Reason of the above Disturbance ( we know ) was occasioned by our Governour Rabba Hassan his coming out of the Camp disgusted that the Peace with the English should have been made in his absence , and that he had not the Honour of doing it himself ; though his pretence to the People was onely that if he had been here he would have done it much more to their Advantage , adding withal , that the Doors of the Kings house were shut , and that it was done without the Advice and Consent of the Souldiery , the meanest whereof ought to have had his Vote in the doing of it , insinuating himself thereby into their Favour ( which is his Safeguard ) and at once under the Pretence of propogating and promoting the Publick Interest , and maintaining their Priviledges , brings his designs about , by such indirect means promoting many times his own private Intrest , and at the same time establishing himself in the Favour , and good Opinion of the People . On the 3d. past the French Gallies rowed the Ships in towards the Mould , the Admiral having two Gallies a head we were in great Expectation of some Action , but came all in the Evening to an Anchor again . On the 5th . the Gallies went away ; on the 7th the Ships made all Sayl , some within shot of the Mould , were Saluted by these People with a great many Shot . On the 11th Ditto a Ketch played some Bombs upon the Mould , all of them falling short . On the 20th about nine a Clock at Night , the Ketches came near into the Mould , and continued firing Bombs till it was almost day , these People Returning Guns without ceasing , which I suppose were near 1000. The Bombs the French fir'd were above 100. which broke down 44 houses , and kill'd many People : Please by the way to Note , that the French have five Ketches with Bombs . On the 24th Ditto about eight a Clock at night appeared a blazing Star in the N. W. Ditto , a little after the French began to play with their Bombs upon the Town , when these People sent out a Gally to take one of the Ketches , but was Shamefully beaten off and forced to return with the loss of some Christians and Turks . This night were beaten down about six houses , and killed about 35 or 40 Persons ; These People extreamly cast down , seem to be inclin'd to a Mutiny against their Governour , whereupon he ordered Padre Vacher to go aboard the Admiral ( with a Dutch man of Wars Boat , who now lies here to clear some of their Captives and is imployed as an Embassador between the Turk and Devil ) to know their demands , though they pretended only to send the Admiral Word that if he fired one Gun more against the place he would send their cheif Cavallero's , ( that are Captives here ) a board out of the Muzzles of their Guns . Multitudes of People dayly Flocking out to the Gardens , for fear of the Bombs crying out with a General Voice , that the World must needs be now at an end , that never such things as these were seen , that they certainly were not of mans Invention , but sent by the Devil from Hell , and that Algiers is now Ruined with many such like Exclamations . Padre Vacher Returning a shore and to the Kings House , gave them the Admirals Answer , that if they would send a boat off to morrow with a Flag of Truce he would treat with them , and that he was sent hither about his Masters Business and would Prosecute it to the Destruction of the place : Padre Vacher also begs of the Admiral that he would not fire any Bombs that night for his sake , for fear they should take fantasie against him , impute the ill Consequence to his Advice , and so take Occasion to cut him off ; to which the Admiral would not consent , saying , he would Willingly do any thing that lay in his Power for him , but that he could not promise . These People as formerly , are ready to mutiny , to see their houses broken down , and Friends and Relations killed before their eyes : impute all to the bad Government . The Governour to avoid the ill effects of these surmises , and secure His Person , was willing to do any thing to satisfie them , which I suppose was the occasion of sending Padre Vacher ; alias the French Consul aboard , which the Captains of the Ships and Chief Turks extreamly blame him for , and are inwardly exceedingly incenst and inraged against him , saying , it was a thing contrary to all reason , giving the French the greatest encouragement against them , which had it been done before they had acted any thing , might have been the more excusable , but now they had fir'd their Bombs , shewed abundance of weakness and timerousness in them , and animated the Enemy to prosecute his designs with the greatest Severity , unless complied with on dishonourable and disadvantagious Terms . The 25th at Night , the French having fir'd a great many Bombs , but not with that success as formerly , aiming chiefly at the Mould , which occasion'd most of them to fall into the water : One took place in a Tuniscan loaden with Wooll , and sent her to the bottom ; another fell into one of their Ships , broke through both her Decks , and burst in the Hold , shaking her severely , and two or three Houses broke down it the Town . It is most certain , these People never met with such a Chastisement as this , nothing they dread more . But what I thought almost impossible is ▪ That after their high Looks ▪ and seeming to slight the French so much , they should with so small a force be brought to send a Boat aboard the Admiral , which argues their desire to comply almost on any terms , which if the French prosecute as they have begun , I am apt to believe they will obtain . I am also credibly informed , that the Admiral sent word by Padre Vacher , That having receiv'd Advice of a Son born to the Dauphine of France , if the Governour would fire Three Guns in honour thereof , he would esteem it ; and that the Governour next day ordered the said Guns to be fired , but the Order was immediately recalled by his Father-in-law , who is really the Governour , but that his Son takes it upon him by reason of his Fathers Age , and Incapacity of Ruling so Rebellious and Head-strong a People , who are no longer satisfi'd with their Governours , than things go before the Wind , and succeed well , or that he serve for their turn ; but upon the least adversity of Affairs , cut him off , as they have done others , not past one of fourteen having onely died his natural Death . The first instant the Ketches which used to divertise us with their Fire-works , sailed with two Rere-Admirals , and several other Ships , so that I believe the French are breaking up their Rendezvouz in this Place , and that they do think the Winter too near at hand to continue longer here ; of which more by the next , God willing . I am in all things , SIR , Your Faithful Humble Servant . London , Printed by George Larkin . 1682. 
A69345	----	By the King. A proclamation against pirats Proclamations. 1609-01-08 England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) 1609 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69345 STC 8426 ESTC S116759 99851975 99851975 17271 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69345) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17271) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1171:15, 1305:6) By the King. A proclamation against pirats Proclamations. 1609-01-08 England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) James I, King of England, 1566-1625. 2 leaves By the deputies of Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Maiestie, [Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. 1608 [i.e. 1609] Imprint from colophon; year given according to Lady Day dating. Threatening their abbettors with death, etc.; seeking arrest of J. Ward. Identified as STC 8426a on UMI microfilm reel 1171. Reproduction of the original in the British Library and the Queen's College (University of Oxford). Library. Appears at reel 1171 æ (British Library copy, identified as STC 8426a), and at reel 1305 #7 (Queen's College (University of Oxford). Library copy). Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- Early works to 1800. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation against Pirats . THe Kings Maiestie , hauing bene informed through the manifolde complaints made to his Highnesse by his owne Subiects as others , of the many depredations and Piracies committed by lewd and ill disposed persons , accustomed and habituated to spoile and rapine , insensible and desperate of the peril they draw vpon themselues , and the imputation they cast vpon the honour of their Soueraigne so precious to him , as for redresse thereof he is inforced to reiterate and inculcate his loathing and detestation not onely of the crimes , but also to manifest to the world his sinceritie and exceeding desires for the due & speedy suppressing of the delinquents ; And hauing lately found by many pregnant circumstances , that most of these great faults are continued by the conniuence , or corruption in many the subordinate Officers , especially such as are resident in and neere the Ports and Maritine Counties : In his Princely care to preserue Iustice , as one of the maine pillars of his Estate , & for the speedy preuention of such fowle crimes , & the seuere punishment and extirpation of such enormious offendors ( most hatefull to his minde , and scandalous to his peaceable gouernment ) and for the preseruation & continuance of amitie and good correspondencie with all other Princes and States , hath with the aduise of his Counsaile thought it necessary at this present , to publish these Articles & Ordinances insuing : Wherein if any shall be found culpable , refractory , or contemptuous , his Maiestie is resolued and hereby declareth , that such punishment shal be inflicted on him or them so offending , that others may be exemplarily forewarned , from committing so odious factes , and be deterred from ayding , relieuing , comforting , or abetting such and so enormious malefactors . IF any person whatsoeuer shall vpon the Seas , or in any Port or hauen , take any Ship that doth belong to any of his Maiesties Subiects , friends , or Allies , or shall take out of it by force , any goods of what nature or qualitie soeuer : he or they so offending shall suffer death , with confiscation of lands and goods , according to the Law in that case prouided . IF any person or persons so offending , do at any time hereafter come into any Port or place of his Maiesties dominions , his Maiestie expresly chargeth all his Officers foorthwith to apprehend him and them , and to commit them to prison , without Baile or Mainprize , and that the name of the person and cause of his imprisonment , be foorthwith certified into the Admiraltie , that speedy order may be taken for further proceeding , and execution according to Law , and the contents of his Maiesties former Proclamations . ALl his Maiesties Subiects shall forbeare from furnishing , Victualing , ayding , receiuing , relieuing , comforting or abetting , any Pirate or Sea-rouer , or any person not being a knowen Merchant , by contracting , buying , selling , bartring or exchanging with him or them , vpon peril of his Maiesties heauy indignation , and the grieuous paines by Law belonging to the same . ALl Admirall causes shal be summarily heard by the Iudge of the Admiraltie without admitting any vnnecessary delay , and no Appeale from him shal be allowed to the defendant or defendants in cases of depredations or spoyle , either for the Offenders , or their accessaries before or after the offence commited , or those in whose possession the goods spoyled are found , vnlesse first by way of prouision the summe adiudged be payd to the plaintife vpon Suerties to repay it , if the Sentence shal be reuersed . And no Prohibition in such causes of depredation and spoyle , and their accessories and dependants shal be hereafter granted against the Admiraltie . NO Ship or goods taken from any his Maiesties friends , shal be deliuered vpon any other order , then vpon proofe made , or certificate exhibited in the said Court of the Admiraltie , to the end that a Record may be kept of all such restitutions made to strangers , to serue if occasion shall require . 
A79031	----	By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into South-Hampton Proclamations. 1643-01-02 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79031 of text R226402 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2691). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79031 Wing C2691 ESTC R226402 99895661 99895661 153112 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79031) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 153112) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2347:20) By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into South-Hampton Proclamations. 1643-01-02 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, [Oxford : 1643] Concerns the disposition of the Spanish ship Sancta Clara and its goods, pending an investigation by the admiralty occasioned by a complaint made by the Spanish ambassador. Imprint from Wing. At end of text: Given at the court at Oxford, the second day of Ianuary, in the eighteenth yeare of His Majesties reigne. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Cardenas, Alonso de. -- Early works to 1800. Strafford, Bennet -- Early works to 1800. Sancta Clara (Ship) -- Early works to 1800. Pirates -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A79031 R226402 (Wing C2691). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into S England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 581 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the Ship called the SANCTA CLARA , lately brought into South-Hampton . COMPLAINT having been made unto His Majesty , by Don Alonco de Cardenas Ambassador from the King of Spaine , that a Ship called the Sancta Clara belonging to the said King and His Subjects , hath been lately treacherously brought to South-Hampton , by one Captain Bennet Strafford and others , from Sancto Domingo , the said Ship being laden with Silver , Cocheneale , and other Wares and Merchandizes to a very great value ; And that the said Ship and Goods , being by the said Ambassador arrested , and the said Bennet Strafford apprehended , whil'st a suite for the said Ship and Goods is depending in the Court of Admiralty , the silver ( part of the lading of the said ship to a very great value ) hath been disposed of contrary to Law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty Name of publike Faith , which without His Majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged , or if engaged without His Majesty , is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . And it is further complained by the said Ambassador , That the Cocheneale , and other Merchandizes formerly sequestred at London and South-Hampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their Price and Value , are likely to be sold against the Will of those who pretend to be the Owners , ( Parties to the suite depending in the said Court of Admiralty ) which is alleadged to be apparently against the Rules of Law , and practices of that Court in such Cases . His Majesty well weighing what may be the ill Consequences of such injurious Proceedings , manifestly contrary to the Law , and the Articles of Treaty between the two Crownes , and plainly foreseeing how heavily it may light upon such of His good Subjects , who have Estates in Spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the Trade and Commerce of His Subjects and Kingdomes , doth hereby not only expresly Charge and Command the Judge of his Admiralty , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a Businesse of such Value and consequence , with Care , Expedition , and according to Iustice ; But doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any Order or Warrant from one or both Houses of Parliament , or any Authority derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said Cocheneale , or other Goods or Merchandizes belonging to the said Ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , Upon paine of His Majesties high Displeasure , and of being responsible and lyable to payment and satisfaction for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of His Majesties Subjects , whose Goods or Estates shall for that Cause be embargued or seized in Spaine . ¶ Given at the Court at Oxford , the second day of Ianuary , in the Eighteenth yeare of His Majesties Reigne . God save the King . 
A79032	----	By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into South-Hampton. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79032 of text in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[122]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79032 Wing C2691A Thomason 669.f.5[122] 99870309 99870309 160834 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79032) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160834) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[122]) By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into South-Hampton. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] The Spanish ambassador, Don Alonco de Cardenas, complains that the Sancta Clara has been treacherously brought to Southampton by Captain Bennet Stratford from Sancto Domingo, laden with silver, .. The admiralty are to judge the matter carefully, and no one is to deal in the cargo under cover of warrants from Parliament. -- Steele. Imprint from Wing. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Cardenas, Alonso de. -- Early works to 1800. Strafford, Bennet -- Early works to 1800. Sancta Clara (Ship) -- Early works to 1800. Pirates -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Finance -- Early works to 1800. A79032 (Thomason 669.f.5[122]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into S England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 579 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . A Proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the Ship called the SANCTA CLARA , lately brought into South-Hampton . COMPLAINT having been made unto His Majesty , by Don Alonco de Cardenas Ambassador from the King of Spaine , that a Ship called the Sancta Clara belonging to the said King and His Subjects , hath been lately treacherously brought to South-Hampton , by one Captain Bennet Strafford and others , from Sancto Domingo , the said Ship being laden with Silver , Cocheneale , and other Wares and Merchandizes to a very great value ; And that the said Ship and Goods , being by the said Ambassador arrested , and the said Bennet Strafford apprehended , whil'st a suite for the said Ship and Goods is depending in the Court of Admiralty , the Silver ( part of the lading of the said Ship to a very great value ) hath been disposed of contrary to Law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty Name of publicke Faith , which without His Majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged , or if engaged without His Majesty , is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . And it is further complained by the said Ambassador , That the Cocheneale , and other Merchandizes formerly sequestred at London and South-Hampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their Price and Value , are likely to be sold against the Will of those who pretend to be the Owners , ( Parties to the suite depending in the said Court of Admiralty ) which is alleadged to be apparently against the Rules of Law , and practices of that Court in such Cases . His Majesty well weighing what may be the ill Consequences of such injurious Proceedings , manifestly contrary to the Law , and the Articles of Treaty between the two Crownes , and plainly foreseeing how heavily it may light upon such of His good Subjects , who have Estates in Spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the Trade and Commerce of his Subjects and Kingdomes , doth hereby not only expresly Charge and Command the Judge of his Admiralty , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a Businesse of such Value and consequence , with Care , Expedition , and according to Justice ; But doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any Order or Warrant from one or both Houses of Parliament , or any Authority derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said Cocheneale , or other Goods or Merchandizes belonging to the said Ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , Upon paine of His Majesties high Displeasure , and of being responsible and lyable to payment and satisfacton for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of His Majesties Subjects , whose Goods or Estates shall for that Cause be embargued or seized in Spaine : Given at the Court at Oxford , the second day of January , in the Eighteenth yeare of His Majesties Reigne . God save the King . 
A80052	----	A speech, or complaint, lately made by the Spanish embassadour to his Majestie at Oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called Sancta Clara in the port of Sancto Domingo, richly laden with plate, cocheneal and other commodities of great value, by one Captaine Bennet Strafford, and by him brought to Southampton. Being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two Kings of Spaine and England. Also a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into Southampton. / Translated out of Spanish, in Oxford, by Sr Torriano, an Italian. Cardenas, Alonso de. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80052 of text R3713 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E245_12). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80052 Wing C496 Thomason E245_12 ESTC R3713 99872468 99872468 124905 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80052) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 124905) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 42:E245[12]) A speech, or complaint, lately made by the Spanish embassadour to his Majestie at Oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called Sancta Clara in the port of Sancto Domingo, richly laden with plate, cocheneal and other commodities of great value, by one Captaine Bennet Strafford, and by him brought to Southampton. Being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two Kings of Spaine and England. Also a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into Southampton. / Translated out of Spanish, in Oxford, by Sr Torriano, an Italian. Cardenas, Alonso de. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Torriano, Giovanni. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). Spain. Legación (England and Wales) 8 p. Printed for Nathaniel Butter, London, : Jan. 17. 1643. Attributed to Alonso de Cardenas. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Strafford, Bennet. Sancta Clara (Ship) Pirates -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A80052 R3713 (Thomason E245_12). civilwar no A speech, or complaint, lately made by the Spanish embassadour to his Majestie at Oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called Sanct Cardenas, Alonso de. 1643 2369 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 B The rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SPEECH , OR COMPLAINT , LATELY Made by the Spanish Embassadour to his Majestie at Oxford , upon occasion of the taking of a Ship called Sancta Clara in the Port of Sancto Domingo , richly laden with Plate , Cocheneal and other commodities of great value , By one Captaine BENNET STRAFFORD , and by Him brought to Southampton . Being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two Kings of Spaine and England . Also a Proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara , lately brought into Southampton . Translated out of the Spanish , in OXFORD , BY SR TORRIANO , an Italian . LONDON , Printed for Nathaniel Butter , Jan. 17. 1643. Don Alonso de Cardenas , The Embassador Ordinary for the King of Spaine , His Speech unto His Majestie at Oxford , Decemb. the 30. 1642. occasioned by the taking out of the Port of Sancto Domingo one of the King of Spaine his Ships called Sancta Clara , laden with Plate , and other merchandize of rich value , by Cap. Bennet Strafford , by him brought unto Southampton , and there made prize ; together with the answer of his Majesty sent on New-yeers day unto the said Embassadour , by the Lords Mowbray and Faulkland . SIR , THe unsufferable wrong the King my Master hath lately sustained by a Subject of your Majesties ( wherein many of his owne Merchants have likewise borne some share , and what your Majesty for the future may do is not yet known ) have in obedience to my Masters commands ( who is but too sensible of this affront , and his peoples losses , ) constrained mee to make this my repaire unto your Majesty , and to trouble you in these your most serious and important affaires of your Kingdomes , it having not been my unhappinesse since I had first the charge of this honourable imployment , to provoke discontent by such messages unto your Majesty , especially at such a time wherein my Master perfectly understanding how it fareth with your Majesty , for the cordiall reference he ever bore unto your Majesties owne person , had rather afford your Majesty a cordiall then a corrasive : yet this in briefe must be the sum of my complaint unto your Majesty . That on the eighth of October Stilo veteri , there arrived in the habour , or rather close port of Sancto Domingo of the West Indies ( the very centre of my Masters Dominions ) a Ship of your Majesties , and a Pinnace , under the command of Captain Bennet Strafford , an English man , and a member of your Majesties Fleet at Sea , which letting fall anchor under colour of ●aking in fresh water , & some other necessary provision , about one or two of the clock the same evening ( the Master and other Officers of my Masters faire Ship , called La Sancta Clara , lately having taken in her lading of Silver Ingots , to the number of 2000. with Coucheneale , Tobacco , Indie hides , to eight hundred tunne weight ) was in a thievish and Piratick manner stollen out of the said harbour by the Captaine of your Majesties Ship above mentioned , that is , Bennet Strafford , whose men comming aboard the said Ship , under pretence of chearing and merry making , observing the wind served for their designe , cut the cables , and let her drive , till such time that the Captain perceiving his advantage , forthwith seized and boarded the said Ship , clapping all my Masters Sailers and other Officers there aborad her under the hatches , carried the ship unto Cape de bona Speranza there landed them ashore in his long boate like slaves and captives , manned my Masters Ship with his owne men , unto your towne of Southampton , and there made prize of her , exposing my Masters goods to most unconsiderable rates and valuation , to make the better dispatch of his unlawfull attempt . Sir , I am rigorously commanded by the King of Spaine my Master , to intimate to your Majestie , that an affront of this kind hath never been committed against him by the Crowne of England , or by any other Crowne or State , during the time of their league and amity , neither during his peace , sworne either between your Majesties father or your selfe , can any evident proofe be brought of the least appearance of violation either betwixt Crownes or Kingdomes on his Catholike Majestie my Masters part : For instance whereof , my Master desireth your Majesty to consider his sincere and princely dealing with your Majesties self , as touching your Rebels in Ireland , whom he hath been any way so far from succouring , ayding , or countenancing , that hee hath straitly charged all his Subjects of all his Territories and Dominions , by open proclamation , upon paine of death , not onely not to aid or relieve them with any armes , shipping , ammunition or victualls ; but not to trade with them during the time of their rebellion against your Majesty , upon any termes , semblances , or pretences whatsoever ; having further given in command unto the officers of his Finances and Excheate , that the pensions usually paid unto certaine of the nobility of Ireland , in way of acknowledgement that they or their fathers have done him any memorable service , either in the Low-countries or any other his Dominions , shall in no wise be any longer paied to any of them , either father , childe , or any of the linage that stand at this time , or ever shall stand in opposition against your Majesty or undoubted issue ; and hath in particular disabled Sr. Philomie O neale of the large gratuite annuity of 4000. ducates per annum , though granted not by his now Majesty & my Master of Spain , but by his father unto the Earle of Tyrone his heyrs & successors by pattent ; by all which I earnestly desire your Majesty to weigh my Masters high discontent , and in that regard his just demands : a Ship of that estimate is taken in such a daring scornfull manner , not upon the maine ( that in some sort had quallified the affront though not the damage ) but out of my Masters Port , laden with Bullyon for his owne particular use , by a Subject , yea , a servant of your Majesties Crowne arriving there ( as it seemed ) for reliefe ; and having partaken of all the favour the haven then could afford , his Subjects and servants turned ashore as villaines and slaves ; his Ship and goods made prize . My Masters demands unto your Majesty in a wrong of so high a condition are these : That the said Captaine may receive condigne punishment , as who ( what lay in him ) hath broken the league on your Majesties behalfe ; that full restitution be made both to my Master and the owners , according to the just valuation of the goods , as by bil of lading shal be made manifest ; that strict orders may forthwith passe from your Majesty , for the staying of farther havock , and embeselling of the goods yet remaining in the Ship at Southampton ; that full reparation be likewise made for stay of the Ship , and frustration of her voyage ; upon refusall of which I am expresly to declare unto your Majestie , that the King my Master will cause speedy stay and arrest to be made upon all the English Merchants ships throughout his ports , which must needs occasion great discontent , losse and inconvenience to both the Crownes , if no other worse thing arise . This Speech , or rather Complaint of the Embassadors ended , the King withdrew him unto the window in his presence-chamber at Christ Church ; there spake certaine words in private , and after ( before certain Lords there about him ) told him , that unto his message or complaint some time to morrow he would by his Secretary , or some other , send him an answer ; whereat the Embassador tooke leave of the King , and repaired unto his lodging in New-Colledge . New-years Day ( being Sunday , Ianuarie 1. ) about foure of the clock in the After-noone , the Lord Mowbray and the Lord Faulkland brought from the King unto the Embassadour this Answer following . My Lord , The King Our Master hath commanded Vs to returne this Answer as touching your heavie complaint unto Him yesterday . THat His Majesty hath with deep discontent resented the particulars of your Lordships Message , or Complaint . Yet neither himselfe , nor any Ministers , Agents , or Servants of His , by Sea or Land , are in any wise ( as from Him ) to be blamed of any breach of amitie ; much lesse of this , being in so high a nature as his Lordship had lately related it . That Captain Bennet Strafford was never employed by Him in any of His Ships or Pinnaces : and therefore ( when time should serve ) should not onely answer for what hee did in His Majesties Ships , but by whose authoritie hee came there . That His Majesty further desired , that what at this time , above all other , might be done against the League , either by Sea or Land , might not be imputed unto Him ; his Majestie ( through the distempers of some of his Subjects ) having as little command over his ships , as he had over his Towns and Castles . That He would issue forth a Proclamation , with all convenient speed , to prevent the further embezelling of the Merchandizes of the Ship ; and likewise for the restoring what should be found in the hands of any of His Subjects or Officers , and therein would give especiall command unto the Iudge of His Admiraltie . But would be sorrie the King of Spaine should make all his Subjects trading under him to suffer , for the villanous act of one person , authorized by he knew not whom . C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King . A Proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the Ship called the Sancta Clara , lately brought into SOUTHAMPTON . COmplaint having been made unto His Majesty , by Don Alonco de Cardenas Ambassador from the King of Spain , that a Ship called the Sancta Clara , belonging to the said King and his Subjects , hath beene lately treacherously brought to Southampton , by one Captaine Bennet Strafford and others , from Sancto Domingo , the said Ship being laden with Silver , Cocheneal , and other Wares and Merchandizes , to a very great value ; And that the said Ship and Goods being by the said Ambassadour arrested , and the said Bennet Strafford apprehended , whilest a suit for the said Ship and Goods is depending in the Court of Admiralty , the Silver ( part of the lading of the said Ship , to a very great value ) hath been disposed of , contrary to Law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty name of Publicke Faith ; which without His Majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged ; or if engaged without His Majesty is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . And it is further complained by the said Ambassadour , that the Cocheneale , and other Merchandizes formerly sequestred at London and Southampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their price and value , are likely to be sold against the will of those who pretend to be the Owners , ( Parties to the suite depending in the said Court of Admiralty ) which is alledged to be apparently against the Rules of Law , and practices of that Court in such cases . His Majesty well weighing what may be the ill consequences of such injurious Proceedings , manifestly contrary to the Law , and the Articles of Treatie between the two Crownes , and plainly fore-seeing how heavily it may light upon such of His good Subjects who have estates in Spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the Trade and Commerce of His Subjects and Kingdomes , doth hereby not onely expresly charge and command the Judge of His Admiraltie , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a businesse of such value and consequence , with Care , Expedition , and according to Justice : But doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any Order or Warrant from one or both Houses of Parliament , or any authoritie derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said Cocheneale , or other Goods or Merchandizes belonging to the said Ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , upon paine of His Majesties high displeasure , and of being responsible and liable to payment and satisfaction for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of His Majesties good Subjects , whose Goods or Estates shall for that cause be embargued or seized in Spaine . Given at the Court at Oxford , the second day of Januarie , in the eighteenth yeere of His Majesties Reigne . God save the King , FINIS . 
A80244	----	Committee for the Navy and Customs. Die Martis 18 Martii, 1644. Whereas the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, taking into consideration the redemption of the captives taken by Turkish, Moorish, and other pirats, ... England and Wales. Parliament. Committee of the Navy. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80244 of text R212222 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[27]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80244 Wing C5563 Thomason 669.f.9[27] ESTC R212222 99870866 99870866 161125 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80244) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161125) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[27]) Committee for the Navy and Customs. Die Martis 18 Martii, 1644. Whereas the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, taking into consideration the redemption of the captives taken by Turkish, Moorish, and other pirats, ... England and Wales. Parliament. Committee of the Navy. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1645] Title from heading and first lines of text. Imprint from Wing. An order of the Committee of the Navy for the payment of monies to be levied from certain merchants for the redemption of captives taken by "Turkish, Moorish, and other pirats." Signed: Warwick. Giles Grene. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pirates -- Early works to 1800. Ransom -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A80244 R212222 (Thomason 669.f.9[27]). civilwar no Committee for the Navy and Customs. Die Martis 18 Martii, 1644. Whereas the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, taking into considera England and Wales. Parliament. 1645 333 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Committee for the Navy and Customs . Die Martis 18 Martii , 1644. WHereas the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , taking into consideration the Redemption of the Captives taken by Turkish , Moorish , and other Pirats , and prevention of the taking of others in time to come , did by their Ordinance of the 24 of October last past , in ease of Merchants , ordeine , That only one fourth part of the moneyes due on the severall Bonds entred into by Merchants for payment of the one per Cent. upon the Act of Parliament passed for that purpose , should be paid by the severall Merchants so indebted , within thirty dayes after publication of that Ordinance : And in case any Merchant should not pay in his fourth part within the said time , that then their said Bonds should be put in sute for the whole moneyes , referring the execution of the same to the Lord high Admirall and this Committee of the Navy , as by that Ordinance more at large appeareth . And whereas divers Merchants have not paid in the summes due on the Bonds by them entred into for the said duty , according to the intent of the said Ordinance , whereby those poore Captives remaine under servitude , and are utterly deprived of the meanes appointed by Parliament for their Redemption . The Committee in obedience to the said Order , doe , with the advice , approbation , and consent of the Lord high Admirall , declare and order , That the Merchants so indebted as aforesaid , doe pay in the fourth part of the moneyes due on their said Bonds within thirty dayes after the date hereof unto the persons , and at the places appointed by that Ordinance : And if any shall faile herein , they must expect due and speedy execution of the said Ordinance . WARWICK . GILES GRENE . 
A82363	----	An act for continuation of the Act for redemption of captives. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82363 of text R211432 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.16[43]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82363 Wing E1013 Thomason 669.f.16[43] ESTC R211432 99870159 99870159 163198 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82363) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 163198) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f16[43]) An act for continuation of the Act for redemption of captives. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by John Field, Printer to the Parliament of England, London : 1652. Order to print dated: VVednesday the 31th of March, 1652. Signed: Hen: Scobell, Cleric. Parliamenti. With engraving of Parliamentary seal at head of text. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pirates -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Ransom -- Early works to 1800. Hostages -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. A82363 R211432 (Thomason 669.f.16[43]). civilwar no An act for continuation of the Act for redemption of captives. England and Wales. Parliament. 1652 130 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion blazon or coat of arms AN ACT For continuation of the ACT for Redemption of Captives . BE it Enacted by this present Parliament , and by the Authority thereof , That one Act of this present Parliament , Entituled , An Act for the Redemption of Captives ; And all Powers and Clauses therein contained , be and are hereby continued , and shall and do stand in full force , until the Five and twentieth day of December , One thousand six hundred fifty and two . VVednesday the 31th of March , 1652. ORdered by the Parliament , That this Act be forthwith Printed and published . Hen : Scobell , Cleric . Parliamenti . London , Printed by John Field , Printer to the Parliament of England . 1652. 
A00816	----	Compassion towards captives chiefly towards our brethren and country-men who are in miserable bondage in Barbarie. Vrged and pressed in three sermons on Heb. 13.3. Preached in Plymouth, in October 1636. By Charles Fitz-Geffry. Fitz-Geffry, Charles, 1575?-1638. 1637 Approx. 148 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 36 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A00816 STC 10937 ESTC S102148 99837948 99837948 2298 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A00816) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 2298) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 798:11) Compassion towards captives chiefly towards our brethren and country-men who are in miserable bondage in Barbarie. Vrged and pressed in three sermons on Heb. 13.3. Preached in Plymouth, in October 1636. By Charles Fitz-Geffry. Fitz-Geffry, Charles, 1575?-1638. [12], 50, [10] p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield, for Edward Forrest, Oxford : an. Dom. 1637. Vertical chain lines. P. H1v is numbered 50. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Pirates -- Sermons -- Early works to 1800. Sermons, English -- 17th century. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion COMPASSION TOWARDS CAPTIVES CHIEFLY Towards our Brethren and Country-men who are in miserable bondage in BARBARIE . Vrged and pressed in three Sermons On HEB. 13.3 . Preached in PLYMOVTH , in October 1636. By CHARLES FITZ-GEFFRY . Whereunto are anexed An Epistle of S t CYPRIAN concerning the Redemption of the Bretheren from the bondage of Barbarians ; AND 〈…〉 concerning the benefits of Compassion , extracted 〈…〉 S t AMBROSE his second booke of Offices , Cap. 28. 〈…〉 magnum atque praeclarum justitiae munus est , quod 〈…〉 approbavit . Atque haec benignitas ( inquit ) etiam ●cip . 〈…〉 à servitute captos , locupletari te nuiores . Hanc ego consu●●udinem benign●tatis largitio●● munerum antepono . Lact●●● . Divi●●r . Instit●tion . l. 6. c. 12. OXFORD . Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD , for Edward Forrest , An. Dom. 1637. TO THE VVORSHIPFVLL IOHN CAVSE MAIOR OF PLYMOVTH . TOGETHER WITH THE REST OF the Brethren in that Congregation , Grace , mercy , and peace be multiplied . TO whose eyes should these Meditations , now made publique , be first presented , rather then unto yours , whose Eares first gave them attentive entertainement ? I made choice ( not without justifiable inducements ) of your Congregation for their first breathing . But it was not mine intent that they should be buried within the walles where they first breathed , but that they should from you travel over the whole land where they might get admittance and acceptance . I confesse an Ambition in me of pressing forth ( sometimes ) into the publique , but it is only in some publique pressure , that when others are silent , I may be the Drummer , ( I dare not say the silver Trumpet ) to give the march unto the Lords Armies , against his , and his peoples enemies . Therefore I come not abroad untill some incumbent or imminent calamity doth drive me ; not as the sea-porpesses to prenuntiate a storme , but rather with the Halcion to procure a calme . Heretofore I stood on mount Ebal denouncing * curses against those , whose couetousnesse , ( in a yeare of no greate scarsitie ) induced or encreased a dearth , and so caused the calamity of their bretheren at home . Now I stand on mount Gerizim to proclame blessings on them whose hearts God shall touch to commiserate and relieve the miserable captivity of our bretheren abroad under a barbarous and cruell generation . The former found good acceptance among the Godly , and ( by Gods gratious blessing ) produced good effects from some whose former uncharitablenesse proclamed them ungodly . God give the like blessing to these poore labours , and prosper them in the errand whereunto they were sent . For your parts , your monethly collections for this pious purpose ( whereof I have beene credibly informed ) doe shew the forwardnesse of your mindes : And I hope that I may boast of you as the Apostle doth of his charitable Corinthians , your zeale hath provoaked many . You need not my weake incentives , having two such Sons of the Dove , your Reverend * Pastor , and your laborious * Lecturer , who both by persuasion and performance , doe give wings to your willingnesse . Only let the care of the Antiochian Bretheren ( as you are in one of these Sermons admonished ) accompany your charity . Send your reliefe by some trustie hands , as they did theirs by Barnabas & Saul . So shall the blessing of those who are ready to perish , come upon you . So shall you have as many intercessors for you , as there are distressed Wives and Children of your captived bretheren . Many they are ( too many , if it pleased God otherwise to dispose ) these many and many more shall pray for you . And the prayers of many , especially of the poore and needy , cannot chuse but be powerfull with God , who hath pronounced them blessed that regard and relieve them , and hath promised to deliver them in time of trouble , to preserve them and keepe them alive — and that they shall not be delivered unto the will of their enemies . The performance of which promised blessings on you , as on all charitable Christians , he will not cease to advance by his best votes and devotions who remaineth Your Worships in all Christian Services ever ready CHARLES FITZ-GEFFRY . TO THE COMPASSIONATE , THAT IS , TO THE TRVLY CHRISTIAN READER . AMONG all the workes of mercy there is none more comfortable to the receiver , more acceptable to Christ , the great rewarder , and consequently none more profitable to the doer , then the redemption of Christians from the bondage of Infidels . If to visit them only , to afford them some comfort by presence , by kinde speaches , be a worke whereof the Iudge himselfe in the last day will take speciall notice , as done unto himselfe , saying , I was in prison and you visited me ; how much more so to visit them as to procure their freedome ? In so much that the Redeemer himselfe shall say , I was in prison and you redeemed mee . What better worke can man performe for Christ then that which was the best worke which Christ performed for man. And what was that but Redemption . Had he created us and not redeemed us , it had bin better that he had never created us . Had he come from heaven to earth ( as he did ) to bee incarnate for us , had he wrought never so many miracles , taught never so heavenly doctrine , had he made us never so rich , never so wise , never so great in this world , had he made us Kings over so many Kingdomes as the Devill once shewed him , what had all this profited us if he had not redeemed us ? How can that worke but be most acceptable unto him , which is the best resemblance of the best worke he ever did for us ? Redemption ! Redemption ! The greatest benifit we receive by Christ , the best worke of mercy wee can extend to Christians . For performance of which worthy worke , and consequently of ensuring unto us the promised reward , what a faire opportunity is presented unto us in these calamitous times ? wherein it pleased God that many of our bretheren should be miserable , that we may be happie in being charitable ; and that some should grone under the intolerable burthen of Turkish bondage , to try whether Christians will be so kinde unto Christians , as Turks are reported to be unto unreasonable creatures , to whom ( in this kinde ) they are said to be strangely charitable . If they see one who hath caught a bird they will give twice the price of it while it is alive to that which it will yeeld being dead only to give it liberty and life . And some of them are said to give mony to men and boyes to take and bring unto them living birds , that the birds may be beholding to them for their freedome . With what face shall wee looke upon our Redeemer , if we be not as charitable to our bretheren under Turks , as Turks are to birds , to reasonlesse creatures , who are ( upon the matter ) unreasonable creatures themselves ? What heart can chuse but relent , if not rend a sunder at the relation of these intolerable pressures indured by Christians under these savage Barbarians ? their Faires and markets fuller of our men then ours are of horses and cattle : Christians there bought , sold , cauterized , scared , as wee doe beasts , by those who are bipedum nequissimi , of all too footed beasts most brutish : yoaked together like oxen ; their owne oxen and horses keeping Holy-day , while our miserable bretheren doe beare their burthens and plough the fields to favour them ; yet not allowed , when they have thus laboured the whole day , as competent sustenance & convenient lodging as we doe our horses & oxen , but more cruelly beaten when they have done their worke , then our beasts are by us when they worke not as wee would : Sometimes layd flat on their bellies , and receiving an hundred blowes or more on their backes : sometimes on their backes , and so belly-beaten that they seeme tympanous , and bladders rather then bellies : sometimes balled with tough cudgels on the soles of their feet , untill their feet be swolne unto foot-bals , and so left to crall away , vsing as well as they can , their hands insteed of feet . how many upon slight suspition and false suggestion of a fault , have beene dragged through the streets on the hard stones by ropes or coards fastned into their bored feet ? The very pictures of which torments , what eyes , save those which stand in Turkes heads can behold without teares ? I will not aggravate those grievances which are already too great by inserting reports how they are aggravated by some of our nation , who should rather with every true hearted Christian , endevour to ease them , not adding more affliction to such heavie bonds . Charity bids me to be incredulous of that , which griefe and passion causeth some of ours boldly to divulge , that there are among us who for their private gaine doe not a little advance the prevailing of the common enemy against their country-men and brethren ; that ours are surprised with our owne powder and shot , and afterwards laden in Barbarie with English gyves and yrons . God forbid that it should be so ; but if it be so , may it not be probablie concluded ( at least conjectured ) that those incestuous arrowes which have dispersed the noisome Pestilence have come out of this quiver of not compassionating our woefull brethren , but rather augmenting their woes ? God ( I hope ) will raise up some happie hand to exhibite to our gratious Soveraignes eyes & eares Danmoniorum gemitus , as our predecessors the old Brittons pressed by the Picts , presented unto the Consul Boëtius , Britannorum gemitus ; ( but with better successe . ) Neither will that illustrious Peere , the Oracle of Iustice in our land , faile to performe what he is said to have promised at Plymouth with tearefull eyes ( the evidences of a tender and truly religious heart ) to the mournfull wives and children of these oppressed captives , that when he returned to the Court , he would become their advocate unto the Majestie of the King. Remember him ô my God concerning this , who is so vigilant in doing justice at home , that he is not dormant in extending mercy to those who suffer extreame misery abroad . If any doe aleadge that our owne wants will not suffer us to succour them in theirs , I say so too : I acknowledge it that our wants who are at libertie doe restraine us from releiuing our brethren , who are in barbarous captivity . But what wants ? Want of charity , want of the bowels of mercy , want of Christian compassion , want of feeling our brethrens wants , and consequently of true Christianity , these these are the wants that doe hinder us . How much hath beene lavishly expended in Pompes , in Playes , in Sibariticall-feasts , in Cameleon sutes , and Proteus-fashions , besides other vanities , and yet there is no complaining of want ? How many soules might have beene ransommed from that Hell on Earth , Barbarie , with halfe these expences ? Yet heerein doe men only complaine of want . Of all others let us beware of this want of compassion toward our lamentable captived Brethren ; of whose insupportable bondage if wee have no feeling , we our selves are in a farre worse thraldome , as one passage in these ensuing meditations will shew us . Neither am I singular in this sentence : sweet Salvian doubteth not to affirme so much of the men of Carthage ( while Carthage yet was Christian ) who frequented stage-playes , feasted , froliked , while some of the Brethren were slaine by the enemy , others carried away into captivity . As sometimes King Ahasuerus and Haman sate drinking in the Palace , while the City † Shushan was in perplexity ▪ so among them , * while the walles of their City were surrounded with the sound of the armour of the barbarous beseiger , some of the Citizens ( yea of the Church ) were mad-merrie at the Theater . Some were slaine without , others committed fornication within . Part of the people without the City ▪ were made captive by the enemy , part of them within made themselves captives unto vices . And these of the two deadly evills underwent the worst , it being more tolerable to a true Christian to sustaine the bondage of the body , then of the soule , as our Saviour affirmeth the Death of the soule to be more formidable , then the Death of the body . Can we be perswaded that such a people was not captived in minde , who could be so merrie in their brethrens captivity ? Is not he a captive in minde and understanding , who can laugh among the slaughters of his brethren , who understands not that his owne throat is cut in theirs , who thinks not that he himselfe dyes in their Deathes ? Thus or to this purpose that elegant authour . Whose words were they engraven ( as I wish they were ) in the hearts of our sin-enslaved Libertines , there were some good hope , that they would first strive to be freed themselves from their spirituall bondage , and then they would be more sensible of their brethrens corporall thraldome . In the midst of their myrth they would remember their mercy , and account that they should dearely answere for every penny lavisht out in vanity , which ought rather to have beene employed in procuring their Christian country-mens liberty . And as the Elder Plinie said to his nephew , when he saw him walke out some houres without studying , Poteras has horas non perdere : so would these say to themselves of their wastfull and , commonly , sinfull expences , I might have chosen whether I would have lost this mony : I might have saved it by bestowing it either towards the redemption of my enthralled brethren in Barbarie , or on the reliefe of their wreched Wives and Children at home ; and so have made a more advantagious returne , then any of our Merchants doe by their most thriving adventures into any parts of Barbarie . To perswade men to this heavenly improovement of some part of their meanes , are these poore meditations sent abroad by him who inlie compassionates his brethrens importable burthens , wishing all blessings to those charitable soules , who according to their abilities doe endevour to support them ; And for all his travells herein craveth nothing but your prayers for himselfe , and your charity towards them , for whom he intercedeth , professing himselfe His distressed Brethrens dayly sollicitour CHARLES FITZ-GEFFRY . COMPASSION TOWARDS CAPTIVES . HEB. 13.3 . Remember those that are in bonds as bound with them . WHether S. Paul or Barnabas or Clemens or what Apostle or Apostolicall person was the pen-man of this pretious Epistle , it is not much materiall , though it have beene much argued among the learned : some judging it neither to be Pauls nor canonicall ; some to be canonicall but not Pauls ; some to be both canonicall and also penned by S. Paul. True it is that Faith it selfe is ready to fall , if the authority of holy Scriptures do once begin to faile . But these pillars of truth doe stand on firmer pedestalls then are the feet of flesh and blood , namely the spirit of truth , who being the prime Author is also the surest evidencer that all holy Scripture ( and particularly this sacred Epistle ) is undoubtedly the word of God. And as in the letters of Princes it is not greatly regarded who was the the scribe that wrote them while the seale that is on them doth manifest from whom they came ; so in holy writings we stand not too much on the pen-man while we finde the seale of the Spirit upon them , and doe perceive by the character of the Holy Ghost that they were indited by him . This doe we finde and therefore thus doe wee hold concerning this divine Epistle which although it begin not with the same stile that S. Pauls other Epistles doe , yet it endeth in the same manner . For as that blessed Apostle , so the Author of this Epistle , upon the doctrine of faith layed for a foundation , raiseth precepts of manners and rules for godly life as the building , And because next unto faith whereby we are united unto the head , love is most necessary whereby the members are knit together , therefore the holy Authour immediately after the doctrine of faith exhorteth unto brotherly love : a Let brotherly love continue . And because wee must not b love in word , nor in tongue , but in deed and in truth , therefore he exhorteth to manifest our love by action , especially to such as have greatest need and occasion . Two sorts of people there were in those times ( as still there are ) who suffered persecution for the Gospell , strangers and Captives . Strangers driven from their owne places and houses , enforced to take up c deserts , dens , and caves for their habitation . Captives , ( who were housed indeed ▪ but to their greater paine ) detained in their bonds and prison for their faith and profession . Vnto both these severall offices of charity are to be extended : Vnto strangers , hospitality ; unto prisoners compassion and pity . The former when they come unto us must be harboured : d Be not forgetfull to harbour strangers . But as for poore prisoners and Captives , they ( good soules ) cannot come unto us ( they are bound to the contrary ) therefore it is our duty to visit them , either in person , if we may have accesse , or by provision , if we can send to them , or by prayers and supplications unto God for them , and by sorrowing for them as if we suffered with them . Remember them that are in bonds as bound with them . This is my text : whereof the scope and substance is An exhortation to pity and compassion towards them that are in bonds and captivity , especially for Christs sake . Wherein I finde presented to our consideration 1. Others misery . 2. Our Duty . Their passion , our compassion . Their misery is bondage and captivity : They are in bonds : 1 Our duty is to extend unto them a twofold mercy ; 1. Consideration ; we must remember them : 2. Compassion we must so remember them as if we our selves were bound with them . 2 Remember ] Thinke upon their calamity and affliction . Let not your owne safety make you forgetfull of others misery : let not your enjoyed liberty drive out of your remembrance their calamitous captivity . Them that are in bonds ] All them that are in bondage , chiefly such as doe suffer for their conscience and for their Christian profession . As bound with them ] As if your selves were in the same place and case . Make their bondage your thraldome , their suffering , your owne smarting . Have a fellow-feeling with them , as being members of the same body , which is implyed in the last part of the verse . But my text hath more need of pressing then of paraphrasing . The sence is obvious enough to our understanding , would God the substance thereof could as easily worke upon our affections : I will ( God willing ) use mine endeavour , attending his blessing without whom all mans endeavours are nothing , or to no purpose . And first consider wee others misery , that so we may be the better incited to our owne duty . Their misery is that they are in bonds . Remember them especially because their condition is most hard and lamentable . For Captivity is ● most grievous kinde of calamity . Bondage is an heavie burthen , imprisonment a great affliction , aske Ioseph if it be not so . Among all the miseries he endured by his brethrens malice , none pinched him more then his imprisonment . How emphatically speakes the Psalmist of it ? e The iron entred into his soule . Though he were ( vpon the matter ) at liberty in prison , and rather a Keeper then a Prisoner ( f the keeper committing all the prison●rs into his hands ) yet all this could not countervaile the losse of his liberty . All the suite he made to Pharaohs chiefe butler for interpreting vnto him the dreame of his deliverance , was that he would g thinke on him and make mention of him vnto Pharaoh , and bring him out of that house . h Paul in his wish that both King Agrippa and all that heard him were not almost but altogether such as he was , excepted his bonds , as if he would not wish them to his greatest enemy , not to them who kept him vniustly in those bonds . The greatest plague which God inflicted on the Iewes for their idolatry was bondage and captivity . Needs must that be one of his greatest rods wherewith he useth to scourge the greatest sinners . Be the imprisonment never so mild , the bonds never so easy , the bondage not accompanied with those calamities that doe vsually attend it , yet want of liberty is sufficient to make vp misery . Liberty is that which all men doe desire next vnto life , esteeming it no life which is deprived of liberty but only a breathing death . Some mothers have thought themselves mercifull to their children when they have murthered thē with their own hands , that death might save them from bondage . Buris and Spartis two resolute Lacedemonians who had slaine the Heralds of king Xerxes , when their lives were offered them on condition that abandoning their country they would attend vpon the king , they refused , and rather desired any kind of death , saying to a noble man who perswaded them to accept of the kings royall offer , you know not how pretious a thing freedome is , which no man who is well in his wits will exchange for all the Persian monarchy . Give us ( said couragious Brutus ) either life with liberty or death with glory . How sweet a thing then is liberty , which is purchased with death , and therein preferred before life ? how bitter is bondage which is many times prevented by death , and therin death it selfe preferred before it ? thus even when bondage is tollerable yet it is miserable . But this misery is aggravated as ●he bondage is more hard , either in the kinds or with the concomitants thereof . For the kindes ; there is a two fold bondage , 1. Spirituall . 1 2. Corporall . Spirituall bondage is that whereby men are bound vnder Sathan in the chaines of sinne ; as was Simon Magus to whom S. Peter said ; i thou art in the bonds of iniquity : such bondmen are all men by nature untill Christ by grace have made them free , 1 and this is the worst kinde of bondage on earth , rendring men over ( vnlesse grace prevent it ) to hellish bondage , from whence there is no redemption . A most miserable thraldome to be a bondslave to sinne , to have hell for the Iayle , the Devill for the jaylor , a guilty conscience for the vnderkeeper , concupiscence and mans naturall corruption , for the gyves and fetters , and to be excluded from the glorious liberty of the sonnes of God ; such is spirituall bondage from the which the Lord deliver us , and praised be God , who hath in part already delivered us . Corporall bondage is twofold , according to the different causes thereof : for some is just some unjust . Iust and lawfull is that bondage when men are deservedly imprisoned according to due course of law for their offences , as Murtherers , Theeves , Malefactors . For iust it is that they who doe cast off the easy bonds of government , 2 should be cast into the heavy bonds of imprisonment ; and that they who say by godly governours , k let vs breake their bonds asunder , 1 should ( if not be broken with a rod of iron yet ) be hampered with iron chaines which they shall not be able to breake asunder . 2 Vniust bondage is when men contrary to right and iustice are cast into bonds , whether for temporall pretences , by tyrants and oppressors ; or for spirituall causes , for keeping faith and a good conscience under persecutors and infidels . I know not whether I may referre bondage and imprisonment for debt either vnto the first or second kind , or make it a third and mixt kind betweene iust and uniust . Iust it m●y be and is in regard of many , who by fraud and prodigality have abused their honest creditors , and lavished their goods once gotten into their hands . Iust it is that they who have willfully cast themselves into bonds out of which they never meant to come , should be laid up in bonds , out of which they shall not be able to come untill they have payd the vttermost farthing . But uniust it is in regard of many iniurious , usurious creditors , who distinguish not betweene Gods visitation and mans corruption , but will enforce men to pay that which God , for causes best knowne to himselfe , hath taken from them . These if they could , would take up Christ himselfe with an execution rather then loose principall or interest . This must needs be a branch of uniust bondage . I doubt not but the holy Authour in my Text bespeakes vs to commiserate generally all who are in bondage for any cause whatsoever : But especially he intendeth those who suffer uniust thraldome , and that for the best cause , for their constancy in the true profession of Christ. This indeed is the most comfortable kind of captivity in regard of the Inner man ; the soule and conscience enioying more freedome in prison then the Persecutor doth in the kingdome . l Blessed are they that suffer persecution for righteousnes sake , for theirs is the kingdom of heaven . Therefore S. Paul stands upon it , that m his bonds were famous in the palace and in all other places : And seemes to esteeme his imprisonment for Christ equall with his Apostleshippe , stiling himselfe n Paul the prisoner of Iesus Christ , as well as Paul the Apostle of Iesus Christ. Blessed Cyprian ( afterwards a glorious Martyr ) doth parallel the Confessors bonds with the Martyrs crowne . 4 Your confession ( saith he ) is a perpetuall Martyrdome , you doe so often suffer as you preferre the prison for Christ , before libertie with the losse of Christ. Your praises are as many as your daies , and your Crownes doe encrease with your moneths . The Martyr once overcometh in that he presently suffereth : But the Confessor daily combating with paine and not subdued , is daily crowned . The longer therefore that your combate is , the loftier is your crowne , and remaining in the prison , you doe lead the life not of this present world , but of that which is to come . And Tertullian ( whom that Martyr vsed to call his Master ) excellently comforteth the Confessors who were in captivity for Christ , stiling them Martyrs before they suffered Martyrdome . You are ( saith he ) in prison ; but the world to a Christian is a worse prison , so that you may seeme rather to have escaped out of prison , then to have entred into it . Many are the inconveniences of the prison but worse are the evills of the world ; and what evill can you suffer there , which is not recompensed with a greater good ? The prison hath darknesse but you your selves are a light vnto it , who are the light of the world . There are bonds and fetters , but you are free vnto God. There are stinking savours , but you are a sweet smelling savour vnto the Lord. There you have the company of theeves and murtherers , but you have the society also of God and his Angels . Let him be greeved with the prison , who longeth after the pleasures of the world : The Christian even without the pris●n hath renounced the world , and in the prison , the prison it selfe . What matter is it where you be in the world , who are none of the world ? In these regards captivity for Christs cause is most comfortable ; but if wee respect the outward estate and temporall condition , it is of all others ( spirituall bondage only excepted ) most intollerable . And of this kind ( in some respects ) is the captivity and bondage of our distressed , daily afflicted bretheren in Morocco , Algier , and other places of Barbary , for whose sorrowfull sakes these poore meditations are chiefly intended ▪ which we shall the sooner perceive if we draw out a little Map of the world of miseries by them endured . Therein we shall find their bondage to be the more grievous by the concomitants therewith concurring . As First , Banishment . Bondage must needs be accompanied with misery , though a man be imprisoned in his owne country , 1 where his wife and children may visit him , his friends may comfort him , charitable persons may send reliefe to him : yet such imprisonment is no smal perplexity , for what is a man the better to be in his owne country , & not to have freedome , but to be an exile in his owne nation ? But banishment concurring with bondage makes the bondage more grievous , 1 in regard of the places whence and whither a man is banished , and the people among whom he abideth . Some countries are like Caria of which one said that in Caria none lived but dead men , the country was so cold and hungry that the inhabitants seemed Ghosts rather then men ; so uncomfortable , that a stranger would thinke it banishment for the natives to be confined unto them , and a benifit to be banished their native soyle ; yet such is the love naturally of every one to his country that a Roman would hardly thinke it a greater punishment to be banished into Scythia , then a Scythian would to be confined unto Rome . Now if it be grievous to exchange a bad coun●●● of our owne for a better land , needs must the condition of our banished Brethren be grievous , who are enforced to exchange England for Barbary , the pleasantest , the most civiliz'd for the most barbarous , brutish nation of those parts of the world . I accuse not the barrennes of the soil , which is said to be more abundant in earthly commodities then many countries inhabited by better people . So was the land of Canaan when Gyants possessed it , lumps of flesh as odious to heaven as burthenous to the earth . Such was the situation of Sodom yet never saw the sunne more scelestious Cittizens . T is not the ayre nor soyle that makes a nation , but the people , as not the knots nor borders , but the hearbs and stowers doe make a garden . There is in Barbary abundance of all things , save goodnesse ; but what is that to our miserable country-men who in that abundance doe want all things save hunger , nakednesse , and blowes ? There is store of provision for foode and delight ; but what is that vnto them , who are stinted only to bread and water ? what are they the better for the dainty dates and pleasing pomegranates which they see dangling over their heads , but none falling into their mouthes , not so much as touching them but when they gather them to be devoured by their devourers ? Is not this but the truth of that torment fabled to be endured by Him in Hell ? Were Barbary as it was before it turned Barbary there would be some comfort of living in it , when it was famous for Arms , Arts , Civility , Piety . How many renowned Martyrs , reverend Bishops , famous Fathers hath Africk yeelded unto the Church . To Africk we doe owe zealous S. Cyprian , learned Tertullian , fluent Fulgentius , acute Optatus , and the greatest light of the Christian Church ( after S. Paul ) divine Augustine . In so much that posterity could as hardly have missed that country as any one nation in the Christian world . But now a man may seeke Africk in Africk and not finde it . Insteed of Africk we find Barbary and Morocco ; Insteed of Hippo and Carthage , Algier , Sally , and Tunis ; insteed of Martyrs , Marty● makers ; insteed of Confessors , opposers of Christ oppressors of Christians ; insteed of godly Ministers godlesse Mofties ; insteed of Temples and Schooles , cages of uncleane birds , dens of theeves . O that England may be warned by these sad examples . God can turne great Britaine into Barbary , and leave no more signes of our Cathedrall Churches then there is now to be found of S. Augustines Hippo , or S. Cyprians Carthage . o A fruitfull land he maketh barren , for the sinnes of them that dwell therein . Can he not as well make a land of light to become a den of darknesse , a place of civility to become a Barbary for the vnthankfulnesse of them that dwell therein ? wherefore stand in awe , ô England , and sinne not . p While yee have light beleeve in the light , walke in the light . The surest way to keepe the Candlestick that it be not removed from vs , is to walke in the light of it while it is among vs ; but I have digressed . I must returne and visit my miserable brethren in Barbary . Where I finde them in a woefull bondage vnder a most barbarous people , 3 which doth not a little aggravate the misery of their banishment , and bondage , vnder a people 1 irreligious ; 2 covetous ; 3 cruell ; 4 base and contemptible . 1 Irreligious , because Mahumetans , for what is Mahumetisme , but a miscellany of divers religions ? and what is the compounding of religions , but the confounding of true religion ? They seeme to regard the name of Christ , but Christians they cannot endure . These they vse worst of all their captives that they may force them from the profession of Christ , and make them turne Musulmans , in their language true beleevers , in truth misbeleevers , the children of perdition like themselves . And who fiercer enemies to Christ and Christians then these renegado's , Christians turned Turks ? These having renounced the faith of Christ have put off all compassion vnto Christians : And in their Circumcision have cut themselves off , not only from Christianity , but from humanity . No marvel , for the better any t●●ng is the worse it turnes being tainted . The better the wine was , the tarter ▪ is the viniger . If Angels doe apostate they become Devils . If a Disciple turne theefe , he staies not till he become a traitour , a murtherer , a Devill . If light become darknesse , how great is that darknesse ? If a Christian become Turke , he is more the child of perdition then the Turks themselves . Blessed brethren , be constant in your Christian profession , whatsoever becomes of vs , let vs continue Christians . This only religion , truly embraced , not only makes vs Saints in heaven , but keepes vs men on earth . This only doth civilize a nation and person and keepes him from barbarisme . Cease once to be Christians and yo● become not only void of grace but monsters in nature ; like those Mahumetans who being irreligious no marvel if they be also A people extreamely Covetous . Such is their avarice that they make marchandize of men . 2 Horse-fayres are not more frequent here then Men-markets are there . A price pitcht upon every poll , too heavy for the poore captive himselfe or his friends to lay down for his ransome . It is said that so many Iewes were afterwards sold for a penny as they sold Christ for pence . They sold him for thirty peeces of silver , thirty of them were sold for one of those peeces . O that Christians were as good cheape in Barbary as Iewes were when a man might have bought thirty of them for a penny . But these miscreants doe set a price on one poore Christian thirty times higher then the Iewes did on Christ ; which if they cannot get from his friends , 3 they will beat out of his flesh , using him the more cruelly in hope to get his ransome the more speedily . For as they are extreamely covetous so are they unmercifully Cruel . As cruel to Christians as the Egyptians were to the Israelites in their bondage . They deny them straw yet exact of them the whole tale of brick . They deny them reliefe , save of bread and water , yet if the poore captive earne them not a day as much as they expect , he is laden at night with many heavy stripes . From this misery , if nor he nor his friends can procure his ransome , nothing can free him ( unlesse he will renounce his faith ) but he must remaine slave during his life unto some one of A base and contemptible generation ; which enhaunceth not a little the calamity of his thraldome . Every bondage is the more grievous by how much the baser they are to whom a man is in bondage . 4 Such is the bondage of our brethren under these Turks . They who make us slaves what are they but slaves themselves ? Their Grand-signeor holds them no better , and so he calls his Basha's and chiefe commanders . Now what a miserable thing is it for a free-borne man to become a slave to one who is but a slave himselfe ? In this regard the curse of Canaan lyeth upon the poore Christian ; q A slave of slaves shall he be . But Canaan was to his brethren : our miserable brethren are so to their enemies , Infidels . Among all Iobs calamities scarce any touched him more nearely that r they despised him whose fathers he would have disdained to have set with the basest of his flocks . What a regret must it needes be to ours , as often as they thinke upon it ( which they cannot chuse but doe daily ) that those doe tyrannize over them and make beasts of them who are the worst of humane beasts ? For no beast more savage then a slave , insulting over the necks of those who are free-borne . Other evills accompanying their bondage my purpose is not now to presse ; I may have an hint to touch upon some of them hereafter . Were there no more said , this might suffice to incite us to the first duty enjoyned in my text ( the least we can afford them ) which is to Remember them . Three times at least in this Chapter doth the holy Authour performe the office of a remembrancer unto us , speaking to that noble faculty of the soule , the memory . In the precedent verse , Be not forgetfull to harbour strangers . In the 16 verse , To doe good and to distribute forget not . In this , remember them that are in bonds . In all these he sueth unto our memory for some comfortable consideration of those who are in misery . If we duly remember them , we cannot chuse but commiserate them , and doe what we may to relieve them . The hardest of all is that which a man would thinke to be the easiest , to remember them , especially when we our selves doe feele no affliction . Our selves being in safety , how prone are we to forget those who are in misery . Had not Pharaohs chiefe butler reason to have remembred good Ioseph , who prophesied unto him his deliverance out of prison , and readvancement in court . s Yet did not the chiefe butler remember Ioseph , but forgate him . Poore Ioseph ▪ it is alway thy lot to be forgotten in thine affliction by those who are soaked in their enjoyed safety . t They lye upon their beds of Ivory , and stretch themselves upon their couches , and eat the Lambs of the flock . They chaunt to the sound of the Vyal , They drinke wine in bowles , and anoint themselves with the chiefe Ointments : What followes ! They are not grieved for the affliction of Ioseph . Soft pillowes , sweet musicke , dainty fare , wine in bowles , pleasing perfumes , these , these exclude the remembrance of our brethrens sufferings . The rich gluttons full cups , fat dishes , rich purple , made his memory so pursie that it could not walke the length of his hall to the hungry ulcerated beggar . His officious dogges were more mindefull of him then their dogged Master . How unlike are we herein to him whose name we professe , our blessed Saviour ? All the joyes in Paradise made him not forget what he promised the penitent theefe on the crosse . But wee being in our earthly Paradise , how soone forget we our poore brethren that are on or under the Crosse ? Such a bewitching nature there is in pleasure and prosperity , which meeting with our corruption , so besotteth our soules that we intend nothing but our present solace , and forgetting our selves , how can we remember others . Our memory herein is like unto glasses or vyals which having beene broken are cimented up againe . Cold liquor they hold something handsomely : but powre warme water into them , or set them against rhefier they leake immediatly . So we in the cold ayre of affliction doe retaine some remembrance of our afflicted brethren ; but being bathed and warmed with the heate of prosperity , the ciment dissolveth and the crazed vessel soone leakes out the remembrance of others adversity . Which should admonish us ( deare Christians ) to feare our selves and our waies alwaies , but especially in the Halcion dayes of plenty and prosperity . Some of the ancients vsed to have at their feasts , one dish wherein was served a dead mans scull , the servitour vttering this speech , be merry , but withall looke on this . We , while God feasteth vs with liberty and safty ( as , praised be his goodnesse , now he doth ) have need that some representation of our brethrens bonds should be served in vnto vs , with the words of my Text Remember those that are in bonds . Remember that any captivity is a grievous calamity , but bondage vnder the enemies of Christ for their constancy in the Christian faith is ( in regard of worldly comforts ) most vncomfortable . Remember all that are in any kind of bonds but these especially . Remember those who are in Satans bonds , the bondage of sinne , 1 fast tied with the cords of their owne corruption , not yet freed , and ( which is worst ) not caring to be freed by the sonne of God , u who makes men free indeed . Remember them who remember not themselves , remember to pitty them who pitty not themselves , and therefore are the more to be pittied . For who more miserable then a miserable man who doth not commiserate himselfe . Remember to pray for them that they may be delivered out of the snare of the Devill . Remember that x you your selves were once darknesse , strangers from the common wealth of Israell , the children of Death , the bondslaves of sinne as they are . And as one who hath escaped a wrack , so reioyce for your owne safty as that you sorrow for those who are in danger of drowning , and cast out a cord or oare ( if it be possible ) to save them . No gally-slave is in worse bondage then these Libertines : Therefore remember them . Remember those that are in corporall bondage , though iustly and deservedly . 2 They are not shut up under a single destruction . Many deaths he dyes who lives in the horrour of a prison . Miserable creatures , they want the inward comfort which others doe enioy , whom a free conscience doth baile in the closest prison , ease and release in the heaviest irons , enlighten in the darkest dungeon . Besides the bolts on their legs they haue heavier fetters on their soules which none can strike off but only Christ. They cannot make to themselves comfortable application of S. Peters admonition , x Let none of you suffer as a malefactor , or a murtherer , or as a thiefe or wrong doer . But if yee suffer for righteousnesse sake , happy are yee . This happinesse they want who suffer rightly for wrong doing , and may say ( if they have so much grace ) with the penitent thiefe on the Crosse , y We indeed justly , for we suffer the due reward of our deeds . Yet let not their demerits exclude your mercy , no more then that thief's transgression did Christs Compassion . While Law gives them life , let them not be denied reliefe . Some of them who came in malefactors may dye Confessors ; therefore remember them . Remember those who are in bonds for debt , 3 whether their owne or other mens as sureties , suretieshippe hath undone many . Debt it selfe to an honest minde is a great bondage , even when a man is at liberty . Himselfe his owne prisoner , his mighty sighes , and daily sorrowes are the Serjeants , his troubled mind the Sherifs ward . Every naile or bramble that catcheth him by the coate he conceives to be a catch-pole , and starting , he cries out at whose sute ? To be buried in debt is but a death without buriall . But if vexation have added affliction to their bonds , then is their case more lamentable , therefore remember them . But especially remember them that are in bonds for Christs sake and his Gospels , 4 either in the Popish inquisition or in Turkish thraldome . As for that bondage of bondage that Minotaure which devours Men , the Romanish inquisition , it seemes that the Devill devised it as the Interloper and Interceptor of all charity . There is no comming to them that are so inclosed , no seeing them , no sending to them , as if the Devill intended to keepe Christ close prisoner . All we can doe for them is to remember them , with our teares to condole them , with our prayers , that Christ , who cannot be excluded , will visit them with inward comfort , and confirme them to the end . The Popish inquisition ! O it is a more barbarous bondage then any in Barbary . O Lord when thou makest inquisition for bloud , remember their bloudy inquisition . Remember O remember your brethren who are in Turkish bondage ; those who sit downe by the waters of Tunis , Algier , Sally , and weepe , or sing to an heavy tune , Nos patriae fines & dulcia liquimus arva ; We , poore soules , have exchanged the best country for Barbary , our Christian brethren for cursed Mahumetans , our Ministers for Mofties , our Temples for Mosquies . Our wives are widowes while their husbands are alive , and happy were the miserable husbands if their wives were widowes indeed . Our children are Orphans while their fathers are living ; and well were it for the afflicted fathers if the children were Orphans indeed . This their very banishment is but a breathing death : yea by the Prophets verdict more to be lamented then Death , z Weepe not for the dead neither mourne for him , but weepe for him that is carried away . They are in the hands and bands of them who are enemies unto Christ , and therefore the more cruel unto them because they are constant unto him . If David cried out , a woe is me that I am constrained to dwell in Mezech , then may they , woe is me that I am constrained to abide in Morocco , and to be a bondslave in Algier . He because his soule dwelt among them who are enemies to peace ; these , because they are captiv● to them who are enemies to him who is b our peace , and doe all they may to deprive them of that peace of God which passeth all understanding . Adde hereto , that they are debarred the meanes of spirituall comfort by the Ministery of the word . Insteed of Ministers of Christ to comfort them , they have the b Messengers of Satan to buffet them , and with Iobs wife to say unto them , not in words , but in the more feeling language of blowes , c curse God & dye , or curse Christ & live , but a life more cursed then death it selfe . Poore captives ! they cannot say as S. Luke doth of the Malteses , The Barbarians shewed us no little kindnesse , d but the quite contrary , the Barbarians shew us no little cruelty . Remember those your country-men , your acquaintance , some of your owne kindred , with whom you have often eaten , dranke , and made merry , those who sometimes went up with you to the Temple of the Lord , now abandoned from the Temple , and grievously suffering because they will not abandon the Lord , sold in markets like beasts , by creatures more brutish then beasts , stigmatized , branded when they are bought by circumcised monsters , miscreant Mahumetans . I want words as well to expresse the persecutours wickednesse , as the sufferers wretchednesse . One of them in a letter to his wofull wife concerning his owne and his fellowes miseries , among other sad passages inserteth this advice , in any case not to suffer their Sonne to adventure on those costs least he should fall into his fathers wofull case : when I read it , I remembred king Antigonus his charge to his sonnes in a tempest , that neither they , nor theirs should adventure on the Seas . But this ( in my thoughts ) was little to the others charge : Therefore I could not but thinke on the Glutton in hell and his sute unto Abraham , that he would send Lazarus to warne his surviving brethren not to come into that place of torment . Their case ( praised be God ) is not so desperate , but if there be an hell upon earth , it is not in Aetna , nor in mount Ilecla , nor in any of the Indian Vulcans , it is in Morocco or Algier for miserable captive Christians . Remember them ! Nay , how can you ( if you have Christian hearts ) forget them ? sooner should your right hand forget her cunning , sooner should you forget both right hand and left ; sooner should you ( with Messala Corvinus ) forget your owne names then your brethrens intolerable bondage , who have given their names to Christ , and daily suffer such greevances because they will not renounce the name of Christ. O let not your enioyed liberty and present prosperity banish them and their thraldome out of your memory . While you sit safe at home , and see the smoake of your owne chimnies , breath in the best , your owne English ayre , they sit downe d by the waters of Babylon , and weepe at the remembrance of Sion . While you feed on the fat of Lambes , and drinke wine in bowles , they eate the bread of sorrow , and drinke dry the river Marah . While you have your musicke at bankets of wine , their wine is their teares , the jingling of their chaines their sorry musicke , broken Hearts their Harpes , sighing their singing , and some prolonged hope of enlargement by your charitable contribution their only earthly comfort . While you come to the Temple and to the Table of the Lord , doe heare the word of the Lord , may have the ministers of the Lord come unto you , to conferre with you , to comfort you ( though too few doe make us of such happinesse ) they ( deare soules ) doe see nothing but the abomination of desolation , the God Manzim , the mocke God Mahomet , circumcised Cadees , urging them in the language of Satan , If thou wilt have ease or liberty , fall downe and worshippe me . A day will come when you shall no more remember these your earthly delights , or remember them with more griefe , because they are posting from you or you passing from them . Then at last your carnal friends who at first flattered you with , The worst is past ( when , God knowes , without repentance , the worst is to come ; ) You may live many a faire yeare ( and yet die in a fowle houre ) and the like country consolations to the sicke , they and their cold comforts will prove but e Iobs miserable comforters , f Physitians of no value . And when they see there remaineth no hope of recovery , then they will call on you , O remember God , when ( alasse ▪ ) you cannot remember your selves . But if you expect that Christ shall then remember you , you must now remember him in his distressed members : Otherwise you shall finde too true that saying of a Saint , It is a iust thing that he should not remember himselfe at his death who would not remember God in his life . If you forget him now , beware of such a miserable memento as the rich glutton had in Hell , for not remembring Lazarus on earth ; g Sonne , remember that thou in thy life time receivedst thy good , and Lazarus evil , now therefore he is comforted , and thou art tormented . Shortly , remember that there is a day comming wherein the Iudge himselfe shall come , and say to those who have beene forgetfull herein , h Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire , — For &c. For I was in prison , in captivity and you visited me not . But God forbid that I should dismisse you with a Curse , and not rather ( as our Mother the Church doth her children ) with a blessing . Wherefore Remember them that are in bonds . And doe you aske me how , or wherein you shall remember them ? I tell you in few words , Remember to pity them , remember to pray for them , remember to extend your charity according to every mans ability towards the redeeming & reducing them home , or the relieving of their poore wives and wofull children at home . So remember them as if your selves were in the same bonds and bondage with them , which is the second duty , Compassion , of which ( God willing ) hereafter . Now I beseech the Almighty to grant unto you this remembrance that he may give unto you the blessing promised unto those who doe remember him in his , i Blessed is he who considereth the poore and needy , the Lord will deliver him in the day of trouble . COMPASSION TOWARDS CAPTIVES . The second Sermon . HEB. 13.3 . — as bound with them . FOlloweth now the second duty we owe to our brethren who are in bondage ; A Sympathy or Compassion . We must so remember them as if we our selves were in the same bondage with them , that so we may be the more feelingly affected towards them : As if he had said more at large , If you be true hearted Christians you are bound to remember them , for your selves are , in some respects , bound with them . Conceive therefore their case to be yours . It might have beene yours if it had so pleased God ; it may be yours , if it shall so please God ; yea it must be yours , if you will truly please God. Manifest it is , that We must so esteeme of our brethrens captivity as if i● were our owne calamity . Their bondage must be ours , as if our feet were in their fetters , and their bonds upon our hands . Generally , there must be in all Christians a Sympathy in all their brethrens sufferings , a compassion in all their passions , a fellow-feeling in all their afflictions . The Apostle exhorteth us as a to rejoice with them that rejoice , so to mourne with them that mourne , and to be of like affection one towards another . That whereto he exhorteth others , the same he exhibiteth unto others ; b Who is weake ( saith he ) and I am not weake ? Who is offended and I burne not ? This compassion he makes to be the complement and perfection of ●he Gospell , c Beare ye one anothers burthens and so fulfill the law of Christ. Whereupon one of the ancients inferreth , Every one is so farre forth a perfect man as he is more perfectly sensible in himselfe of another mans sorrowes . True Saints have beene alway thus affected towards their brethren . Hereby holy Iob evidenceth his sincerity ; d Did I not weepe for him who was in trouble ? Was not my soule grieved for the afflicted ? David extended this compassion to his very enemies : e They rejoiced in his affliction , he sorrowed and suffered in theirs , f Neverthelesse when they were sicke my cloathing was sack-cloath . Can we be men after Gods owne heart as David was , if we doe not for our Bretheren what he did for his enemies ? What more feelingly spoken then that of the Prophet Ieremie , g For the hurt of the Daughter of my people I am hurt , I am black , and astonishment hath taken hold of me . And what is the subject of his Lamentations ? Not so much his owne as his Bretherens afflictions , which therefore he takes to be his owne because they were his Bretherens . But memorable is that of noble Nehemias , when he himselfe was not only at liberty , but in eminency at Court , being the kings cup-bearer , did he not yet feele in himselfe his brethrens affliction at Ierusalem , as if he had beene afflicted with them . First he remembred them though farre remote from them ; for h he enquired for them of Hanani and those that came from them how they did . And hearing of their great affliction , he shewed his compassion with them , by his passion for them ; for i He sate downe and wept and mourned certaine daies , and fasted and prayed before the God of heaven . All his owne dignity was no solace to him as long as his brethren were in misery . For when hee presented the cup to the king , and the king , reading in his face the sorrowes of his heart , demaunded him , k why is thy countenance sad seing thou art not sicke ? his reply shewed that it was not his owne malady but his brethrens misery that diseased him , Why should not ( saith he ) my countenance be sad , when the city and place of my fathers sepulchers lyeth wast ? And those pious Hebrews to whom this epistle is written , are commended by the divine pen-man because l they had compassion on him in his bonds . Our blessed Saviour presseth this duty upon us by his owne example as well as by his doctrine . He being free because bound with us ; being rich , because poore with us , being God because man with us . This he did with us and for us , that though we cannot doe the same for our brethren , yet wee should doe the like with them , m Surely he hath borne our griefes and carried our sorrowes : n He was in all things tempted as we are but without sinne . And therefore he cannot chuse but be touched with a feeling of our infir●●●ies : o For in that he himselfe hath suffered being tempted , he is able to succour them that are tempted : yea therefore he would suffer and be tempted that he might the more feelingly succour us in our temptations . And ( as a devout Authour saith ) He would suffer for us , that he might know to suffer with us : he himselfe would become miserable that he might the better commiserate us : that as p he learned obedience by the things which he suffered , so he might also learne compassion . Not as if he knew not before how to be mercifull ( q whose mercy is from everlasting to everlasting ) but that which he knew for ever by nature he would learne in time by experience . If therefore he who was not miserable would be miserable that he might learne that which he knew before , namely to be mercifull , how much more oughtest thou ▪ O man , ( I say not make thy selfe that which thou art not , but ) consider that which thou art , namely miserable , thereby to learne that which otherwise thou knowest not , to commiserate those who are miserable ? The Apostle presents us with a sound reason why there should be a Sympathy among Christians . We are all members of one body , and we doe finde in our natural body , that r If one member doe suffer all the members doe suffer with it . A thorne pricketh the foote : what so farre off from the head as the foote ? but though distant in situation they are neere in affection . The heart being only in the foote , the whole body is busied , every member officiously offers to be a Chirurgeon , or to seeke and send for one as if it selfe were wounded . The head is whole , the backe is sound , the eyes , eares , hands are all safe , the foote only is grieved , yea the foote it selfe is well save in that very place where it is grieved . How is it then that the paine of that one part extendeth to the whole ; By the compassion of charity which enclineth every member to succour one , as if every one suffered in that one . Observe the same in a prease of people : The toe is troden on ; the tongue cries out , why doe you tread on me ? 'T is not the tongue but the toe that 〈◊〉 . Why then complaines the tongue , thou treadest on me . The compassion of unity ( saith the tongue ) causeth me to cry out thou treadest on me , because thou treadest on my fellow-member . If thus in the naturall body , how much more in the mysticall ? Why should not the smarting of any one be the suffering of every one , seing that the members are not more naturally compacted in the naturall body then the members of Christ are in the mysticall ? And doth not the rule of equity require this duty of us ? we are ready to reioyce with them that reioyce ▪ Is it not right then that we should mourne with them that mourne ? We do willingly participate with our brethren in their good , why then should we not partake with them in their evills ? s If one member be honoured all the members rejoice with it . The whole body accounts it selfe adorned with the crowne on the head , decked with the Diamond on the finger . Is it not right then that if one member doe suffer , all the members should suffer with it . we are ready to feast with our brethren , Why then should we refuse to fast with them ? If we will not pledge them in the cup of their sufferings why should we drinke with them the pleasant wine of their comforts ? And surely without this Sympathy there cannot be in us any true tovch of mercy and charity . To put our selves in our brethrens case is the only course to make us feelingly to pity them , charitably to relieve them . Then shall the bowels of our mercy be enlarged towards them , when we even feele our selves straitned in the same bonds with them . So farre is there mercy in us towards others , as we finde the truth of their miseries in our selves . But they who have not this feeling can never truly conceive , much lesse daily remember , least of all charitably releeve others in their distresses . Well saith a worthy one ; We can never be seriously touched with other mens evils as long as we conceive of them as other mens , not as our owne . The sound man knowes not what aileth the sicke ; but the sicke and the sicke , the hungry and the hungry suffering together , doe best know how to pity each other . Polus a famous Actor among the Grecians ( as is recorded of him ) being to represent on the stage Electra mourning for the death of her brother Orestes and bearing in her hands his Vrne , insteed thereof he brought forth the Vrne of his owne deceased Sonne , that by the apprehension of his owne , he might the more feelingly act anothers passion . Doubtlesse ( deare Christians ) we shall never act to the life the Christian part of sorrowing for our perplexed brethren , unlesse we looke on their thraldome as on our owne , as if their lashes did fall upon our loynes , as if our hands were galled with tugging their oares , and our selves stinted to their hungry diet of bread and water . Notwithstanding all this , some there are ( who yet would seeme to be Christians ( of a Stoicall disposition , without passion , save in their owne sufferings , without compassion of their brethrens . Other mens sorrowes and sighes doe no more move them then the roaring of the clifs doe the Rocks and Oakes that are about them : Like unto Galli● t who cared not though the mad Greekes did beat sober Sosthenes before his face , while the blowes fell not upon his owne bones . Fabulous stories , faigned Tragedies will sooner moove them , then the true relation of their brethrens calamities . Such was that Tyrant who could not refraine weeping when he heard a player acting a passionate part in a Tragedy , but never relented at the many murthers committed by his command on his innocent subjects . Learne we ( deare Christians ) by our Saviours both doctrine and example to be better affected towards our afflicted brethren . Remember we them who are in bonds while we are at liberty , those who are in danger while we are in safety , those who are in mourning under any kinde of affliction while we are in joy and jollity . Praised be God , we sit every man under his vine , and under his fig-tree . There is no leading into captivity , no crying out in our streetes : We are at leasure to reade the Gazette , the Corante , Gallobelgicus relations of combustions in every kingdome of Europe , but finde nothing of any such in England . We stand safe on the shore while we see others tossed in the sea , not without an unpleasing pleasing prospect , displeased to see others embroyled , but pleased to finde our selves exempted . Happy are the people that are in such a case , but not happy if insensible of their brethrens unhappinesse . God having made all calme about us hath left us only leasure to looke and lament the stormes of others . How happy are we if we know and thankfully acknowledge our owne happinesse , and with a Christian compassion remember our brethrens miseries ? The one cannot but make us thankfull unto God for our selves , the other charitable unto others . Are we Christians indeed and not in title only ? How can we but relent in the midst of our mirth , when we remember our Christian brethren in France , in the Palatinate , Bohemia , and all Germany , & especially our own ountry-men in Barbary in most barberous slavery ? These thoughts should season all our mirth , and when we are most free out selves we should feele our selves burthened with their bonds . We should say in our hearts concerning them as that blessed Martyr did sometimes write to the captived christians in his daies : I my selfe am in some sort preseent with you in the prison . The spirit will not suffer love to be separated : You are laid up for your confession , I am shut up with you in affection . Who cannot grieve in such grievances of his fellow members ? Who will not account their sufferings his smarting ? Especially if he consider the preciousnesse of this compassion in the sight of God. Compassion is sometimes accepted and rewarded without contribution , but never contribution without compassion . The almes of the minde is sometimes treasured up in Gods bag without the almes of the hand , but the almes of the hand is not esteemed by him without the almes of the minde . If thou relievest with thy money , but bemoanest not with thine heart , thou-maist profit the receiver , but there accrueth neither profit nor comfort to thy selfe . u If I give all my goods to the poore , and have not charity it profiteth me nothing . It may profit them , but it profiteth not me . Compassion is the purse out of which thine almes must be drawne ; if this be wanti●g thou puttest the wages of thy work into an empty bag . Many will rather give to the needy , then grieve for their need . Some will seeme to grieve , but will not give . Both must concurre where ability is not wanting . But if disability doe deny giving , charity must supply it by grieving . Then doth God looke cheerfully on thine almes when thou lookest wofully on thy brothers want . Wealth and vain-glory doe sometimes make men to give , not compassion and mercy . But He giveth royally who with that which he reacheth out to an another receiveth into himselfe the need and want of the receiver , and so makes a royall exchange , taking part of the others sorrowes , and making the other partaker of his substance . It is more ( saith a devout Authour ) to pity with the heart , then to give with the band , for he who perfectly pittieth , little regardeth how much he giveth . Besides he that giveth with hand giveth that which is without him ; but he that extendeth to his brother the bowels of compassion bestowes on him that which is within him his gifts no smale part of himselfe . Many times he giveth who doth not grieve but he who truly grieveth , never with-holds if he have wherewith to give . — For certaine it is that , — True affection ( where meanes doe concurre with the minde ) will not be without action . If we inwardly suffer with them we will straine our selves to succour our suffering brethren , either in their owne persons , or mitigating ( what we may ) their bondage by relieving theirs who though at liberty doe suffer by their bondage . It is a cold compassion that is not warmed with some contribution , a sorry Sympathy that restrains the bowels of charity . If the mouth only doe bemone them , and the hand endevour not to releive them , * what is this but that painted compassion which S. Iames cals unprofitable ? If a brother or sister be naked and destitute of daily food , and one of you say unto them . Depart in peace , be warmed and filled , not withstanding you give them not those things that are needfull to the body , what doth it profit them ? It profiteth neither them nor you . Not them , for your warme words cannot cloath them , nor your fat words fill them . Not your selves , for you kill your good workes in that you doe not quicken them with answerable actions . Many there are who at tables and other meetings when speech is made of their brethrens grievous bondage in Barbary will presently flash out , Alas poore men , they are in miserable case , t were better they were out of their lives , God helpe them , God comfort them — No doubt but God doth inwardly helpe and comfort them , otherwise they could not possible endure . But they who rather command God so to doe , then truly pray to him that he will doe so , doing nothing themselves , they thinke they have done enough in turning the worke over unto God. And by such verball pittying without reall releiving they bewray that there is no true love in them , either of God to whome they so pray , or to their brother whom they seeme to pitty . For x whosoever hath this worlds good and seeth his brother to have neede , and shutteh up his bowels of compassion from him , how dwelleth the love of God in that man ? And if no love of God then neither of his brother ; for no man loveth and so leaveth . God helpe them , God comfort them ! 16 Good words indeed , but only words ; whereas men in misery need not words , but deeds of charity . To wish well only is but a livelesse carcasse . y The fig-tree which our Saviour cursed for having leaves only and not fruit , is an Embleme of those who have charitable words without answerable actions . More pleasing unto God is the forward fig-tree , to which fruit is insteed of leaves : It is not yet apparalled with leaves when it is adorned with fruit . z The fig-tree ( saith the spouse in the Canticles ) putteth forth her greene figs , ( not her greene leaves ) and the vines with the tender grapes doe give a good smell . That tree is most acceptable unto God which hath not only the leaves and flowers of good words but the fruits of good workes . a As every tree is knowne by his owne fruit , ( not by his leaves or blouth ) so is every Christian knowne by his good workes , not by his good words . b Of the two Sonnes he is commended who first told his father flatly that he would not doe what was commanded , * but upon better advisement went & did it , before him who smoothly said he would doe it , but departed and did it not . Of the two rather give me him , who first denieth but afterwards doth that which is good and helpfull to his brother , then one who speakes him faire , but doth nothing for him . Let therefore some contribution with the hand speake feelingly the inward compassion of the heart . This will speake us to God , Angels , and men to be true Christians . For So inseparably cleaveth this Sympathy with our brethren in their sufferings unto true Christianity , that we no sooner finde Christians to be named in Scripture but we finde in them this active compassion . In the first and truest Ecclesiasticall history we read that c The Antiochians were the first that were called Christians . Immediately after this their profession , is recorded the ever deeming thereof by their charitable providing for their distressed brethren . For when d Aggabus prophecied of a great dearth shortly to ensue these Proto-Christians resolved to send reliefe to their brethren in Iudaea , which they did by the hands of Barnabas and Saul . Where you may observe five things concurring in their contribution . They did it . 1 Generally : 2 Bountifully : 3 Cheerefully : 4 Timely : 5 Trustily . 1 They did it Generally ; for all the Christians in generall , and every one in particular concurred in this contribution . 2 Bountifully ; for every one contributed according to his ability . 3 Cheerefully ; They never pinched at it , nor demurred on it , but at first hearing resolved to doe it . 4 Timely ; for they did wait till the brethren in Iudaea sought or besought them , but as soone as they heard of a Dearth presently they sent reliefe , yea by a forward supply prevented the famine . 5 They did it Trustily , for what was contributed they sent by trusty messengers , Barnabas and Saul . 1 Let us ( deare Christians as neare as we may ) follow the precedent of these prime Christians . First , what is to be done in this kinde , let it be done generally . His Majesties letters patent in our captived brethrens behalfe were larger then any granted heretofore for other collections . Others limited to certaine Counties , Shires , Cities . This extended over the whole land , that every one according to his ability should advance such a pious worke . As the Apostle admonisheth the Corinthians concerning the relieving of the brethren at Hierusalem , e Let every one of you lay by him in store , as God hath prospered him : And againe , f Every one as he purposeth in his heart , so let him give . Every one ; For g some must not be burthened that others may be eased ; save that some who abound ought to burthen themselves , that others who are not so able , may be eased . They who have a litle let them impart a litle out of their litle . Scarce any widow but hath a mite to spare . A litle is much to him who hath not so much as a litle . Any thing is welcome to him who hath nothing , and a litle from many will be much to a few . Doe it bountifully . They who are rich in wordly goods must be rich in good works , that they may be double rich . They who abound in ability let them also abound in charity . 2 As God hath prospered him , so let him give , said the Apostle . Hath God given bountifully unto you , & will you give niggardly unto them , that is , unto him ? Doth he say by his Apostle ? h He that soweth sparingly shall reape sparingly , and he that soweth bountifully shall reape bountifully . And shall he reape sparingly from you who hath sowed so bountifully on you ? Doe you not read that i To whome much is given of him much shall be required ? And can you thinke that no more is required of you then of those to whom so litle , so nothing is given in comparison of you ? Shame you not that all things should abound unto you , save the best of all , your charity ? With what face can you pray unto God with David ; k Have mercy upon me O Lord , according to thy great mercy , when you extend so litle mercy to him in his members out of your great ability ? 3 Doe it cheerefully , as the Apostle adviseth : Not grudgingly or of necessity but of a willing minde : For God loveth a cheerefull giver . l He looseth his good work who doth it not with a good will , he doubles it that doth it with alacrity . This seed must be sowne as with a full hand , so with a free heart , and a cheerefull countenance . It is thine affection that doth Christen and give the name to thine action . As it proceedeth from thee so is it esteemed by God. God who in some cases accepts the will for the deed , in this , respecteth the will more then the deed . For without this willingnesse in giving , the gift though never so great , is not accepted . It is otherwise here then in the Psalme , m They who sow in teares shall reape in joy . But here , they who sow in teares as if they wept for every penny that departeth from them , must not looke for a joyfull reaping . Doe it timely , least the triviall Proverb overtake your lazy charity , While the grasse growes the horse starves . Herein follow the Antiochians example , whose reliefe prevented their brethrens want . Aggabus did not say that there was a dearth already , but only foretold of a dearth that should be , and immediatly they sent away , that their speedy charity might anticipate their brethrens indigency . Doe as the Apostle willeth the Corinthians , n Make up before hand your bounty that the same may be ready . 4 — Let us boast of you , brethren , as he doth of them ; o I know the forwardnesse of your minde , for which I boast of you to them of Macedonia Achaia was ready a yeare agoe , and your zeale hath provoked many . Let Solomons counsell cause you to give a quick loose to your liberality : p Withhold not good from them to whom it is due , when it is in the power of thine hand to doe it . Observe , from them to whom it is due , that is from the owner , from the master of it , as the Originall will well beare , Know that in this case thou art not owner of thine owne , not master of thine owne money . It is not his who hath it but his who wanteth it . He hath more right to it then thy selfe who hath more need of it then thy selfe : delaying to give unto him , thou deniest him his owne . His necessity maketh him the master of it ; God thee the Steward only . q Say not to thy neighbour goe , and come againe , and to morrow I will give thee when thou hast it by thee . Adjourne not thy benevolence , give not thy gift a nights lodging , let not him who needeth it lie one night without it . Why shouldst thou turne him off till to morrow who needeth it to day , who needed it yesterday yea many daies since ? Mercy is a thing that brookes no delay ; misery of all things cannot endure demurrers . If Christ said unto him who should betray him , r That thou doest , doe it quickly ▪ Much more saith he to them who should relieve him , That which you meane to doe , doe it timely . * Twice your gift by timely giving it . One thing remaines , 5 They did it trustily : s They sent their benevolence by the hands of trusty men , Barnabas and Saul . It was a principall care of the Apostles to entrust men of experienced faithfullnesse with the conveying of their contributions , that what was charitably conferred might be safely conveyed . Therefore commonly they employed not one single person , but two at least , and both these singular for their integrity . Here they employ both Barnabas and Saul , men of whose faithfullnesse there could be no suspition . One of them , Barnabas , t Sold his land and laid it at the Apostles feet : And was it likely that he who gave away his owne would defraud the faithfull of the bounty of others ? The other , Saul , was now become Paul , of a persecutor an Apostle ; so industrious and zealous in his function that he used not his lawfull u power of living by the Gospell which he preached , but laboured with his hands because he would not be burthensome . And was it probable that with the same hands he would intervert the charity of others to his owne use , defrauding both the brethren who contributed , and those who were to be relieved ? At another time they imploy Titus , and not him alone , but they joyne with him x the brother whose praise is in the Gospell throughout all the Church , namely S. Luke , say some ; Barnabas , say others ; certainly a man of approved industry and honesty , knowing that in a matter of such consequence as this , two are better then one , though one be never so good . I must not say what the country saith , Onely I pray that something may be done in this kinde bountifully and timely and what is so done may be trustily conveyed and accordingly imployed by some approved Barnabas and Saul . Thi● should be done with the speedier expedition , least cruelty should compell any of these miserable captives to enthrall themselves to a more miserable captivity ; and , to be freed from the bonds of Turks , to render themselves over to the bondage of Satan , as too many have done ; renouncing Christ because they could not receive reliefe from Christians , who to free their bodies have made Gally-slaves of their soules . O let us remember them whom paine and torment have enforced to forget that ever they gave their names to Christ. Remember to mourne for them , to pity them , to pray that if it be possible ( & with God nothing is impossible ) they may be freed from the snare of the Devill . Insult not over their fall . Peradventure hadst thou beene in their case thou wouldst not have endured halfe the lashes that they have done ; but ( as did a more valiant souldiour then thy selfe ) before the Cock crew twice thou wouldst have denied thy master thrice . Christ should have had three denialls before thou wouldst have endured halfe their conflicts . * Even in this their fowle and fearefull defection there is due from us a Sympathy towards them , such as S. Cyprian extended towards them who revolted in persecution ▪ I joyne my heart ( saith he ) with every one of them , I lay the lamentable burthens of my sorrowes on their shoulders . The same arrowes of the raging enemy that have pierced their bowels have passed through my sides . Infirmity hath foyled my brethren and affection hath cast me downe in them . But why should we mourne for them who mourne not for themselves ? But why should we not so much the more mourne for them , ( as * Samuel did for Saul ) both because they have committed that for which they should mourne , and doe not mourne for that which they have committed ? And who knowes whether they doe not mourne ? They may have received the abominable circumcision in their flesh , but not in their hearts . Some of them have professed so much in their private letters to their friends that outwardly they are Mahumetans , but in minde they remaine Christians . Excuse them I cannot . My soule doth weepe in secret for their sinnes . No lesse cause haue we to shed teares for too manie Renegadoes that remaine among us , Roarers , Blaspeamers , Sonnes of Belial , Vsurious Iewes , who professe Christians and live Mahumetans , living under Baptisme worse then many of them in their cursed circumcision . Be they as bad as you can conceive them , the greater cause we have to mourne for them . If by our mourning we profit not them , yet we advantage our selves . That man washeth away his owne sinnes who truely weepeth for anothers . The teares which doe not fructify the soyle for which they are shed , may be fruitfull to the soule from whence they are sent . COMPASSION TOWARDS CAPTIVES . The third Sermon . HEB. 13.3 . — as bound with them . FOrcible are the Motives inciting us to this duty of fellow-suffering with our brethren , in all their sorrowes , chiefly in their sorrowfull bondage . But it is in vaine to use Motives untill the Impediments be remooved whereby Satan and mans corruption doe hinder many from this compassion . The first is an Apathy or senceless● stupidity that is in many men . 1 They are insensible of their owne sufferings . They feele not the hand of God , when for their sinnes ( peradventure for this of not pitying their brethren ) hee layeth heavy stroakes upon them . Of dough-bak't Ephraim the Prophet complaineth that a strangers had devoured his strength yet he knew it not ; gray haires were here and there upon him yet he perceived it not . They who are thus insensible of their owne sufferings , how can they condole others ? Labour for a tender heart , apprehensive of the least frowne of our heavenly Father , deepely sensible of every fillip of his finger in displeasure , then shall your compassion extend it selfe more viscerally towards your afflicted brethren . A second Impediment is Epicurisme or sensuality : For when men are soaked in the pleasures , and drowned in the delights of this present world , they have no remorse of others distresses , yea they feare least the very thought of others griefe should drowne all their mirth . You heard out of the Prophet Amos , that this made the secure Israelites forget the affliction of Ioseph ; and out of the Gospell , that it caused the pampered glutton to neglect ulcerated Lazarus at his doores . 3 Pride and Statelinesse is a third . Some are so lofty that they disdaine to looke so low as to take notice of their poore brethrens distresse . If mention be made of our miserable brethrens thraldome in Barbary , What are they ( say these ) but a company of base creatures , such as th● world may well spare ? What shall we talke of them or trouble our selves about them ? The very voice of the blatant beast ? Sure it is that without humility , we shall never have any true tincture of this Sympathy . Therefore when the Apostle exhorteth to this compassion , b Weepe with them that weepe , and be of like affection one towards another , immediately he enters a caveat against pride , Be not high minded ; and exhorteth to humility , condescend to men of low estate . Your high minded men doe scarce thinke Christ good enough to be their head , because he stoopt so low as to wash his Disciples feet . Get wee once to bee humble , or else wee shall never learne to be truly charitable . But the very cut throate of compassion , the Antipathy to all Christian sympathy , the Hell that devoures all pity , commiseration ; compassion towards our brethren , is Covetousnesse . This dries up the streames of mercy , and exhausteth the veines of charity . This makes one to be no more moved with the grone● sighes , teares of Widowes , Orphans , Captives , then wit● 〈◊〉 whining of a whelp , or the peeping of a chick . The crie of the horse-leach ever ringing in the misers eares , Give , Give , so drownes the crie & complaint of the poore that he heares no more the Lazars bell nor the prisoners fetters , then we doe what is now said among the Antipodes . But like those who dwell at the fall of the river Nilus the continuall voice of his owne covetous desires doe deafen him against all complaints of others . Couetousnes hath taught him the Deuils Logicke , he is all for clutching the fist , hee cannot learne the Christian Rhetorick of extending the palme in charitable contribution . Our covetous Nabals have their Topicks , common places , whence they fetch arguments against giving & relieveing : They offer to defend their Baal by Gods book which doth utterly overthrow it . Busbequius a grave Authour , sometimes Embassadour to the great Turke from the German Emperour , reports how forward the Christian Marchants were in Pera ( a place adjoyning to Constantinople ) for the redeeming of certaine Christians there held captives . Onely there was one out of whose fingers could not be wrung one farthing towards the advancement of this charitable designe . His reasons were more unreasonable then his refusall , What these men are ( said he ) I know not ; this I know , that their affliction is from God. Let them continue in that case into which God hath cast them , untill it please him to free them : seeing it pleased God thus to punish them who am I that should release thē , unles I would be found to fight against God. O cunning Sophister Satan , who by arguments from the will of God can impugne the will of God , & from his providence maintaines covetousnesse , the maine opposite unto Gods providence . Mine Authour gives not the name of this monster . Only he saith that he was an Italogrecian , a mungrel between a Greeke & an Italian . Such as his lineage was such was his language . God forbid that there should be among us such mungrels to barke out such dogged speeches . This is certaine , Compassion can have no admitta●●e into the heart , where the evill spirit , covetousnesse , 〈…〉 possession . A fift impediment is , pretended want . I am poore my selfe , I have a great charge of mine owne , I am in the Vsurers bands , as hard a thraldome as some of them doe endure in Sally or Algier . What of all this ? Thou shouldest remember them the sooner ; and by thine owne affliction conceive more feelingly of theirs . But I have not wherewith to supply them . But thou hast wherewith to pity them , wherewith to pray for them . * All charity is not drawne out of the bag ? Insteed of a great gift give griefe , give teares , give compassion . Condolement is no small comfort to him that suffereth . A pitifull , a pitying heart is many times no small almes . He doth not shut up his bowels from his afflicted brother , who affords him compassion , whereby he shewes that he would relieve him if he were able . God , who requires a good work of such as are able , accepts the good will of such as are unable . c If there be first a willing minde it is accepted according to that which a man hath , and not according to that which he hath not . If thou wilt not afford thy distressed brother a place in thy memory , thou wilt hardly afford him any part of thy money . If thou wilt not allow him the affection of compassion , which the more it is extended the more it is augmented : how wouldst thou extend to him thy earthly substance , which the more it is distributed the more it is diminished ? But they are strangers unto me , neither kiffe nor kin ▪ I never saw their faces nor heard of their names . They have friends , acquaintance , kindred of their owne , let them relieve them . But they are of thine owne religion , thine own nation , thine owne nature : And is not the least of these sufficient acquaintance when they are in misery ? Is it not both thine and their Makers charge ? d When thou seest the naked thou shalt cover him ; any naked , whether neighbour or stranger , knowne or unknowne , that 's all one . Thou seest his nakednesse , thou knowest his need , that 's sufficient for acquaintance . Marke the motive annexed : Thou shalt not hide thy selfe from thine owne flesh . Is there any better knowne or nearer kin to thee then thine owne flesh ? If thou hidest thy face from him in his need thou hidest thy selfe from one who is nearer kin to thee then thy nearest cosen by blood , even from thine owne flesh . Holy Iob professeth that while he was in his prosperity e he saw not any perish for want of cloathing , nor any poore without covering . He saith not , any of my kindred , or any of my acquaintance , but not any poore . Vnto pious mindes Nature is a better Oratour then notion . No man who is in need , even in this regard that he is a man , should be a stranger unto us . Our Redeemer did not stand upon these nice points of kindred and acquaintance , when he freed us from our most miserable bondage . But though f We were Gentiles in the flesh , Aliens from the common wealth of Israel , strangers from the covenant of promise ; yet all this could not estrange his compassion from us , but he did and suffered more for us , then it is possible any man can doe for his brother , his father , or best benefactour . Can then any Christian be unknown to him to whom Christ is known ? Doe we say that we are united to the Head and can wee bee unacquainted with any member of the body ? Their hunger , their bonds , their burthens , their blowes are not these sufficient for commiseration , though we never saw their persons ? g But the more to move us to compassionate these our barbarously oppressed brethren , let us ( in the last place ) lay to your hearts , these few among many forcible incentives . First , Nature it selfe incites us to this Sympathy . This naturall instinct we finde in our owne bodies . * Whence is it that one in a company yawning or gaping , the rest doe so likewise unlesse they prevent it ? That one eating bitter or tart meates others teeth doe water and are set on edge ? Is there such a Sympathy in our bodies ? Why not much more in our mindes ? 2 From our selves desend we to bruite beasts . Wee finde in them a kinde of compassion towards their kinde . The wild buls doe bellow in the fields or woods if they finde one of their fellowes slaine , and by kinde obsequies doe celebrate their brothers funerals . What bruite beast more bruitish , more beastly then the swine ? * Whose life ( saith one ) is given them only to keepe their flesh from purrifying ? Yet if one of them be tangled in some gate or hedge , you may observe how his crie calls the whole heard that is within hearing to come to him , if they cannot , yet they fall a crying with him as if they craved helpe for their fellow . Come we unto senseles Creatures . As in some things there is an Antipathy , so there is a Sympathy in others . * Touch but one string in a lute , and another soundeth though not neare unto it . I omit the Sympathy betweene the load-stone and the iron , betweene Amber and straw , jet and an hayre , rare secrets in nature , common in triall . Out of the premises I argue thus : If our owne naturall bodies , if brute creatures , which are led only by sence , yea if senselesse creatures by an occult quality be thus affected one towards another , 3 then what ought Christians to doe who are endued with reason , enlightned with religion , and led or rather drawne with naturall affection ? Now if nature doe teach us this compassion , how much more Grace , and that sundry waies . As first by that argument that we are all members of one mysticall body , and fellow-members one with another , which hath beene formerly urged . Of this body the Head is Christ , who hath shewed this sympathy by his owne example , which also hath beene evidenced already . 1 To which let this be added out of one of the ancients ; ** This forme of piety ( saith he ) Christ the mediatour betweene God and man hath shewed unto men , who doubtlesse without dying might have saved us from Death if hee would : But he rather chose to redeeme man by dying for man. His love had not beene so great unto us , unlesse he had taken upon him our woundes ; neither had he so effectually shewed the force of his charity , if he had not for a time taken on himselfe that which hee came to take from us . Hee found us mortall who made us able to continue immortall . And hee who by his word so made us , could have restored us by the same word without his Death . But to shew how powerfull his compassion was towads us , he became that for us which he would not have us continue to be . Himselfe undertooke death for us , that so he might for ever free us from Death . Let the same minde be in us Christians towards our fellow members , which was in our head Christ towards us , otherwise wee cannot bee true Christians . How can wee hope for salvation by him if we be not living members of his body ? If wee be living members then are wee feeling members . * As long as the member is in the body it is effected with the griefe of any part of the body . But if it be either dead or cut off from the body , let the body bee dismembred or cut into a thousand peeces , it feeleth not : so is every Christian who is not affected with the affliction of another Christian. Such doe shew themselves to be no better then rotten branches in the Vine , and must exspect no better reward then the true Vine awardeth them ; g Men doe gather such and doe cast them into the fire and they are burned . Besides , if we enter into a due consideration of the persons suffering , how many things doe wee meet with , which may moove an obdurate heart to pity them ? They are men ; should we see a man beating his horse , his dog , as our men are beaten by these circumcised dogs , wee would pity the poore beast and crie out that the owner were a verier beast then that he beateth . They are our country-men and unto many , 2 neare kinsemen . Were they forraigners and strangers , how could wee but relent at the relation of their miseries ? Can any true Christian heare or read without teares the relation of the Imperialists cruelty in Bohemia or in Magdenburge , or Spanish Immanities among the West Indians ? Yet these were strangers farre remote from us , and these last men of another world . They are Christians and consequently our brethren . Were they enemies wee could not wish them worse on earth then that which they endure . 3 Nay were they Turks a Christian would hardly see without griefe , a Turke to suffer that of others which Christians doe of Turkes . Can we then heare of those miseries which men , 4 our owne country-men , our brethren doe endure , and not consider them ? Consider and not compassionate them ? Compassionate , and not straine our abilities to the uttermost to relieve them ? They are the living Temples of God , Should wee suffer Gods Temples to be possessed by Infidels if we could free them ? Were our owne houses possessed by theeves , what would we doe , what would we not doe to cleare them ? What then should we not doe to redeeme the living Temples of the Holy Ghost ? In my thoughts , whensoever we dine or sup in our houses that expostulation of the Lord with the secure Iewes should pluck us by the eares ; h Is this a time , O ye , to sit in your sieled houses , and the house of the Lord to lie wast ? Is this a time for us to feast it in our houses , and to suffer the houses & Temples of the holy one of Israel to be possessed by mischievous Mahumetans ? Then from our sorrowfull brethren reflect wee our thoughts upon our selves , and in the scales of our owne estate weigh we the equity of the precept , which will not a litle incite us to the performance of it . Remember them that are in bonds as bound with them . What more equitable . You might have beene bound with them , yea you might have beene bound and they free ; if God had so disposed ? You might have fallen into their bonds , and they enjoyed your freedome . And would not you then have desired of them what now is required of you towards them ? Well then , you know what their and your Master commandeth , Whatsoever you would that men should doe unto you the same doe unto them . It might have beene your case , it may bee your case : you know what is past , you know not what is to come . Have we not reason to make their case our owne , if we consider that it may be our owne ? It may be your own ! Nay , is it not in some respects your owne already ? For , Are you not in the body , as in the end of this verse ? And what is the body but the prison of the soule ? Doth not every man living beare about him a walking prison ? Is not the soule in bonds while it is in the body ? And it may come to passe before the soule be freed out of this prison , the body , that the body also may be in bonds and endure captivity . Why should any man thinke that any thing incident to man should not befall him seeing he is a man ? That which happeneth unto one may happen unto any one , and soonest perhaps unto him , who thinkes it impossible that it should happen unto him . When Manasses was on his throne he litle dreamp't of a prison , and that he should exchange the gold on his head for irons about his heeles , yet so he did : And so did King Zedechias , and the richest of heathen kings , Craesus . So did some Emperours of Rome ; many Emperours of Constantinople , one Emperour of the Turkes . Should God ever cast us into such calamities , we should be the better able to endure them in our selves , if we had first felt them in others . Then should we also conceive better hope that God would touch the hearts of others to compassionate us , if hee have once touched ours to commiserate others . But I will prevent falling into the hands of Turkes , I trow ; I purpose not to adventure on the Seas , or to come so nigh them as to be caught by them . Grant it . But thou maist fall fowle with Turkes at home , Land-pyrats , Vsurers , Oppressours , or into some other misery that shall enforce thee to crave commiseration as much as ours doe who are in Barbary . And art thou sure if thou adventurest not thy selfe on Sea to be safe on land ? Though thou com'st not neare the Turkes may not they come too neare thee ? Did not others watch for us while we sleep , and did not he watch over us who neither slumbereth nor sleepeth , we might have beene surprised by them while we are sleeping on our beds . See we not how audacious they are growne ? How their shalops brave us at our harbours mouthes ? What threates have they sent us of late that ere long they will make some of us see Algier ? And who were these but some of our owne nation turned Turkes , threatning to bring us unto their owne condition because wee would not free them in season ? Can we forget that Tragicall transportation of our brethren from Baltamore into that Babilon , Barbary ? All of them English , most of them Cornish , suddenly surprized in the silence of the night . They dreaded no disaster , they supposed themselves safe , they went to bed and laied themselves downe ( as they hoped ) to sleepe in safty . When suddenly their houses were broken up , they haled out of their beds , the husband , wife and children every one fast bound , carried away in three or fowre howres , and afterward so seperated as not suffered to meet againe , but every one left to lament others misery as well as his owne . It was not with them in that night as the Iudge saith it shall be at his comming ; i Two in one bed , the one taken and the other left ; But two or three in one bed , Father , Mother , Child , seaven or more in an house all taken and not one left . What heart at this houre bleedes not at the remembrance of that nights Tragedy ? The wife calls on her husband to helpe her . How can he help his Other selfe who cannot help his owne selfe ? The poore child cries , O Mother keepe me , O Father keepe me , when Father and Mother are kept fast enough themselves from keeping and helping theirs . Oft had the poore litle ones when they were pettish being terrified with , The bug-beare comes to carry thee away : Now not bug-beares but Barbary beares are come to carry away Child , Mother , Father and all they can finde in the family . Some lost their lives fighting ( but in vaine ) to save their wives and children , herein happy that death prevented in them those miseries which theirs , surviving to greater sorrowes doe endure . For of the two , better it is to fall by the hands , then into the hands of those Tyranous Turkes , whose saving is worse then slaying , who , if they grant life , it is but to prolong griefe . May not the same or the like betide us , if God shall so appoint it ? And are our merits better then theirs that God should not so appoint it ? But what speake I of might have beene , or may be ? Are we not already in a farre worse bondage then they ; if we have no feeling , no remorse of theirs ? They are in corporall bonds , we , without this compassion , are in spirituall . They under Turkes , we under the Devill . They bought and sold by men , we sold under sinne . They under the tyranny of others , we under our owne tyrannous lusts , and affections . Our barbarous inhumanity is a worse bondage then theirs in Barbary . In such a captive condition are they who have not this compassion towards their captived brethren . But had I words to expresse ( though but in part ) the excellency of the worke it would be most powerfull to incite us to the performance of it . Every worke is the more excellent by how much the obiect thereof more excelleth . The worke is Redeeming : for therefore we are to remember them that we doe our best to redeeme them . And who are those who are to be redeemed ? They are not only the Temples of the Lord ( as hath beene shewed ) but the Lord of the Temple himselfe is held captive in them . It is not only our brethrens case , it might have beene ours , it is ours already by the Vnion of charity , or , if not , then are wee our selves in a worse slavery ; but ( that which should more nearely touch us then if it were our owne case ) it is his who should be nearer to us then our selves , it is our Lord and Masters , our Saviour and Redeemers case . For , doth not he himselfe complaine that they who neglected his , in this very case , neglected him ? k I was in prison and you visited me not . The head and members cannot bee separated . I was in prison because mine were . I because they were in whom I am and they in me . As there is no good which any of mine doe , but I doe it in them , so there is no evill which they suffer for my sake but I suffer it with them . Otherwise I would not have cried out from heaven to Saul persecuting my Church upon earth ; l Saul , Saul , why persecutest thou me ? If then we will not redeem our brethren let us redeem our Father : if not our fellow-members , yet our head , if not men , yet God : if not Christians , yet Christ. Let us redeeme him from bonds who redeemed us from Death : Him from corporall servitude who redeemed us from the slavery of sinne : Let us redeeme him with a small portion of our perishable substance ( which this way imployed shall not perish ) who redeemed us , not with corruptible things , as silver and gold , but with his precious blood , more worth then a million of worlds . Should we leave our native country and sayle into Barbary , and there offer our selves to bondage for our brethren , saying unto their Pateroones ; Free these men and take us , we will be ▪ your slaves in their steeds , we could doe no more ( nay , God knowes , nothing neare so much ) for them , as he who is captive in them hath done for us . If therefore we will not remember them for their sakes , let us remember them for his sake , let us remember them for our own sakes , that the great redeemer , who is also the great rewarder to every good worke , ( especially of this ) may one day in mercy remember us ; which shall be the last ( but should not be the least ) incitement unto us . Certaine it is that the more excellent the worke is , the more excellent shall be the reward . This then being so excellent a worke as the redeeming of our redeemer himselfe in his captiv'd members , shall not want a most excellent recompence . And were there no other recompence then the acknowledgement of this kindenesse ( regarding the disparity betweene the persons ) yet this were neede enough to any noble minde . If it be an honour to a subiect for the King to acknowledge with his own mouth in the presence of all his nobles that sometimes he was beholding to him , what will it be when the King of Kings shall one day acknowledge and publish that he was ( in a manner ) beholding unto man ? O how comfortable will it bee in that great day of Iudgement , and of Mercy ( of Iudgement to Turks and Tyrants , of Mercy to charitable Christians ) when the Iudge himselfe shall say , I was in prison 〈◊〉 you came to me . Yea more ; you , by freeing me , procured tha● I might come to you , might come unto mine owne family , to the Temple of the Lord , to the publick service of God , to the Word and Sacraments , from all which I was ( because mine were ) debarred . You did that for them ( and in them as farre as you could for me ) which I did for you . I redeemed you , and you ( in them ) redeemed me : I you by taking on me your bonds , you me by freeing them from bondage , I you from the bondage of hell , you me from the bondage of hell-hownds ; I you by my blood , you me by your benevolence . Iudas his treason was not more grievous and odious unto me , then your compassion is acceptable . He sold me to the Iewes , you have bought me from the Turks . Your redeeming me lesse chargeable , more easie by infinite degrees then my redeeming you , but no lesse acceptable to me , then if you had shed your blood for me as I did mine for you . What an honour will it be , when the King himselfe sitting in his Maiesty shall publish in the large Amphitheater of the whole world his former misery for your greater glory , and make known his owne sufferings to proclaime your kindnesse , holding himselfe to have beene beholding unto you when you have done but your duties ? Though this acknowledgment be an ample recompence , yet this recompence ( you will say ) is but verball acknowledgment . But this verball acknowledgment shall be seconded with a reall recompence that shall not be as a lease for yeares determinable upon lives , but an inheritance , and that inheritance no lesse then of a Kingdome , and that Kingdome not newly erected , but long prepared , so long as from the foundation of the world , and consequently to continue after the dissolution of the world , and prepared not by man but by God the Father , and for none other , but for you , for you , who by your deedes of mercy have evidenced the sincerity of your faith . O what a joy , what a crowne of rejoycing will it be , when you shall heare from the mouth of the Iudge himselfe that comfortable call ; m 〈◊〉 yee blessed of my father , inherit the Kingdome prepared for you from the foundation of the world . Vnto the which Kingdome he bring us , who hath prepared it for us , not for our merits , but out of his owne mercy and by the merits of his deare Sonne Iesus , To whom our gracius redeemer , together with him the glorious Father , and the blessed spirit the only Comforter , three Persons in one Godhead blessed for ever , be ascribed all Praise , Power , Might , Majesty , Dominion , and Glory , now and alwaies . AMEN . AMEN . AN EPISTLE OF THAT BLSSED MARTYR S t CYPRIAN SOMETIME Bp. OF CARTHAGE . TO The Bishops of Numidia concerning the Redemption of the Brethren from the bondage of the BARBARIANS . Wherein 1 He deploreth the Captivity of the Brethren signified unto him by the Bishops of Numidia , and sheweth what ought to be the duty of Christians in this regard . 2 To this end he proposeth sundry arguments . 3 The effects of them , in regard of the Church of Carthage confirmed by other arguments . 4 The Charity and liberality of that Church towards these Captives , and S t Cyprians pious petition . Cyprian to Ianuarius , Maximus , Proculus his [ beloved ] Brethren , wisheth health . WITH very great griefe of minde , and not without teares , we have read your letters ( most deare brethren ) which out of the tendernesse of your love you have addressed unto us concerning the captivity of our Brethren and Sisters . For who cannot grieve in such occurrents ? Or who cannot esteeme his brethrens griefe to be his owne ? seeing the Apostle Paul doth say , a If one member doth suffer , the other members doe suffer with it , and if one member doe rejoyce , the other members doe rejoyce with it . And in an other place . b Who is weake and I am not weake ? We therefore must now esteeme our brethrens captivity to be our owne captivity . The sorrow of those who are endangered is to be accounted our sorrow , seeing we are all united in one body , and not love so much as religiō ought to instigate , & encourage us to redeeme the members of our brethren . For the Apostle saith againe , Know you not that you are the Temple of God , & that the spirit of God dwelleth in you . If charity did not urge us to succour our brethren , yet we should here consider that they are the Temples of the Lord , who are captived . and that we ought not by long delay and neglected griefe suffer the Temples of the Lord to be long detained captives , but speedily labour and endevour the best we may by our best services to procure Christ , our Iudge , our God to be favorable unto us . For seeing the Apostle Paul saith , d As many of you as are Baptized into Christ have put on Christ , in our captive-brethren we must contemplate Christ himselfe . And he is to be redeemed from the danger of captivity , who hath redeemed us from the danger of Death ; that hee who drew us out of the jawes of the Devill , and remaineth and dwelleth in us , should now himselfe be deliuered out of the hands of Barbarians , and be ransomed with some part of our mony , who ransomed us with his Crosse and his Bloud : who in the meane time doth therefore permitt these things to come to passe for the triall of our faith , whether every one of us will doe for his brother , that which he would have to be done for himselfe , if he were now in bonds under the Barbarians . For what man who is mindfull of humanity and well advised of Christian Charity , if he be a Father , doth not thinke that his sons are there ? If he be an husband , doth not with griefe and blush of the matrimoniall band esteeme that his wife is there held captive ? But how are wee all in common greived and vexed for the danger of the Virgins who are there detained ? In whom not only the losse of liberty , but depriuement of chastity is to be bewailed , and not so much the bonds of Barbarians , as the impurities of baudes and brothels are to be bemoned with teares , lest the members dedicated unto Christ should bee defiled with the contagious lusts of their insulters . All which things we here ( as brethren ) takeing into consideration ( according to your letters ) and diligently examining , have readily , willingly , and largly sent supplies of mony to our brethren , being alway forward in the worke of God , every one according to the firmenesse of his faith , but now much more enflamed to such saving workes by the contemplation of so great sorrowe . For seeing ou● Lord saith in his Gospel ; e I was sick and you visited me . How much more will he say in this case ( and that for our greater reward ) I was a captive and you redeemed me ? And whereas againe he saith , I was in prison and you came unto me , how much more will it be when he shall beginne to say ( when the day of judgment shall come , wherein you shall receive a reward from the Lord ) I was closed up in prison of captivity , I lay bound among the Barbarians , and from that prison , from that bondage you freed mee ? In breife , we give you great thanks that you would make us partakers of your carefulnesse , and [ interest ] us with you in so good and necessary an imploiment , * as to present unto us fruitfull fields , in which wee may sow the seedes of our hope , expecting the harvest of those ample fruits , which doe grow and proceed from such an heavenly and helpfull harvest . Now we have sent one hundred thousand Sesterces that is , * 781 l 5 s sterling , which summe hath beene raised by the contribution of the Clergie and Laytie in the Church , over which by the providence of God we are made overseers ; which you shall distribute there and dispose of according to your diligence . And wee desire indeed that there may not be the like occasion hereafter ; but that our bretheren being protected by Gods providence may be preserved safe from such dangers . But if it shall please God , ( for the triall of our charitable minde and faithfull heart ) that the like shall come to passe hereafter , delay yee not to acquaint us therewith by your letters , assuring your selves that the Church and whole society here , as they doe earnestly pray that such things may not be againe , so ( if they should bee ) they will willingly and largely send supplies againe . And that you may remember in your prayers our brethren and sisters , who have so readily and willingly contributed to this so necessary a worke , ( that they may worke so alwaies ) and in your devotions for them returne unto them a requitall of this good worke , I have subscribed the names of every one of them , as also of our Colleagues and fellow-priests who themselves likewise being present have contributed , both in their own , and in the behalfe of their people , according to their abilities : And besides mine owne portion , I have signified and sent the summe of theirs : Of all whom ( as faith and charity requires ) you ought to bee mindefull in your prayers . Most deare brethren , we wish you alwayes well to fare . A PASSAGE CONCERNING THE GOOD AND BENEFIT OF COMPASSION , Extracted out of S. AMBROSE his second Booke of Offices , CAP. 28. THE greatest incitement unto Mercy is , that wee have a fellow-suffering with others in their calamities , that we succour others in their necessities , as much as we are able , and sometimes more then we are able . For it is better to suffer envie for shewing mercie , then to pretend excuse for inclemencie . As we our selves once incurred envy , because wee did breake up the holy vessels for the redeeming of captives , which deed displeased the Arians , not so much because it was done , as that they might have something for which they might carp at us . For who is so cruel , so yron-hearted , as to be displeased that a man is to be redeemed from Death , a woman from the pollutions of Barbarians , which are more grieveous then Death , young maidens , children , Infants from the contagion of Idols wherewith ( for feare of death ) they are in danger to be defiled ? Which action though we performed not without sufficient reason , yet we so defended it before the people , that we maintained it to be much more convenient for us to preserve for God , soules rather then gold . For he who sent his Apostles without gold , did also without gold gather the Churches unto himselfe . The Church hath gold , not that it should keepe it , but to disburse it and imploy it for necessarie releifes . What need is there to keepe that which doth not helpe when wee have need ? Know you not how much gold and silver the Assyrians carried away from the Temple of the Lord ? Is it not better that the Priest should melt up these vessels ( if other supplies be wanting ) for the releefe of the poore , then that the Sacrilegious enemie should carrie them away and defile them ? Will not the Lord say , why didst thou suffer so many poore men to perish through hunger ? Surely seeing thou hadst gold thou shouldest have offered them nourishment . Why are there so many captives carried away to be bought and sould , and are not redeemed ? Why are there so many slaine by the Enemy ? Better it were that thou preservedst these living vessells , then dead metalls . No answere can be returned to those obiections . For what wouldst thou say ? I feared lest the Temple of God should want ornaments . He will answere thee , the Sacraments seeke not gold , neither doe they please the more for gold , which are not purchased with gold . The adorning of the sacraments is the Redemption of captives . And verily those vessells are pretious which doe redeeme soules from death . The true treasure of God is that which worketh the same which his blood wrought . I then acknowledg it to be the vessell of the Lords blood , when I finde Redemption in both , that the Chalice redeemeth from the enemies those whom the bloud redeemed from sinne . What an excellent thing is it , when multitudes of captives are redeemed by the Church , that it may be said Those are they whom Christ hath redeemed ? Behold the gold that is tried , the profitable gold , the gold of Christ which freeth from death : Behold the gold whereby Purity is redeemed , Chastity is preserved . I had rather present these freed unto you then preserve gold for you . This number , this order of captives , is a fa●re more acceptable sight , then the shew of golden goblets . Thus was the Redeemers gold to be imploied , that it should redeeme those who were endangered . I acknowledge the bloud of Christ powred into gold , not only to have shined , but to have imprinted the power of divine operation by the gift of redemption . Such Gold did the holy Martyr Laurentius reserve for the Lord , who , when the treasures of the Church were required of him , promised that he would produce them . Next day he presented the poore , saying , These are the treasures of the Church . And these truly are treasures , in whom is Christ , in whom is the faith of Christ. — What better treasures hath Christ then those in whom he saith that he himselfe is ? For it i● written , I was hungry and you fed me , I was thirsty and you gave me drinke , I was a stranger and you tooke me in . And afterward , That which you have done to one of those , you have done it to me . What better treasures hath Iesus then those in whom he loveth to bee seene ? These treasures Laurentius shew●d , and prevailed , because the Persecutor himselfe could not take them from him . Therefore Iehoiachin , who in the seige kept the gold and imploied it not to provide reliefe , saw the gold to bee violently carried away , and himselfe to be led into captivity . But Laurentius who had rather bestowe the Churches gold on the poore , then keepe it for the Persecutor , according to the singular efficacie of the interpretation of his name , received the sacred Crowne of Martyrdome . Was it said to holy Laurentius , thou oughtest not to have disbursed the treasures of the Church , nor to have sold the sacred vessells ? Necessary it is , that a man doe discharge that office with sincere faithfulnesse , and discerning providence . Surely if a man doe derive these treasures into his owne advantages , it is iniquitie , but if he bestowe them on the poore , and on the redemption of captiues , it is mercy . For no man can say , Why doth a poore man liue ? No man can complaine because captives are redemed ; no man can accuse because the Temple of God is builded : no man can bee offended because the earth is opened for the buriall of the bodies of the faithfull , nor grieve because the repose of deceased Christians is procured in their Sepulchres . For these three causes , it is lawfull to breake , to melt , to sell even the consecrated vessels of the Church . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A00816-e200 * The curse of corne-hoarders . Printed 1631. 1. Cor. 9.2 . * Mr Aaron Wilson Archdeacon of Exon * Mr Thomas Bedford B. of D. Iob 29.13 . Psal. 41.1.2 . Notes for div A00816-e630 See S. Cyprians Epistle at the end of the last sermon . Bidduph . Travells . † Hest. 3.15 . * Circumso●abant armis muros Carthaginis populi Barbarorum , & Ecclesia Carthaginensis insaniebat in circis , luxuriabat in theatri● . Alij foris jugulabantur , alij intu● fornicabantur . Pars plebis erat foris captiva hostium , pars intus captiva vitior●m : Cujus sors pejor fuerit incertum est . Illi quidem erant extrinsecus in carne , sed isti intus mente captivi ; & ex duobus letalibus malis , levius , ut reor , captivitatem corporis Christianam , qu●m captivitatem animae sustinere . An credimus fortè quòd captivus animo pop●lus iste non fuerit , qui l●tus tum in suorum captivitatibus suit ? captivus corde & sensu non fuit , qui inter suorum supplicia vivebat , qui iugulari se in suorum jugulis non intelligebat ▪ qui morise in suorum mortibus non putabat ? Salvian . de Guber . Dei ▪ l. 6. Plin. l. 3. ep . 5. Notes for div A00816-e1530 Something briefly premised concerning the Authour and Authority of this Epistle . Titubat fides si divinarum scripturarum vacillet authoritas . Augustin . alicubi . a Heb. 13.1 b 1. Ioh. 3.18 . c Heb. 11.37.38 . d Heb. 13.2 . The summe or substance of the text , An exhortation to compassion towards Captives . Divided into two parts , 1 Others Misery . 2 Our Duty . The text briefly paraphrased . Pars prima . Others misery : Bondage . Doctr. 1. Captivity a most grievous calamity . e Psal. 105.18 . His soule came into iron . f Gen. 39.21.22 . g Gen. 40.14 . h Act. 26.29 . Liberty naturally most desired . Bondage by some prevented or redeemed by voluntary death . Domitius Brusonius . l. 3. c. 32. Bondage more miserable as it is considered either in the kindes or with the concomitants thereof . 1 The kindes . Bondage twofold . i Act. 8.13 . This the worst kinde of bondage . Nulla major captivitas quàm captivitas propriae voluntati● quae est insatiabilis . Remund . Sebund . 1 Spirituall whereby men are bound under Sathan in the chaines of sinne . 2 Corporall . This againe twofold . k Psal. 2.3 . 1 Iust as of malefactors 2 Vnjust , when men contrary to ●ight and justice are cast into bonds . Imprisonment for debt a mixt kinde , as being in some cases just , in some unjust . All that are in any kinde of bondage are here intended . But chiefly those who are captived for Christs sake . This kinde of bondage is most cōfortable in regard of the inner man. l Mat 5.10 . m Phil. 1.13 . n Ephes. 3.1.4.1 . Philem. v. 1.9 Cyprian . ep . 16. Semel vincit qui station patitur . Tertullian . ad Martyr . But in regard of outward condition most miserable Such is the captivity of our brethren ●n Barbary . This manifested by taking a view of some concomitants therewith concurring . 1 Banishment . This againe aggravated in regard of 1 The place whence they are banished , England the best of nations . Quid Româ melius ? Scythico quid frigore pejus ? Huc tamen ex illâ barbarus urbe fugit . Ovid. The place whither they are confined ; Barbary . Bona terra , mala ge●s . Nomina sunt ipsis barbariora Getis . o Psal. 107.34 . p Ioh. 12.35.36 . 3 The people under whom they are in bondage . These being 1 Irreligious . No greater enemies to Christians then these Renegadoes . Corruptio optimi est pessima . Res quae corrumpitur & mutatur in contrarium suae naturae devenit ad tantum gradum malitiae quantus erat gradus bonitatis i● quo erat vel venire poterat . Remund . Sebund . Theol. Natural . Tit. 244. 2 Covetous . 3 Cruell . One ( whose letter to his wife I have lately read ) relateth that his office is from morning till night to sell water , and if he bring not in six pence at least to his Patrone at night he hardly escapes an hundred stripes . 4 Contemptible and base . q Gen. 9.25 . r Iob. 30.1 . Nec bellua tetrior ulla Qu●m servi rabies in libera colla furentis . Claudian . Our first duty in regard of our brethrens misery , To remember them . Doct. We are prone to forget others misery when we our selves are in safety . s Gen. 40.23 t Amos. 6.4 , 5 , 6. Vse . To admonish us to feare our wa●es at all times but chiefly in p●osperity . Exhortation to rememb●r those who are in any kinde of bondage . 1 These who are in Sathans bonds . u Ioh. 8.36 . Nihil miserius misero non commiserante seipsum . x Ephes. 5.8 . 2 Those who are in corporall bondage though deservedly for their misdeeds . Non est unum clausis exitium . Multifari● morte premitur qui carceris squallore torquetur . Cassiodor . Var. l. 11. ●p . 40. x 1. Pet. 4.15 . 1. Pet. 3.14 . y Luk. 23.41 . 3 Those who are in bonds for debt . Debere nec habere unde solvas insepulta mors est . 4 But especially those who are in bonds for their Christian profession , whether under Turkish or Popish Inquisition . Or those who are in Turkish bondage . z Ier. 22.10 . a Psal. 120.5 . b Ephes. 2.14 . b 2. Cor. 12.7 . c Iob 2.9 . d Act. 28.2 . Another likewise in a letter to his wife , professeth that he was never tempted to turne Turke ( for which he greatly thanked God ) but he was often tempted to kill his Pa●eroon , that by a cruell death ( whereof he should be sure ) he might be freed from a miserable life . d Psal. 137.1 . e Iob 16.2 . f Iob 13.4 . Iustum est ut morlens obliviscatur sui qui dum viveret oblitus est Dei. g Luk. 16.25 . h Mat. 25.41.43 . i Psal. 41.1 . Notes for div A00816-e7430 The second duty , A Sympathy or compassion . Doct. 3. Our brethrens captivity must be our calamity . There must be in all Christians a Sympathy in all their bretherens sufferings . a Rom. 12.15.16 . b 2 Cor. 11.29 . c Gal. 6.2 . Tantò quisque perfectio● est , quantò perf●ctiùs sentit dolores alienos . d Iob 30.25 . David , True Saints have beene alway thus affected as Io● ▪ e Psal. 35.15 . f ver . 13.14 . Ieremy , g Ier. 8.21 . & 9.1 . N●hemias . h Nehem. 1.2 . i Ver. 4. k Nehem. 2. The holy Hebrewes . l Heb. 10.34 . Our Saviours example . m Isay. 53.4 . n Heb. 4.15 . o Heb. 2.18 . Pati voluit ut compati sciret , miser fieri ut discere● misereri . Bern. de grad . humilit . p Heb. 5.8 . q Psal. 139.17 . Quod naturā sciebat ab aeterno temporali voluit discere experimento 10. Ibid. r 1. Cor. 12.26.27 . Ecce spinam calcat pes : Quid tam longè ab oculis quàm pes ? Longè est loco , proximè est charitatis affectu . Augustin . T. 10. ho. 15. Lingua dicit , quid me calcas ? Non ipsa calcata est . Calcas me charitas dicit . id . ibid. The rule of equity requir●s of us this duty . s 1. Cor. 12.26 . Without this Sympathy there can be no true mercy or charity . Neque n●seriò tangimur aliorum malis quàm diu aliena esse cogitamus . B●z . ad Text. Nescit sanus quid sentiat aeger . Et aeger . aegro , & jejunus jejuno quantò propriùs tantò familiariùs compatiuntur . Bern. ubi supr . Vse . Reproofe of some seeming Christians who are insensible of their brethrens sufferings . t Act. 18.17 . Alexander Pheraeorum Tyrannus : Vid. Aelian . de Var. hist. l. 14. c. 40. Exhortation to Sympathize with our brethren in their bonds . Non quia vexari quenquam est jucunda voluptas , sed quibus ipse malis carens quia cernere suave est . Lucretiu● . Vobiscum illic in carcere quodammodo & nos sumus ; seperari delectionem spiritus non sinit : Vos illic confessio , me affectio in●●●dit . Cyprian . ep . 16. Compassion sometimes accepted without contribution , but contribution never without compassion . u 1. Cor. 13.3 . Gregor . Moral . in Iob. l. 12. c. 27. Plus autem nonnunquam ess● dicimu● compati ex corde , quā dare , quod quisquis perfectè indigenti compatitur minus aestimat omne quod dat id c. 28. Exter●●ra largieus rem extra semetipsum praebuit . id ibid. This affection must not be without action . * Iam. 2.15.16 . y 1. Ioh. 3. ●7 . Nemo amat & deserit . Augustin . Tract . 49. in Ioan. Praeclara verba , sed verba , cum pauperes verbis non indigent . Bern. Tu si ex animo forte velis cui benefactum , Adde operam : sola cadaver est voluntas . Iul. Scalig. Epidorp . lib. 4. z Mat. 21.9 . Praeco quae ficui pro foliis & flor bus fructus est : nondum foliis vestitur & fructibus exornatur . a Luk. 6.44 . b Mat. 2.12.8.29.30 . * Cantic . 2.13 . No sooner reade we of Christians in Scripture , but we finde in them this active compassion . c Act. 11.26 . d Ver. 27.28 . Direction for the right manner of contribution to our brethren in their necessities , particularly to those who are in Turkish bondage . Five rules according to the example of the Antiochians . 1 Doe it generally . e 1. Cor. 16. ● . f 2. Cor. 9 7. g 2. Cor. 8.13 . Exigenti parvum aliquid dato : neque n. parvum est ei qui rebus omnibus caret . Gregor : Nazianz . Orat. 27. De pauper : cura . 2 Bountifully . h 2. Cor. 9.6 . i Luk. 12.48 . k Psal , 51.1 . 3 Cheerefully . l 1. Cor. 9.7.20 . Laeandum est no● lugendum cùm beneficium damus . Affectus tuus nomen imponit operi : qualiter à te proficiscitur , sic à Deo aestimatur . Ambros Offic. In ipso misericordiae opere plus solet apud aeternum judicem pensari quàm factum . Gregor Moral in Iob l. 19. c. 20. m Psal. 126.5 6. n 2 Cor. 9 5. 4 Timely o 2 Cor. 9.2 . p Pro. 3.27 . Hebr. à Dominis ejus , nimirum cohibiti boni ejus Dominum illum efficit necessit●s , & le dispensatorem Dous lunius alloc . ●tem T. C. q Prov. 3.28 . r Ioh. 13.27 . * Bis dat qui citò dat . 5 Trustily . s Act. 1.30 . t Act. 4.37 . u 1. Cor. 9.12.18 . x 2. Cor. 8.18 . How we are to remember those whom Turkish cruelty hath enforced to renounce Christianity . * Cum singulis pectus meum copulo , maeroris & funeris pondera luctuosa participo . In prostratis fratribus & me prostravit affectus . Cyprian . de laps . * 1. Sam. 15.35 . Apud intimum arbitrum commissa quisque perfectè diluit propria , qui verè plangi● aliena . Gregor . Moral . in Iob ▪ l. 20. c. 28. Notes for div A00816-e11280 Impediments of this compassion remooved . 1 Sencelesnesse of our owne sufferings . a Hos. 7.8.9 . Imped . 2. sensuality . 3 Pride and statelinesse . b Rom. 12.15.16 . Imped . 4. Covetousnesse . Athis avaru● contrahit Manus recurvas , & volam plicans aduncis unguidas laxare nervos non valet . Prudent . Peri steph . Laurent . Busbeq . Tune . Ep. 3. Similia habentur apud Nazianzen . Orat. 27. de Pauper curâ . Imped . 5. Pretended want . * Charitas de sacculo non er●gatur . Si nihil habes collachrima . Magnum est infortunato remedium compassio , ac sincerè condolere calamitatem magnopere levat . Nazian . ubi supr . Nam viscera , id est compassionem , non claudit à proxim● indigentiam patienti , qui si posset , vellet subvenire . Bern. de . Pass . Ser. 32. c 2. Cor. 8.12 . Si non das compassionis affectum , qui quò plus datur plus abundat , quomodo terrenam substantiam dares quae divisa minuitur ? Bern ubi supr . We should not estrange our affections from them , because they are strangers unto us . d Isai. 58.7 . e Iob. 31.19 . Apud piam mentem plus natura valet quàm notio : nam & unusquisque qui indiget eo ipso quod homo est ei jam incognitus non esi . Gregor . Moral . l. 21. c. 14. f Ephes. 2.11.12 . g Motives inciting us to this compassion . Motive , 1. From Nature 1. In our selves . * Et illud quoque mirandum est , quod uno oscitante , & nos quoque , nisi advertimus , oscitamus , & alio edente acerbaquaedam , saliva alteri in os profilit ▪ Fracastor . de sympath . & Antipath . cap. 1. 2 In bruite beasts . Si enim tauri cum tau●um mortuum invenerint , plorant , mug●unt & quitusdam dibitis humanitatis ●bsequiis fratris funera prósequuntur , quid debet homo homini , quem & ratio docet & trahit affectio ? Bern. de triplic . genet . honor . * Quibus anima est prosale . Vario . * Vaisono in cithara tacto moveri & aliud uniso num videmus . Fracastur . ubi supr . Motive . 2. From Grace . 3 In senseles creaturus . 1 Because wee are all fellow members 2. Christ our head his owne example ; as formerly . ** Quam videlicet pietatis formam , Mediator nobis Dei , & hominum dea●t , quicum posset nobis etiam non moriendo concurrere , succurrere tamen moriendo hominibus volu●t , quia nos videlicet minus amasset nisi & vulnera nostra susciperet , nec vim suae dilectionis ostenderet , nisi hoc quod à nobis tolleret ad tempus ipse sustiner●t . Gregor . Moral . in Iob. l. 20. c. 27. * Tam diu membrum dolet quàm diu in corpore contine●ur . Bern. de mod ben . vivend . s. 13. g Iohn 15.6 . Motive . 3. From the persons suffering . 2 Our country-men . 3 Christians and consequently our brethren . 4 The living Temples of God. Considerandum est & hoc , Dei Tēpla esse , quae capta sunt , nec pati nos longâ cessatione & neglecto dolore debere ut Dei Templa captiva sint . Cyprian . Ep. 60. h Hag. 1.2 . Motive . 4. The equity of the precept Their case might have beene ours , and then wee would have craved of them that which is required of us . Mat. 7.12 . Ob. Sol The lamentable surprising of Baltamore by the Turks . i Luk. 17.34 . Quis cladem illius noctis . Proth saevior ense Parcendi rabies , concessaque vita dolori . Motive . 5. We are in worse band● then they if we have no feeling of theirs . Motive . 6. The worthinesse of the worke . In redeeming them we redeeme our Redeemer , who is captive in them . k Mat. 25.43 . l Act. 9.4 . 1. Pet. 1.18 19. Motive . 7. The excellency of the reward . m Mat. 25.34 . Notes for div A00816-e15170 D. Cypriani . Epistol . 60. Edition . Pamelius . The argument of the Epistle . a 1 Cor. 12.26 . b 2. Cor. 11.29 . d Gal. 3.37 . e Matth. 25.35.36 . * An elegant Metaphor , wherein the captives are compared to fruitfull fields ; the almes to seed ; the heavenly reward , to the harvest . Pamelius . * So the learned Mr Brerewood , with the Reverend D● Hakewell . But the late Reverend B of Hereford calculates it 791 l 13s 4d English mony . By Agricolaes calculation of Sesterces , it will a mount to 833 l 6s 8d . reckoning every Sesterce at ad English. 
A83238	----	An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, for the raising of moneys for redemption of distressed captives. Die Martis, 28. Jan. 1644. Ordered by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that this ordinance be forthwith printed: H: Elsynge, Cler. Parl. D. Com. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83238 of text R7647 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E26_10). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83238 Wing E2017 Thomason E26_10 ESTC R7647 99873164 99873164 125624 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83238) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 125624) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 5:E26[10]) An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, for the raising of moneys for redemption of distressed captives. Die Martis, 28. Jan. 1644. Ordered by the Commons assembled in Parliament, that this ordinance be forthwith printed: H: Elsynge, Cler. Parl. D. Com. England and Wales. Parliament. 8 p. for Laurence Blaiklock, Printed at London : Jan. 30. 1644. [i.e. 1645] Date of publication from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Ransom -- Early works to 1800. Pirates -- Early works to 1800. Taxation -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A83238 R7647 (Thomason E26_10). civilwar no An ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament,: for the raising of moneys for redemption of distressed captives. Die Martis England and Wales. Parliament. 1644 1024 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ORDINANCE OF THE Lords and Commons Assembled in SPARLIAMENT , FOR THE Raising of Moneys for Redemption OF Distressed Captives . Die Martis , 28. Jan. 1644. Ordered by the Commons assembled in Parliament , That this Ordinance be forthwith printed : H : Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. Printed at London for Laurence Blaiklock . Jan. 30. 1644 Die Martis , 28. Ian. 1644. VVHereas by an Act made this present Parliament , intituled , An Act for the Relief of the Captives taken by the Turkish , Morish , and other Pyrates : And to prevent the taking of others in time to come , A Subsidy of One per Centum was imposed on all Goods , Wares , and Merchandize , of what nature , kinde , or quality whatsoever to be exported out of , or imported into this Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales ; which Subsidy or imposition was to continue by the said Act , during the space of three yeers , expiring the tenth of December , 1644. And whereas the Lords and Commons by their Ordinance of the twenty fourth of October , 1644. for the carrying on that so pious a work , the Releasing of the said distressed Captives : And withall , having respect to the Incouragement of Merchants in their Trade , did thereby Declare and Order , That onely one Fourth part of the Moneys due on the severall Bonds taken and due by the said Act ; That is to say , one Fourth part of the One per Cent. which is one shilling in every Twenty shillings paid for Custome and Subsidy , according to the now Book of Rates established by Authority of this present Parliament , should be paid by the severall Merchants so indebted , and to continue the payment of the said fourth part of one per Cent. as before , upon all Goods and Merchandize exported and imported unto the expiration of the said Act . Now the said Lords and Commons finding the said work will require far greater sums of mony then could be raised by vertue of the said former Act and Ordinance , during the time therein limited by the said one fourth part , do Order and Ordain : That the said Ordinance of the twenty fourth of October , 1644. concerning the Collecting of the said duty and imposition of one fourth part of one per Cent. which is one shilling in every twenty shillings , paid for Custome and Subsidy , according to the now Book of Rates established by Authority of this present Parliament , upon all Goods and Merchandize exported or imported into this Kingdom of England , Dominion of Wales , and Port and Town of Barwick , shall stand and continue in full force and power , from the said Tenth of December , 1644. inclusive , unto the Eleventh of December , 1645. And that the Chamberlain of the City of London for the time being , his Deputy or Deputies , be hereby appointed Collectors , who are hereby enabled to receive all such sums of Money as shall hereafter , during the continuance of this Ordinance , be payable or payd for , and in respect of the said duty , who are heereby required to attend at the severall Custome-houses in the Port of London , and out-Ports , at the usuall hours , between Nine and Twelve in the morning , to receive the same , And to take such further course for dispatch of the service , as he or they in their wisdoms shall think fit . And it is further Ordained , That all such sums of Money as shall be collected and received for the said duty aforesaid , shall from time to time be issued , imployed , disposed and payed by the said Chamberlain , for and towards the Redemption of the said distressed Captives , in such manner as by the Lord Admirall for the time being , and the Committee for the Navie of the Commons House of Parliament , or in the absence of the Lord Admirall , by the Committee of the Navy shall be ordered and directed , whose order from time to time shall bee his sufficient discharge . And that the said duty may be duly collected and paid according to the true intent and meaning of this Ordinance , It is Ordained , That no Officer or Officers belonging to any Custome-house in the Kingdom of England , Dominion of Wales , and Town of Barwick , do passe any Warrant Cocquet , or permit any Goods to passe by any Warrant cocquet , unlesse the same be signed or subscribed by the Chamberlain of London , his Deputy or Deputies . And for the better incouragement of the said Chamberlain , The Lords and Commons do Ordain , That whatsoever Act or Acts , the said Chamberlain , his Deputy , Deputies , or any one of them , shall do in the Execution of this Ordinance : And whatsoever money they shall receive and Issue out by vertue of the same ; They , their Heirs , Executors and Administrators shall be acquitted , discharged , and saved harmlesse , by the Power and Authority of both Houses of Parliament . Provided , That the said duty be not demanded or levyed of the Merchant-Strangers , Trading upon the Composition Trade at Dover . Provided also , And it is the true intent and meaning of this Ordinance , That no Merchant-Stranger whatsoever , as to this duty , do pay any more then the Merchant-Denizen doth ; and likewise , that as touching the duty hereby Imposed , there be no Deduction or Defalkation of fifteen pounds per Cent. any thing contained in this Ordinance to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . Io: Brown , Cleric . Parliamentorum . H : Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. FINIS . 
A85685	----	To the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in Parliament. The humble petition of Lewis De Gand, a French nobleman, Lord of Brachey and Romecour. Gand, Louis de. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A85685 of text R210196 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.4[26]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A85685 Wing G195 Thomason 669.f.4[26] ESTC R210196 99869016 99869016 160648 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A85685) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160648) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f4[26]) To the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in Parliament. The humble petition of Lewis De Gand, a French nobleman, Lord of Brachey and Romecour. Gand, Louis de. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1641] Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Gand, Louis de. -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Pirates -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Robbery -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. A85685 R210196 (Thomason 669.f.4[26]). civilwar no To the right honourable the knights, citizens and burgesses now assembled in Parliament. The humble petition of Lewis De Gand, a French nobl Gand, Louis de. 1641 866 1 0 0 0 0 0 12 C The rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE The Knights , Citizens and Burgesses now assembled in Parliament . The humble Petition of LEWIS DE GAND , a French Nobleman , Lord of Brachey and Romecour . HVMBLY SHEWING , THat whereas since some certaine moneths , I your petitioner did for some certaine businesse of mine , come over from France into England , in a ship bearing the royall English Armes , and for greater security , having the Kings Letters Pattents , it is happened I know not by what mischance , that the Spanish Dunkerkers not a whit respecting or God , or the King , or England , contrary to the right of Nations , did set upon us in the very English haven , and have Robbed me your Petitioner , of all the money I had , to the value of two hundred pound English . And that you may the better be certified of the truth of what I say , I can call to witnesse divers Englishmen , which came over with me your petitioner in the same ship , and namely Master George Thomason , and Master Iosuah Kirton , and Master Robert Martin , all three marchant book-sellers , the two first in Pauls Church-yard , the one at the signe of the Rose , the other at the signe of the white-horse ▪ the third in old Bayly at the signe of Venice , who will without doubt , relate unto you how ignominiously the said Dunkerkers have behaved themselves even against you in this their wicked robbery . For first , they have beene so audacious , as if they were Lords of the Seas , yea of England it selfe , to discharge their artillery against our ship , and to constraine us to yeeld unto them ; After that , we having let them see the Kings letters Patents , yet never the lesse disdaining them , they have furiously set upon me your Petitioner with naked swords , and forced me to deliver them all my money , the English that were present , not a little wondring at their audacity . Thirdly , they were so greedy of prey , that they letted not to use the Kings naturall subjects , namely some Irishmen , as if they had beene Frenchmen . Finally if I adde unto what is said , that all this hath beene committed even in the English haven , your selves may judge how great an injury , is it redounding unto your selves . And if the Spanish Embassadour here in England ; or the Governours of Dunkerke ( to whom often hath beene written of this matter by the said Embassadour , would by some way or other , have covered this their most manifest shame , and not pretend Justice in this their most unjust account , in saying that they should doe against their conscience , if they should presse to restore unto an enemy ( against the law of nature ) a prise taken upon him , I your petitioner a stranger would not have troubled you with this my particular businesse , you having imployment enough , in so many waighty affaires of your owne : But yet I your petitioner being not so a stranger , but that I have of late composed a book in Latine , of the prayses of the King and Kingdome , dedicated unto the Kings Majesty intituled Sol Britannicus , would not ( I say ) have troubled your eares with this my particular cause , except it touched the honour of all England . For if you suffer the Spanish to commit such things , why may it not be permitted unto the French , the Portingalls , the Hollanders as many as are living in this Kingdome peaceably with the Spaniards , to have the like power upon the Spaniards . And what hindreth us to use them here as enemies , but the Friendship that is betweene our Princes and you likewise ; but the honour and reverence due unto you by us strangers living in this your kingdome . All which respects seeing the Spaniards have notoriously sleighted , and not regarde but injuriously violated : Therefore I humbly crave at your hands , that you would be pleased either to cause the said money , which hath beene taken from me perforce in your owne ship and haven , and the said ship having the Kings Armes , which should to me have beene a most sure asyle , to be restored unto me with all the dammages which I have sustained thereby , or else to give me leave , to recover it as I can upon the next Spaniard I shall meet withall . And untill you have taken such an order , concerning this matter , as may well become England , I your petitioner most humbly beseech you to cause the Spaniards to provide me some meanes , whereby in the meane while I your petitioner may live . And the petitioner shall ever pray for your honours &c. 
B05636	----	Proclamation for apprehending Henry Every, alias Bridgeman, and sundry other pirates. Scotland. Privy Council. 1696 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). B05636 Wing S1832 ESTC R183498 52528974 ocm 52528974 179067 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B05636) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179067) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2776:56) Proclamation for apprehending Henry Every, alias Bridgeman, and sundry other pirates. Scotland. Privy Council. Scotland. Sovereign (1694-1702 : William II) 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by the heirs and successors of Andrew Anderson, Printer to his most excellent Majesty, Edinburgh : Anno Dom. 1696. Caption title. Royal arms at head of text; initial letter. Intentional blank spaces in text. Henry Avery = John Avery. Dated: Given under Our Signet at Edinburth the eighteenth day of August, and of Our Reign the eighth year. 1695. Signed: Da. Moncrieff. Cls. Sti. Concilii. Reproduction of the original in the National Library of Scotland. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Avery, John, fl. 1695. Pirates -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT PROCLAMATION For Apprehending Henry Every , alias Bridgeman , and sundry other Pirates . WILLIAM By the Grace of GOD , King of Great-Britain , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , To _____ Macers of Our Privy Council , Messengers at Arms , Our Sheriffs in that part Conjunctly and severally , specially Constitute Greeting , For as much as , We are Informed that Henry Every , alias Bridgeman , together with several other Persons , English Men , Scots Men , and Foraigners , to the Number of about One Hundred and Thirty , did Steal , and Run away with the Ship called the Phausie , alias Charles , of Fourty six Guns from the Port of Corunns in Spain , and Commit several Acts of Pyrracy under English Colours upon the Seas of India or Persia Contrary to the Law of Nations , and of this Kingdom in particular ; And that the said Henry Every , and severals of his Accomplices , since , Committing of the saids Acts of Pyrracy , having left the said Ship in the Island of Providence , are Returned to , and have Dispersed themselves within this Our antient Kingdom , thinking , and intending thereby to Save & Shelter themselves from the Punishment & Execution of Law Due to such Hainous and Notorious Offenders : And We being Resolved , that outmost Diligence shall be Used for Seizing , and Apprehending the Persons of such Open and Villanous Transgressors ; Do therefore , with Advice of the Lords of Our Privy Council , Require , and Command , the Sheriffs of the several Shires , Stewarts of Stewartries , Baillies of Regalities , and their Respective Deputs , Magistrats of Burghs , Officers of Our Army , Commanders of Our Forces and Garisons , and all others Imployed , or Trusted by Us in any Station whatsoever , Civil or Military within this Kingdom , and Our Good Subjects whatsoever within the same , to do their outmost lndeavour and Diligence to Seize upon , and Apprehend the Persons of the said Henry Every , alias Bridgema , together with James Cray , Thomas Summerton , Edward Kirwood , William Down , John Reddy , John Stroger , Nathaniel Pike , Peter Soans , Henry Adams , Francis Frennier Thomas Johnson , Joseph Dauson , Samuel Dauson , James Lewis , Jehn Sparks , Joseph Goss , Charles Falconer , James Murray , Robert Rich , John Miler , John King , Edward Savil , William Philips , Thomas Jope , and Thomas Belish , his Accomplices , or any of them , and such others as were with them in the said Ship ( who may be Probably known and Discovered by the Great Quantities of Person and Indian Gold and Silver which they have with them ) and Deliver him or them Prisoners to the next Magistrat of any of Our Burghs , to be by them keeped in safe Custody until farther Order be taken for bringing him or them to such Coodign Punishment as their Crime does Deserve , and out of Detestation to such a Horrid villany , and to the Effect the same may not go Un-punished ; and for Incouraging the Magistrats above-named , and any other of Our Good Subjects to Search for , and Apprehend such Nottrorious Rogues : We with Advice foresaid do make Offer , and Assure the Payment of the Sum of Five Hundred Pounds Sterling for the said Henry Every , alias Bridgman , and Fiftieth Pounds Sterling Money foresaid for every one of the other Persons above-named to any Person or Persons who shail Seize and Apprehend them or any of them , and Deliver him or them Prisoners to any of the Magistrats of Our Burghs , which shall be Truely and Faithfully payed , as a Reward to the said Person or Persons who shall Apprehend and Deliver Prisoner to any of Our Magistrats the saids Henry Every , or any other of his Accomplices above-named , Indemnifying hereby all and every one of Our Subjects from any Hazard of Slaughter , Mutilation , or other Acts of Violence which they may Commit against the said Henry Every , or any of his Accomplices , or any Persons that shall Assist them , to Hinder and Oppose their being Seized and Taken : And We with Advice foresaid Peremptorly Inhibit and Discharge all , and every one of Our Subjects whatsomever to Shelter , Harbour , Conceal , or any ways Assist , or Supply the said Henry Every , or any of his Accomplices above-named upon their Highest Peril . OUR WILL IS HEREFORE , and We Charge you Strictly , and Command , that Incontinent these Our Letters seen , ye pass to the Mercat-Corss of Edinburgh , and Remanent Mercat Crosses of the Head-Burghs of the several Shires and Stewartries within this Kingdom , and there in Our Name and Authority make Intimation here of that none may pretend Ignorance , And Ordains these Presents to be Printed . Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh the Eighteenth Day of August , and of Our Reign the Eighth Year , 1696 . Per Actum Dominorum Secreti Concilii . DA. MONCRIEFF . Cls. Sti. Concilii . GOD Save the King. Edinburgh , Printed by the Heirs and Successors of Andrew Anderson , Printer to His most Excellent Majesty , Anno DOM , 1696. 
A67021	----	Tyranny of the Dutch against the English wherein is exactly declared the (almost unvaluable) loss which the commonwealth of England hath sustained by their usurpation : and likewise the sufferings and losses of Abraham Woofe, then factor at Lantore, and others in the island of Banda / formerly collected in loose sheets by Mr. Woofe himself ; and now illustrated and extracted out of his papers by John Quarles. Woofe, Abraham. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A67021 of text R10179 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing W3523A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 117 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 48 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A67021 Wing W3523A ESTC R10179 12590619 ocm 12590619 63896 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67021) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63896) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 971:20) Tyranny of the Dutch against the English wherein is exactly declared the (almost unvaluable) loss which the commonwealth of England hath sustained by their usurpation : and likewise the sufferings and losses of Abraham Woofe, then factor at Lantore, and others in the island of Banda / formerly collected in loose sheets by Mr. Woofe himself ; and now illustrated and extracted out of his papers by John Quarles. Woofe, Abraham. [6], 86 p., [1] folded plate : ill. Printed by John Crowch, and Tho. Wilson ..., London : 1653. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Quarles, John, 1624-1665. Pirates -- Netherlands -- 17th century. Spice trade -- Great Britain -- 17th century. A67021 R10179 (Wing W3523A). civilwar no The tyranny of the Dutch against the English. Wherein is exactly declared the (almost unvaluable) loss which the Commonwealth of England hat Woofe, Abraham 1653 21278 113 0 0 0 0 0 53 D The rate of 53 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Explanation of the FRONTESPIECE . LAntore being taken , see what haste they make To murther children for their Parents sake , And Parents for their own ; see how they lye , ( Ah could th' Insculptor but ingrave their cry ) Pickl'd in blood , whilst Mr. Woof's distress Sadly instructs him to expect no less . Observe his fellow Captive , see their armes Are linck'd together ; but Alas their harmes Were much unlike ; the one receiv'd a stroak , Which free'd his neck from the tyrannick yooak Of the enslaving Dutch ; behold he lies A miserable headless Sacrifice : See how his humbled head salutes the feet Of Death , expecting Woofe , who feares to meet A second stroke , which made him start , but he Being shoulder'd down , beheld the Tragedie , But acted not ; this done , to make the most Of what they had , they ty'd him to a Post Between two Captives ; after this they sent These three , fast ty'd ( for further punishment ) Aboard their ship , call'd Holland , where they had Plenty enough , of grief , to make them mad ; But Heaven thought good , to make this truth appeare , By Woofe ; then clowded there , now shining here . Ro : Uaughar sculp : THE TYRANNY Of the DUTCH against THE English . Wherein is exactly declared the ( almost unvaluable ) loss which the Commonwealth of England hath sustained by their Usurpation . And likewise the Sufferings and Losses of Abraham Woofe , then Factor at Lantore , and others in the Island of Banda . Formerly Collected in loose Sheets by Mr. Woofe himself , and now Illustrated and extracted out of his PAPERS ; By JOHN QUARLES . LONDON , Printed by Iohn Crowch , and Tho. Wilson , and are to be sold at Mr. Woofe's house , over the water Gate in Cole-Harbour . 1653. THE EPISTLE To the READER . Courteous Reader , THis Relation comming to me from Mr. Woofe ( that was both a lo●…ser and Sufferer in the businesse , which you shall finde hereafter exprest ) I thought it altogether unnecessary to let a truth of such concernment lye buryed in Oblivion ; my paines has onely been to Illustrate and extract out of his Papers that which is here presented to thy view ; The reason perhapps may be demanded , why it was not published to the World before this time , to which the Authour makes this reply , That his occasions lying constantly beyond the Seas , would not permitt him to Print it sooner , and moreover , he thought to have gained some consideration for his Losses , but his hopes were frustrated ; so the Times presenting him with an opportunitie , he hath thought fit to let the World know how much wrong our Nation hath formerly susteined by the Dutch ; and to maintain the truth of this , he is willing to venter his life and fortunes , and hath often been importuned by Persons of great quality to devulge his Losses and Sufferings ; and truly I must needs confesse , I had rather hear an old Truth , then a new Lye ; and so I wish the Reader may take as much Pleasure in the Reading , as he had paine in the suffering , Reader , Farewell . IOHN QUARLES . To the most Illustrious and Excellent the Lord Generall , Oliver Cromwell , Captain General of all the Militia of England , Ireland and Scotland . And to the Right Honourable the Councel of State , Constituted for the protection and Conservation of this Commonwealth . WHen sad truths finde cheerful remedies , the sufferers finde much encouragement , and the relievers much applause , VVhat is here presentted , is not the addle fixion of a froathy brain , but a perfect relatiō of an abused Nation : Be therefore pleased to let your serious eyes peruse this small Volume wherein your Honor shall finde truth pilgrimaging after Justice . If Justice then be the ordinary refuge for truth , I hope I have a sufficient plea for my boldness in presenting this truth to be secured by Your Justice . As I love not adullation , so I know your Honors expects it not ; May therfore the principles of wisdom and Justice dwell upon your Actions , that so the abused may find redress , and the abusers punished , Which shall be the hearty and daily Prayers of him that is A perfect honourer of your Lordships Virtues , Abraham Woofe . THE TYRANNY OF THE DUTCH Against the ENGLISH , &c. IN the year of our Lord God , 1618 , in the moneth of February ; It was my Fortune to venter at Sea in a French Pinnace ( whose burthen was about 30. Tun , with one Captain Iackson , Commander in chief , and one Edward Twelfes his second , with whom I was commanded by Captain Iourden chief of Bantam , to leave Iackatray road ( where I was then resident ) and ●…aile Eastward ; first to Mocassa to transport three or four Bandaneeses to Banda ; having hoysted Sayl , it pleased Godto afford us an oportune wind , which in the space of 14. dayes blest us with a happy arrivall at Mocassa , where our stay exceeded not the limits of a week , insomuch that within fourteen days more we were ●…ly delivered in the Islands of Banda , but the period of our Voyage was not till we came to Pullaroone , which is the Westermost Islands of those parts , at which place ( our Sayles being filled with a favourable wind from Heaven ) we Anchored in the most variable Moneth of March , with as much joy and thankfulness , as safety and present content : In th●…se parts the Reader may please to take notice of one remarkable thing , the Wind ( eminent for nothing more then its uncertainty ) seats it self in the East , and revels there for 5. moneths , and at the expiration of that time gives an Acquittance to Zepherus , & from the Orient posts to the Occident , and there entertains it self 5. months more , proclaiming ( as it were ) September and March to be two certain uncertain Moneths : Here I inhabited from the year , 1618. till the year 1620. and in part of that year I was sent from Pulleroon with one Mr. Randolph in chief , and I Abraham Woof ( the Testator and an eye-witness of the ensuing Discourse ) was second , and one Nicholas Gates the third , which were all the Englishmen which were upon the great Island of Lantore , yet we had in our Fa●…ry one old Armenian , and some other men-servants appertaining to us for the steeving of Mace into Sucles , and carrying it , and other necessary goods , to Ware-houses . Now about Michaelmas time , in the year 1620 , we had in chief one Captaine Nathanel Courtupe a Kentish-man , and one Mr. Hayes his second , who was always conversant with him , and lived in his house upon Pulleroon ; this Captain Courtupe was a man more faithfull then fortunate , of whom I shall more sadly treate hereafter ; In the mean time I will make a short digression to informe the Reader of the manner of the Island of Pullaroone , and the manners of the Inhabitants . 1. Pullaroone is scituated on the south Seas , a Place temperate and wholsom , insomuch that there was but 1 man known to die in 4 years ; It is very firtyl in bearing of Mace & Nutmegs , & other Provisions for the food of man : It lyes between 5 or 6 degrees from the Sun : The Inhabitants are generally Mahumetans , and strictly follow the directions of the Turkish Alkeron ; they are people very devout , and strict in their Religion , most severe punishers of Murder and Adultery , they are men Warrlike , and agile , strong and valiant , alwayes subject to revenge an injury ; their weapon is for the most part , Sword and Buckler , at which they play with such dexterity , that they can hardly be equalled by any , but themselvs ; They are courtuous and affable , bountefull and respective entertainers to all , full of contention amongst themselves , but generally united against the common Enemy ; These People for a time injoyed as much terreen happinesse as they could desire , and more then they could deserve , but at last they were subdued and subjugated by that avaritious , tyrannicall and fallatious Nation the Dutch , whose infidellities and Tragicall Actions craves mo●… imbittered expression , then the world affords Inke to write , or Tongues to express ; These are those whose general intrusions into most opulent parts have inriched themselves by the utter ruine and extirpation of others , whose desires to wealth are as voratious as the Sea that transports them to their prey ; these are they that have a long time been exiled these three imperiall Courts ; fides impietas , and Charet●… , because they ever did retaine venales animae , shaking off fas , and Idolizing Nef●…s , but in short , their subduing of Pullaroone was more to the detriment of the English then can easily be imagined , not onely there , but also in the adjacent Clove Islands ; but to shew them a little in their colours , I shall at 〈◊〉 ●…t onely resite one of their petty Baroarisins , and return to the aforementioned Captaine Courtupe , who was betrayed to death by them in manner following : This Captain Courtupe ( accidentall business intervening ) was inforced to go to a place called Lantore ( which was more then ever he did in my time ) which Lantore is an Island opposite ( a small distance ) to Pullaroone , being rowed over by the Bandaneeses themselves ; In the interim of his aboad on the other side ) we having three or four Dutch runnegadoes with us ) one of them , in the absence of this unfortunate Captain , stole away in the dead time of the Night a small Prooe , which is a little Boat , and with one Paddle or Oare , rowed over to Pullaway , which is a Island seated between Pullaroon and Lantore , and related to the Dutch there resident ; that Captain Courtupe was in the Lantore Island , and that within three or four nights he was expected to make his return to Pullaroone ; which welcome newes put them into a serious consideration of mischief , how they might intrap him in his transportation ; They understanding ( by the information of their welcome Traytor ) that Captain Courtupe was to come over speedily from Lantore to Pullaroone in a Noranbagg , gave command that a Currecure ( whose strength far exceeded the strength of Captain Courtups boat , which was but very small should be fitted out , which was forthwith done ; this villanous Plott , was not long destitute of a most bloody effect , for meeting ( according to their unsanctified wishes ) with our Captains boat , immediately fell upon her , and powring in shott ( as it were by wholsaile ) killed our most worthy and renowned Captaine , whose death was as much lamented by us , as it was rejoyced at by those treacherous and blood-thirsty Dutch , who not onely tryumphed in his death , but in the death of some others that were with him ; but this unexpected newes was not long a stranger to our ears , for some that escaped the furie of these Nero-like blood-suckers , having nothing to conduct them but the Waves , swom to Pulleroone , and after some seasonable respite , sadly related ( though at first ) the unbelieved misfortune of our unfortunate Captaine : Yet notwithstanding this credible information , Mr. Hayes forthwith sent away a boat with a flagg of truce to Pullaway , not so much to know the truth of the matter , as the reason of their unhumane actions ; Their onely reply was , that he was dead , and that we should take no further care for him , he should be buryed : Thus by those Canniballs , in a Dutch dress , this worthy Captain lost his life ; but this cruelty was not long without a reward , as shall be declared . On the 20. of December after the p●…rpetration of this horrid and most abominable act , it happened that on the Lords Day there came within the compass of our view a Vessel , but what she was we could not presently imagine , and being in sight of all the Banda Islands , the Sea altered her countenance , and withdrew her frownes , insomuch that there was such an absolute calm , that all the Islands made out their Currecurs , which in calm weather are the best servants ; But the Hollander having but one Currecur , and being deficient of strength to encounter with them in the day , although ( like Thieves ) in the night their thoughts and deeds are full of mischief and villany ; this small Vessel being the Westward of all the Banda Islands , we stood still as well as the Hollander , because they were all our friends , and the totall of our strength was but one Oranbagg and two or 3 small Prooes or little Boats ; but we knew our Island , being the next neighbour to the Vessel , should be first saluted with the news , to which purpose that day about three or four of the clock in the afternoon the great Boats or thievish Bandaneeses men of War came on shoar , toing of this Vessel , yet we could not discover whether it was a Dutchman , or an Englishman , so that we being covetous of the truth , lanched from our little Island of Nalacco with one of our Boats man'd with nine men , to discover what news , but coming amongst them I my self being one of them ) we found it to be a small Vessel of the Hollanders , strengthned but with seven men , and three of the chiefest of them the Bandaneeses had killed , and thrown away their bodies , but their heads they brought ashoar , the sight whereof made us firmly apprehensive of Gods immediate justice and Judgement shewed on them , that had bin so unjust to others ; but for the 4. that were left alive , Captain Hayes bought them of the Bandaneeses , what Market he made I know not , but if he gave above pence a-piece , his Market was bad , in respect the last proved so ill ; by these people we came to the knowledge of the agreement and peace concluded between the Dutch and us , for we found Letters to that effect , the news of which made our Captain forthwith send away the 4. Dutchmen which he had bought , to Pullaway ; we also proffered them the Vessell which our Captain had bought of the Bandaneeses , but their modesty was such , that they ( to our admiration ) refused to accept of that which our purses paid for , so desired us to keep it and convert it to our own use , for by their Letters they were fully informed what strength both we and themselves had comming , which made them civilly politick , or politickly civil . Now within a Month after our hearts were very much exhillerated by the approach of an English Ship , called the Lyons Claw , the presence of this Vessel banished our former Melancholly , and we that before were almost contristed to death , were now elevated into extremity of joy . But the old Principle holds true , Nullum violentum est perpetuum , no extream is permanent , neither were these extream new joyes to my self and some few others , which shall be forthwith knowingly and sadly related . The Ship which I formerly made mention of being arrived with commodities , caused our Captain to ruminate about the settlement of his Factory in the Island of Lantore , upon which it was demanded who would , or dared to venter the undertaking of the Factory in Lantore ; and to speak according to truth , indeed many were unfitting , and many were unwilling to go , because they fear'd an alteration , our Captain being in this dilemma , in respect of the unwillingnesse and disability of most of the Company to goe to the Factory , I with two more freely proffered our selves , and was as willingly and freely accepted , and loaded with the retribution of many thanks from our new Captain , but our after experience instructed us to believe that they were the wisest that staid upon Nalacca Island til the last , for although our thoughts were sowne with the seeds of profit , and expected to have reapt the double benefit in our Estates , we received more then trebble losses by the perfidious Hollander , besides the great danger and hourly hazzard of our lives , and the extream punishment we received in our bodies , and all by the Jewish dealings of the too much insentiate Hollander ; as often as I think of their unparralelled and almost unimitable severity I cannot but admire , and praise with admiration , that great God which strengthned and so much enabled me to undergo those heavie pressures which were loaded upon me by those Patrons of cruelty ; God forgive them , and grant that I may be truly considerate and thankfull to him for sparing my life in such eminent dangers , and for preserving me hetherto ever since that time , it being from this time 31. years since those barbarous exactions were imposed upon me by the Turkish-like Hollander , whose baseness I want as much language to express , as I crave patience to forgive ; had our deserts importuned the lest of their Tyrannies , it would have put some gloss upon the face of so foul dealings ; but I protest ( to my knowledge ) we never treated them with the least incivility , but were alwayes willing to live quietly amongst them , but the turbulancy of their spirits alwayes put a false construction upon our true meaning , daily labouring to subvert us , and those that were our Adherents , as shall forthwith be declared . Not long after our safe Arrivall and settlement in Lantore , there arrived a Junck with a China man , laded with cōmodities , and houndlike after their scent came the full mouth'd Hollander , and with them a Vessel entituled , A Float , with great Guns in her purposely for Battery , this Vessell was towed most part of the way from Iackatray ( which they now nick-name , and call Battavia ) but these Hollanders lying about Lantore , began to parley with the Lantore man , and continued there parlying about two Months ; but this benefit we had , that which the Dutch agitated by day we were informed by the Lantore men at night , by which we understood how importunate the Dutch was to have the Iland of Lantore into their hands and custody , sometimes they would fairly perswade and intreat the Lantore men to yield to their perswasions , and sometimes threaten them with Fire and Sword , if they refused to condescend to their Proposalls ; and sometimes telling them , that although they had given the Island to the King of England , they need not fear to disclaim what they had done , and make them Masters of it ; for they could , nay and would interpose between all danger and them , and that they had sufficient strength to guard them from all the Nations in the world , if they would give them a pawn to enjoy the profits of their Fruits at those termes the English had conditioned with them : The Lantore men being in this perplexity , and doubting among themselvs what might happen to them by the refusal of what was proff●…red , addressed themselves to us , desiring to be informed how we could secure them from these insatiate people whose perswasions were as plausible , as their threatning terrible ; to whom we replyed that we conceived their fear was built upon bad grounds , in respect that we were confident relief was not far distant from us , and that our Fleet would forthwith come to our assistance ; therefore we encouraged them , and char●…ed them to be couragious , and not to yield to their unjust perswasions ; These words so much animated them , that the next time the Dutch desired a pawn from them , they pleaded ignorance , telling them that they knew not the signification of a Pawn , and made themselvs wonderfully inqusitive what that Pawn was which they made mention of ; At this , the Dutch began to be something petulant , but with an advised consideration told them that they must bring a Brass Bason fill'd with Earth , and plant in the middle of it the branch of a Nutmeg Tree loaded with Fruit , and cause it to be presented to them by the hands of the chiefest men of their Islands ; and this the Hollander told them was the meaning of the Pawn . The Lantore Men after a serious , but short pause , returned answer to this effect ; Your Demands are our Impossibilities , for should we recede from what we have already done , both God and Man might justly brand us with Infidelity ; and we could almost perswade our selves into a confidence that your spirits are so Noble , that you scorn to uninterest the English of what is their proper due , & make our names for ( complying with you ) to be ingraved in every heart with the indelable Characters of base perfidiousnesse ; But , rather then we wil do it , we will ( as we are encouraged by the justness of our cause ) prostitute our selves to the extremity of all miser●…s ; and this is the sum of our intentions : To which the Hollander ( whose malice boyl'd for utterance ) reply'd , Since so it is , that no perswasions will allure you to your own happinesse , you must expect to find the reward of your obstinancy , though we confess it is much against our inclinations to imbrew our hands in blood ; yet rather then we will be frustrate of our intentions , we are resolved to make a Bonefire of your lland , think not that the English strenth can stand in competition with ours , for we own them but as a handfull in comparison of our selves , and when our successe hath benighted your time , you will confess this truth , and acknowledge your owne follies ; in the mean time , go , and be slaves to your own opinions ; and know , that when you find repentance , we may chance to want eares . Thus this angry dispute being finished , and the Hollanders much incensed and troubled at the slender effects of their assiduous labours , begin to plot how to obtain that by foul means , which their seeming fair meanes could not accomplish ; to which purpose they begin to prepare their Vessell called the Float with her Battery Gunns , which being done , they forthwith assaulted the Town , and besides the Float , they brought some other Ships to lye in br●…st against the Town in which our Factory was ; At the sight of which , we forthwith set a Red Crosse upon our Factory houses , to signifie to them that there was our abiding place , at the sight wherof the Dutch trebled their former shot against us , but could no way prevail ; but we very easily perceiv'd , it made the heat of their rage encrease into a greater flame ; but at last I my self ventured , and took it down , yet for the space of 2 dayes they lay battering , but not to so much purpose as they expected ; Now by the way of the water side in this lower Towne , there was a Plat-form made with three Gunns in it , two Sak●…rs and one Minion , which kept the Hollander at a reasonable distance from the Town , and all the Town was made up with great broad stones , that there was n●…ither ingresse , ●…or egresse , but onely through the upper Town , and this Plat form in the lower Town was so well man'd with Guns by the Bandaneeses , that had not the Hollanders found some other way to come in , their second endeavours might have proved as ineffectuall as th●… first . The Hollander perceiving how insuccesfull their first attempt was , after two or three days consi●…tion what couries they might best and most safest take ; they began to fit themselves on the last day of February , 1620. and on the 1. of March following in the morning , about six of the clock , we being up and ready in our Factory , Mr. Randolph summoned us ( as his usuall course was ) to come to prayers , prayers being ended , he commanded the Cook to provide breakfast , which accordingly was done , but it was the last breakfast that ever that Cook provided for me , for on a sudden there arrived at our ears such a sallet of out-cryes , that made us wish we had eat our breakfast without it , for the Bandaneeses , which had the charge of the lower Town , saluted us with an unexpected Alarum , that the Hollanders was landed , and were upon their march towards the Town , having landed on the West side of the Lantore Island nearest to a place called Louquee their pollicy thought it most expedient to land their st●…rnmost Boat first , and so by dedegrees landed all their men without any loss of blood or men on the Hollanders side : Thus being landed , we presently and sadly heard the beating of Drummes ; and looking toward the upper Town , we discerned the Hollanders Colours ; which caus'd our Colours ( in respect of the suddenness of the business ) to retreat to our hearts , and there lie buried till our Enemies pull'd them out , Vi , & Armis ; but being now surrounded , and expecting every hour to groan out our souls , we thought it more convenient to dye at our doors , thinking that our language might something mitigate the fury of our new come unwelcome Enemies ; but the Hollanders placed in their front , a Nation called the Iapaneeses , a people of Iapan , but they entred not into our Factory but beset the houses round ; these were all Gun-men , having small Guns much like our Cullivers , with brass barrels , so these Souldiers called out , and required us to come out of our houses ; or they would shoot us , where they found us ; Then we three Englishmen came to the door ; and having presented our selves before them , they presently stood presented against us , ready to give fire ; So the Fronteers called out unto us , and told us that we must be their prisoners , to which purpose they took us into custody , strictly examining of us whether there was no more of us , the tuth is ( I thought they had too many of us already ) but in conclusion we told them that we had one Armenian more ; so whilst they were roguishly busie in binding of us , some of their associates dragged out the poor old Armenia man , whom I thought would have died for fear of dying , his age being not able to encounter with such youthfull Tyfannies ; but in the interi●… , I took the boldness to ask my busie workman , which was very busie in tying my hands , whether the mercilesse Hollander would trouble himselfe so much as to kill us , or no ; who replyed , and swore a sufficient Oath , that I should not be kill'd by any till he had brought me to speak with the Hollanders ; so by these Iapandaries we were brought into the Market-place of the lower Town , and there we were commanded to kneel down , so they brought a Nockedy of a Junck , which is a Master of a Ship , and tied him to my right arme ; and presently came another Iapander , and cut off his head , at which I was starting up , expecting my own to go next ; but my Guardian leapt upon my two shoulders , and kept me down , so before my face they cut his body into piecemeals , so that at that time I could not cast my eyes any way , but I sadly observed them cutting in pieces men , women , and children in the streets , so that the town was a Shambles of dead men . Now after eleven of the clock , although we heard nothing more distinctly then the most lamentable and horrid cryes of men , women , and children , being brought to suffer death by their enemies ) we were commanded to march into the upper Town of Lantore , where the blood-sucking Dutch sate in most Majestick pomp ; at our first appearance before them , we were courteously entertained with the titles of Rogues , ●…ay base Rogues , the basest of all Rogues , except ( as I thought ) Dutch Rogues ; the second course was Villaines , but not Hogen and Mogen ones ; the third was , Traytors to the States of Holland , and to our own King of England , and that we were most worthy to be hang'd out of the way ; which words all of us heard with much regret and distast , in respect that we could be no less then confident , that we deserved no such imbittered language from them ; But to come to the business , we three ( I cannot say merry men ) Englishmen , were presently condemned to be tyed to 3. severall posts , but what to do we knew no more then the posts , till afterwards experience made us feel what we were sent for , being miserably dragged along to the posts , we were most violently ty'd to them , insomuch , that the blood was ready to start out of our fingers ends , and our hands being tormented from their usuall colours , look'd black , and ( as it were ) mourned for the miseries our bodies were like to endure , the extremity of which tortures made us sadly cry out to be loosed , and our cryes were so prevalent , that it moved them to pitty our hands , and punish our necks , for they a little , and ( in truth ) but a little loosned our hands , and tyed our necks so close to the posts , that indeed I could hardly perswade my self but that there was an absolute incorpora●…ion between my neck and the united post ; these torments I lookt upon as symptomes of an ensuing death , for indeed we expected it , being tyed hands and neck to the posts ; but on a sudden the Heavens frowning at these impieties , sent down such a shower of rain for one hour and a half , that the like was never before known by any there present ; the Rain surceasing , we three standing all the while ( in dispight of our teeths ) in the Rain , desired that we might be once more loosned , for the rain had so much shrunck up our cords , that they pinched us even unto death ; not long after we were loosned , but had I not seen my hands ( which was as much as I could well do ) I had absolutely thought my hands had taken distaste at my body , and so left me ; had our miseries ended here , we had been very happy , in respect of what followed after ; but see the frailty of man , that had rather suffer a thousand torments , then dye once ; I remember it is reported of a great Tyrant , when any was to dye , he would have as many torments inflicted upon him , as could be imagined , and being askt the reason he replyed , Ut sentiat se mori , that a man may know he dyes : So our Dutch tormentors could not be contented to afford us great tor●…s , but must st●…ll study greater , for suddenly after they placed the old Armenian with us on ●…round slippery hill , where we expected to receive our last punishment , for we were much afraid that the half Pike men would have forced us down the back side of it into the Ocean , but within half an hour there came an Order that we should be tyed one upon the back of another , and so carry one another down the better side of the hill ; being thus compelled to obey this cruell command , I took Mr. Randolph and carried him , and Mr. Gates took the old Armenian , and with great difficulty and paines we got down without tumbling , hoping when we came at the bottome to have been eased of our burthens , but we found no such clemency from them , for instead of abstracting , they largely added to our former miseries , buffiting us with our burthens fast tyed to our backs ; and if we asked whether it were the fashion to use us prisoners in that nature , they would largely answer us in the dumb language of their unsanctified fi●…ts , inforcing us to go with our loads upon our backs to shew them the way out of the Town , we not daring to make the least resistance , but with seeming content attended their pleasure , and shewed them the place where we used formerly to ease our selves ( but could not at the present of our burthens ) the place was 12. foot high , the stones being so laid one upon another ▪ yet we ( like Pedlars with our ware at our backs ) were compelled ( I cannot say to crawle over them , in respect we had not the use of our hands ) but by the assistance of my toes , elbows and chin , I for my part got up to the top of the wall , but Mr. Randolph that was my back friend shewed me a slippery trick ( the cord breaking ) fell from my back , and I ( out of policy , because I would not take up my burthen again ) ventured to break my neck , and fell down on the other side of the wall , but poor Mr. Randolph , that almost rosted me before with heat in carrying of him , was himself as well basted ( for not making more haste over the wall ) as I believe hands could do it , and I am sure ( were he alive to witness it ) he would say , that he needed no more basting in a year after . Neither was this the Finis of our misery , but as one wave gives place to another , so did our torments ; for comming on the other side of the wall , those beasts of prey ( the Hollander ) fastned their pawes upon us , and like Lions , dragged us to their Den , which was a Boat purposely provided to row us to the Ship called the Holland , which lay neer two leagues distant from the place we were taken , but being attended to the Boat with severall curses and stripes , we ( though unwillingly ) stept in but because we should not forget our former trade , they forthwith took us ( onely the Armenian excepted ) and bound us harder then before to the thoughts of the Boat , insomuch that through our extremity of pain , we earnestly implored our Butchers to be so mercifull to us , as to cut our throats , but our pleadings , lamentations , and sad cryes , proved musick to their ears , insomuch that instead of compassionating our groans , they laught to hear them ( ●…re the Turk is more merciful to his Slaves , then these Tyrants were to us poor naked men : At last we came to the Ship called the Holland , where we were presently enquired after by those in the Ship , at whose enquire and command we were charged to climb up by a roap into the Ship , but for the present neither of us was able to touch a Ropes end to hoist our selves up , but sate bem●…aning of our selves , lamenting to think how perpetually they had lamed us ; but at last the Provost of the Ship commanded some of his men to come into the Boat , and hand us in by main strength ; being thus shipt , the Provost condemned us every one to a severall place of suffering ; as for me , I was placed at the Beeck head of the Ship , a place where they could not come to ease themselves at Natures Costomehouse , but I must take the scent of their tayles , and I am confident they took delight ( and I fear some of them took physick purposely ) to visite me , and after their visitation they would goe upon their Fore-Castle , and laugh , vomiting forth raylings against the English , expressing their Affection which they beare to our Nation ; this I understood because I was skilfull in their speech ; Thus sate I in this surreverentiall posture chained to my seat , and the other two were chained , one at the Lar bote catt-head , and the other at the Stare-bote catt-head of the ship ; We were thus kept assunder , because if any of the Bandaneeses could or would justifie that we had been upon the plat-forme in resistance against the Hollander , then our necks had paid for the offence of our hands ; but GOD be praised , none of them could , or would justifie it . In this sorrowfull , and lamentable condition we three English-men lay ( well may the Reader judge ) to our little profit , but less ease , for the Sun lying within five degrees of those Islands , cast such penetrating rays upon us , that had we not spent much greace before , we might well expected to have been almost melted , but the night comming on , we found an alteration , by reason that in Nero Roade the vapours ascend from the sea , the moistness whereof ( had not the Almighty Protector defended us from it ) had been sufficient to have suffocated us , or else to have furnished us with sicknesses sufficient to have put a period to our sufferings , for very few that dye in those parts , dye of any other disease , then the Feaver , or the Flux ; and that which added something more to our miseries , was , that none of us had any thing to protect us from the boards , or detect us , either from the violent heat by day , or the vapourous cold by night ; and againe , I am confident , we were so odious to the Dutch , that not any of them were guilty of so much commiseration , as to furnish us with the least of any thing that might adde comfort to our distresse , onely this most horrible comfort we should constantly have intruded into our ears , that within two dayes more , a rope should be our Phisitian ( but we could not perswad them , ( that were sick of Tyranny ) to use it themselves ) some of them would often flatter us to our faces , and say , That no men in the world would become a halter , like an Englishman . Judge then ( Judicious Reader ) how dissonant these expressions were to our depressed Spirits ; and I beseech you , let your serious consideration reflect upon their Tyrannyes and our extremeties , think but how feelingly we were lash'd into miserie , and when we thought that our complaints would have induced them to be compassionate , their dispositions were so contaminated with Barbarisme , that their joyes were as exuberous as our sorrow ; May not these enormeties well prove Arguments to invite us to beleeve , That if their Power were correspondent to their sanguine thoughts , wee should finde them worse Task-masters , then ever experience made the Hebrewes find from the hands of the Egyptians ; And for my own part , I seriously Protest , that if it pleased the Great Determiner of all things , to command me to yeeld my body to be tormented , I had farr rather choose the Turks , then the Dutch Tortures , for the cruelty of their mercyes , I am confident , are far transcending the Turkish extremeties , and I know that their Viperous inclinations towards us would not be consumated , till compleated fury riotts it self into an unparaleld revenge ; Yet , had the People ( which are too much ebrietated with Mallice ) but so much consideration , as to remember how many eminent favours our Nation has formerly accumulated upon them , sure they could not but ingenuously confess , their dissabillity to compensate our deserts , but their Ingratitude has been our reward , Sed de his , satis , quia ingratos dixi ; but I will here desist from progressing any further into their ingratitude , and return to my former subject . Being ( as I have formerly told you ) thus carbonadoed in our bodies , and sadly perplexed in our minds , we began to ruminate what course we might best take to procure some ease to our distressed and distempered selves ; And after a short pause , we thought it convenient to perswade our enemies to furnish us with pen , inke and paper , that in a Petitionall way we might expresse our mindes to the chief in the ship , called Holland ; the effect whereof was , That ( in respect of our daily vexations and troubles , our bodies were very much impaired , and our hearts dejected ) we desired so much favour from the chief of them , as to be a little free'd from our chains , and obtaine so great a priviledge , as to walk or sit between the Decks of the ship , that so our bodies and mindes might finde the comfort of a short relaxation ; After some consideration , our hearts were exhillerated with the newes of our release , we ( being forthwith taken from our Irksome Chains ) began to conceit our selves into a strange kind of happines , but this happines , as it was soon obtained , so it as soon expired , for we were forthwith ( through their goodnesse and clemency ) commanded to be put into a great bolt of Iron , about Eight foot long at the least , insomuch that we were forced to be idle because we could not stirr , but onely sit upon the Deck , and God knowes , wee had enough of that before , if their pleasures would have given them leave to consider it ; but they that felt no misery themselves , knew not how to commiserate ours , yet the extent of their favours was such , that every other day we were severally brought out of our bolts , but not for our ease , but for their pleasures , for we were compelled every one of us severally to answer to certain Interrogatories , insomuch that if they had found us in severall tales , England had never heard this sad truth from my mouth : but our constant sitting and lying grew so tedious to us , that we thought it convenient to Petition them againe for ease , yet we were something doubtfull in respect of our former Success , but the violence of our Sufferings strengthened our intentions , and we resolved to Petition , that we might finde so much favour from their hands , as to be reinchained , and permitted to walke above , or below the Decks , as our Chains should permitt , and our occasions require ; our Petition being granted , we were acquitted of our troublesom Bolt , but new Torments ( like the Hydra's heads ) presently succeeded the old ; wee were no sooner out of our Bolts , but we were presently exalted , and carryed up , and set in the heat and colde as formerly ; neither was that all , for our leggs were forthwith salluted with a Bolt of about a foot long , with both our knees wrung together so hard , that our Torments may better be imagined , then exprest , our conditions were so lamentable , that we could not so much as stirr our bodies from the place where we lay , but with miserable content we were constrained to undergoe our extreamities ; In this most deplorable condition we continued the space of 48 hours , unpittied by those merciless Neroes ; being in extremity of pain , wee earnestly importuned them for the possession of our great Bolts again , which request was accordingly granted , and we put in lawfull possession by them , where we remained compleat 16 dayes , hearing nothing so much , as the dialects of hanging and tortering , which must needs be very placent to our distressed hearts : Being thus almost worne out with Sufferings , one of my miserable associats ( over-burthened with Oppression ) was deprived of his health , and with an extream Flux , was very much debilletated in his body , Mr ●…dolph all this while kept himself in a good condition of health , and so continued ; as for my self , I thank my Great Preserver ( GOD ) I continued in health , and was aegrotus animo magis quam corpore , more imbecill in minde then body ; but one thing I cannot without praise to God , and admiration , omitt to recite , which is , That in the space of 21 dayes , I never enjoyed the benefit of Nature more then four times , and yet all the while was very sane in my body : but as for my concometant , Mr. Gates , he was in the time of his sickness most sadly used by them in respect of his often necessity , being troubled with an exceeding Flux ; these incomparable Villans , in the absence of the Provose , would not let this poor man out of the Bolts , but compelled him to use the Platter wherein we constantly eat our meat ; these things were very unsavery to us , yet these inhumane Creatures would not in the least be sensible of our callamities ; thus we lay sadly wasting our tedious and tiresom hours , expecting every minute to have heard the tidings of death , but the hand of heaven restrained them , and as our sins led us into these sufferings , so His hand of Mercy afterwards led us out , which follows , and will forthwith fall into our Relation . In those parts , there lyes a Roade , known by the name of Nero Roade , the comming in whereof lies to the Westward between Goonape and Lantore Island , which is the largest Island in Banda ; This Nero Roade is surrounded with Islands , having onely a Passage out of the East and West towards Rose and Gang Island , over against the Island of Lantore ; there is also another Island , near adjacent , which is called , Poulee Swanga , which I make mention of in respect of the name , which signifies , being interpreted , the Island of Devills , and may well be so called , because of the sterilitie , both of fruit , and People ; but to come to my story ; Into this Nero Roade came sailing two of our English Ships bound for the East Indies , the one was the Exchange , the other the Star , these ships having been in the Roade about two or three dayes , their Commanders were informed what the Dutch had acted in Lantore , and how they had some English Prisoners amongst them , which English Prisoners , One Captain Fitch Herbert sent to demand ( which the reader may please to conceive was no small joy to us miserable Captives ) upon whose demand , the Dutch forthwith unbolted us , and sent us away , we not so much rejoycing at our departure , as they did at our former miseries ; Wee being arrived at the English ships , word was presently carried into the ship called the Ch●…ge , to Captaine Fitch Harbert , that the English Prisoners were comming aboard , the Newes being thus reported , we were commanded into the Cabbin , where we were examined by Captain Fitch Herbert concerning our being taken , and our usage by the Dutch ; to whom I replyed , That the Dutch used us like themselves , which was , like Tyrants , and that he might easily perceive by our decrippednesse what course entertainment we found amongst them ; after we had made the full Relation of every perticular ; he forthwith discharged us , without adding any relief to our manifold wants , which indeed very much troubled us , but he was pleased ( a purpose to be rid of us ) to give us liberty and leave to go to Pulleroone as soon as we could get any Passage , for which favour , we gave him a parcell of such thanks as we thought the courtesie merrited . THE SECOND PART OF THE Dutch Tyrannyes . THE Wind having unseated it self , and left its Westerne Court , where it had continued constant five Moneths , whirls about , and salutes Flora with an Easterne and comfortable blast , March having breathed its last for that year , April succeeded , which Month we spent at Nalacco Iland , where our houses were seated ; not many weeks after arrived the Ship , called the Exchange , and came to Pullaroon and Nalacco to see what men would go Westward ; I being one that was willing to go , forthwith went aboord , and from thence sayled to Amboyna , which was thirty ●…eagues distant , W●…stward from Banda , at which place we spent a compleat Months time , and after set Sayle and came for the Mulouca Islands , where our stay was no longer then whilst we could settle our Factories , it being Gods great mercy that I stayed not amongst them ; after that , we came to Turnate to the Turnatians , with whom we wasted a Moneth more , and afterwards we came back to an Island called Mockan , that lyes under the Line , which Island containes a Castle , which Castle contains a pair of Stocks , which pair of Stocks contained me ; for truly I think that those well-sented Hollanders thought I smelt so much of misery , and that I was fit for nothing else , for indeed my stay had not been long in that place before they sent a crew of ill looke people with Swords and Gunns , I thought at first to kill me , but it fell out otherwise ( I thank God ) for they onely sufficiently beat me , and dived into my well-furnished pockets , and ( I hope the Reader will imagine ) took away my money , for truly , I thought it a piece of vanity to put my hand in after theirs came out , neither had I heart to do it , in respect I was confident to finde a strange vacuety there ; neither would my money ●…ice them , but they must also endeavor to beat me out of my clothes , which indeed much ●…ubled my ●…nscience , yet at last they buffited me into a very unwilling confession wh●…re I had laid them , and some other goods , which I brought with me ; thus ( I cannot say they left me , but I became ) moneyless , and clotheless , to my great grief , and their no small profit ; In this posture of poverty they forthwith dragged me to their ( Inquisition ) the Castle , where I found entertainment answerable to my expectation , for they were not endued with so much manners as to make a poor man drink for his money , no nor for my clothes neither , but immediately ( as if I had been born to no other purpose ) they sent me sadly to the Stocks , where I sate , more likely to sigh my heart out , then my leggs ; my rugged life-guard leaving me , I begun to ruminate upon my misfortunes , and having thought my self into a world of misery , I began to wish my heels at liberty , but my wishes were no way prevalent ; at length , having defategated my spirits with tedious and troublesome Meditations , I endeavoured to rouze up my drooping heart , informing my self , that the more I repined , the greater addition I gave to my sorrow , and that I must labour to crown my sufferings with patience , remembring that although the Sun is overshadowed with more then one cloud in a day , yet conquers them at last , and although his resplendent rayes often suffers an obnubelation , yet his primitive and pristine glory is no way extenuated , only the world suffers a momentary deprivation : So a m●…n in affliction , although his externall parts are veyl'd with misery , yet his internal quallities retain ( nay sometimes more then their usuall vigour ) and are insensible of any deminution ; with these and such like cogitations I satiated my thoughts , and hug'd my bitter-sweet afflictions ; but at length d●…iring to sollace my fancy with new objects , my eyes took a survey of the scituation of the Castle , but suddenly I discry'd a parcel of Musketiers comming towards m●… , the sight whereof made me suspitious that I should forthwith breath my last , for I expected nothing more then immediate death , but the event proved the contrary , for upon their neerer approach to me I observed , that it was a prisoner they had taken , and were bringing him to be my associate , I confess I was miserably joyfull to see him , in respect he was an Englishman of my acquaintance , but grieved to think of his being in the hands of such Butchers , indeed they were so civill to me ( that although he proffe●…ed me the upper hand in the Stocks , yet they told me , I deserved it , because I was ( by their approbation , and appellation ) the elder Ro●…gue : Thus we two late lovingly in the Stocks together , bewailing our ●…ad misfortunes , but my stomack began to importune me for meat , having been in the Stocks all night , I may very well be excused for being both hungry and thirsty ; but it is far easier for a man to complain , then to be relieved ; therefore I gave my appetite an unwelcome check , and feasted my self with content , which is but a meane satisfaction to a raging stomack . About 8. or 9. of the clock in the morning , our Castle-C●…ers were pleased to recreate themselves towards us , but our fear instructed us to believe it was rather to abuse us , then to give us a breakfast ; being come within the audit of a distinguishable voyce , they merrily made enquiry after our healths , and we as sadly told them , that we were onely weary with our tedious sitting , and at that time our stomacks were more agile then our legs ; upon this ( I know not whether out of pitty or malice ) they were pleased to lend us the use of our legs again , but were very carefull that we should not abuse them , and to that purpose betray'd us into the custody of a Guard of Musketeers , which promoted us into an upper room in the Castle , where we stayed till we heard the welcom news of some that made enquiry after us , these enquirers being safely and honourably conducted to our presence chamber by our guard , we cheerfully saluted them , and gave them such welcome entertainment as our Pallace would afford us ; we gave them audience , and by the sequell of their discourse , we gathered , that they came from our Ship to make enquiry after us , which news was no less welcom , then gratefully accepted ; ●…fter a short ●…rley with them , ●…e began to assume cheerfull countenances ; but our winter sufferings craved a flood , insomuch that we earnestly importuned our new come friends , to fetch us a little water , that we might wash away our sorrows with cold comfort ; the water being brought , we lovingly tippled to one another ; these ceremonies being past , our friends began to deport themselvs into a posture of departing , and we ( not much inviting them to stay , in respect we had intreated them to bring some victualls from the Ship ) courteously bid them farewel ; Thus they departed , leaving us behinde , accompanied with our sorrows , and miserable stomacks , whilst our Cormorant ●…ard Tantali●…●…d us with their unmannerly eating and drinking before our fa●…s , deriding and mocking at our hunger , whilst we were forced to wish that they had either no meat , or we no stomacks ; By this time our friends were arrived at the Ship , where they informed our Captain of our ill usage with the Dutch , who indeed was very apprehensive of our sufferings , and forthwith commanded them to return to us with relief , and charged them to visit us daily about 8. of the clock , much admiring , and incensed at the conflagrations of their malice towards us , willing them to ask whether it was the Dutch fashion to use their prisoners with so much Tyranny and unparalell'd Barbarisme : About 12. of the clock we were informed of the approach of our friends , but they entring , our stomacks for the present would not permit our tongues to express our thanks equable to their deserts ; but after we had indifferently quallified and allayed the vigour of our memorable appetites , we began to unbosome our selves to them , expressing our gratefull acceptance of so welcome , ( though so long absent ) a favour ; whilst we were thus humouring of our much implacable natures , our friends seemed to be in a serious consultation with our Guards , enquiring and descanting upon the reason of so much severity towards us Englishmen ; and why they should , upon so slender an account , as the buying of Cloves upon their Island , use so much violence against those Captives they had taken , telling them how disproportionable it was to a good conscience , which actions ( if continued ) would make them an odium to all Nations ; these words seemed ( as indeed they were ) very unsavouly to their turbulant spirits ; for they had so much habituated themselves to villany and bas●…ness , that custome had made it too inherent for a remoall ; I will not expend so much time as to make a Narrative of their responds , in respect I intend to hasten to what shall be more materiall . This day we spent with indifferent ease and contentment , but the night approaching , and our friends being departed from us , we began to think of rest , wondring where they intended to dispose of us that night , for we thought that they would not trust us in that room without a Guard ; but our admiration was quickly converted in a compleat satisfaction , for before night had absolutely spread abroad her ●…able Curtains , there came a Dutch Fury , attended with ●…our Musketeers , and commanded me to take my leave of my fellow captive , and so violently took me away from him , and carried me to the East side of the Castle , and left Matthew Sawell , my former Companion , on the West side , and planted two Musketeers at each of our doors all the while we were in their custody , which was about 8. dayes , all which time we lay upon the boards , being not allowed by them any thing to sustain us , no not so much as water ; the next day our friends comming to supply our wants , wondred to see us at such a distance one from another , demanding of us the reason of our separation ; but our slender knowledge could not satisfie their demands , but we were forced with as much patience as we could to endure all their sad impulsives , and I bless and praise my great Redeemer , that he hath been thus graciously pleased to spare my life , and hand me out from all these eminent and depraved extremities , which I hope will never be oblittered out of my serious mind ; And I hope God will be pleased to preserve our English Nation from all their plots and Tyrannies threatned , to my knowledge against us ; for I am confident the Spaniard in 88. never intended to impose more cruelty upon us then these ( let it satisfie that I know not what to call them : ) I will therefore assume so much boldness , as to speak a word or two to our Nation , though I know some will condemn , what other by experience will sadly acknowledge : In short , I know them experimentally , to be a people of most operative spirits ; and had I a Tragicall design to act , I should as soon imploy them in it ( provided it may tend to their gain ) as the best Jesuite now living , for I know them to be such undermining and insinuating people , that like the Crocadile , they are most destructive , when they shed most tears ; and for my own part , I had inured my self to believe least , when they spoke most ; nay , in conclusion , neither to believe little or much of their traditions ; they are Lions , if Conquerours , but Spannels if conquered ; And truly I dare not believe but that they are very joyful of this oportunity to fall out with us English , for I have heard them for many precedent years declare , that they would show us , what Dutchmen were if ever they could finde conveniency to put their designs in agitation ; I hope the Reader will be so favourable to me , as not to conceive that I declare any thing out of malice or base ends ; for I protest , and am ready at any time to justifie it with my life , that I have not exprest any thing but what is really correspondent to truth , and I am very much assured , that there be those now living that can testifie with me how many Tragicall designes , that have not onely been acted upon us , but upon many others , which are now too tedious to recite , I shall therefore return to my former Discourse . By this time , the Reader may be pleased to conjecture , that our 8. dayes sufferings begins to draw to a conclusion , for our Captain sent to the Holanders to demand his prisoners , for he intended next day to set Sayle , and leave those parts ; the Holander upon our Captains command , gave Order for our enlargement , so we were brought down into the Castle-yard , having nothing upon us but our naturall habits , for they stript us before ; but in our march , we observed a Gallery , in which were placed the chief of the Castle & Island , before whom we were forthwith called ; being approached neer unto them , they willed us to express whether we were willing to go aboard our Ship ; we replyed , that indeed it was our hearty desires , if we might be permitted , for it was but slender comfort for us to be slaves , if our Liberties might be permitted , but the poverty of our condition was such that we ●…ere inf●…rced to express to them what an obligation they would lay upon us , if they would prove but so favorable to us as to command our clothes and goods to be re-delivered unto us , which we were deprived by their appointment , to which they suddenly replyed , that our prayers would be as prevalent and effectuall for them with our goods , as with them , so wisht us to continue in that mind of praying ; for they told us , that we being at their disposall , they might as well hang , as release us , and as yet they were in suspence , whether life or death were most sutabale to your deserts ; these words dropping from their tongues , which we knew were so well furr'd with malice , put us into such an extasie , that we yielded our selves to be l●…st men ; but after some mature deliberation , they were pleased to let us know , that in respect we were the first Englishmen that ever they took buying of Cloves upon their Island ; they were willing to spare our lives ; but if ever they should hereafter take an Englishman in the same nature , they would not be so favourable as to hang them , but to whip them to death ; the pronunciation of this cruell sentence , I heard distinctly fall from their mouthes , with many other calumnies , and violent railings against us , so that as before they had dragged us into their Den , now they rayl'd us out , from whence we . forthwith repaired to our Ship , where we found civill and courteous entertainment from our Captain , who was very much inc●…nsed to hear the sad relation of our Captivity ; I shall once more inform the Reader , what I have heard these borish people express , which was to this effect ; Alas , said they , what is England , if compared to our High and Mighty States of the Netherlands , we know that wee have Ships enow to block up all the English Ports , and if any difference should arise , the proof should manifest the truth : I have often known them to be ●…o inhumane as to take Vessels from the Chinay-men , and rob them of their goods , and at last drown the poor men ; by such means many of these sicophants have mightily inriched themselves ; neither was this sufficient to qualifie their avarcious hearts , but also many Indies Ships besides , as Weddals and Carters , and many other which I could nominate , have been pillaged by them . One inhumane action more of these bloody Hollanders I shall not forbear to relate , with as much truth and exactness as possible ; and I hope the judicious Reader will please to favour me so much as to give credence to my report , which shall not in the least syllable deviate from truth ; and if my own testimony will not be sufficient , I can have it justified by one Bryan Beddoes , a managed about ●…o . who lives not far dist●…nt from London : The sum of what I intend is this . One Captain Bali being President of Bantam in the year 1617. was desired to give entertainment to some Bandaneeses , which were newly arrived , and desired to address themselvs to him ; the request being civill , was a civilly granted , and they were permitted to present themselves before our Governour , being thus entertained , they began to enter into a parley ; the Bandaneeses being come from all the Islands of Banda , brought with them a pawn or a pledge to present to Captain Ball , relating to him the Barbarisme and severity of the Dutch towards them , and how they daily exacted upon them and murthered them at their pleasures , absing their wives , whilst they themselves lookt on , and dar'd not in the least resist them ; moreover , their abominable drunkenness made them daily riot into all manner of misdemeanours , insomuch that at last they had made it such a customary thing , that it was ( no lesse then wonderfull ) to see them sober , and the truth is , they do so much bestiate themselves that they naturallize ●…briety , and make themselvs the sink of baseness ; for these and the like reasons , the distressed Bandaneeses earnest ly requested Captain Ball , that he would be pleased so far to compassionate their sorrowfull conditions , as to accept of their Gage , and receive their Islands into his jurisdiction , and defend them from the Tyrannies of the intruding and unmercifull Hollander , the weight of whose oppressions were beyond the strength of their endurance ; therefore if he would accept of what they proffered , he would very much unslave them , and as they believed no way prejudice himself , nor our English Nation : To which Captain Ball replyed , that in regard they had given ( as he conceived ) their Island already to the Dutch , it was no way agreeable to reason , for him to take away that by force from the Dutch , which they had obtained by favour ; therefore he desired them to cease their importunity : To which the Bandaneeses generally replyed , That if that were all the obsticle , it might easily be removed , for they protested that they never gave the least consent to the Hollander to possesse their Islands , but that they voluntarily and violently came into their Island without their privety or consent , and had oftentimes desired , but never received any Pawn , or Gage from them ; and besides , the basenesse of their actions deterr'd th●…m from doing any such thing , neither would they ever condescend to any of their perswasions ; therefore they earnestly desired Captain Ball forthwith to accept of their Pawn , and become their Protector ; Captain Ball being satisfied in his former doubt , became willing to accept the Pawn , to the great joy , and much comfort of the afflicted Bandaneeses . The Bandaneeses at the newes of Captaine Balls acceptance of their Island , rouzd themselvs into a great allacrity , returning him as many thanks as could possibly be imagined , withall telling him , that for his many civilities bestowed upon them , they were bound by the tyes of friendship to requite them according to their best abilities , and that their lives and fortunes should alwayes wait upon the English : Captain Ball perceiving their integrity , and observing with how much reality they expressed themselves , told them , that in respect they had so voluntarily and freely thrown themselves upon his protection , he would truly endeavour to defend and vindicate them from the fury of the Dutch , and that a short time should produce the effects of his intentions , to which purpose he resolved forthwith to prepare three Ships , namely the Solomon , the Thomas , and the Tendance , to goe for Mucassa , there to take in their loading of Rice and Rack , and so to stand for the Banda Islands ; this forenamed Captain Ball continued President till the arrivall of Captaine Iourdan , who came with Sir Thomas Dails Fleet in the year 1618. at which time Capt. Ball was commanded home , notwithstanding we proceeded in our Voyage , although the Dutch had made a protest against all the Englishmen and Ships that they could meet withall to the East ward of the Straits of Desselon , but we little regarding that , kept on our course , and in a short time anchored at Mucassa , and in three weeks after we were all ready to set Sayle from Mucassa , to the Straits of Desselon ; being at last all fitted , we weighed Anchor , and set Sayle , having in our Ships about 80. Bandaneeses , whereof 40. was in the Ship called the Thomas , in which Vessel I my self sayled , our Ship being the first that arrived at ( and went through ) those Straits , and yet never came within view of the Banda Islands that year , but landed our Bandaneeses at an Island known by the name of Burrough , which is a Clove Island , neer adjacent to that most fatall Island of Amboyna ; as for the two other Ships , the Solomon and the Tendance , which were in company with us , they staying and trifling away their time longer then convenient , the wind chopt against them , that they could not come after us through the Straits of Desselon , but were descryed by the Hollander ( who lay purposely to intrap us ) and were taken by them , and kept there according to their protest made at Bantam ; in the mean time we being out of the Straits of Desselon , standing off from Batto●… , fell upon the shoules of Tym●…re , where we remained some time ; but the Reader may please to take notice , that in respect of the danger we apprehended of Banda , we were enforced to leave our Bandaneeses at Burrough , where we desired the Inhabitants to provide them Prooes , or small Boats , to transport them to their Island , which they promised to perform , but what the Dutch did with those poor creatures , we could better imagin , then be informed ; for we could never hear , neither could the Inhabitants conceive what became of them . The next ensuing year we sayled againe with Captain Iackson for Mucassa in a small Pinnace of about 30. or 40. Tun , called the Frances , and in her we also had Bandaneeses ; so that year it pleased the over-ruling Providence to send us safe with all our lading into a place called Pulloroon , where we reiterated the unsuccesfulness of our former years Voyage ; but our discretions invited us to say with Seneca , Sera parsomonea in fundo est ; but having set our Bandaneeses on shoar , and the Westwardly Months season being spent , we forthwith steered away for the Island of Tiddore , which was seated in the Mu●…uckees , being arrived thither , we immediately began to make our best Market of our goods , and sold all our Rice that we could spare to the Spaniards , & the Tiddorians , at as good a rate for ready money as we could desire ; And the King of that Island affecting one of our Sakers , gave us for it th●… equall weight of it in Cloves , desiring to have one or two more , but we could not conveniently spare them , so we craved excuse , having thus vended our Commodities , and stored our selves with what we thought most convenient for our u●…e ; in six weeks after we weighed Anchor , and stood away for Bantam , and sailed along the Sal●…oe Coast , which is the back-side of the Land of Mucassa , where we put into a small Port , called the Boohoole , which we afterwards named the Pu●…pkin-Bay , because of its fertility in bearing of Pumpkins , for there we bought 500 for a faddam of Blue Bafta Callieo , which is Sarrat Cloth ; at the same rate also we bought Hogs and brought them to our Boat ; being thus victualled we forthwith set Sayle for Bantam , whither the blessing of a favourable wind not long after brought us , though with a miserable Leakey Ship . After a seasonable respit at Bantam , Sir Thomas Daile ( a man whose worth and honour cannot be out-famed ) thought it convenient to provide a small Navy ; and sayle towards Iackatray , where the Hollanders lay ; to which purpose he caused the Thomas , that we sayled to Bantam in , to be made and fitted into a fire Ship ( in which Ship I was one ) vvhich vvas speedily done ; and after all things were in a convenient posture , vve hoysted Sayle , and away we steered towards Iackatray , where the Dutch had a Castle , being come right over-against it , we presently discovered 8. ●…ayle of the Holanders , upon fight whereof our Noble and valiant Sir Thomas Daile bore up to them , and after some smoaky salutations , the Hollander began to bid us farewell , though they had 8. Ships to our 7 , after the nimble Dutch found them●…elves suffici●…y b●…en , and were gone , Sir Thomas instantly w●…nt ashoar and demanded the Castle , and plant●…d his Gunns about it , but the King of that Countrey after the surrender of the Castle to Sir Thomas , stood upon tearms ( believing that Sir Thomas Dail had for ever beaten the Dutch ) and demanded to have half of what was in the Castle , men and all , telling Sir Thomas Dail , that he could take the Castle without his assistance ; To which Sir Thomas replyed , That the Kings demands were too unreasonable to be granted , in respect that he could in no way answer it unto his Master the King of England , for although the Dutch had by their villanous and most detested actions so much unchristianized themselvs , yet he dar'd not so much out-run his Commission , as to deliver them to a Heathen ; To which a sudden Reply was made , that Sir Thomas Dail need not insist upon such a nicety , ●…r if the Dutch had conquered the English , it might well be imagined that the Dutch would have easily and quickly condescended to the Kings Proposalls ; to which Sir Thomas returned this answer . That the actions of the Dutch were insufficient rules ●…r him to walk by , for he could not think it expedient for him to act an evill , though it were licensed by other mens consciences , neither could he so much derogate from the Principles of his Religion , as to patronize so hainous a deed , so desired excuse ; at which words the King , overwarm'd with passion , told Sir Thomas , That if he would not incline himself to the former Proposalls , he should forthwith draw off his Artillery , and be gone , for he had strength enough of his own to take the Castle at his pleasure . Sir Thomas perceiving the intentions and resolutions of the King , rather then he would burthen his conscience with such a sin , re-delivered the Castle into the hands of the Dutch , wishing them to make the best defence they could for themselves , withall , willing them to take notice that it was more his duty to God and his King , then their deserts , that instructed him to be so favourable ; for he confessed to them , that as often as he ruminated upon their baseness and cruell exactions towards the English , his thoughts were so much accuated with revenge , that had they not been un-edg'd by a diviner Power , they might well have expected a reward proportionable to their merits , hoping that this civility and elemency which he had used towards them , would hereafter perswade them into more lenity and moderation ; so leaving them to their considerations , he departed , and from thence addressed himself to the King and his Councel to whom he most courteously , and to this effect exprest himself . I am very much grieved that ye should be so much your own oppressors , as to refuse a good so much conducing to your welfares , and out of an avaritious disposition become your own subverters ; you complained of their oppression , informing me , that the most that you can present , they think too small for their acceptance , yet you cont●…mn a salve for your grievances ; ye complain of their abominable and unheard of ●…riety , telling me , that when they are insaniatiated with superstuous cups , they vomit out more fury then you are able to digest , yet you dispise those streames which may wash away those enormities : You complain of their uncorrected lasciviousness , and say , that they enforce your Wives and daughters to be unwilling prostitutes to their lusts , yet you disown that curb which may restrain their lasciviousness , thus ye make your selves more slaves , and them more Tyrants ; for be assured , that if ever they prevail so much as to come amongst you ( as I am confident they will shortly endeavor ) they will make you perpetually unhappy , insomuch that your lives will be greater burthens to you , then ever they were before ; so I leave you , future time may ripen your beliefs , though present perswasions can finde no harbour . Thus our renowned Commander having treated this Heathen King , and found all his labour and and paines to be ineffectuall , forsook the place , and repaired to his Fleet , where he was received vvith vvelcom and joy , or joyful vvelcomness , where for a time I left him , being desirous to give the Reader a a true and full relation of a piece of as most exact Tyranny as ever the Devil was owner of ; I know the World is very much inclinaable to censure , therefore some may wonder , and many may be very apt to say ; Alas , how is it possible for me being aged , to retain all these things in my memory , so many years being expired since they were agitated ; to which I shall in short reply , Scripta diu remanent , things written , remain long , which if but observed , are subject to oblivion ; the truth is , that at opportune times , I alwayes committed my sufferings , losses , travels , and things memorable to paper , which is the best remembrancer , and although it hath been a long time buried in loose sheets , yet it retains as much truth as if it had been then printed ; and if it shal be demanded why I had not then printed it , I shall ( though bluntly ) say , the reason is , because then was then , and now is now ; for in those dayes our Nation was at peace with the Dutch , and had I then printed it , I should rather have incurr'd the repute of an Incendiary , then a true Historian ; and besides my urged occasions , and daily imployments beyond Sea , would not permit me to borrow so much time as to digest it according to my desires ; if these Arguments will not prevail , I must submit to the censure of the World , but before I proceed . I shall onely make this short Protestation , That I have neither spoken , or will speak any thing out of malice or envy , although I must confess my losses and miserable sufferings might well induce me to thoughts of revenge , but that I will leave to the great Revenger of all wrongs , and proceed to my intentions . Now the season inviting us , we are sent again to the Banda Islands , whither I sailed with Captain Iackson , leaving Sir Thomas Dail at Iackatray , upon which Islands I stayed the revolution of two whole years , so that my long abode there , and my daily observations both of the people and the Islands , will not permit me to bury the perfect knowledge of them in oblivion , neither dare I suffer my Memory to be so treacherous to me , as not to be mindfull , and sadly studious of those many and almost unutterable cruelties which were inflicted upon these poor Bandaneeses by those Monsters of men , the Hollanders , for no other cause nor ground , but because their affections were so generally and fervently expressed towards the English , I shall therefore neither add , nor diminish , but truly and punctually relate as sad a truth as ever Villains acted , or Innocents endured . It has been formerly related how the Dutch in the year , 1620. put those Lant●…rians they could not take to flight , inforcing them to forsake their Towns and Houses , and flye into the highest hills in that Island of Lantore , untill they submitted themselvs to their terrible mercy , the Dutch promising them that if they would speedily submit , they should find them mercifull ; upon the hearing of this , these distressed people submitted ( though some of them ) with much temerity , in respect they knew how customary it was for them to violate their promises , nay their oathes , and how their pretended mercy was but the abstract or quintescence of all torments ; the sense of this made them much mistrustfull of their mercy , which indeed ( the preceding discourse will tell us ) they had much reason to doubt thereof . These miserable people having tendered themselves into the hands of their enemies , were forthwith received with much joy and seeming allacrety , and immediately were transported to Neroe Island , where being come the Hollander caused 400. of the chiefest of them to be pickt out , this being accordingly done , they caused them to wash themselves ; after which Ceremony they provided large store of the primest Provision they could get , and with much love and amity intreated them really perswaded of their free welcome , telling them that they hoped the future time should be spent in a more amicable way then the former ; and as for their parts , they heartily wished , and desired their safety and welfare , and that they should alwayes finde them very willing to befriend them against all opposers , and were heartily sorry that they should so much distrust them , as to flye to the English for relief ; but as they never much valued it , so they would now study to forget it , desiring that all differences whatsoever might be absolutely composed , and all former injuries and discourtesies might be perpetually oblitterated , to which intent and purpose they had transported them thither , and provided necssaries for their refreshment . These Lantorians hearing with how much serenity , and ( as they thought ) candidnesse , they delated their affections , could not ( as might well be imagined ) but with much joy return them innumerable thanks for the expressions of their bounty , and the bounty of their expressions ; for indeed they having been much time distressed for want of provision , could not but conceive themselves to be very happy , finding so much plenty , where they might rather have expected the abundance of sufferings , then provisions , in respect of their former obst●…nancy , and opposition against them : Thus the cheerfull Lantorians sate discoursing and feeding , being almost overjoyed for their happy and welcome entertainment , not knowing how sufficiently to retaliate such over-grown courtesies : Their Feast being ended , the Dutch and the Bandaneeses began to pi●…r , which word being interpreted , signifies talking , or discoursing ; the Hollander all this while accoasting them in a very civil and unusuall manner , to the admiration and much comfort of the Bandaneeses ; but alas ! this happiness proved shorter liv●…d then was expected . After they had satisfied their appetites , and express'd their thankfulness to the Dutch , they prepared themselves for their departure , but the Dutch having ( as it were ) thus fatned them for the slaughter , told them , that they must be presented with another course before they parted , so leading thē to a Window , told them that they must walk to yonder Green place , and there receive their deaths from the hands of their Executioners , who were purposely provided to dispatch them ; this unexpected Newes made such a sudden alteration in the countenances of the poor Lantorians , that they forthwith cryed out , O apetow ! which is to say , Oh what is this ! the Reader may judge what a terrour this unexpected Newes struck to their hearts , which but even now were as joyfull , as joy could make them , and no●… by a fatall stroak are cut off from all their mirth , and frightned into as much sorrow , as is p●…sible to be imagined ; but there is no remedy , neither the abundance of teares , nor their lamentable aspects , nor their reitterated entreaties could prevail , they are designed for destruction , and they must dye , to which purpose , they carried them to the place of Execution , where they were cruelly received by the Iaponeeses , and severally taken and cut in the middles alive , their Quarters being devided , they were sent some to Lantore , and some to other places , and set them up in the streets ; was not this pure mercy , to dispatch those poor Creatures quickly , that no more cost nor charges might arise upon the maintenance of them ? and after such fair and ( seeming courteous ) entertainment , to exact their lives for the payment of their Ordinaries ; this Tragedy was acted in the Year 1621 , since which time ( and I beleeve hardly before ) was the like cruelty heard of , neither was this the conclusion of their revenge , as I shall to my best endeavour forthwith relate . In the same year 1621 , these blood-thirsty men sent over to Pullaroone for the chiefest of the Inhabitants there , and after perticular examinations of them , executed them ; the first that received his death was the chief Priest of Pullaroon , a man that I have often seen , and took more notice of him then of any other of the Bandaneeses that ever happened into my knowledge , he was a man of a very civil deportment , delighting to be courteous both in his speech and carriage ; and as for his person he excelled all the Bandaneeses that ever I observed for properness ; this man they commanded should be laid down , and then should have a hole cut in his side , into which hole they commanded Gunpowder should be put , so setting fire to it , deprived the poor Priest ( in a most miserable manner ) of his life , had Nero lived in those times , he might well have blusht to see how much he was outvied by the Dutch , in Tyranny ; I do verily beleeve that the like was never heard before ; and although these Pullarooneers were under our protection , yet we dared not ( in respect of our strength ) to contradict them , but permit tem to murther these poor people before our faces , so that we perceiving how prevalent , Tyrannicall , and incr●…aching the Dutch were , in the Year 1622. left the Banda Islands , which the Dutch ever since possesse , and most unjustly and wrongfully enjoy ; one thing very remarkeable , that I cannot but relate , which is ; In those Islands I have constautly seen an innumerable company of Mackerell , which was the chief thing that supported those Islands , and if it happened that they came not in great showles , in two or three dayes we were sure to have them in greater abundance when they did come ; for indeed the Island could not subsist without them ; but that which strikes the greatest admiration into my heart , is , That these great Showles of Mackerell ( after the English had left the Island ) deserted it ; which thing I look upon as the Justice of God Almighty upon the Hollander , who were so cruell and tyrannicall over those Inhabitants , and also the English ; and now having murdered the chief of the People , and apprehending the wholsomnesse of those Islands ( which indeed were the wholsomest that ever I came into in all my travells ) they by unjust means detain and keep them , not permitting the English ( which have the propper right to it ) to have any Commerce with them , which is very much to our dettriment ; And truely , if the COMMON-WEALTH of England , are pleased to let them enjoy that which is onely theirs by usurpation , and ours by the free gift of the Inhabitants , I must upon necessity rest satisfyed , but the knowledge that I have of those parts , and in the injustice of the Hollanders exacting them from us , must give me cause to think , that we rather incourage them to act the like thing againe , then desire them from it ; but I leave it all to the grave judgement and Counsell of our Nation , whose discretions ( the business being weighed in the Ballance of Reason ) will induce them to desire , I hope , a proportionable satisfaction , and that the truth may be more fully and expresly known , I shall forthwith insert , not onely the Accounts of my owne losses , but the Accounts of others now living , to justifie what I have related ; but before I proceed , I will return to Sir Thomas Daile , who I left in Iackatray Road , when I went with Captain Iackson for the Banda Islands , my desires are to declare him according to the worth , Valour , and Nobleness , which was inherent to him , therefore I crave the patience of the Reader . THE THIRD PART OF THE Dutch Tyrannyes . THis Sir Thomas Dail was a man indued with qualities which bespoke him truly Noble , vertuous , and valiant , He was generally beloved amongst the Seamen , his proportion and Strength wee have often admired ; I my self have seen him , and President Iourden in the Great Iames together , President Iourden being as remarkable for his shortness and valour , as Sir Thomas Daile was for his stature and courage , these two I have seen walking upon the Decks , sporting away the time with much friendship and love , but at last a difference arose about the 〈◊〉 of their Commissions , which caused much distraction in the Fleet , upon which Sir Thomas Daile ( after he had beaten the Dutch away to the Eastward ) sayled out of the Straits of Sunday for the Coast of Cormodell to the Port of Meslapotan ; After this , President Iourden commanded the Little Iames , a Vessell of about 400 Tunnes to go for England , and President Ball that was President before Iourden , came to Bantam , and was Ordered to goe in her for England ; but whether he came home that year , I cannot exactly remember , and then Captaine Iourden took upon him the command of Sir Thomas Dailes Fleet , which as I told you before , was the ground of their difference . The aforenamed Sir Thomas Daile advanced his fortunes in France ; for being there Resident when a Spaniard came into France , and desired to venter his life with the skilfullest Mounsieur there , upon which occasion Sir Thomas Daile addressed himself to some of the Nobillity , and importuned them to crave leave of the King that he might be permitted to encounter with the Spaniard , which thing the King having well resented , gave consent , and a day was forthwith appointed ; the time being come , the Heroick Spaniard , in the field , was forthwith entertained with much gallantry by Sir Thomas Daile , who maintained the fight with as much Courage and Valour as could be expected , and after a hot encounter , the Spanniard being much wounded began to want the life of Strength , and immediately after wanted the strength of life , and so yeelded the conquest , and dyed . The report of this honourable atchievment being bruted abroad , brought such a generall applause to the renowned Victor , that both the hearts and eyes of the people were so much fixed upon him , that every one made it their study how to respect him according to his deserts ; the King also gratifying him , recommended him to his Master the King of England ; giving a sufficient Narrative of his worth and valour , which brought him into high esteem in our English Nation ; so receiving a Knighthood , was afterwards intrusted by Sir Thomas Smith , then chief in England for the Virginia Company , who imployed and intrusted him to go chief Governor for Virginia , at which time I Abraham Wo●…fe was shipt in the Ship called the Clove bound for the sam●… , place , whereof Captain Nuport was chief ; and after the well and true performance of th●… service , in which , to my best remembran●… , he was seven years he , was intrusted with 6. 〈◊〉 to the East-Indies , the nam●… of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sun , the Moon , the Globe , the Clove , the Samson , and the Pepper-corn , with which Ships he came safe to the Cape , and from thence set well forth , and so sailed within 30. leagues short of the Straits of Sunday , but in the dark of the night , the Ship aforenamed the Sun , which was the Ambrall , and the biggest in the Fleet , being headmost , fell foul of the shoules of the Islands of Angania , and could not get off , but was there lost , some of her men being cast ashoar on that Island , were most cruelly murthered by the Inhabitants thereof ; but those that were well in health , endeavoured to get a way , to which purpose they got one of the ships Boats , and the weather being very temperate and calm , they put to Sea , and came to Bantam , where being arrived , they forthwith repaired to the President , and related to him how many of the English were murthered and most barbarously used by the Inhabitants of Angania , and that they conceived ( if the President thought it convenient ) to send away a Vessel to that Island , many of the men which lay there then sick , might be preserved from the hands of the cruell Islanders , and that much of the Ships goods which was cast away might be recovered : The President hearing this , forthwith commanded a Ship to be prepar●…d ●…nd sent spe●…dily away for the Island of Angania , which being done , they set Sayl , & in a short time came to the Island , where being come , they perceived how most unhumanely the Inhabitants had dealt with the English , they fell upon them , and being very much enraged , put many of them to death , and afterwards we returned , and gave the President an Account of what they had done , who was something incensed at the killing of so many of the Inhabitants , although they had been so barbarous to our men . Now Sir Thomas Daile having by this time come ( with much difficulty ) within the Straits Mouth of Sunday , and having dropt . Anchor , forthwith Man'd out a Boat , and sent up to Bantam to desire men to help them to furle their Sayles , and weigh their Anchors , whereof I the Testator was one that was commanded out to their assistance , they of themselves being so extream , and unbelievably weak , that they could not performe any service convenient for that time ; but we comming , weighed their Anchors , and did other things requisite , and brought their Shipps safely to Bantam , in the memorable year of the Blazing-Starre before the death of Queen Anne , but during the time of Sir Thomas his abode with us , his men having received the benefit and refreshment of the place , were most of them again restored to their former healths , they having suckt , and rubb'd their aggrieved parts with Limes and Lemons , which is the best cure for the Scurvey that can be thought of , for it cureth ( to my knowledge ) the soreness of the mouth , fastens the teeth , and asswages the swelling of the flesh , and fastens it again to the bones . Suddenly after the well recovery of Sir Thomas Daile and his men , Sir Thomas being a man of an active spirit , and hating dronish Idleness , betook himself again to Sea , and sayled to a Port called Meslapotaine , where being come , he was arrested by Death at the Suit of Nature , and gave an Acquittance to the World , and dyed ; at which place a Monument was erected , which I believe is to be seen to this day , in memory of so worthy and valiant a Knight , whose death was sadly deplored by all the Seamen , for their hearts were so much united to him , that their griefs for his loss swelled into great extreams : Thus leaving Sir Thomas in his Tomb , I will return to Captain Iourden , and give the Reader a short , yet true , Relation of what befell him by the Treachery of the perfidious Dutch . This Captain Iourden being a man more valiant , then prudent , sayling from Bantam ( upon a design , not known , nor to this day can be imagined ) with two Shipps , the one called the Sampson , and the other the Hound , to the great Islands of Burnew , and Anchored in a Port called Suckedany , and after a short , stay there he discovered 3. or 4. Dutch Shipps standing in for the same Port , the sight whereof made him confident that they intended no good to him , therefore he immediately gave order to prepare , and hasted aboard , fully resolving to fight it out to the last man , rather then to yield himself , Ships , and men , to the unmerciful hands of his approaching enemies , in the mean time the Dutch approaching neerer and neerer , at last summoned our Shipps to deliver upon fair Quarter , but Captain Iourden having like the Bee , Ingens spiculum , in angusto corpore , a great heart in a little body , absolutely refused to yield upon any conditions whatsoever ; but the Dutch , being unwilling ( as they pretended ) to shed blood , called out to our men , and told them , that they knew little Captain Iourden was there , and withall desired them to perswade their Captain to parley with them , that so they might forthwith prevent those dangers that might accrew by the denyall of so civill a courtesie ; Captain Iourden being informed of their desires ( being much in fury ) againe refused , which still made the Dutch more importunate to effect their own ends , to which purpose , they againe desired him that he would but show himselfe upon the Quarter Deck , and speak with them , that so by a faire complyance they might salve up the difference , and stop the effusion of blood , which must needs happen , if not timely prevented , at last Captain Iourden ( his passion being something abated ) thought that the speaking with them could not damnifie him , therefore went to the Quarter Deck , and shewhimself to them , and after some words exchanged between them , Captain Iourden told them , That he knew the justnesse of his Cause , and the injustice of theirs , and was resolved to fight it out with them to the last man , the Hollander urging , That alas their strength was far greater then his , and it would be ●…steemed rather desperatenesse then true Valour to fight upon such odds ; and moreover , that he would make himself guilty ●…f the blood of those men that should be slaine in the fight ; All these words , and vain perswasions of the Dutch could no way alter the Resolution of Captain Iourden , he telling them , that he questioned not his strength , but was resolved to fight , and to leave the Success to God ; Notwithstanding this ; the Dutch , willing to bring their treacherous design to passe , protracted as much time as they could , still keeping him in talke upon the Quarter Deck , till at length , a musket shott from one of the other ships killed Captain Iourden in the place while they were in Parley , and at that very instant of time , whether by trechery , or accedent , I know not , our ship called the Hound , was part of it blown up , and many of our men mortally hurt , which sudden businesse , caused such an amazement amongst our men , that they knew not for the present what to imagine ; First , they saw their Captaine treacherously slaine ; Secondly , They saw part of the Hound blown up ; and thirdly , they saw that the Dutch on a sudden were preparing to come aboard , and being in this sad condition , they were enforced to yeeld to the mercy of their Enemies , who having made them their captives , caused them ( according to their former use ) to be put into Bolts , not allowing us so much favour as they did to the Heathen , for they permitted them after they had taken them , to walk too and fro with a chaine , which is far more easy , then to lie in heavy Bolts of Iron ; This is the favour we English have received ●…rom them , that we must either be troubled with a guard of Iron hearted men to attend us , or else lye in Bolts of Iron , or in the Stocks ; but I must omitt to informe the Reader how the Ship called the Hound was conceived to be blown up . During the time that Captain Iourden was in parley with the Hollander , our Boats , and theirs had free recourse to either of our Ships , at which time we had aboord the Hound , a Portugall , who was in the Hollanders Ships severall times , and was known to some of them ; we therefore supposed , that during the time of this Portugals stay with them , they inveagled him to set fire to some of our Cartrages which we had laid ready for the fight ; but that which most of all confirmes our beliefe , is this , that this Portugall was seen severall times by these Cartrages with a Match in his hand , and it is verily thought , that he was hired to do it , in respect that it hapned so immediately after the death of Captain Iourden . Thus we may observe what injury and wrong we have sustained by the Dutch , who have been often desired to make satisfaction , and many of us that have been wronged and abused by them , did from time to time Petition the Lords and many other of the Kings Privy Councel , but found no redress , but our hopes are , that when our Honourable Councel of State shall hear the sad cryes of the poor for Justice against that Nation of blood ( the Hollander ) who is not to be satisfied ; for they will have the kernells , let who will take the shells . Our Ship called the Charles , being about 1000. Tun in burthen came home , we forthwith repairing to the East-Indie House , and informed the Company of our sufferings and losses , who told us they would do what might be done for us ; not long after we were served with Subpoena's to attend the Lords of the Privie Councel , where we onely heard the noise of satisfaction , but I for my part could never find the comfort of it ; At that same time I Abraham Woof being examined , told the Privy Councel , that the Dutch had taken and possessed the Islands of Banda , which are of such concernment , as I then related , that the Dutch could never give the English satisfaction , how the business was smothered up , I know not ; but I am sure if any was done , I will venter my life it was not to the value of a pin to a pound , and moreover I will make it appear , that they got those Islands onely by blood-shed , and murthering both the English and their friends , and possesses them by treachery and usurpation to this day , and the people ( if they have left any of them alive ) are but slaves to the Dutch ; and for the better satisfaction of all , I will here insert the Petition of one David Powell to the Lords of the Privy Councel , and the Account both of his , my own , and others now living , all of us being aged not under 60 , and if the Honorable Counsell of STATE shall think it convenient for us to set out Bills to summon in those that have been Sufferers , either them , their sons , or Grandchildren , I am confident we shall discover some hundreds which have been highly wronged by the Dutch ; and I am very sure , that many fatherlesse children may be relieved out of the Profits , and satisfaction they ought to make us ; but I shall leave all to the Grave , and serious Judgements of the COUNSELL of this Nation , and the World to judge . To the Right Honourable the Lords and others of the King Majesties most Honourable Privy Councel . The Humble Petition of David Powell . Most humbly shewing , THat whereas Roger Powel his brother about 9. years since betook himself to travell into the East-Indies , and returned about three years after with some convenient fruit of his Voyage , and about one year after that ( being still a single man ) having a stock of neer about 100. l. betook himself to a second Voyago with such entertainment and acceptation of the Adventurers , through his former expence and honest behaviour , that he was in good place , and gathered an estate to the value of better then 300. l. sterling in Accompt in those parts , and being slain ( among divers others ) in a Ship called the Hound , taken by certain Hollanders at Mes●…potain , wherein was the Petitioners said whole Estate lost , with his owne life : Of all which the Company of Merchants have been credibly certified ; And your Lordships poore Petitioner hath hand-writings , and ( if occasion requires ) can have the persons of divers eye-witnesses ready to prove the truth thereof upon their Oathes , and , being sole Brother to the said Roger Powel , and by Letters of Administration lawfully intituled to such Estate as he left behind him , Most humbly beseecheth your Honours reliefe at the hands of the Company , as it doth or shall please your good Honours to vouchsafe to others in the like case . And your Honours poor Petitioner ( according to his bounden duty ) shall pray for your , &c. An Account of the severall Particulars of Goods , Wares , and Moni●…s , which Abraham Woofe of London , Factor , did lose upon the Island of Lantore , one of the Ban da Islands ; in the year , 1620. being surprized by the Hollander , and by them inhumanly dispossessed of his estate , and most barbarously used in his person , viz.   Rs. l. s. INprimis , 1. Suckle of Nutmegs , weighing 120. l. wait , cost in Spanish Money 2. Royalls of 8. 02 00 08 Item , 4. Suckles of Mace , weighing●…80 . l. cost 80 16 00 Item , 20. large Serasses , cost 4. Royals , 8. per piece . 80 16 00 Item , 10. pieces of Surrat , strip'd stuffe , cost 4. Rs. 8. per piece , 40 08 00 Item , 10. pieces of Ditto Stuffs , at 3. R. per piece . 30 06 00 Item , 20. pieces of Cane-cores , at 2. 〈…〉 . 40 08 00 Item , 14. pieces of Blue Baftoes at 2. Royals of 8. per piece . 28 05 12 Item , 12. pieces of broad white Baftoes , at 5. Rs. of 8. per piece . 60 12 00 Item , 6. Bolts of Taffaties , at 4. Rs. of 8. per piece , 24 04 16 Item , 4. Bolts of China Damask , at 6. Rs. of 8. per piece , 24 04 16 Item , 8. Bolts of Sattin , at 6. Rs. of 8. per piece , 48 09 12 Item , 40. pieces of Pantadoe , at 3. Rs. of 8. per piece , 20 04 00 Item , 3. Elephants teeth , at 6. Rs. of 8. per piece , 18 03 12 Item , 200. Pantanes of Rice , at 50. Rs. of 8. altogether , 50 10 00 Item , 300. Lockeers of Sagooe , at 80 Rs. of 8. altogether ; 80 16 00 Item , 200. pound of Cotton Yarn , at 50. Rs. of 8. altogether , 50 10 00 Item , 40. pound of coloured Silk , at 3. Rs. of 8. per pound , 140 28 00 Item , severall other China Commodities , all at 60. Rs. of 8. 60 12 00   869 174 16 Sum of Rialls of 8. born over , 814 174 1●… Brought over from folio ( 1 ) the sum of Rialls , 874 174 16 Item , 1●… . Cassawarwick green eye Spells , all at Rs. of 8. 003 000 12 Item , 2. dozen and a half of long Arrow Birds ; at 30. Rs. of 8. altogether , 030 006 00 Item , 30. dozen of small Arrow Birds , at 40. Rs. of 8. altogether , 040 008 00 Item , taken violently in mony 400 Rs. of 8. 400 008 00 Item , Ap parel , Books , and other necessaries of mine which they likewise took violently , 100. Rs. of 8. 100 020 00 Sum total in Rs. of 8. is , 1447 289 08 Item , 12. Iarrs of Rack , at 4. Rs. of 8. each Iarre , 048 009 12 Principle , 1495 299 00 For Premio of 1495. Rs. of 8. after the usance rate of delivering them in the Indies , which is at least 3. for 1. amounteth to 2990 598 00 Principle & Premio 4485 897 00 For simple Interest of 897. l. being 31. years , since the losse of my Principle at the rate of 8. per cent . per annum , amounts to , 000 2224 05 Principle , Premio , & Interest , 000 3121 05 Part of this Mr. Woof lost when he was taken in the Island of Lantore by the Dutch , and the other part when he was taken buying of Cloves in Mockan , where he was put in the Stocks , and committed afterwards prisoner in the Castle . All this being intrusted with Mr. Randolph , who suffered with Mr. Woofe in Lantore , was seized on and taken by the Dutch whilst the Sufferer himself was upon the Island of Nalacco which joynes to Pullaroon . GOods in the charge of Mr. Randòlph that was belonging unto one Bryan Beddoes , a dweller upon the Island of Nalacco , adjacent to Pullaroone .   l. s. d. Inprimis , Nutmegs woighing 480. I. cost 11. Rs. of 11. 01 12 00 Three Suckels of Mace , weighing 360. pound , cost 60. Rs. of 11. 12 00 00 20. Pieces of fine Serat Stuff , at p. 80. Rs. of 11. 16 00 00 20. pieces of new Blue Baff●…oes , at p. 40. Rs. of 11. 08 00 00 6. Broad fine white Baftoes , at price 30. Rs. of 11. 06 00 00 And in Rials stock-money , just 30. Rs. of 11. 06 00 00 60. Gant of Rice , at price just 15. Rs. of 11. 03 00 00 100. Lockeers of Large Sagooe woodden-bread , 26. Rs. of 11. 05 00 00 289 57 18 00 For premio of 289 Rials of after the rate they deliver them in the Indies , being three for one , amounts to 597. Rs. of . 11. which in sterling money amounts to 115 16 00 1168 173 4 00 For 31. years Interest of 173. l. 14. s. at 8. per cent . 447 04 08 Summe Totall , 620 18 08 Henry Cooley's Account , ( VIZ. )   Rs. l. Inprimis , Delivered to Captaine Lane , 600 120 Delivered to Nicholas Gates in Commodities , 600 120 Deliver●…d to Ditto in Money , 150 030 Sum of Rials delivered 1350 270 For premio , for usance , delivering them at the Indies , at 3. for 1. at least amounts to 2700 540   4050 810 For Simple Interest of 810. l. for 31. years , since the loss of my principle , at the rate of 8. per cent . per annum , amounts to 2008 016 Principle , Premio , and Interest is , 2818 016 Henry Cooley did intrust Captain Lane of the Solomon with 600. Rialls of 8. at his sayling for the Isles of Banda , which ship was unh ap pily taken by the Dutch . Also he did in trust one Nicholas Gates which was in the Thomas , with Serasse , Pantadoes , White and Blue Baff●…es , to the value of 600. Rs. of 8. likewise in Money 150. Rs. of 8. which Goods being at Lantore , the Dutch taking that Town by an assault , was lost by the said ●…cholas Gates , and the said Henry Cooley never received any consideration for those Goods , as to my knowledge to this day , by reason of the Dutch seizing of all ; the party being now alive , aged above threescore years , and to my knowledge at this time is glad to receive alms of h●…lf a Crown a week , or otherwise he might perish , but for some good that charitable p●…ople bestow upon him Alms. This Henry Cooley now living can witnesse the Bandaneeses did come from the I le of 〈◊〉 to Bantam , and besought President Ball , that our King of England would please to be their Protector , and to keep them from the disturbance of all other Nations , and to that end they brought a great brass Bason fill'd with Earth , and a small growing branch with fruit on it , as a Pledge of their Resignall ; Nevertheless the Hollander took their Lands and Goods from them , all that were in any wise friends to the English , and have kept them to their own use for these 31. years , that if they should give for them and Moleuco Islands 100000. l. per annum , to this Commonwealth , it were too little in my opinion . Roger Powell which was killed in the Hound left an Estate to the value of 300. l. and upwards in sterling Money , which is in Rs. of 8. 1500. 1500 0300 For Premio of 1500. Rs. of 8. after the usance rate of delivering them there in the Indies , which is ●…t least 3. for 1. amounteth to 3000 0600 Principle and Premio 4500 0900 For simple Interest 900. l. for 31. years , since the loss of my Principle , at the rate of 8. l. per cent . per ●…um , amounts to 0000 2232 Principall and Premio 0000 3132 David Powell , the brother of Roger Powell abovesaid , deceased , hath been at charges to take out Letters of Administration , and afeer that petitioned our Privy Councell , that the Dutch might make them satisfaction , but to this very day he never received any , th●… man being now sixty years of age , and very much indebted , desires he might be considered among the rest if they make satisfaction . This David Powell dwelleth in Chiswell street , and is a very honest man , and willing to pay what he is indebted , if he were in any wayes able . FINIS . 
A26296	----	The voyages and adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp and others in the South Sea being a journal of the same : also Capt. Van Horn with his buccanieres surprizing of la Veracruz : to which is added the true relation of Sir Henry Morgan his expedition against the Spaniards in the West-Indies and his taking Panama : together with the president of Panama's [i.e. Juan Perez de Guzman] account of the same expedition, translated out of Spanish : and Col. Beeston's adjustment of the peace between the Spaniards and English in the West Indies / published by P.A., Esq. 1684 Approx. 205 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 99 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A26296 Wing A4315 ESTC R9181 12384055 ocm 12384055 60800 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26296) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60800) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 267:18) The voyages and adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp and others in the South Sea being a journal of the same : also Capt. Van Horn with his buccanieres surprizing of la Veracruz : to which is added the true relation of Sir Henry Morgan his expedition against the Spaniards in the West-Indies and his taking Panama : together with the president of Panama's [i.e. Juan Perez de Guzman] account of the same expedition, translated out of Spanish : and Col. Beeston's adjustment of the peace between the Spaniards and English in the West Indies / published by P.A., Esq. Ayres, Philip, 1638-1712. Perez de Guzman, Juan. Beeston, William, Sir, b. 1636. [24], 172 p. Printed by B.W. for R.H. and S.T. and are to be sold by Walter Davis ..., London : 1684. This work is in part supplementary to the English ed. of Exquemelin's Bucaniers of America, 1684, and in part a vindication of the English, especially Capt. Henry Morgan, from the aspersions of that writer. "The adventures of Capt. Barth. Sharp and others in the South Sea" (p. 1-114) differs from both Basil Ringrose's account, published in "Bucaniers of America, the second volume, containing the dangerous voyage ... of Captain Bartholomew Sharp," 1685, and Sharpe's own journal as printed in William Hack's Collection of original voyages, 1699. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Sharpe, Bartholomew, fl. 1679-1682. Morgan, Henry, -- Sir, 1635?-1688. Horn, -- Captain van, d. 1683. Buccaneers. Pirates. Spanish Main. West Indies -- History. 2002-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-01 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-02 Jennifer Kietzman Sampled and proofread 2003-02 Jennifer Kietzman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE VOYAGES AND ADVENTURES OF Capt. BARTH . SHARP And others , in the South Sea : BEING A JOURNAL of the same . ALSO Capt. Van Horn with his Buccanieres surprizing of la VERA CRUZ . To which is added The true Relation of Sir Henry M●rgan his Expedition against the Spaniards in the West-Indies , and his taking Panama . Together with The President of Panama's Account of the same Expedition : Translated out of Spanish . And Col. Beeston's adjustment of the Peace between the Spaniards and English in the West Indies . Published by P. A. Esq LONDON Printed by B. W. for R. H. and S. T. and are to be sold by Walter Davis in Amen-Corner . MDCLXXXIV . THE PREFACE . THE Reader may well wonder at the disposing thus , the several Relations in this small Volume : I shall therefore for his satisfaction give this following account . That the Exploits of Captain Sharp , and others in the South Sea , in service of the Emperour of Darien , being the first that came to my Hands , at the time the late History of Buccanieres was published ; and I finding it to be a plain Journal , not unpleasant , and much of the same kind , writ by a Seaman , though not learned and accurate in his stile ; yet one that certainly was very skilful and industrious in the Art of Sailing , who seems to have given a true and just Relation of what befel them in that Expedition : most of which I have heard confirmed by others , who were actually present in all those Adventures : For that reason I thought it might not be unacceptable to the world . To which I have only this to add , That this Emperor of Darien had been formerly surprized by the Spaniards , and by them carried to Panama , where he learnt indifferently the Spanish Language , and was called by them Sennordon Andreas : But he , after his escape , for their kind treatment of him , has never ceased making War upon them , always falling on whereever he sees any good opportunity ; and when like to be overpowered , he retreats amongst his Hills , Woods , and Rivers , with which last his Countrey is very well stored , and so baffles the industrious revenge of his Enemies . The exact limits of that which is properly called the Province or District of Darien ( which our Author has omitted to give us ) are thus described . It is bounded on the South by the Kingdom of New Granada ; by the Gulf of Uraba or Darien on the East ; by the South Sea on the West ; and on the North by the Province of Panama ; to which Government this is now annexed , I mean , so much as the Spaniards have of it . It took its name from the River so called , running into the South Sea , and has a small Town , though once a great City , called Santa Maria del Darien , but more commonly , Santa Maria only , and sometimes la Antigua , signifying the Ancient City . The next thing which is a short Account of Van Horns taking la Vera Cruz , being more Modern , and of the same nature , I added ; together with the destroying the French Pyrates by Captain Carlisle , that it may be seen what care is taken to suppress such as molest so considerable a support of our Nation , as is our Trade and Commerce with Foreign Countries ; of which that with Spain is not the least : for by it more of our Manufactures are taken off , than by any other whatsoever . Besides this of Captain Carlisle's , if I had the leasure , I could have given an account of several others , both Men of War , and Merchant-Ships , fitted and manned out as such , by the Goverours of Jamaica , Barbados , and the Leeward Islands , on purpose for scouring the Seas of the Buccanieres or Pyrates , who being a mixture of divers Nations , but the greatest part of them French and Dutch , make Prize of all they meet . The third Relation is of Sir Henry Morgan , which according to method ought to have been placed first , but I had no intentions of printing that , till I had read over and considered the said History of Buccanieres , and then thought my self obliged no longer to conceal such an Authentick account of that Expedition : To which I have adjoyned the President of Panama's Letter , which was intercepted , going for Spain , and confirms ( if need were ) the Credit of the precedent Relation . As to the last Paper , in which is mentioned the settling the Peace in those parts , with a Description of the City of Carthagena ; since it related somewhat to the foregoing Pieces , I thought it not improper , with it to conclude these Miscellanies . But I confess , I had yet another design in printing that one Expedition of Sir Henry Morgan , which was , That I might in some measure rescue the Honour of that incomparable Souldier and Seaman , from the Hands of such as would load him with the blackest infamy . I could not therefore forbear making some few reflections on the aforementioned History of Buccanieres , but more especially that part which concerns Sir Henry Morgan and the English . For it is against them , the Authors Malice seems most to be aimed , endeavouring on all occasions to represent them the most Lewd , Perfidious , and Barbarous People in the World. And whereas the Translator , who , I confess , seems to have performed his part well enough , in having rendered it from the Spanish Translation , does in his Encomiums of the Author , comparing him to the admirable Historian Comines , very much extoll his Candour , and fidelity , in recording the Actions and Valour of the English ; then at large he commends his Stile and Method ; and highly applauds the Truth and Sincerity of his History . I will not trouble my self to shew the inequality of the Parallel , with the incomparable Comines : And as for his faithful recording their Actions , and Valour , I must allow him to have writ some of their heroick Exploits well enough , which of themselves were so Eminent , that had he gone about to have lessened , it would have taken away all credit from his History : But he has most maliciously stigmatized them all the while , as valiant Thieves and Murderers . So that there is no Man that reads them , who does not conceive a horrour against the barbarous Actors of those Cruelties . Neither will I find fault with the Authors Stile , and Method ; But it is chiefly the boasted Truth and sincerity of the History which I am most concerned to expose , being therein able to detect innumerable Falsities ; and for Vouchers of what I affirm , can produce a whole Cloud of Witnesses ; many of which Romances are so palpable , that the Author could not possibly write them by mistake , but has inserted them on purpose , certainly as embellishments to set off his Story . To begin then with Sir Morgan's Parentage ; He makes him the Son of a Yeoman , and that be sold himself for Barbados ; when it is sufficiently known he was descended of an honourable Family in Monmouthshire , and went at first out of England , with the Army commanded by General Venables for Hispaniola and Jamaica . Then his cruel usage of the Spaniards at Puerto Velo , Maracàibo , Gibraltàr and Panamà , Murdering many in cold blood ; Racking and torturing some to confess where their Treasure lay , till they dyed ; Starving others in Prison ; Ravishing Women , and the like barbarities ; which this Dutch Comines affirms he saw him not only suffer his Men daily to commit , but acted himself as their example . All those Cruelties , contrary to the nature and temper of an Englishman , I have heard absolutely contradicted by persons of infallible credit ; and any may be convinced of the fouluess of the Scandal thrown on this Excellent Man , who are but acquainted with such as then lived in Jamaica , many of whom are now living in London . Nay the English Merchants of Cadiz , who resided ther● at the time these Spaniards of Panama returned from the Indies , affirm , that those very persons confessed , Sir Henry Morgan was so far from doing any such base Actions , That they highly applauded his Generosity , and the Care he took , That none of those severe things should be practised by his Men , as are usual by a Conquerour , when he has his Enemies at his mercy , after an obstinate resistance . This makes me think that our Dutch Author , having the Idea of the Business of Amboina in his Head , has endeavoured to copy out that , and lay it on the English , to render them as infamous to Posterity , for these supposed villanies in the West-Indies , as some of his Countreymen have by their real ones in the East . I am also assured by good Authority , That the Tale of Sir Henry Morgan his ill usage of the Spanish Lady at Panama , is altogether a Romance ; for so careful was he , that as soon as he had taken the Town , and quenched the fire , he caused most of the Women of the City to be brought to one place , where he set a strict guard over them , to prevent the Souldiers , or any others abusing them , and gave out his Orders , prohibiting all men the offering them the least violence or injury , on pain of a severe punishment . And under what loose government soever his men are represented to have lived ; I affirm , That few Generals have kept their Armies with a more strict Discipline , than he . Nor can I think it possible for him to have done all those great Actions with Men of so base and dissolute tempers , as our Dutch Historian paints them to be : But , Piensa el Ladron , quetodos son de su Condicion . And for confirmation of what I have now asserted ; At his return from Panama , when he brought the Prisoners to la Cruz , in his way to Chagre Castle , to induce them to pay their Ransomes ; the Women , especially such as seemed to be of any quality , and could ride , were set on Horses , Mules , or Asses , and had Men appointed to attend them with all respect . And our Dutch Mandevil says that such as were not able to redeem themselves , were transported ; which is of equal credit with the rest of his villanous Tales . For I am assured that no one person , Man , Woman or Child ( the Slaves only excepted ) were so much as ever carried a shipboard , but were acquitted and set at liberty , when he embarked . Moreover this Celebrated Buccanier Historian , relating these Acts of Hostility done in the Indies against the Spaniards , insinuates all along , That these were all Robberies and savage Butcheries , committed by Sir Henry Morgan and the rest of his Crew , who were a parcel of Thieves , Murtherers and Pyrates ; Men who did all this for the sake of Plunder , Blood-shed , and Rapine , without any other colour or pretext whatsoever ; filling the World with horrour and amazement at the reading his terrible Stories : So that out of Malice , or at best , Ignorance , he omits to tell us , That though we had not formally a War proclaimed against the Spaniards there in the Indies , yet would not they listen to any proposals of Peace with us , beyond the Tropick , till about the year 1670. that it had been concluded in Madrid by Sir William Godolphin his Majesties Ambassador there , and the Articles sent over from hence by Sir Thomas Linch to Jamaica ; before which time , there daily happened great Acts of Hostility and Depredations on either side , done as well by the Spaniards against us , as by the English against them ; and ●o doubt but Revenge spurred on many that had been sufferers , to the committing some severe things , and to heightening the Rage on both sides . For the Spaniards all this while were ●ot idle , they took our Merchants ships ; Plundred and spoiled our Plantations , particularly at Jamaica ; Used our Men with all the severity and rigour , that an enemy could do , throwing them over board , exposing them in Boats , and on Rafts , without Provision , to the mercy of the Sea ; Turning them on uninhabited Islands ; Leaving them on Countreys to be destroyed by the Indians , keeping and starving them in Dungeo●s , and making slaves of them . All which severities might well incense such as out-lived these miseries , if they ever escaped , to put in practice all manner of Revenge . Now if I have rightly stated this point , then neither Sir Henry Morgan , nor any that fought under him , can be said to be Pyrates or Buccanieres ; I mean , if he acted by Commission from Sir Thomas Muddiford , or any Governour of Jamaica before him ; as , if I mistake not , I have heard he really did ; which if true , though done without the Kings allowance or knowledge , I presume it justifies him , though not the Governour ; So that any Fleet , might in time of War as well be called Pyrates ; and an Historian describing the miseries attending a War between two Princes , might term the men slain in Battle , to be murdered ; and the Calamities befalling a Town taken by storm , to be cruelties exercised by Thieves and Robbers , for the sake of Plunder , and satiating their thirst after Blood. I would not have any judge me so vain , to think my self able to vindicate these men from every ill Action , and imagine I could make them pass for Saints : But I still affirm , that those dismal Stories of Murdering in cold Blood , Torturing , Ravishing , Starving , and other such Barbarities , are foisted in by the Author , to lard his History with delightful variety , and to fix an odium on the English Nation in general , that they may be hated by others . And I further say , That perchance never Man behaved himself with more true valour and resolution of mind to accomplish what he had undertaken , shewed more prudent and soldierly Conduct , nor took more care for preventing all irregularities amongst his Men , by his own example , than the renowned Sir Henry Morgan , who has been thus scandalously affronted by these Sourrilous Pens : For I cannot call otherwise either the Dutch Author , or Spanish and English Translators . Since there is no doubt but that if he had been the Pyrate , and ill Man , he is by them painted out to be ; he would have been punished as such a one , instead of being honoured with a Knighthood , as he was at his coming home to England : and since that made Deputy● Governour of Jamaica , under the Right Honourable the Earl of Carlisle , and Lieutenant-General of the said Island . There is one absurd story more , amongst many others , which I had like to have passed over without remark ; that is , His firing the City of Panama just at his entring in to it , as this French-Hollander affirms ; which if he did , it was but ill Policy , to burn the Town he came so far to plunder , ' ere he was well got within it . But this is owned by the President , in his Letter , to have been done by the Spaniards themselves , on purpose to disappoint the English of their Booty . By this ridiculous falsity , may the Credit of the rest of that History be conjectured . Many errours could I point out in that which is his Natural History of the Indies ; as for instance , his Story of seeing the Caymanes or Cocodrills suffer their young ones to play and run into their Bellies ; for which Fancy he must have been , I suppose , obliged to Pliny or Aelian ; for I dare say , no Man that has lived in the Indies will vouch for him . But these being besides my business , I pass by : and have only this more to say , That I forbear to print any more , at present , than that one Expedition of Sir Henry Morgan , thinking that sufficient to convince the Falsities of that scandalous History of Buccanieres . What acts of Hostility have been committed since the Peace made in the year 1670. betwixt the Spaniards , and the Privatiers of several Nations ; have been many and considerable , amongst which we have had no small loss fallen on our Merchant men , trading there in the West-indies , causing a great obstruction to our Trade . The number of our Ships taken since then , as I am informed , is no less than one Hundred and Twenty , a List of at least one half of which , I am able to have here inserted ; which thing I fear increases the number of Privatiers , in those Seas . THE ADVENTURES OF Capt. Barth . Sharp , And Others , in the South Sea. THAT which often Spurs men on to the undertaking of the most difficult Adventures , is the sacred hunger of Gold ; and 't was Gold was the bait that tempted a Pack of merry Boys of us , near Three Hundred in Number , being all Souldiers of Fortune , under Command ( by our own Ele●tion ) of Captain I●hn Coxon , to list our selves in the Service of one of the Rich West Indian Monarchs , the Emperour of Darien or Durian . Which Country has its Name from a River so called , running into the South Sea , almost a cross the I●●●mus , which is between the two formerly Great Empires of Mexico and Peru , and joyns the Northern and Southern America . These Emperours of Darien heretofore commanded a large Tract of Land , lying about the Bay of Darien , but are now reduced to much narrower limits by their Enemies the Spaniards , with whom they have continual Wars . The Seat of this Empire is now in a Place called by us the Golden Island in the said Bay of Darien , not very far distant from Porto Belo , where the Spaniards ship their Treasure on board their Gallions for Spain . After a kind invitation from the Indians , and Treaty with the Emperour in Person , he gladly listned to our Propositions and accepted us into his Service , resolving with us to attempt the recovery of some of those Places , the Spaniards had taken , and kept from him ; particularly Santa Maria , once the Bishop's See of that Diocese , which was since removed to Panam● . It is now but a small Town with a little Fort , which serves for a Guard to the Spaniards while they gather their Gold-dust , brought down on the Sands of a River running into the Darien . The thoughts of a rich Booty encouraged us to this Design , but we were all firmly resolved , that in case we missed of good success in this , to undertake a more hazardous Enterprize ; which was to go down the River Darien , and in our Canoes attempt the surprise of the City of Panama , and Ships lying there ; this being the Port where the Spaniards unlade their Vessels , which bring their Treasure from Ciud●d de los Reyes , or Lima , as we still call it , and from all other parts there on the South Sea ; as they likewise from thence export all their Merchandise coming from Europe , which is landed at Porto Belo , and brought over land thither to Panama . Though the Undertaking seemed very imprudent , we having no shipping of our own there , and there being no other way home for us ( as we then had ever heard of ) but round about through the Streights of Magellan , or Le Maire , when we should have made our selves Masters of some of their Vessels , yet the incouragement we had , in the expectation of ●raighting home our Coffers with Spanish Gold , and Pieces of Eight , overcame all difficulties ; together with the hopes the Indians gave us of our getting to Panama e're the Spaniards could have intelligence of our coming , and the satisfaction we had of the promise of having along with us , the Company of our Emperour , under whose Commission we fought . These I say were the allurements that induced us to list our selves into this Service . 5. Mund. All things being thus concluded on , upon Munday the fifth day of April we landed about Seven a Clock in the morning , and began our march with our Emperour in the head of us till two in the afternoon , and took up our Quarters for that night in some Indian Houses . 6. Tuesd. At the first appearance of day we began our march ; our last nights Lodging , ( Chambers and Silk Beds being as much out of Fashion here , as they were in Adam's time ) was nothing better than the cold Earth covered by the Starry Canopy , which gave us but small encouragement to stay longer , and travelled up a steep Mountain till about three , at which hour we came to a fresh Spring of Water where we satdown and rested our selves , then marching about six miles further we took up our Lodgings by a River-side . 7. Wedn. Early in the morning we continued our march to King Goldencaps Court ; going till four we met two Indians loaden with Fruit which the King had sent us as a present , which we thankfully accepted , and marching an hour longer we came to the King's Pallace , where he with his Nobility and Men of the best Quality gave us a kind Reception and Entertainment . These Inhabitants are very handsome people though Tawny , but clean limbed and well featured , and are very obliging and affable , as those of our Men who afterwards marcht back again , over Land , experienced . 8. Thursd. This day finding such good Entertainment we staid at the Court , being Favourites not inconsiderable , and so well Armed and Resolute , as our party was . 9. Frid. In the morning we took our leave , and our path being bad , were forced to wade a River fifty or sixty times , which almost foundered us , at last we came to three large Indian Houses where we had free quarter , and found all things convenient for refreshment ( by the Emperors and Kings command ) ready provided , as Plantins , Bonanoes and Moria Flesh , but the same Lodging that Nature affords Animals , less mischievous than our selves , the Earth . 10. Saturd . We continued our march , and at night took our Lodging , ( where the Poets fancy so many delicacies and advantages of sensual enjoyment , but for my part I would not envy their pastime had I had the Poets Bed in Exchange , for the Green Bank of a River on which we lay , whether perfumed with Roses or Jessamines ; our tired limbs had not leisure to search , or our sences any vacancy for meer weariness from sleeping to perceive . ) 11. Sund. Early in the morning , our Indian consorts having a few small Canoes , some of our Men embarked and going down the River met with several inconveniences , both Natural and Artificial : As first great falls , and then the Spaniards throwing great T●ees cross the Rivers , by which we lost several of our Canoes , the rest of our Men marching by Land to the place where the Emperour had ordered our Rendezvouz . 12. Mund. This day the remainder of our Men embarked at a place where the Emperour had provided more Canoes , and had a pleasant Voyage . About four in the afternoon we arrived at the appointed place , but not finding our fellow Souldiers there , who embarked the day before us , as we expected , it created in us a jealousie that the Indians had thus divided us , the better to execute some treachery , by the assistance of the Spaniard , the Emperor perceiving by our Caballing and Whispering among our selves , that we had some cause of dissatisfaction , Commanded a Canoe to row up another arm of the River in search of our Men , and meeting two Canoes with some of them , they returned with all expedition to us , and informed us of their safety , and that they had been honourably treated by the Indians , and would be with us the next morning ; so here we staid for them this night . 13. Tuesd. This day all our party met , which not a little confirmed us in the good opinion we had of the Indians fidelity ; we staid here all day to rest our selves , and fit our Arms and Necessaries for our next days proceedings , the Emperor acquainting us we were near the Town , which we were glad to hear ; our tedious march put us quite out of fancy of walking to take the Air any more , now we were fallen so low down the River ; the Emperour and the King had provided Canoes , &c. enough for us all . 14. Wedn. We rose with the day , and all embarked , also the Emperour and King with us ; the Emperour was Cloathed with a loose Robe or Mantle of pure Gold , which was extraordinary Splendid and Rich. The King was in a White Cotton Coat fringed round the bottom , about his Neck a Belt of Tygers Teeth , and a Hat of pure Gold , with a Ring and a Plate like a Cockle Shell hanging at it of Gold in his Nose , which is the Fashion in this Country for the people of Quality , and which for what I could perceive was the only distinction . We rested not this day or night , and at two in the morning we landed within two miles of Santa Maria , and shrowded our selves in the Woods till day light . 15. Thursd. About six this morning we attacqued the place and carried it with little difficulty , it being a Stockadoe Fort , and a small Town o● Thatched Houses . This Fort of Santa Maria was kept by the Spaniards for the conveniency of gathering Dust-Gold , which the River affords plenty of , and the poor Natives are the Drudges to gather it for them . We designed to make no further progress , being told there was a sufficient quantity of Gold-dust at this place to enrich us all , but the wary Spaniards had carried it away two days before , as thinking a conveyance of their own contriving safer than ours , though not so well guarded as it would have been by us . 17. Saturd . Disappointment is an incentive to Revenge , and good Resolution the commander of Success ; these being now our cheifest directors , we fitted our Canoes , and got what Provisions we could , being loth to return empty handed , and at the tide of Ebb designed to fall down , to see what fate would afford in the Southern Ocean . At this place it flows near two fathom perpendicular . The River is else very showly and full of Banks , which are dry at low Water . About twelve in the night we came to a Watering place , where we got drink , the River being Salt , here we staid till morning filling Water , it being very dark , and the mouth of the River wide , one branch of it coming from the Golden Mines ; but having no Chymist to refine the Ore , we thought it best to go look for it where it was to be had with the King of Spains Arms on it , for we like other Children loved Pictures strangely . 18. Sund. This morning we proceeded on our intended Voyage , and about eleven in the forenoon we saw the South Sea ; then coming to a small Isle near the mouth of the River Darien we rested our selves ; from this we went to another about two Leagues distant , and took our Lodging there . 19. Mund. At day light we put from this Isle , and rowing not above half an hour , the Wind blew very hard and against the tide of Ebb , which made a great Sea , and had like to have put a period to all our atcheivements : One of our Canoes being overset with seven Men in her ; but it pleased God , that with extream danger even to those that rescued them , they were all saved . It being a certain truth that those who are born to be hang'd shall never be drown'd , it proving so with us , one of our Company being hang'd at Iamaica on Port Royal ; And we were very near it here in London ; After this having a violent storm of rain we were forced on shoar upon a long sandy bank , where we built a House and were content to Lodg in it this night . 20. Tuesd. This morning it being fair weather again , we put to Sea with our Fleet of Canoes . Towards noon it began to blow hard , yet nothing is difficult to a willing mind , so we proceeded ; About two in the after noon we put ashoar at an Isle to look some Water to drink , and finding some in the stinking holes of the Rocks we drank it as heartily as Canary . This Island is high , round , and Rocky , and here is plenty of Sea-Fowl ; we staid not long here , but about four of the Clock we came to Planting Isle , where finding a Bark , and we standing in need of Shipping , put some of our Men on board here ; At this place we took Quarters for this night ; There was on board the Bark 130. Men , so this was now our Admiral , the rest being Canoes that carried from six to fifteen Men. 21. Wedn. In the morning we departed from this Isle , with the Bark and Canoes , being bound for the Island of Chipila for Provisions , we in our way met with one of the Spaniards Armadillo Barks , or little Men of War , who fell foul of us , Killing one Man and Wounding five more , so left us . Having no Provisions , and perceiving we should be continually Skirmishing , we went on shoar at this Island , and lay there that night 22. Thursd. Finding but small supply for our wants on this Isle , we were resolved to seek further , so we stood to the Westward , rowing along the shoar all that day and the night following , in hopes to reach another Island where we were informed we might accommodate our selves with neeessaries . 23. Frid. We parted with our Bark and 130. Men in her , whom we had sent to look some Water for us , where they could find it , early in the morning ; And soon after we met with three Armadillo Barks with 280 Men on board them , which engaged our Fleet of Canoes , having in all scarce above 200 found Men in them . These three Barks were fitted out of Panama , who by this had notice from Santa Maria of our approach , on purpose to cut us off , thus unprovided of Shipping , or convenience of defence , being in Canoes that carried some six , some eight and ten , to fifteen Men , which leaning on one side might overset the biggest ; however nothing daunted at the disadvantage of Fight , we made a resolution rather than drown in the Sea , or beg Quarter of the Spaniard , whom we used to Conquer , to run the extreamest hazard of Fire and Sword , and after a sharp Contest , still birding with our Fusees as many as durst peep over Deck , we boarded one of them , and carried her ; so with her we took the second ; and the third had certainly run the same fate , had not she scoured away in time , ( though to speak without diminution of the Commanders courage ) he staid as long as he could , and we plyed him very warmly , so that though we know not certainly how many Men they lost on board , yet are confident but few found Men returned to their City . In this engagement we had eleven Men Killed right out , and thirty four more Wounded dangerously . These Vessels being purposely fitted out for this design , afforded but small conveniency for our Wounded Men ; so we went in chase of a larger Ship which we soon after took , put our Wounded Men on board her , and lay before the City of Panama , as well to refresh our tired Men , as to show them , they were not like to be rid of us so . 25. Sund. Captain Iohn Coxon , with fifty Men perswaded the Indians to return back , being a little in disgrace amongst our Men , as something tainted with cowardize in the late action , which made him leave us , and take with him his Chyrurgeon , and most of our best Medicines , not having any consideration or respect for our Wounded Men which we had on board , being forty in number , as a Man of moral honesty ought to have had : Thus making our retreat the more unsafe by taking away fifty sound Men , and then leaving us destitute of remedies for the recovery of our Wounded and Sick ; but this last thing was unknown to the rest of our Company . 26. Mund. Captain Coxon being gone , Captain Sawkins and Captain Sharp having full Commission from our said Emperour of Darien , agreed to stay in those Seas till our Wounded Men were cured ; After this we had lay some time before Panama , and took some of their Ships , one of which slipt by us in the night , but we followed her with an Oyster Bark into the Harbour ; and so near the shoar that we could hear the Spaniards talk , and fetched her out again . She came with money to pay off the Souldiers , but we eased them of it ; it being 60000 pieces of Eight , which we divided amongst us the next day , coming to 247 pieces of Eight per Man ; Then we went to a small Island which they call Taboga for Wood , Water , and other Necessaries , and staid there till May the 13th . May 13. After we had thus for so many days blocked up the Harbour of Panama , and having maturely debated the Condition we were in , beginning to want Provisions , we designed to take some Town on the Main that might supply our Necessities ; so we weighed and stood along shoar till the 23. of May , at which time we arrived at the Isles of Quiblo . 25. We landed some of our Men here to look for Provisions , where Captain Sawkins being too rash , and landing before the rest of our Men , who were in other Canoes with Captain Sharp , and running up to the Town , which having timely notice of our coming , had made several Brest-works for our reception , entertained him very hotly , yet he being a man that nothing upon Earth could terrifie , ran eagerly up to the end of their works , and though at that time not one fourth part of our men were landed , fell in amongst a thousand of them , as they that retreated informed us , and was there unfortunately killed with two men more , and five wounded ; the remainder drew off , still skirmishing till they came to their Boats , by which time the rest of our Men were landed . Thus Rashness and Want of conduct overthrew our design , yet we took a Bark at the Rivers mouth loaden with Montego and Indian Corn. As affairs were now with us , we took this for good Provisions , and so returned to our Ships ; When we came on board there hapned a great distraction amongst our Men , which was occationed by the death of Captain Sawkins . In this mutiny seventy five more of our Men left us , and returned over Land as they came , delivering up their Commissions to our Emperour . Captain Cooke who was Commander of a Ship , not finding things answering to his desire and expectation , laid down his Commission and went on board Captain Sharp At this juncture , things lookt with a very bad aspect : But Captain Sharp , who was created by us Captain , or rather General , made head against all difficulties , and resolved to stay by our Poor Wounded Men and make a further discovery in those Seas . For performance of which he ordered Mr. Iohn Cox to fit out the May-flower , and put forty Men on board her , which he did , and we now design'd to find a place where we might carreen our Ves●els ; thus we spent our time till the sixth of Iune following . Iune the sixth , We set fail from Quiblo in the afternoon , bound for the Gallipagoes , which are seven Islands that lie under the Aequinoctial , and about 100 leagues from the main . 8. Tuesd. This day at twelve the Eastermost lsle of Quiblo bore N. 6 leagues dist . lat . 7 deg . 30 min. wind South West , much rain . The winds hung at South West , and South West and by South so long , with very much rain , that we could not go to the Southward , but fell in with an lsle called Gorgony which lies in 3 deg . 10 min. N. where we found pretty good convenience to fit our Ships ; we arrived here the 17th . Inst. 17th . Here we lay and carreened the Trinity , but could not bring her Keil up , because she had sprung her Main-mast , but the May-flower Captain Cox his Vessel we laid ashoar , and gave her a Coat of Tallow ; this is a good Isle for Wood , Water , Timber , Pearl , Oysters , Conies , Monkies ; and some rank Turtle , with which we feasted our selves till Iuly the 25th . 1680. 25. Iuly . Being Sunday , we set Sail from Gorgony , bound to the Southward , wind West , and West South West . 26. and 27 Plying along shoar , wind West , and South West . 28. Wedn. This day and night we had the wind round the compass , with very much rain ; in the night we lost sight of the Trinity , we lower'd our Top-sails and halled up our Courses , judging our selves to windward of her , and staid for her a whole watch , but not seeing her we made Sail and plied to windward . 29. Thursd. This twenty four hours we had the wind in the day at West , at night South East ▪ that we laid very good slants along the shoar ; we had very much rain , and saved seven Jarrs of Water , and in carrying Sail sprung our Main-top-mast . 30. Frid. This twenty four hours we lay very well along shoar , and carried our Main-top-mast by the board , we got out our Mizon and made a Top-mast of that . 31. Saturd . We had fair weather , the wind wind between the South , and West South West , we kept close under the Land in , five to ten fath . Water , the Land high with reddish Cliffs . August the 1st . Sund. We plied under the high Land , clear weather , lat . 1 deg . 40 min. N. by a good Observation . 2. Mund. We kept plying under the shoar , the wind South , and South South East . 3. Tuesd. We stood about 10 leag . from the shoar , and in standing in , weathered Cape Francisco eight leag . we had a strong Current which set to the Southward . 4. Wedn. We kept plying under the shoar , fair weather , l●t . 00 deg . 20 min. South . 5. Thursd. We still ply to windward under the shoar , sometimes five or six leag . off , the wind South South West , Cloudy . 6. Frid. We ply under the shoar , wind South West . 7. Saturd . We plied still to windward in a Bay called Manta , where is seated an Indian Town of the same name , which affords plenty of Indian Corn and Fowls . 8. Sund. This twenty four hours we got under Cape Lawrence ; it is pretty high Land : And a little way up in the Country lies a high Hummock of Land like a Sugar-loaf which is called Monte de Christo. 9. Mund. We got about the Cape . 10. Tuesd. This morning we came to an Anchor on the North East side of the Island of Plate , alias Drakes Isle ; which is the place for Ships to Ride . This Island affords plenty of Goats , of Fish , and of Turtle , little Water , and no Timber , but small shrubby Bushes . It is a smooth level and lies five leag . South West by South from Cape Lawrence , we rid in 10 fath . Water , clear ground , and the Bay pretty steep too . 11. Wedn. I sent our Canoe round the Isle , for discovery , at night they returned on board , bringing some Fish that they had caught with hooks and lines . 12. T●ursd . We dugg a hole by the side of a Rock , and filled some Water . 13. Frid. This day Captain Sharp , to our great joy , Arrived in the Trinity , but we had Sailed away the night before , had not our Men in fetching Goats from the windward side of the Isle , sunk our Canoe , for we all judged the Trinity had gone to windward upon the Coast of Peru. 14. Saturd . Our Men turned nine Turtle , and continued filling Water night and day , by reason of its scarcity . 15. Sund. Our Men feasted on shoar with Barbakude , Goats and Fish , &c. 16. Mund. We heilded our Ship , and gave her a pair of Boot-hose-tops , and took in two or three Tun of Ballast . 17. Tuesd. This day we set Sail from Drakes Isle , the wind at South South West , fair weather ; This lies in 1 deg . 25 min. South lat . Here it is reported Sir Francis Drake shared his mony : And here a great many of our Men plaid theirs away , and were fit for new adventures . 18. Wedn. We got little to windwards this twenty four hours , by reason of a Leeward Current , wind at South , and South South West . 19. Thursd. This twenty four hours we stood on and off the shoar , but got little to windward , Cloudy weather , wind South and South West . 20. Frid. We kept plying along shoar , but a strong Leeward Current , wind at South small gales . 21. Saturd . This twenty four hours we plied along shoar , wind South , to South West , Cloudy weather . 22. Sund. This twenty four hours we find the Current is abated , and the wind has this night favoured us , that we lay well along shoar , the wind at East South East , Cloudy weather . 23. Mund. This twenty four hours we had the wind at West South West , good weather , we made Point St. Hellena , which makes like an Island as we Sail along shoar , but when you come within a league or two , like a Ship on the Carreen . 24. Tuesd. This twenty four hours we met with a strong Currant which sets to the Southward , at twelve a Clock Point Hellena bears North North East , 4. leag . distance , our Ship being out of her trim , Captain Sharp took us in a Tow. 25. Wedn. On Tuesday night about nine a Clock , we stood to the Westward and saw a Sail ; the Trinity then cast us off , and gave chase , and in a short time came up with her , and after a short dispute with our small arms we took her , she was a small Man of War , fitted out of Guiaque or Wyake by a parcel of merry Blades , Gentlemen , who drinking in a Tavern , made a Vow to come to Sea with that Vessel and thirty Men , and take us ; but we made them repent their undertaking . The captains name was Don Thomas d' Algondony , whom after we had severely School'd for his sawcy attempt we entertained on board our Admiral . In this conflict we had three of our Men Wounded ; what they lost we knew not , because it was night ; the next day we sunk the Vessel , and plied to the Southward . 26. This day Captain Sharp took me in a Tow , lat . 2 deg . 46 min. we have had a Current which has carried us very far into Wyake Bay , wind at South West to North West , little winds . 27. Frid. This day we had a good observation , In lat . 3 deg . 15 min. the wind at North West , and West North West , the Current sets South West ; this morning , examining some Prisoners , they told us that one of our Barks that left us at Quibloa Nova , came to the Isle of Gallea , where the Men going on shoar , were all Killed but one ; we suppose it was the Bark that Mr. Edward Doleman was in and seven Men more . In the night the Trinity put a stays , and they not halling their main Sail in time the Ship , backt a stern and carried our Boltspreet by the board . 28. Saturd . This morning the Trinity came to an Anchor , in 9 or 10 fath . Water under the shoar , so we laid her aboard with our Ship , and took out the best of her Apparel and sunk her , for that Country could not afford us a Tree large enough to make us a new Boltspreet . In the afternoon we got up our Anchor and stood to the Southward . 29. Sund. We kept plying under the shoar , not standing above 5 or 6 leag . off , expecting a Land wind , but found none ; This is high Land with white Cliffs , and green shrubs growing in the Vallies , wind at South West , a hard breaze between ten and two in the afternoon , a strong South West Current which makes a great Sea. 30. Mund. This twenty four hours we got about Cape Blanco , the wind West South West , hard gales and two reifs in our Main-top-sail . 31. Tuesd. We kept plying under the shoar ; this day we saw a pair of Bark loggs but came not near them for descrying our selves , lat . 4 deg . 45 min. the wind South West , fair weather . Sept. 1. Wedn. We plyed to windward 6 or 7 leagues off shoar , wind South West . 2. Thursd. This twenty four hours we plied under the shoar , and this morning saw a Sail about 6 or 7 leag . to windward of us , lat . 5 deg . 34 min. wind South West , to West South West . 3. Frid. We still kept plying to windward in chase of the Ship , a fresh gale of wind between South East and South South West . 4. Saturd . We came up with her and took her , she came from Wyake , loaden with Timber , some Bail Goods and Cocoa , bound for Lyma , which they now call Ciudad de los Reyes . 5. Sund. We began to take out her Goods that we wanted . Moderate gales at South East , and South South West . 6. Mund. We finisht our business , and took out all that was valuable in her , cut her Main-mast by the board , put most of our Prisoners on board her , gave them six packs of Flower , and all the Provisions that were taken in the Ship , and turned them loose . Now we judged our selves 45 leag . to the Westward of the High Land of Payta in lat . deg . 12 min. South , the wind be●ween South East and South West , our ●eparture West is 45 leag . 7. Tuesd. The wind South South East , ●ir weather , lat . 7 deg . 35 min. departure ●leag . West 50 leag . 8. Wedn. The wind South South East 〈◊〉 South . Fresh gales lat . 8 deg . 5 min. ●eparture 15 leag . West . This day we bu●ed Robert Mongomery , who died of his ●ounds , West 65 leag . 9. Thursd. We have gone but a leag . ●o the Westward , lat . 8 deg . 12 min. Wind South to South South East fair ●eather , West 66 leag . 10. Frid. 12 Leag . West lat . 9 deg . ● min. wind South South East , West 78 ●eag . 11. Saturd . We have run 8 leag . West ●at . 10 deg 19 min. the wind from South East to South South East , foggy weather . 12. Sund. We have run 13 leag . West ●at . 11 deg . 49 min. the wind from South East to East . West 99 leag . 13. Mund. We have run 19 leag . West ●at . 13 deg . 24 min. a fresh gale at South and South South East , the Sun was Eclipsed this afternoon , our departure West 118 leag . 14. Tuesd. We have run 7 leag . West , lat . 14 deg . 9 min. very hard gales that put us by our Top-sails , West 125 leag . 15. Wedn. 13 Leag . West . lat . 15 deg . 21 min. moderate gales , West 138 leag . 16. Thursd. 13 Leag . West lat . 16 deg . 33 min. fresh gales at South to South East , fair weather , West 151 leag . 17. Frid. We have run 4 leag . West , lat . 18 deg . 5 min. fresh gales ; this night we had a gust of wind that made us hand our Top-sails for the space of two hours ; our departure west is 155 leag . 18. Saturd . This twenty four hours we have run 3 leag West , lat . 19 deg . 35 min. small rain with a gust of wind at East , West 158 leag . 19. Sund. This twenty four hours we have run 5 leag . West , lat . 20 deg . 8 min. small winds at South South East ; by this account we are departed from the Meridian of Payta , 163 leag West . Finding Water will be scarce with us , we are put to an allowance , of not full a pint each Man for four and twenty hours , the Captain having but the same with another Man , our other Provision was only Flower , of which we had five ounces per day . 20. Mund. This twenty four hours we have run 10 leag . East lat . by observation 19 deg . 48 min. the wind at West . East 10 leag . 21. Tuesd. We have run 31. leag . East lat . 20 deg . 12 min. the wind West fresh gales , in the morning it came to South South East , fair weather . East 41 leag . 22. Wedn. This twenty four hours we have run 22 leag . East lat . 19 deg . 38 min. the wind at South South East very hard gales , East 63 leag . 23. Thursd. We have run 2 leag . East lat . 20 deg . 40 min. a hard gale at East and East South East . East . 65 leag . 24. Frid. This twenty four hours we have run 4 leag . East lat . 21 deg . 39 min. the wind at East south East to North East . East 69 leag . 25. Saturd . We have run 4 leag . East . lat . 21 deg . 58 min. windy . East 73 leag . 26. Sund. 5 Leag . East lat . 22 deg . 12 min. wind North West . East 71 leag . 27. Mund. This twenty four hours we have run 35 leag . East lat . 22 deg . 29 min. fair weather , wind North to West a strong Southern current . 113 leag . 28. Tuesd. 21 Leag . East lat . 22 deg . 35 min. wind South with rain . East 134 leag . 29. Wedn. We have run 20 leag . East lat . 22 deg . 18 min. fair weather , the wind South to South East . East 154 leag . 30. Thursd. 26 Leag . East in lat . 21 deg . 45 min. wind at South East and East South East fresh gales . East 180 leag . October the 1st . We have run 17 leag , East lat . 21 deg . 12 min. the wind at South East . East 197 leag . 2. Saturd . We have run 22 leag . East lat . 20 deg . 39 min. the wind at South East , cloudy weather . 3. Sund. We we have run 23 leag East lat . 19 deg . 37 min. very fre●h gales of wind at South East , cloudy weather . East 242 leag . 4. Mund. We have run 16 leag . East , lat . 19 deg . 00 min. this night we handed our Top-sails for wind . East 258 leag . 5. Tuesd. This twenty four hours we have run 15 leag . East lat . 18 deg . 30. min. hard gales of wind at South East , and South South East . East 273 leag . 6. Wedn. 7 Leag . West lat . 19 deg . 00 min. wind East South East , my last We●ting was 163 leag . this 7 added makes W●st 170 leag . 7. Thursd. This twenty four hours we have run 7 leag . West lat . 19 deg . 30 min. fresh gales at South East , cloudy weather , we went with our courses ; here I find a strong North West Current for which we allowed 20 leag . West which makes 170. 7. 20. West 197 leag . 8. Frid. We have run 13 leag . East lat . 19 deg . 25 min. little wind at South East and ●air weather . East 216 leag . 9. Saturd . We have run 11 leag . East lat . 19 deg . 3 min. Cloudy weather . East 297 leag . 10. Sund. 4 Leag . East lat . 19 deg . 50 min. wind South to East . East 301 leag . 11. Mund. 21 Leag . Eastlat . 19 deg . 8 min. wind South East . East 322 leag . 12. Tuesd. 11 Leag . East lat . 18 deg . 1 min. hazy weather . East 333 leag . 13. Wedn. 4 Leag . East lat . 18 deg . 26 min. wind round the compass . East 337 leag . 14. Thursd. 2 Leag . East lat . 18 deg . 20 min. little wind at South East . East 339 leag . 15. Frid. 16 Leag . East lat . 17 deg . 57 min. wind South East . East . 355 leag . 16. Saturd . 15 Leag . East lat . 17 deg . 19 min. wind South South East to South East . East . 370 leag . 17. Sund. We have run 11 leag . East lat . 16 deg . 49 min. the wind at South East to East South East . This morning we made Land it bore North East 6 leag . distance . East 381 leag . 18. Mund. By this account Heloe lies to the Eastward of Payta . Our Easting 381 leag . Our West . 197 leag . The remainder which is our distance is 184 leag . East . 19. Tuesd. We turned up along shoar , the wind by day South and South South East , at night at East . 20. Wedn. We still continued plying along shoar , the current sets here North West very strong , the shoar lies North West and S. E. lat . 17 deg . 42 min. and little wind . 21. Thursd. We kept plying to windward a long shoar lat . 18 deg . 2 min. the wind at S. to E. very high land . 22. Frid. We plyed along shoar in lat . 18 deg . 8 min. the wind from E. to S. E. fair weather . 23. Saturd . We had no benefit of the land wind , we lay so near the high land in lat . 18 deg . 10 min. 24. Sund. This twenty four hours we kept plying under the land , and this morning saw the South shoar , lat . 18 deg . 16 min. 25. Mund. This day at twelve a Clock we made the White Hill that is by Aryca , we made small Sail to spend away the day , at night we manned our Canoes and Boat and went to the shoar side , where the Sea ran so high , that we could not land . 26. Tuesd. Being thus unfortunately disappointed of landing our Men , we bore up the Helm for a port called Heloe . At this time Water was worth 30 pieces of Eight per Pint to those that could spare their allowance , and he that bought it thought he had a great peny-worth ; from Aryca to Heloe , the Coast lies N. W. and S. E. 27. Wedn. This day about six or seven of the Clock we manned our Canoes , and in the dawning of the day landed our Men. There is but seven or eight Indian Houses by the Water-side , and a Spa●ish Village upon a Hill about half a mile from the landing place , with a Church in it . 28. Thursd. This morning our Ship came to an Anchor in the Road , in 14 fath . Water , where we lay till Wednesday following , when we had examined our Prisoners , they told us that two miles up the Vally , there was a Sugar work , to which , when we had set some of our Men to fill us fresh Water , we marched , and finding the People all gone to hide themselves for fear of us ; we loaded our selves down to the Water-side , with Sugar and some Wine , and then returned to the work to keep Possession , and lay there that night . 29. Frid. This day we had some Gentlemen came to speak with us , bringing with them a Flag of Truce , which persons we treated very Civilly ; they desired we would not demolish their Sugar work , and they would bring us Eighty Beefs , to the Water-side and some Hoggs , which they promised should be ●rought us in 48 hours , so having Feasted our selves with fresh Pork , Sallads , 〈…〉 &c. we returned to the Water-side . 30. Saturd . Here we took up our Lodging ashoar , filling Water and pulling old Houses down , to carry on board for fire wood . After we had lain the time out that the Beefs should have been brought thither , came a Spaniard and told us the wind blew so hard that they could not drive their Cattle ; but that all expedition should be used to bring them to us , so we continued till Tuesday the second of November . November the 2d . This morning we expected our Beefs , but in lieu of them the Spaniard sent us 300 Horsemen to to fight us , so we drew out our Men in a plain ground for fear of Ambuscades , and resolved to stand the shock ; for we had left a select Guard to receive our Canoes , and Boat , when they should come to shoar . The Enemy came riding at full speed toward us , that we thought their Horse would have been in with our body and charged us home ; but when they came within reach of our Fuzees , we dismounted most of their Front with a Volly of small Shot , which put a stop to their carreer and courages , and not finding it safe to come nearer , fairly wheeled off to the left , and took shelter amongst the Hills . This confirmed us that we should get no other Beefs ; so having filled our Water , we that night went on board , our Ships ; leaving the starched Spaniards room to stalk about their empty Houses , for at this time we had no other so good firing as old Houshold stuff made us . 3. Wedn. This morning having dispatched our affairs at Heloe , we weighed and stood to Sea , wind South West , we run 2 leag . 4. Thursd. We had little wind at South : We have run 4 leag . West . In all West 6 leag . 5. Frid. This twenty four hours we have run 5 leag . West , little wind at S. S. E. to E. S. E. and fair weather . 6. Saturd . This twenty four hours we have run 15 leag . W. wind S. and S. E. and by S. 7. Sund. This twenty four hours we have run 4 leag . West , little wind at S. and S. E. 8. Mund. We have run 4 leag . W. little wind at S. 9. Tuesd. We have run 2 leag . E. little wind at S. 10. Wedn. We have run 3 leag . E. little wind at S. 11. Thursd. We have run 13 leag . W. wind S. and E. S. E. 12. Frid. We have run 19 leag . W. wind S. S. E. 13. Saturd . We have run 3 leag . West lat . 21 deg . 37 min. we have now run in all 64 leag . to the Westward of Heloe . 14. Sund. We have run 14 leag . West , lat . 22 deg . 44 min. fair weather , West 78 leag . 15. Mund. We have run 15 leag . West , ●at . 23 deg . 28 min. the wind from S. to E. West 93 leag . 16. Tuesd. We have run 5 leag . East , lat . 23 deg . 33 min. wind at South , the 5. leag . Easting deducted , our departure West is 88 leag . 17. Wedn. We have run 8 leag . West , ●at . 23 deg . 35 min. wind S. to S. W. ●air weather . VVest 96 leag . 18. Thursd. We have run 16 leag . West , lat . 24 deg . 15 min. wind S. E. West . 112. 19. Frid. We have run 13 leag . West , lat . 25 deg . squally weather , West 125 leag . 20. Saturd . We have run 12 leag . West lat 25 deg . 57 min. the wind from S. E. to S. good weather . West 137 leag . 21. Sund. We have run 14 leag . West lat . 26 deg . 57 min. squally weather with drisling rain , wind S. E. West 148 leag . 22. Mund. We have run 8 leag . West lat . 27 deg . 30 min. West 156 leag . 23. Tuesd. We have had very little wind at N. W. and W. N. W. lat . 27 deg . 41 min. 1 leag . West . West 157 leag . 24. Wedn. We have run 19 leag . East , lat . 28 deg . 39 min. wind at N. W. fair weather . East 19 leag . 25. Thursd. We have run 23 leag . East , lat . 29 deg . 50 min. wind N. W. a very great N. W. Sea. East 42 leag . 26. Frid. We have run 25 leag . East , lat . 30 deg . 9 min. wind S. W. East 67 leag . 27. Saturd . We have run 23 leag . East , lat . 30 deg . 16 min. fair weather the wind at S. and S. S. E. East 90 leag . 28. Sund. We have run 26 leag . East , lat . 30 deg . 8 min. wind S. East 116 leag . 29. Mund. We have run 20 leag . East lat . 30 deg . 17 min. wind S. and S. S. E. smooth water , a fresh of winds . East 136 leag . 30. Tuesd. We have run 16 leag . East , lat . 30 deg . 23. min. East 152 leag . Decemb. the 1st . We have run 15 leag . East , lat . 30 deg . 30 min. East 167 leag . 2. Thursd. We have run 12 leag . East , lat . 30 deg . 36 min. very hard gales of wind at South all night under our Courses , after we had done observing this day we made the Land , it was high and barren , we bore up and steered N. E. by N. 12 leag . East . in all 179 leag . 3. Frid. About two of the Clock in the morning we Manned our Canoes and Boat , with eighty five stout Fellows , and away we went for the Town of Coquimbo , resolving not to return without plundering it in revenge of the affront the Heloe Men put upon us . The Canoes wherein were thirty five Men out-rowed the Boat , and Landed before day , and just upon day light they discerned the Patroule , which is kept on the Bay ; and at this time did consist of about 150 Horse , who deriving Courage from their advantage in numbers , hemmed us in a ring , not doubting but to have an easie conquest over so few Men , and rid boldly up to us ; our Commander considering we were but thirty five , ordered that but six Men should Fire at once on the Enemy , to keep the longer from a close Fight ; being provided of no other Arms then a Fuzee and a Pistol , as also knowing our Party would in a little time come up to our rescue , but whether they did or no , this was our resolution , to turn our backs on the water-side and every Man maintain his ground , or fall upon the spot he stood on . By this time they were come pretty near , and I believe scarce a shot flew in vain , and so quick , having Cartridges alway fitted for our small Arms , that scarce two Vollies were fired before those that had discharged were ready loaded for them again , that he was happiest amongst them that got furthest behind ; thus we battered them severely , which they , after they had made a stand to carry off their dead , not liking , retreated in disorder , doing no other damage then the Wounding one Man. We followed the chase , though but leisurely , that our Men who had been set on shoar by the Boat , might come up with us , which in a little time they did , following us , by the track of our Feet and tops of the Cartridges , coming with full speed to our Assistance if there had been occasion ; Then we followed the Enemy as close as we could , thinking they had retreated into the Town , but they decoyed us ( to give the people time to secure their Valuable Commodities ) a contrary way , and led us amongst Ditches and watry Swamps ; yet at last we got to the Town , and in a short time made our selves Masters of it , with little or no loss on our side . Here we staid four days to refresh our selves , finding plenty of Hogs , Fowls , Mutton , and Sallads , with very good Wine , which is made here , also great store of Wheat , Barly , and all European Grain , and many large Orchards as they have in Kent , of Apples , Pears , Cherries , &c. Likewise delicate Gardens of Apricocks , Peaches , Strawberries , Gooseberries , and other Fruit. The Town of Coquimbo , Scituate upon a Hill , is three quarters of a mile square , and has nine good Churches in it ; and it is distant from the Road for Shipping about Eight Miles . The chief Manufacture of the place is Copper , which they have in abundance . Here is also Gold-dust , which washes out of a great River that runs into the Sea , at the foot of the Hill whereon the Town stands , the latitude of the place is 29 deg . 50 min. South . The second day that we were in the Town , there came six Gentlemen to us , with a Flag of Truce , desiring that we would send their Governour some Wine , for he had none in the Fields where he lay , which we did , together with some Fowls . And this Compliment ; That if either Himself or his Lady wanted any thing that they had left behind them , Gold , Silver , and Jewels excepted , they might with freedom command it . After this , finding we were such sociable Enemies , and so good Natured Victors , he Invited our Captain to drink a glass of Wine with him at the top of a Hill just by the Town side , and desired our Captain to come without Arms , and but with one Man , and he would do the same , which our Commander consented to , and met the Governour with two Bottles of VVine , where they drank and were merry together , and where amongst other discourse our Interest was not forgotten . Our Commander agreeing with the Governour , who was unwilling the Town should be demolished , to Ransom it for 95000 pieces of Eight , which he promised to send us the next day . So having drank their VVine , they parted ; we receiving the Captain into the Town with a Volly of small Arms. The next day our fancies being filled with the expectation of so much money , we were at a pitch of mirth higher then ordinary , when we received a Letter from on board our Ship , intimating that there was an Indian with a couple of Seal Skins blown like Bladers , of which he made a float , and in the dead of the night came under the Stern of our Ship , with a Ball of Pitch , Sulphur , Oakum , and such combustible matter , and stuck it between the Rudd●r and Stern-port , and set it on fire with a Brimstone match , after this he left his new Fashioned Boat and swome on shoar . This fire made such a stench that almost choaked the Men in the Ship , who else , it is possible , had not awaked , for had they kept a good look out , the Indian could not have effected so great a part of his design , some leaped into their Canoes and others searched within board , and at last found the fire before it had taken hold of the Ship. This piece of Treachery made us despair of our money ; However it wrought this effect upon us , that ever after , we kept so strict a watch , that we had prevented any such other mischiefs , had they attempted the like against us . And truly as our circumstances were , it was a deliverance , no Serious Man will be ever unmindful to give God Thanks for . For at that time , had our Ship been burnt , not one man of us had escaped , the Spaniards being not easily reconciled to us , for those ill Offices we had done them since our visits there on the South Sea Coasts , and some of us also not unknown to them in the North Seas ; That they would have hanged the rest if they had been Saints . The Spaniards perceiving their project had not operated to burn our Ship , they Early in the morning turned all the water sluices into the Town , which in an hours time , made the streets almost Ankle deep in water , which before was dry dust . This they did , either to drive us out of the Town , or to have water at hand to quench it , in case we set it on fire , which ( resolving to keep our word with the Enemy ) we did , firing it in several Places at once , and Packing up our Luggage , after we had staid till the greatest part of it was in Flames , we marched out of it down to the water side ; But the Governour had drawn all his men from the tops of the Hills , down into the Vally , by the water side into the way that we should pass ; So we detached out a small party for a forlorn , supposing we must have fought our way through ; But as soon as we began to pink some of their Jackets for them with our Fuzees , they got out of our reach , and went to their ruin'd Town leaving us to go peaceably on Board our Ship. When we came on Board , we sent a shoar a great number of our Prisoners , and amongst the rest Don Thomas d'Algondony , Captain Peralta , Captain Don Iuan , and many others , some of them being Merchants , which we had taken and kept on board , to learn them to eat Montego and Do●eboys . Yet had they no reason to complain of their entertainment amongst us , they being very civilly treated with the best our Ship could afford , which if they do not justly acknowledge , let them have a care we call them not to an account for their ingratitude , when they least think of it . 7. Tuesd. This day we weighed from Coguimbo , wind at South . 8. Wedn. Little wind at South , we stood to the Westward , and made three Islands that Lye North West , a little distance from the Harbour of Coquimbo . 9. Thursd. At 12 a Clock the Southermost Isle bore West 12 leag . distance . 10. Frid. Very little wind at South we have run 2 leag . VVest . VVest 14 leag . 11. Saturd . VVe have run 3 leag . VVest , wind N. E. VVest , 17 leag . 12. Sund. VVe have run this 24 hours 13 leag . VVest wind South . VVest 30 leag . 1● . ●●nd . Plying between Coquimbo and Iuan Fernandoes . This 24 hours we have run 11 leag . VVest , lat . 30 deg . 2 min. the wind at S. E. fair weather . VVest 41 leag . 14. Tuesd. VVe have run 4 leag . East , lat . 30 deg . 29 min. wind S. S. VV. with rain the 4 leag . East deducted makes our departure VVest 37 leag . 15. Wedn. VVe have run 7 leag . VVest , lat . 30 deg . 40 min. very hard gales at S. and S. S. W. West 44 leag . 16. Thursd. VVe have run 20 leag . VVest , lat . 30 deg . 40 min. VVest 64 leag . 17. Frid. VVe have run 11 leag . VVest , lat . 30 deg . 30 min. VVest 75 leag . 18. Saturd . We have run 12 leag . West , lat . 30 deg . 54 min. wind S. to S. E. squally weather . West 87 leag . 19. Sund. We have run 15 leag . VVest , lat . 31 deg . 39 min. wind S. E. VVest 102 leag . 20. Mund. VVe have run 17 leag . VVest , lat . 32 deg . 21 min. VVest 119 leag . 21. Tuesd. VVe have run 12 leag . VVest , lat . 32 deg . 13 min. VVest 131 leag . 22. Wedn. VVe have run 3 leag . East , lat . 32 deg . 10 min. the wind round the Compass . East 3 leag . 23. Thursd. VVe have run 3 leag . East lat . 32 deg . 43 min. the wind from N ▪ W. to S. E. East 6 leag . 24. Frid. We have run 15 leag . East lat . 33 deg . 33 min. wind at N. to N. N. VV. this day we made the VVestermost Isle of Iuan Fernando's , it bears S. VV. East 21 leag . 25. Saturd . VVe have run 10 leag . East , lat . 33 deg . 42 min. at six a Clock in the Evening we came to an anchor at the Southermost part of this Island in 11 fath . water , where we lay very smooth , in the N. VV. Bay. VVe lay at this Place until Tuesday following , but not finding it a good road we went to Leeward of the Island , where we lay very smooth in the N. W. Bay. Here we lay and refresht our men , with Goats Flesh and fresh Fish , of both which here is plenty ; and as it is usuall amongst the generality of men , that plenty of all things , breeds an increase of ill humors , Faction and Disturbances so it had the same effect upon our men , for now they are for a new Commander . A party of the disaffected to Captain Sharp got ashoar and subscribed a Paper to make Iohn Wutling Commander , pretending liberty to a free election as they termed it , and that Watling had it by vote . The reason of this mutiny was , that Sharp had got about 3000 pieces of Eight , and was willing to come home that year , but two thirds of the Company had none left ; having lost it at play ; And those would have Captain Sharp turned out , because they had no mind as yet to return home . This Fewd was carried on so fiercely , that it was very near coming to a civil VVar , had not some prudent men a little modera●ed the thing ; Yet all this while we all ●oined in the ready Fitting our Vessel , and used all diligence imaginable to get ●o Sea again . It pleased God as our Ship was newly made clean and ready to Sail , there came three Men of War to look for us ; Now we had at that time two Canoes at the windward side of the Isle , setching Goats , who saw the three Men of War , and gave us notice of them , so that we had just time to get our Men on Board , who were most of them at that time on shoar , cutting wood and washing their clothes . As soon as they were got on Board , the Ships came in sight , so we got up one Anchor , and left the other behind us . We heysted in our Canoes and Boat , and clapt close by the wind , for at this time those Ships were to Leeward of us about two miles ; their Admiral sailed well , so that in chase of us , the other two were two leagues distant from him ; now knowing we could deal well enough with him , tho he had twelve great Guns , and we not one , we went about-Ship , resolving to Board him before the other two could come up with us , and then we should be ready for them . But so soon as he saw us put a stays , he bore up the Helm and went to his consorts . This was the twelfth of January 1680. Iuan Fernandez at Queen Katherines Isle , as we called it , is very high Land , well wooded , and has plenty of fresh Water , Goats and Fish , with a wholesome Air , and Lyes in 33 deg . 40 min. South lat . and about 100 leag . from the Main Land. 13. Thursd. We keep plying to windward , to see the motion of these three Ships ; we saw one plying for the Island , the other two we judged were got to an Anchor under the Island . Our Men being mutinous and full fed , Resolved to surprise the City of Aryca , so in the night we bore up the Helm , and left the Spaniards to cast a figure to know where to meet us next . 14. Frid. We have run 15 leag . East , lat . 32 deg . 33 min. the wind at S. and S. S. E. 5 leag . distance from the Isle when we bore up , which makes East 20 leag . 15. Saturd . Between Iuan Fernandez and Aryca ; We have run 21 leag . East , lat . 30 deg . 36 min. wind South East 41 leag . 16. Sund. We have run 20 leag . East , lat . 29 deg . 23 min. East 61 leag . 17. Mund. We have run 18 leag . East lat . 29 deg . 49 min. wind S. S. E. we differ by dead reckoning and corre●t it by Observation 7 leag . which being deducted out of our Easting , there remains East 7● leag . 18. Tuesd. We have run 22 leag . East lat 26 deg . 13 min. wind at South and S. S. E. clowdy weather . East 94 leag . 19. Wedn. We have run East 20 leag . lat . 25 deg . 7 min. wind South . East 114 leag . 20. Thursd. We have run 22 leag . North lat . 24 deg . the wind at South ; this morning we saw the Land which was very high and mountainous , and bore E. N. E. 14 leag . distance . East 114 leag . 21. Frid. We have run 26 leag . North lat . ●2 deg . 43 min. wind South . 22. Saturd . We have run 12 leag . West , lat . 21 deg . 26 min. wind South and S. S. E. 12 leag . West from 114 East make our departure . East but 102 leag . 23. Sund. We have run 11 leag . East , lat . 20 deg . 42 min. the wind in the day at South , by night East , a strong Current that sets to the Northward . East 113 leag . 24. Mund. VVe sent our Canoes to an Island that lyes a little from the shoar to take some prisoners , that might inform us how the City of Aryca was fortified , so we lay on and off the shoar for this day . 25. Tuesd. VVe plyed to windward , for our Canoes at night they came on Board , but had mist of the Island , so we put in a fresh gang of Men and away they went on the same errand this night . 26. Wedn. Our Canoes came on b●ard at night , bringing with them two old Indian Men , who informed Captain Iohn Watling who now was commander in Chief , and took their examinations in Private , that there was seven Companys of Kings Soldiers in the Town , and that the Place was well fortisied with Breast-Works , besides a strong Fort of thirteen Copper Guns , but for fear of discouraging us in the attempt he discovered nothing of this to us , but swore he would have the Town or that should have him , which proved a prophecy ; with this resolution he commands the Helm to be bore up . 27. Thursd. Little or no wind , lat . 20 deg . 20 min. 28. Frid. We went with our Boat and Canoes , wherein we had 92 Men that we could Land , leaving a small Guard on our Boats. We rowed along shoar till 29. Saturd . morning , and lay still all this day for fear of being descried , and on Saturd . night we rowed most part of the night . Ianuary the 30. Sund. Being the Anniversary day in commemoration of the Martyrdom of King Charles the First , for which I believe the English both have and will suffer severely , and Seas of our Blood be shed for Sacrifices to expiat● the Murther of the best of Princes , we landed our Men , and advanced towards the Town of Aryca , but as we marched we divided our Men ●nto two Parties , of which 40 were designed for the Fort , and the rest for the City . When we drew near the Town , we saw a great number of Men drawn up without their works , in a plain Sandy Ground , who fired at our Party that marched towards the Town , and our Men returning their compliment kept on their way ; our other Party that were for the Fort seeing us ingaged , hasted down the Hill , with a Shour , and cried , They run , they run , and then firing on their Flank , made them run in good Earnest , and with what haste they could , get into their Breast-works . When we were united into one body the Enemy played their Cannon briskly upon us ; So we resolved to attaque their Breast-works , which were out of the Bearing of their Fort , but we had a smart A●sault of it , for we being all open to their , fire and naked Men , and they secured in their works , they by this advantage , killed us a great many Men. At last some of ours got to the End of their biggest Breastwork , which galled us most and then we plyed them well with small Shot , which was a Cartridge fit for the Bores of our Fuzees with a full Shot in it and 7 or 9 Swan Shot loose upon that . This kept them in play till our Men in the Front began to Storm the wall ; upon which they cryed for quarter , which our unwary Commander too readily granted , it afterwards proving the ruin of our design . In this jun●ture we received many a Volly from three other Breastworks , that this great one lay within command of ; and we being for dispatch faced about with a party of ours , and took them all by assault without giving any quarter to those that were in them , they being Creolians , a people half Spaniards and half Indians , of a Copper colour'd Complexion , and Men that never give it themselves . From hence we advanced to the Town and took it , that now we had nothing to do but to give a general assault to the Fort , but Captain Watling delaying his time , in the Breastwork where he staid to give quarter ; Those we drove out of the Town got into the Fort ; whom , had it not been for the Guns to put into our Ship , we would not have troubled our selves with ; for we knew that having once possession of the Town , there was more Coined money then we could tell how to bring away , in case we had not been disturbed , which Plunder would have made us what we could desire ; but we wanted their Cannon , to secure it on board when we should get it there . At length the Captain marched into the Town with his Prisoners and called us all together , where being come , we found we had more Prisoners then Men of our own . So that after we had sent our Wounded Men to the Hospital , got the Doctors to dress them , and set a Guard upon our Prisoners and Wounded , which took up above an hours time , we marched to the Fort , and then too plainly saw that had we not been so hasty in giving quarter , but as soon as we had taken the Town , rallied again and made an attempt on the Fort , no doubt but we had carried it in spight of all Opposition . We then contrived to set some of the Prisoners before us , to secure us the better in our approach to the walls of the Fort , but they fired as well upon them , as us , and on a sudden at a signal given , they all run from us into a Sally Port , Which was hastily shut with some of them left out , whom we knocked on the head . Yet we undauntedly got under the walls , and began to throw over our Hand-granadoes , which proved bad and were altogether Unserviceable . Now while we were under the wall , and consulting how we should get amongst them , though a Prisoner told us there were three hundred Kings Souldiers , in the Garison . The Country people came in so ●ast upon us , that we could do no good on the Fort , so we retre●ted towards the T●wn . In which action Captain Watlin was Shot into the Reins , and Killed ; and to add to our loss & disappointment we found both the Town , and Breast-works , new manned by the Country people , which while we were engaged with , they Sallyed out of the Fort upon us , so that we were forced to quit our attempt on the Town and betake our selves to the plain Field , leaving our Doctors , and some Wounded Men in the Hospital behind us . When we came into the Field , and saw such a small remainder of our Men , and our Enemies Horse quite round us , we got our Wounded Men into the middle , and casting our selves into a circle or ring , Fought our way through . Not one Man of us offering to run , and thus marched down to our Boats , but with heavy Hearts , to think we should leave so much Plate behind us . And notwithstanding we were so few , and this few almost Choaked for want of water , having been ingaged from eight a Clock in the morning till two in the afternoon , yet durst they not break in with our Body , which at this time consisted but of forty seven Fighting Men , and they at least twelve hundred in the Field , besides what were in their Fort , Town , and Breast-works ; and our Canoes lay full three miles from the Town . All which way we charged through and through them , and lost not one Man in the retreat , though some of us were Wounded ; what damage we did them we never knew , but it could not but be considerable . In this Fight we had eight and twenty Men Killed , seventeen Wounded , and the Doctors taken Prisoners , who had quarter given them as we were afterwards told . This Arica is seated in a very pleasant Vally by a River side , and is the Barkador or place for Shipping off the Treasure which comes from the Mines of the Mountain of Potosy , is a good Harbour , and secure , and lies in eighteen deg ▪ and twenty min. South latitude , and a Healthy Air , the people of a good Complexion and Stature . The Mountains by the City afford good Salt , which the Inhabitants digg in Cakes of a hundred weight per peice . Here is also a very good Harbour . This night about nine a Clock we got on board . 31. Mund. We stood to the Westward . Little wind at S. and S. S. E. February the Ist. We plied to the Southward under the shoar . 2. Wedn. We kept plying under the shoar till afternoon , then stood off to Sea. The high land in 19 deg . bears East 10 leag . distance ; West 10 leag . 3. Thursd. Little wind all day . 4. Frid. We have run 6 leag . West , wind E. and E. S. E. West 16 leag . 5. Saturd . We have run 2 leag . West , ●at . 20 deg . 53 min. wind S. S. E. West 18 leag . 6. Sund. We have run 17. leag . West lat . 21 deg . 22 min. West 35 leag . 7. Mund. We have run 19 leag . West , lat . 21 deg . 34 min. wind South . West 54 Leag . 8. Tuesd. We have run 9 leag . West , lat . 21. deg . 49 min. clowdy weather . West 63 leag . 9. Wedn. We have run 19 leag . West , lat . 22 deg . 20 min. wind S. S. E. West 82 ▪ leag . 10. Thursd. We have run 18 leag . West , lat . 23 deg . 5 min. a Southern great Sea. West 100 leag . 11. Frid. We have run 15 leag . West , lat . 23 deg . 50 min. wind S. E. West 115 leag . 12. Saturd . Lat. 25 deg . 12 min. a great Sea wind E. S. E. and S. E. 13. Sund. We have run 15 leag . West , lat . 25 deg . 50 min. wind South East , with some rain . West 130 leag . 14. Mund. We have run 3 leag . West lat . 26 deg . 6 min. West 133 leag . 15. Tuesd. 14 leag . West , lat . 26 deg . ●0 min. West 147 leag . 16. Wedn. We have run 2 leag . West , lat . 27 deg . 44 min. wind South and E. S. E. we are run in all West . 149 leag . 17. Thursd. We have run 8 leag . West , lat . 28 deg . 7 min. West 157 leag . 18 Frid. We have run 10 leag . West , lat . 28 deg . 44 min. West 167 leag . 19. Saturd . We have run 14 leag . West , ●at . 29 deg . 29 min. West 181 leag . 20 Sund. We have run 15 leag . West , ●at . 31 deg . 1 min. West 196 leag . 21. Mund. We have run 24 leag . West , lat . 31 deg 34 min. squally weather . West 220 leag . 22 Tuesd. We have run 2 leag . West , ●at . 31 deg . 50 min. wind S. E. to S. W. hazy weather . West 222 leag . 23 Wedn. We have run 5 leag . West , lat . 32 deg . 11 min. wind S. E. to South . West 227 leag . 24. Thursd. and 25. Frid. We have lain becalmed , lat . 32 deg . 26 min. 26. Saturd . We have run East 16 ▪ leag . in lat . 3● deg . 50 min. the wind a● North West to West clear weather ▪ East 16 leag . 27. Sund. We have run 15 leag . East , lat . 33 deg . 18 min. the wind at VV. S. VV. at night the wind took us a stays at S. E. with rain . East 31 leag . 28. Mund. We have run 6 leag . East , lat . 34 deg . 4 min. the wind from E. to S. E. clowdy weather . East 37 leag . March the 1st . Tuesd. We have lain becalmed in lat . 34 deg . 13 min. 2. Wedn. We have run 16 leag . East , lat . 34 deg . 2 min. the wind at VV. to S. E. with rain ; at this time water grew scarce , and our Men mutinied about a Commander , for the former Dissenters had not forgot their Old Cant , so we proposed standing over for the main to get water and fresh Provision ; this appeased them for a while , nothing else was capable to do it but only finding them employment for their stirring Spirits and unruly Humours . We have run East 53 leag . 3. Thursd. We have run 6. Leagues East Latitude , 33. Degr. and 35. Min. Wind at S. E. to E. S. E. East 59. Leagues . 4. Frid. We have run 17. Leagues , East Latitude 32. Degr. and 35. Min. the Wind at S. E. and very cloudy weather . East 76. Leagues . 5. Saturd . We have run 15. Leagues East , Latitude 31. Degr. 27. Minut. East 91. Leagues . 6. Sund. We have run 12. Leagues East , Latitude 30. Degr. 20. Minutes . East 103. Leagues . 7. Mund. We have run 13. Leagues East , Latitude 30. Degr. 36. Min. Good weather . East 116. Leagues . 8. Tuesd. We have run 21 Leagues East , Latitude 30. Degr. 22. Min. Wind S. W. East 137 Leagues . 9. Wedn. We have run 28. Leagues East , Latitude 29. Degr. 35. Min. Fair weather . East 165. Leagues . 10. Thursd. We have run 38. Leagues East , Latitude 29. Degr. 45. Min. Wind S. East 203. Leagues . 11. Frid. We have run 32. Leagues East , Latitude 29. Degr. 45. Min. the wind at S. and S. S. W. we went with our Courses for Wind. East 235. Leagues . 12. Saturd . We have run 27. Leagues East , fresh gales at S. Latitude 29. Degr. 17. Minutes . This Morning we saw the Land. East 262. Leagues . 13. Sund. We have run to the Northward along the Shoar , about 7. Leagues , where we went into our Canoes to go ashoar at a place called Gwasko ; but the Sea breaze came in so fresh they could not get ashoar . About three of the Clock in the Afternoon our Ship got into the Harbour , and came to an Anchor in 17. f●thom Water ; sandy ground . At Night we landed 45 Men , and marched up into the Countrey about seven Miles ; but could find nothing but Provisions , as Wheat , &c. About eleven of the Clock we came back three Miles , where there was a Church , where we dressed some Sheep , and Goats for Supper , and kept our Court of Guard there that Night . In the Morning Captain Sharp went with ten Men down to the water-side , to hasten our filling of Water , the rest staid behind to bring down some Sheep and Goats ; which we did , driving before us a drove of 150. that served for fresh meat for our wounded men a great while . During this time , our people were at the River to fill Water , but the Sea ran so high , they could not get any off the Shore . In the Morning we went about fifty Men on Shoar again , to fill Water , and were forced to carry our Jarrs a quarter of a Mile , because the Sea ran so high we could not get our Canoes into the shoar , to take it in at the River , but filled them at a Pond ; thus we got on Board one hundred and fifty Jarrs . This Gwasko is a very good Harbour , and clear Ground with the Land , in the Wind three quarters of the Compass , a Land wind in the Night , and Sea breaze all day : here we lay till the 15. Instant . 15. Tuesd. About three of the Clock in the Afternoon , we set sail from Gwasko , the Wind S. W. and S. S. W. 16. Wednes . We have run 4. Leagues West , Wind S. West 4. Leagues . 17. Thursd. We have run 9. Leagues West , Latitude 27. Degr. 45. Min. West 13. Leagues . 18. Frid. We have run North , Latitude 26. Degr. 33. Min. Wind at S. 19. Saturd . We have run 10 Leagues East , Latitude 25. Degr. 21. Minut. fresh gales ; the 10. Leagues Easting deducted , makes our Westing but three Leagues . 20. We have run 10. Leagues East : More a Morania bears East 6. Leagues distance . The 3. Leagues Westing deducted , leaves our departure East 7. Leagues . 21. Mund. We have run 3. Leagues East , Latitude 22. Degr. 52. Min. the Wind at S. to S. E. This day we made the point of Land like a Sugar-Loaf ; by report here is a Harbour that lyes in South about the Point , good Anchor Ground , in 15. Fathom Water , but neither fresh Water nor Wood. 22. T●esd . This day we have lain by with our Ship , and sent our Canoes to look for the River Loa , but they c●me on board without discovering it . East 10. Leagues . 23. Wednesd . These 24. hours we have lain by , while our Canoes went on Shoar , in Latitude 21. Degr. 21. Min. The River bears E. by S. about two of the Clock our Canoes came on Board . 24. Thursd. We sent our Boat on Shoar . This River of Loa issues out of the high Land , and scarce discernable ▪ it being but a small running Stream like an English Brook ; on the North side of which is a small Chappel , which by report of the Inhabitants , was built by Sir Francis Drake , when he was in those Seas . Two Leagues North from this , is a Fish Rainge , which the Spaniards keep for the Natives to fish for them . These miserable Natives are kept in great subjection , and do not generate as ●ormerly , though they are a stout people , and have amongst them good comely Women : the reason of it , as we conjecture , is , the depressure of their Spirits , by the tyranny of the S●aniards , which causes this failure of Generation ; the means of Propagation not taking its natural effect upon people so absolutely dejected with oppression , as they most certainly are . These 24. Hours we have run 12. Leagues West , Latitude 20. Degr. 55. Min. Wind E. S. E. 25. March. These 24. Hours we have run 12 Leagues West , Latitude 20. Degr. 15. Min. West 24. Leagues . 26. Saturd . These 24. Hours we have run North , Latitude 18. Degr. 19. Minutes , the Wind S. to E. S. E. this day we made the high Land of Heloe . 27. Sund. This Morning we made a small sail to spend away the day . In the Afternoon , about five of the Clock , we made what sail we could ; and about 11. in the Night , we landed about 50. Men upon a point of Rocks , which lies two Leagues from the Town of Heloe , or Hilo , and about break of the day , our Men took most of the Inhabitants that were in that place : And were not altogether unmindful of their Horse flesh , they sent us for Beefs , when we made them a visit before . The Prisoners , we took , told us , that at Arica , our Doctors had had good quarter given them , for the sake of their skill ; but that the wounded were knockt on the Head ; and that one Negro , who had his Leg shot off , being offered quarter , refused it , and killed four or five of their Men , before he was shot dead on the spot . This fellow had been a Slave , whom our Commander had freed , and brought from Iamaica . What they lost at Aryca , they would not confess , only said , that a great many were killed , and that the wounded Men came fast out of the Countrey to be cured by our Doctors , we had left behind us . Here we filled fresh Water , got some good new Wine , store of Figgs , and plenty of fresh Provisions for our Men. This Heloe is in Latitude 17. Degr. 49. Min. South , and stands in an extraordinary fruitful Valley , with fine Olive Yards , two pretty Vineyards , a great Sugar work : They have a Corn Mill , and plenty of Wheat , Beef , Mutton , Pork , also Fish , and all manner of necessaries both for life , and for recreation . Here we stayed till Tuesday the 29. and at nine of the Clock at Night , we weighed , and stood to Sea , the Wind at S. E. Wedn. 30. We have run 12. Leag . West , Wind S. S. E. West 12. Leagues . 31. Thursd. We have run 14. Leag . West , Wind S. a great Current which sets N. W. West 26. Leagues . April 1. We have run 22. Leagues West , Latitude 17. Degr. 13. Min. the Wind at S. S. W. to S. W. West 48. Leagues . 2. Saturd . We have run 22. Leagues West , Latitude 16. Degr. 46. Min. Wind S. E. to E. fair weather . West 70. Leagues . 3. Sund. We have run 25. Leagues West , Latitude 16. Degr. 16. Min. the Wind S. E. cloudy weather . West 95. Leagues . 4. Mund. We have run 15. Leagues West , Latitude 14. Degr. 28. Min. West 110. Leagues . 5. Tu●sd . We have run 10. Leagues West , Latitude 12. Degr. 52. Min. West 120. Leagues . 6. Wedn. We ran due North , Latitude 10. Degr. 56. Min. the Wind S. E. this day we saw the Land very high 15. Leagues distance . 7. Thursd. We have run 10. Leagues West , Latitude 9. Degr. 38. Min. the Wind at S. E. a great Currant that sets to the Southward ▪ this small of the Moon , we keep Land too , in hopes to take some Shipping . West 130. Leagues . 8. Frid. We have run 9. Leagues West , Latitude 8. Degr. 44. Min. Wind S. W. 138. Leagues . 9. Saturd . We have run due North , Latitude 7. Degr. 38. Min. the Wind at S. a strong South easterly Currant . 10. Sund. We have run due North , Latitude 6. Degr. 33. Min. Wind S. and S. S. E. thick foggy weather . This Morning we made Land , it was one of the Northermost Isles of Lobos , which lye in Cheripe-Bay . 11. Mund. 12. Leagues West , Latitude 5. Degr. 57. Min. Wind. S. E. foggy weather . West 150. Leagues . 12. Tuesd. We have run 13. Leagues West , Latitude 5. Degr. 8. Min. Wind S. E. West 163. Leagues . 13. Wednes . We have run ● . Leag . West , Latitude 3. Degr. 48. Min. West 168. Leagues . 14. Thursd. We have run 9. Leagues East , Lat. 2. Degr. 48. Min. Wind. S. a N. W. Currant East 9. Leagues . 15. Frid. We have run 8. Leagues East , Latitude 1. Degr. 58. Min. Wind S. S. E. very great riplings , and a strong N. W. Currant . East 17. Leagues . 16. Saturd . We have run 5. Leagues East , Latitude 1. Degr. 38. Min. The Isle of Plate bears N. 5. Leagues distant . East 22. Leagues . Here by our account , Heloe or Hilo , lyes to the Eastward of the Island of Plate 146. Leagues , this Island lyes in 1. Degr. 23. Min. S. Latitude . 17. Sund. This day about Noon , to our great trouble , 45 of our Men left us , quitting our Emperours service , and went away with our Boat and two Canoes , with what necessary things they wanted for their journey over Land. They would have stayed if we would have chosen a new Commander , but would not serve longer under Captain Sharp . When they put away from the Ship , Cape Passado bore N. E. 10. Leagues distance . This was a great weakning to our party , and a hindrance to our designs : Nevertheless we bore our loss as chearfully as we could , and resolved not to quit those Coasts till we had got the Booty we expected , and weakened the Spaniards as much as we could , as our Emperor had obliged us to do . 18. Mund. We have run 9. Leagues West , Lat. 0. Degr. 20. Min. North , the Wind at S. W. fair weather . 19. Tuesd. We have gone North , by reason of a N. E. Currant , Latitude 1. Degr. 48. Min. N. the Wind at S. W. good weather . 20. Wedn. We have run 18. Leagues West , Latitude 3. Degr. 16. Min. the Wind S. W. cloudy weather . West 27 Leagues . 21. Thursd. We have run 23. Leag . N. N. W. a strong Currant . 22. Frid. We have run 76. Miles N. W. by N. Wind W. S. W. much rain , and we saved 40. Jarrs of Water . 23. Saturd . We have run 25. Leag . N. W. by N. a strong Currant which sets to the Westward . 24. Sund. We have run 26. Leagues N. W. by N. no observation ; a strong Currant . Since we parted from our Men , these five days , we have had plenty of Turtle and Fish. 25. Mund. These 24. Hours we have had the Wind round the Compass , we have run 12. Leagues N. we made the Island Caynia , a different observation , Latitude 7. Degrees 40. Minutes . 26. Tuesd. We came to an Anchor at the Island , it affords good Timber , Hogs , Fish , and Cocoe Nuts : while we lay here , we sent our Canoe to the Main to look for a Harbour to lay our Ship in , but could find none ; the anchoring is on the North end of the Island , where we filled some Water , and lay till the 30. 30. Saturd . We weighed about 11. a Clock in the Forenoon , and stood to the West . May day . We stood to the Westward , Latitude 9. Degr. 1. Min. the Wind off Shoar in the Night , by Day S. W. with Rain . 2. Mond . To Thursday the 5. we kept plying along the Shoar ; very much Rain , with Thunder and Lightning , the Wind S. in the Day , at Night N. W. 6. Frid. We came to an Anchor in the Gulf of Nicoya , in 11. Fathom Water , ouzy Ground , the first Key with a Rock at the North end , bears S. by E. from us , very much Rain . 7. Saturd . We weighed with the Tide of flood , and got up to the next Key , which lyes N. W.12. W. 5. Leag . distance . 8. Sund. Our two Canoes went to the Island Chero with 20. Men , and took a Family of Indians that lived there , who told us , there were two Barks in the next River , loading of Tallow . In the Afternoon-Tide , our Ship got up to the Isle of Cheroe . 9. Mund. Our Canoes went up the Flood , and took the two Barks , and the next Ebb brought them down to the Ship. Those Indians told us , That up another River , lived a Shipwright , who was building two new Ships . This was welcome news to us ; so we went up to the Carpenters Yard , and friendly desired the chief Builder , and seven of his Workmen , to go on Board us , and help us to cut down our Ship : He also helped us to a Canoe load of Spikes , and Iron Work , which our Ship wanted to fit her with ; but some of our Men being drunk , they over-set her coming on Board , and drowned one of the Men : But it being but low Water , next day at low water we got her again with all our Utensils . On Wednesday we set our Carpenters to work to chalk out our lower Deck . On Thursday our drowned Man came swimming by the Ship , so we took him up , and buried him the next Morning . We fell this day with our Ship to the mouth of a Vogue about a League off , which we thought convenient to lay our Ship in , out of the Tides way , and this day unrigged her , got our Yards and Topmasts down , and made preparation for our Carpenters to shorten our low Masts . On Saturday we laid one of the Barks on shoar , and took out her Tallow . It rained all Day , and continued raining till Tuesday following . We made an awning over the other Bark , and turned Tallow Chandlers , making Candles for our Bidacle , &c. On Wednesday the eighteenth it held up , fair weather till Wednesd . the 25. at which time we began to rig our Ship , and on Thursd. were ready to sail . We gave the Carpenter and his Men one of the Barks , and sent them home ; who returned us many thanks for our generosity , and using them so civilly ; and with them , we turned away some Prisoners which we had on Board , resolving to keep no more but Negroes to do our drudgery . During our stay at Cheroe we did this work : We shortned our Main-Mast six foot , made new Cross and Trussel-trees to it . Shortned our Fore mast 5. Foot , and made new Cross and Trussel-trees . by the Head. Made our Main , our Fore-Top-Mast , our Fore , our Main ▪ Top-Mast . Cut off her upper Deck , and sunk her quarter Deck ; she was six Foot ten Inches high , between Decks , and we left her something more than four Foot in the Waste . All this we did in 10. Days , and she was fit for the Sea , and we had done sooner had not wet weather hindred us . 26. Thursd. After we had sent away our Prisoners , we fell down with our Ship to the Isle of Cavalla , where we lay filling Water till Sunday following . On Saturday Iacobus Marquess our Truchman or Interpreter , and an Indian Boy ran away from us to the Spaniards ; this person was a Dutchman , who was a good Linguist , and left behind him 2200 ps . ● . besides Jewels and Goods : But we had one Mr. Ringrose with us , who was both an ingenious man , and spake very well several Languages . 29. Sund. We weighed from Cavalla , and fell down to Tortuga : North from this Isle lyes a parcel of Rocks like a Church with a Steeple . 30. Mond . We weighed and stood to Sea , little Wind at S. W. 31. Tuesd. Very little Wind at S. W. Cape Blanco at 12 a Clock bears North 3. Leagues distance . Iune the 1. Wedn. We have run 13. Leagues West , Wind S. E. Latitude 10. Degr. 26. Min. 2. Thursd. We have had the Wind at N. W. and got a little to the Westward . 3. Frid. This Morning debating the thing in Council , and our mens running away being maturely considered , we judged we should be discryed at Rehela , which was the place we were designed for ; we therefore bore up the Helm , and stood to the Eastward , to look an Harbour to lay our Ship on Shoar ; for all this while we had not cleaned her bottom . Latitude 9. Degr. 56. Min. 4. Saturd . We have run 20 Leagues East by South , Latitude 9. Degr. 48. Min. Wind S. W. and W. N. W. East 18. Leagues . 5. Sund. We have run 7 Leagues E. S. E. The Isle Caynia bears S. E. by E. 5 Leagues distance , Wind S. W. to N. W. 6. Mund. These 24 hours we had very much Rain , we lay by all Sunday Night for the Gulf of Dulcia ; and this Evening we got to an Anchor in the mouth of the Gulf , in 13. Fathom Water , the Wind at South , and much Rain . 7. Tuesd. We sent our Canoe up the Gulf , to look a place to lay our Ship on Shoar in , but they found none . 8. Wednesd . We weighed our Anchor , and sailed three Leagues higher up the Gulf , then sent our Canoe and Bark up before the Ship : The Canoe going on Shoar , took an Indian Man and two Boyes , and brought them on Board . Here finding a place for our purpose , we came to an Anchor in 24 Fathom Water , close by the Shoar ; and rainy weather . 9. Thursd. We halled our Ship near the Shoar , and mored her ; and some of us built an House , while others landed our Goods with all expedition ; fair weather . 10. Frid. Here we lay till Munday the 13. which Night had like to have proved fatal to us , for our Cable gave way , and our Ship went ashoar , that we almost despaired of saving her ; but having many Hands , we shoared her pretty upright , and on Wednesd . the 15. got her off again , without much damage : here we continued until Thursday the 23. 23. Thursd. This day having cleaned our Ship and Bark , and gave them a Coat of Tallow , we weighed and intended to have gone a League higher , but it proving little Wind , we had like to have drove out at the Gulfs mouth . 24. Frid. We got up to the Watering place ; fair weather . 25. Saturd . We began to fill our Water , and left our Bark with some Hands cutting Wood where we cleaned our Ship. 26. Sund. and 27. Mund. These days we made an end of filling our Water , and came to an Anchor a mile below the Bark . 28. Tuesd. We weighed and stood to Sea , the Wind at S. with much Rain . This Gulf of Dulcia has plenty of Wood and Water , store of Fish , is very bold , and void of all danger but what is in fight . It has an Island on the North Shoar , which makes a good Harbour : it lyes in 8. Degr. 30. M. and is 6. Leagues distance N. N. W. from Point Berica , which Point is high , with a low tract of Land running into the Sea with a small Cape , a little distance from it ; at the West side of the Gulf lye two small Rocks close to the West Point . 29. Wednesd . Very much Rain all Day , at 6. a Clock Point Berica bears N. E. 5. Leagues distance . 30. Thursd. We have run 25. Leag . South , the Wind W. Cloudy weather . Iuly the 1. We have run 17. Leag . South , Latitude 6. Degr. 13. Min. Wind West . 2. Saturd . We have run 8. Leagues East , Latitude 5. Degr. 35. Min. Wind S. S. W. 3. Sund. We have run 28. Leagues East , Latitude 4. Degr. 23. Min. Wind S. S. E. Here we had plenty of Dolphins . 4. Mund. We have run 23. Leagues East , Latitude 3. Degr. 14. Minutes . little Wind at S. S. W. to W. N. W. fresh gales . East 23. Leagues . 5. Tuesd. We have run 21. Leagues East , Latitude 2. Degr. 30. Min. little Wind at S. W. and S. S. W. This day we made the Isle of Galloe . 6. Wedn. We plyed to windward under the Shoar . 7. Thursd. This Morning we weathered the Point of Manglas , as the Spaniards call it , which is no more than a Point of high Mangrows . To windward of it is a small Bay. 8. Frid. We kept plying to windward , along Shoar . 9. Saturd . We kept plying along Shoar , and got under the high Land , to the Eastward of Cape Franco , which makes with White and Redish Cliffs . 10. Sund. This Morning we saw a Sail 6. Leagues to Windward of us , and about 7. at Night came up with him , so we made sail to get under the Cape with our Prize . 11. Mund. We made the best of our way to get under the Cape . 12. Tuesd. This day we got to an anchor under the Cape , about 2. Leagues from the Shoar , in 6. Fathom Water , stiff sandy Ground ; to the Eastward of this Cape lyes the River of S. Matthias , where live several Indians , Negroes , and Creolians , which are a mungrel breed of Spaniards and Indians mixt . 13. Wednes . and 14. Thursd. We began to rummage our Prize , which was loaden with Cocoa , and some Plate . On Thursday we cut away her Main-Mast , and turned her before the Wind for Pa●ama , it being but requisite that a light Ship should have less sail ; we put her not out of her Road neither , but sent her to proceed on her Voyage she was bound for , which was for Panama . 17. Sund. This Night our small Canoe broke loose , but we got her again next Morning . As they rowed along the Shoar , they saw an Indian Man , but could not pursue him , for want of Arms. After they came on Board we manned both our Canoes , and went on Shoar , where we found a delicate fresh water River ; so we sent thither our Bark and Canoes to fill Water , which took up our time till Tuesday , when they came on Board ; after we had unloaden the Bark , we sunk her . 20. Wedn. This Morning we weighed , and stood to Sea , the VVind at S. W. Very hazy weather . 21. Thursd. VVe plyed to windward , VVind at W. S. W. and S. W. cloudy weather , with drisling Rain . 22. Frid. This 24 Hours we had a great S. W. Sea , the VVind shifting from E. S. E. to W. S. W. out of sight of Land. 23. Saturd . This day we came in sight of Cape Saint Francisco , the Wind between S. W. and S. hazy weather . 24. Sund. These 24. hours we had the Wind at S. to S. W. thick hazy weather with drisling Rain . 25. Mund. These 24 hours we h●d the Wind at S. S. W. After we had weathered the Cape to the Southward , is a great Bay , then a high land , but not so high as the Cape , Latitude 0. Degr. 34. Min. North. 26. Tuesd. The Wind S. to S. W. we got within 6. Leagues of Cape Passado . To the N. E. of this Cape is high Land , with white Cliffs like those of Beachy . 27. Wedn. In the Morning we saw a Sail close by the Shoar ; so we gave her chase , she came to an Anchor , and most of the people got on Shoar , but we followed them , and took them all but a Fryer and four Negroes , who made their escape . The next day we sent them for Panama , from whence they came bound for Payta , with advice from Old Spain . At Payta they always land ther Pacquets , to be sent to the City of Lyma . Next day we turned her away , and plyed to windward , the Wind at S. to S. W. 29. Frid. This day we saw a Sail , and in a short time came up with her , the Spaniard began to fire some small Arms at us , but our way being to come Board and Board , and never to fire a Shot at randome , when we came up close with her , we warmed their Decks so that they soon struck , and called for Quarter ; but the Captain was killed first , and one Man more , and several others wounded . On Saturd . we came to an Anchor under Cape Passado , in 14. Fathom Water . The Prize was loaden with Wine , Brandy , Oyl , and Fruit , and 670. Piggs of Metal , which we ( such was our dulness ) supposed to be Tin. All the Arguments some of us could use , would not perswade our Captain and rest of our men to take them in ; only one was brought away to make Bullets ; part of which we gave to a Bristol Man , being about a third part of a Pigg , when we came to Anteg● , and he sold it at Bristol for 75. l. Sterl . for it was Silver , though not refined to the purity it should have been . On Sund. Night the Men positively resusing to take in those Piggs , we turned away to Sea our Prize , that might have sufficiently enriched us all , and having stored our selves with Wine and Brandy , and considering our small number of Men left , and good stock of Provisions , we thought it best to return home with what Booty we had ; not over Land as our Comrades had done , but round by the streights of Magellan : So on Wedn. Morning we weighed , and stood to Sea , the Wind S. S. E. August 4. We keep plying to Windward , the Wind S. and S. W. very fresh gales . 5. Frid. We had fresh gales at S. and S. S. W. and very cloudy weather . 6. Saturd . We had small gales at S. S. E. to S. W. Monte a Christo bears S. 10. Leagues distance . 7. Sund. The Wind at S. S. E. to S. W. small gales and a le-ward Currant that we have got nothing . 8. Mund. A strong leward Currant , and smal Winds that we could get nothing . 9. Tues . We had the Wind at S. and S. W. little Wind : But at 10 in the Day , it came to W. and blowed very hard , which is the usual Course ; we are in sight of Manta about 3. Leagues distance , a strong Currant . 10. Wednes . The Wind at S. W. in the Morning we had moderate gales , so we kept our own with Mata . 11. Thursd. We had the Wind at S. and W. S. W. moderate gales : Now the Currant sets as strong to windward as it did to leward . Cape Lawrence bears East , 1 League distance . 12. Frid. This Morning we got to an Anchor at the Isle of Plate , where we lay refreshing our selves till Tuesday the 16. It is high table Land , being level at the top ; there is pretty plenty of Wood , Goats , and Fish , but no Water , good anchorage in a sandy Bay , next the Main . 16. Tuesd. We set Sail about 2. in the Afternoon , the Wind at S. W. 17. Wednes . and 18. Thursd. Little Wind at S. S. W. and S. W. we got into Sancta Hellena Bay ; the Currant setting to windward under the Shoar . 19. Frid. We had very moderate Winds at S. S. W. but a very great Southern Sea , Point Hellena bears S. S. E. 20. Saturd . Moderate gales at S. W. and S. in the Night Sa●cta Hellena bore E. S. E. 3 Leagues distance ; this Day at 12. it bore East ● . Leagues distance . 21. Sund. We have had the Wind at S. to W. S. W. moderate gales . 22. Mund. We have had the Wind at N. W. moderate gales : This Morning we made the South Shoar , of Wy●●●e Bay. 23. Tuesd. We have kept plying to windward under the Shoar , the VVind at S. W. 24. Wedn. VVe have had the VVind at S. W. very fresh , in Latitude 4. Degr. 11. Min. S. Cape Blanko bears S. E. by E. 3. Leagues distance . 25. Thurs. The VVind came to S. and S. E. very fresh gales that we have weathered the Cape 7 Leagues . Cold cloudy weather . 26. Frid. VVe keep plying to windward under the Shoar ; thick foggy weather , VVind S. to S. S. W. 27. Saturd . VVe keep plying to windward , the VVind from S. to S. E. thick foggy weather . At one of the Clock we made the high Land to windward of Payta . 28. Sund. This Morning we ran into Payta Bay with our Ship , and manned 2. Canoes with 32. Men to go on Shoar ▪ but were descryed upon the Coast , and they provided so well against us , that it was madness to land . Their numbers of Horse and Foot upon the Bay , prevented our running into further danger ▪ so we returned on Board our Ship , and sailed away to Sea. 29. Mund. At 6. a Clock the high Land of Payta bears E. N. E. 10. Leag . distance . 30. Tuesd. These 24. hours we had the VVind at S. to S. S. E. thick foggy weather : We have run West five Leagues . 31. Wedn. VVe had fair weather and a good observation ▪ Latitude 6. Degr. 32. Min. by our account we are departed from the Meridian of Payta 26 Leagues West . September 1. VVe have run 8 Leagues West , Latitude 7. Degr. 38. Min , cloudy weather , Wind S. S. E. to S. W. West 34. Leagues . 2. Frid. Latitude 7. Degr. 29. Min. 11. Leagues West , the Wind at S. E. to E. S. E. Our Westing is 45. Leagues . 3. Saturd . Latitude 8. Degr. 17. Min. 16. Leagues West , Wind S. E. squally weather . West 61. Leagues . 4. Sund. 16. Leagues West , Lat. 9. Degr. 18. Min. Wind S. to S. E. West 77. Leagues . 5. Mund. 19 Leagues West , Latitude 10. Degr. 45. Min. Wind S. E. to E. S. E. cloudy weather , and hard flaws of Wind. West 96. Leagues . 6. Tuesd. 15. Leagues West , Latitude 11. Degr. 52. Min. West 111. Leag . 7. Wednes . 10. Leagues West , Latitude 13. Degr. 30. Min. moderate gales . West 121. Leagues . 8. Thursd. 10. Leagues West , Lat. 14. Degr. 42. Min. cloudy weather . West 131. Leagues . 9. Frid. 8. Leagues West , Latitude 15. Degr. 45. Min Wind S. E. to E. S. E. West 139. Leagues . 10. Saturday . 19. Leagues West , Latitude 16. Degrees 25. Minutes , clear weather . West 158. Leagues . 11. Sund. 5. Leagues West , Latitude 16. Degr. 58. Min. Wind S. E. and E. S. E. a great Southern Sea , that we went with our Main-Top-Sail furled , and Sprit-Sail reifed . West 163. Leagues . 12. Mund. Still a great Sea , and we went with our low-Sails to ease our Ship , Latitude 17. Degr. 17. Min. Wind at S. E. 13. Leag●es West . West 176. Leagues . 13. Tuesd. A great Sea , and hard gale at S. S. E. Latitude . 18. Degr. 5. Min. West 16. Leagues . West 192. Leagues . 14. Wedn. 12. Leagues West Latitude 18. Degr. 59. Min. hard gales at S. E. and a great Sea. West 204. Leagues . 15. Thursd. 10. Leagues West , Latitude 19. Degr. 56. Min. moderate gales . West 214. Leagues . 16. Frid. 6. Leagues West , Latitude 20 ▪ Degrees 44. Minutes , the Wind round the Compass . West 220. Leagues . 17. Sat. Little Wind , We have run but one League West , Latitude 20 , Degrees 55. Minutes . West 221. Leagues . 18. Sund. 13. Leagues West , Latitude 21. Degr. 23. Min. fair weather the Wind from S. to S. S. E. West 234. Leagues . 19. Mund. 12. Leagues West , Latitude 22. Degr. 20. Min. Wind at S. E. squally weather . West 246. Leagues . 20. Tuesd. 8. Leagues West , Latitude 23. Degr. 23. Min. Wind E. S. E. squally weather . 254. Leagues West . 21. Wedn. 7. Leagues West , Latitude 24. Degr. 44. Min. Wind. E. S. E. to S. E. squalls of Wind and Rain . West 261. Leagues . 22. Thursd. The Wind at East , we steered Latitude 26. Degr. 14. Min. 23. Frid. We have run South Latitude 27. Degr. 45. Min. the Wind S. E. to E. N. E. squally weather . 24. Saturd . Latitude 28. Degr. 49. Min. the Wind S. E. squally weather . 25. Sund. Latitude 29. Degr. 59. Min. cloudy weather , here we allow 20. Leagues from our departure for a N. W. Currant , which makes me 281 Leagues to the Westward of Payta . 26. Mund. 24. Leagues East , Latitude 31. Degr. 11. Min. Wind at N. E. to N. East 24. Leagues . 27. Tuesd. 23. Leagues East , Latitude 32. Degr. 23. Min. Wind N. E. to N. W. fair weather , East 47. Leag . 28. Wedn. 23. Leagues East , Latitude 33. Degr. 21. Min. Wind N. E. to N. all day , at Night it came to S. W. in a gust , and blowed very hard with small Rain . East 70. Leagues . 29. Thursd. 21. Leagues East , Latitude 34. Degr. 25. Min. Wind W. N. W. gusty weather . East 91. Leagues . 30. Fri. 18. Leagues East , Latitude 35. Degr. 46. Min. Wind VV. N. VV. a great Sea. East 109. Leagues . October 1. 8. Leagues East , Latitude 36. Degr. 50. Min. Wind. N. VV. good weather . East 117. Leagues . 2. Sund. 18. Leagues East , Latitude 38. Degr. 12. Min. Wind W. N. W. squally . East 135. Leagues . 3. Mund. 15. Leagues East , Latitude 39. Degr. 21. Min. Wind VV. N. VV. to S. VV. in the Night we had a hard gust at VV. S. VV. close cloudy weather . East 150. Leagues . 4. Tuesd. 16. Leagues East , Latitude 41. Degr. 18. Min. Wind VV. N. VV. East 166. Leagues . 5. VVedn . 14. Leagues East , Latitude 43. Degr. 15. Min. fresh Winds . East●80 ●80 . Leagues . 6. Thursd. 22. Leagues East , Latitude 44. Degr. 57. Min. hard gales at VV. N. VV. thick weather , with rain : we went with a fore coarse only . East 202. Leagues . 7. Frid. 13. Leagues East , Latit . 45. Degr. 55. Min. hard gales at N. W. and VV. N. VV. with thick drisling Rain , under a fore coarse . East 215. Leagues . 8. Saturd . 11. Leagues East , by judgment , Latitude 46. Degrees 46. Min. very hard gales at VV. by N. at eight of the Clock we laid our Ship by , under a Mizon , ballanced ; but the Wind came on so fier●e that it blew away our Mizon , so we veered out two Ha●sers on an end made fast to a Spareyard , and a quoile of old Rope , and kept our Ships Head to the Sea. East 226. Leagues . 9. Sund. The Wind somewhat abated , that we could suffer a Mizon ballanced , but a very grown Sea , Latitude by judgment 47. Degrees 1. Minute East , 7. Leagues . East 233. Leagues . In the Afternoon when the fierceness of the storm was overblown , we got in our drudge . 10. Mund. 12. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 47. Degrees 58. Minutes , wind from N. VV. to S. VV. hard gales , with very much Rain . East 245. Leagues . 11. Tuesd. 18. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 49. Degrees 52. Minutes , a very hard gale of Wind at N. to N. E. East 263. Leagues . 12. Wednesd . 5. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 49. Degrees 59. Minutes , a hard gale of Wind , we under a main coarse . This Morning at four of the Clock , we made land , it was very high and mountainous Land ; at break of day we saw a Showle to Windward of us , which by Gods providence we sell to Leward of in the Night , our Ship staying three times under a Main Coarse , or else we had been certainly upon it . In the Day the Wi●d a little abating , we set our Fore-Sail , and two Top Sails , and stood in for the Shoar ; and seeing an opening , sent our Canoes in before the Ship , and found a very smooth place to anchor in , but deep Water : so we came to an Anchor in 45. Fathom Water . At going in , one of our Men fell out of the Sprit Sail-Top , and was drowned ; his name was Henry Shergall . In the Night our Cable cut with the Rocks , that we were forced to look for a better Harbour , which finding , we got our Ship in , and mored her to the Shoar with Hassers , and laid two Anchors out , which were all we had left . Here we lay till Saturday , at which time our Ship brake loose , and her Stern grounded upon a Rock , which unshipt our Rudder , bowed three Pintels , and broke the Goose-Neck . About eight at Night we got her off , and mored her the second time . On Monday we had a hard gust of Wind with Snow , On Tuesday we had good weather , and we observed with our Astrolabes Latitude 50. Degr. 37. Min. On Friday it rained with hard flaws of Wind , at N. VV. It hailed and rained with hard gusts of Wind from Saturday to Thursday , the 27. at whichtime , it being pretty fair weather , our Canoe went out a fowling , and found a Canoe with 3 Indians in it ; who being near the Shoar , one of them got away , another was shot , and the other taken and brought on Board ; but we could not understand him , only perceived he used to eat raw Flesh and Fish. On Friday our Canoe went to see it they could find any more Indians , and by the help of our new Prisoner found several of their Houses , but the Inhabitants were all fled , and their Goods with them , if they had any ; so we came on Board without any further discovery . November 1. The Month and Weather changed together ; so having fair weather we got up our Top-Masts , and bent our Sails : And on Friday the 4 , we cast off our shoar Fass , and halled to our Anchors , and on Saturday went to Sea , the Wind at N. VV. and VV. N. VV. hard gales of Wind. 5. To this place we gave the name of the Duke of York's Island ; we suppose it to be a knot of Islands like that of Bermudas . While we stayed here we spent little of our dry Provisions , but one half of our Ships company went on Shoar one day to gather Lympets and Muscles , and the other half the next ; thus we lived with now and then some Geese , Ducks , and Penguins , which we thought good Fare , and were very well content with it . This place is in 50. Degrees 37. Minutes S. Latitude . 6. S●nd . Since our coming to Sea , we have run 15. Leagues West , L●titude 5● . Degr. 34. Min. Wind N. W. 7. Mund. 16. Leagues West , Latitude 52. Degr. 9. Min. Wind N. N. W. and N. W. good weather . west 31. Leagues . 8. Tuesd. These 24 hours we have run 16. Leagues East , in Latitude 53. Degr. 27 Min. Wind N. N. W. good weather . East 16. Leagues . 9. Wednesd . 18. Leagues East , Latitude 53. Degr. 20. Min. Wind. N. East , 34. Leagues . 10. Thursd. A very hard storm of Wind , sometimes under a M●zon , and sometimes a Hull . 11. Frid. The storm continued from N. E. to N. with Rain . 12. Saturd . Fine moderate weather , and a good observation , Latitude 53. Degr. 27. Min. the Wind continuing at N. E. we were quite our of all hopes of recovering the Streights of Magellan , or Le Maire ; so that we were forced to bear up the Helm , to seek for a passage further South . Here is a great S. W. Current . 13. Sund. Lat. 57. Degr. o , Min. great Currents . Variation 14. Degr. East 18. Leagues . 14. Mund. 22. Leagues East , Latitude 57. Degr. 43. Min. Wind at W. East 43. Leagues . 15. Tuesd. 28. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 58. Degr. 19. Min. Wind at N. to N. N. E. very cold , with Snow and Rain . East 71. Leagues . 16. Wedn. 26. Leagues East , Latitude 57. Degr. 52. Min. Wind at S , to S. S. E. very cold freezing weather . East 97. Leagues . 17. Thursd. 24. Leagues East , Latitude by observation , 58. Degr. 10. Min. Wind at S. vv . This Morning we came up with two great Islands of Ice , one about three Leagues long , the other smaller ; about three in the Afternoon we came up with four more , but not so big : clear weather , but freezing cold . We find by this observation , and our last 24 hours run , that we h●ve been further Southerly by almost two Degrees , than our computation by dead reckoning makes out , and by many Degrees , than ever any others have sailed in that Sea , that have yet been heard of : for we were at about 60 Degrees South Latitude . We find diversity of Currents , but have not Provision to try them . 16. Degrees variation . East 121. Leagues . 18. Frid. 25. Leagues East , Lat. by judgment , 57. Degr. 25. Min. Wind at N. to N. N. E. East 146. Leagues . 19. Saturd . 20. Leagues East , latitude 57. Degr. 25. Min. Wind at N. to N. N. E. snowy , cold , freezing weather . East 166. Leagues . 20. Sund. 9. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 57. Degr. 13. Min. Wind at N. cold , thick , foggy weather . This Day the Water was cnanged very green , like a River . East 175. Leagues . 21. Mund. 5. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 57. Degr. 13. Min. little Wind at N. sometimes calm , very green Water , and great Sea , with thick foggs , East 180. Leagues . 22. Tuesd. This 24 hours , Wind at E. and E. N. E. we laid our Ships Head to the Northward , thick foggy weather . 23. Wedn. 3. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 56. Degr. 19. Min. the Wind round the compass . East 183. Leagues . 24. Thursd. 10. Leag . East , Lat. 56. Degr. 9. Min. the Wind shi●ting in the Northern board . East 193. Leagues . 25. Frid. 13. Leagues East , Latitude 54. Degr. 50. Min. Wind N. E. to E. S. E. very hard gales under two Coarses : This Day we judged we saw the Land bear N. N. W. East 206. Leagues . 26. Saturd . 25. Leagues East , Latitude 53. Degr. 43. Min. Wind E. S. E. blowing very hard with Hail and Snow . East 231. Leagues . 27. Sund. 21. Leagues East , Latitude by a good observation , 52. Degr. 48. Min. the Wind at E. to E. S. E. blowing hard . East 252. Leagues . 28. Mund. 21. Leagues East , Lat. by judgment , 51. Degrees 45. Minutes , Wind at S. W. good weather . East 273. Leagues . 29. Tuesd. 30. Leagues East , Latitude by observation , 49. Degr. 41. Min. Wind at S. to W. fresh gales , and a N. E. Current . East 303. Leagues . 30. Wednesd . 30. Leagues East , Latitude 48. Degr. 57. Min. good weather . East 333. Leagues . The 1. of December We ran 9. Leag . East , Latitude 48. Degr. 35. Min. a very hard gale at N. N. W. to N. East 342. Leagues . 2. Frid. 39. Leagues East , Latitude 47. Degr. 35. Min. a very hard gale of Wind at S. W. we went with our fore-Course reift , and Sprit-Sail ▪ we made good weather . East 381. Leagues . 3. Saturd . 31. Leagues East , Latitude 46. Degr. 2. Min. hard gales of Wind at S. W. we went with our Fore-Coarse , and Fore-Top-sail low set . East 41● . Leagues . 4. Sund. Latitude by observation , 43. Degr. 59. Min. Wind S. to S. E. fair weather , we have met with a N. W. Current that we made our way North. 5. Mund. 32 Leagues East , Latitude 42. Degr. 27. Min. the Wind S. W. pretty warm weather . East 444. Leagues . 6. Tuesd. 33. Leagues East , Latitude 40. Degr. 27. Min. Wind S. W. to W. S. W. fair weather . East 477. Leagues . 7. VVednesd . 27. Leagues East , Latitude 39. Degr. 33. Min. a hard gale at VVest , about 10. at Night it came to N. VV. at 11. in the Day it came to W. with Rain ; we being under a pair of coarses , and it came so violently with a hard showre of Rain , that it blew both our Coarses away . Though several of us had been in a Hurricane in the VVest Indies , yet every one declared it was the greatest stress of Wind for the space of two Glasses that ever they were in in their lives . East 504. Leagues . 8. Thursd. 18. Leagues East , Wind at W. to N. W. a hard gale under a fore Coarse , Latitude by observation , 38. Degr. 36. Min. East 522. Leagues . 9. Frid. 21. Leagues East , Latitude 37. Degr. 42. Min. a moderate gale . East 543. Leagues . 10. Saturd . 22. Leagues East , Latitude by observation , 37. Degr. 11. Min. good weather , Wind N. W. to N. N. E. 565. Leagues East . 11. Sund. 17. Leagues East , Latitude 36. Degr. 59. Min. Wind from N. N. E. to N. W. a great S. W. Sea , and a hard gale . East . 582. Leagues . 12. Mund. 13. Leagues East , Latitude 36. Degr. 20. Min. the Wind at S. S. W. thick foggy weather . East 595. Leagues . 13. Tuesd. 9. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 35. Degr. 41. Min. Wind from E. S. E. very thick weather . East 604. Leagues . 14. Wedn. 2. Leagues East , Latitude 34. Degr. 29. Min. the Wind at N. W. very smooth Water . East 606. Leag . 15. Thursd. 25. Leagues East , Latitude 33. Degr. 52. Min. Wind N. N. W. East 631. Leagues . 16. Frid. 20. Leagues East , Latitude 32. Degr. 5. Min. East 651. Leagues . 17. Saturd . 17. Leagues East , Latitude 31. Degr. 2. Min. the Wind at N. W. by N. and N. W. East 668. Leagues . 18. Sund. 14. Leagues East , Latitude 29. Degr. 39. Min. Wind W. N. W. and fair weather . East 682. Leag . 19. Mund. 22. Leagues East , Latitude 28. Degr. 26 Min. Wind at W. and fair weather . East 704. Leagues . 20. Tuesd. 3. Leagues East , Latitude 27. Degr. 29. Min. Wind round the Compass . East 707. Leagues . 21. Wedn. 2. Leagues East , Latitude 27. Degr. 2. Min. the Wind round the Compass , and cloudy weather . East 709. Leagues . 22. Thursd. We have lain becalmed in 26. Degr. 36. Min. by observation . 23. Frid. 2. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 25. Degr. 39. Min. Wind at E. S. E. good weather . East 711. Leagues . 24. Saturd . 5. Leagues East , Latitude 23. Degr. 51. Min. the Wind at E. S. E. fair weather . East 716 Leag . 25. Sund. 14. Leagues East , Latitude by observation , 22. Degr. 1. Min. the Wind at E. fair weather . When we took the two Barks at Nicoya , we had a little sucking Pigg in one of them , which we kept on Board ever since for our Christmas days Dinner , which now was grown to be a large Hogg ; so we killed it for Dinner , but thinking it not enough for us all , we bought a Spaniel-Dogg of the Quarter-Master for forty pieces of Eight , and killed him ; so with the Hogg and the Dogg , we made a Feast , and we had some Wine left , which made us merry : This being the only thing we had eaten that had blood in it since our departure from the Duke of York's Island . East 730. Leagues . 26. Mund. 5. Leagues East , Latitude 20. Degr. 28 Min. the Wind. at E. N. E. to E. S. E. fair weather . East 735. Leagues . 27. Tuesd. 6. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 18. Degr. 48. Min. East 741. Leagues . 28. Wednes . 5. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 16. Degr. 42. Min. Wind E. S. E. fresh gales . East 746. Leagues . 29. Thursd. 4. Leagues East , Latitude 14. Degr. 26. Min. Wind E. S. E. East 750. Leagues . 30. Frid. 7. Leagues East , Latitude 12. Degr. 20. Min. Wind E. S. E. to S. E. East 757. Leagues . 31. Saturd . 6. Leagues East , Latitude by judgment , 10. Degr. 20. Min. Wind at E. fair weather . We have now run 763. Leagues East from the Duke of York's Isle . Ianuary the 1. Sund. We have run 33. Leagues West , Latitude 8. Degr. 41. Min. Wind S. E. 2. Mund. 30. Leagues West , Latitude by observation , 6. Degr. 7. Min. Wind S. E. We here saw abundance of flying Fish. West 63. Leagues . 3. Tuesd. 31. Leagues West , Latitude 4. Degr. 33. Min. Wind S. E. close cloudy weather . West 94. Leagues . 4. Wedn. 30. Leagues West , Latitude by judgment , 3. Degr. 3. Min. Wind at S. S. E. fair weather . West 124. Leagues . 5. Thursd. 28. Leagues West , Latitude by observation , 2. Degr. 10. Min. Wind at S. S. E. to E. S. E. fair weather . West 152. Leagues . 6. Frid. 25. Leagues West , Latitude by observation , 0. Degr. 53. Min. South , Wind S. S. E. We saw here abundance of Fowls . West 177. Leagues . 7. Saturd . 25. Leagues West , Latitude by observation , 00. Degr. 33. Min. North , Wind at S. S. E. West 202. Leagues . 8. Sund. 20. Leagues West , Latitude 1. Degr. 33. Min. North , Wind at S. small gales . West 222. Leagues . 9. Mund. 16. Leagues West , Latitude 2. Degr. 45. Min. West 238. Leagues . 10. Tuesd. 3. Leagues West , Latitude by observation , 3. Degr. 17. Min. we lay becalmed most part of this 24. hours . West 241. Leagues . 11. Wednes . 11. Leagues West , Latitude 4. Degr. 6. Min. the Wind round the Compass . West 252 Leagues . 12. Thursd. 10. Leagues West , Latitude 5. Degr. 37. Min. Wind N. E. West 262. Leagues . 13. Frid. 28. Leagues West , Latitude 6. Degr. 37. Min. Wind N. E. West 290. Leagues . 14. Saturd . 26. Leagues West , Latitude 7. Degr. 27. Min. Wind E. N. E. and N. E. fair weather . West 316. Leagues . 15. Sund. 28. Leagues West , Latitude 9. Degr. 1. Min. Wind N. E. cloudy weather . West 344. Leagues . 16. Mund. 27. Leagues West , Latitude 10. Degr. 52. Min. Wind N. E. a great Northern Sea. West 371. Leagues . 17. Tuesd. 30. Leagues West , Latitude by observation , 12. Degr , 17. Min. Wind N. E. and N. N. E. hazy weather . West 401. Leagues . 18. Wednes . 42. Leagues West , Latitude by observation , 13. Degr. 17. Min. the Wind E. N. E. and N. E. West 443. Leagues . 19. Thursd. 52. Leagues West , Latitude 12. Degr. 55. Min. Wind E. N. E. and N. E. West 495. Leagues . 20. Frid. 42. Leagues West , Latitude 13. Degr. 4. Min. Wind E. N. E. West 537. Leagues . 21. Saturd . 44. Leagues West , Latitude 13. Degr. 7. Min. Wind N. E. West 581. Leagues . 22. Sund. 48. Leagues West , Latitude 13. Degr. 15. Min. Wind E. to N. E. West 629. Leagues . 23. Mund. 54. Leagues VVest , Latitude 13. Degr. 8. Min. Wind E. N. E. clear weather . West 683. Leagues . 24. Tuesd. 52. Leagues West , Latitude 13. Degrees 5. Minutes , Wind N. E. West 735. Leag . 25. Wedn. 54. Leag● West , Lat. 13. Degr. 26. Min. Wind at N. E. hard squals of Wind and Rain . West 789 Leag . 26. Thursd. 52. Leagues West , Latitude 13. Degr. 12. Min. Wind at E. to N. E. much Rain with squals . West 841. Leagues . 27. Frid. 56. Leagues West , Latitude 13. Degr. 30. Min. the Wind at N. E. squally weather , with Rain . West 897. Leagues . 28. Saturd . This Morning about 4. of the Clock , we made the Island of Barbados , it bore W. by S. 3. Leagues distance ; but we fell in with the North part of the Isle . This was the first Land we had seen in about three Months time , which was ▪ from our leaving the Duke of York's Island , in the South Sea ; we coming a Way that had never been known before , many Degrees South of the Magellan Streights . From Friday Noon , till the time of making Land , we have run 30. Leagues West . West . 927. Leagues . When we were about the North end of Barbados , we stood in for Spikes's Bay , and there coming a Boat off to us , who told us , they belonged to the Richmond Frigat , we invited them on Board , being desirous to know how affairs stood since our Maritime Pilgrimage ; but they refusing , and standing in to the Shoar , made us suspect , That the Frigat might make Prize of us ; so we bore up the Helm for Antego , where we arrived the 31. instant . Our Commander sent a Letter to the Governour , and a Present of Jewels to his Lady : But the Governour refusing to let us come publickly on Shoar for common refreshment , the Lady returned the Present ; so we gave the Ship to 7. Men which had played away all their Money , and every Man shifted for himself . Some came into England , others went to Iamaica , New England , &c. I And those who came to London were committed by his Majesties Order , and tryed and acquitted at a Court of Admiralty , where the Spanish Ambassadour was Prosecutor . Captain Van Horn's taking of la Vera Cruz. I Thought it might not be unacceptable to the Reader , to adjoyn this account from Iamaica of the late Action of certain Privateers under command of Captain Van Horn , a Hollander , in taking of la Vera Cruz ; being the Barrador or Port where the Spaniards land their Merchandise for conveyance up to the city of Mexico ; and where they likewise ship off their goods on board the Gallions for Spain . Upon the 7. day of April 1683. The Buccaneers had a rendezvouz at Cape Catroche , being the South Cape of the Bay of Mexico with this force following , Van Horn a Hollander , in an English Ship of 50. Guns , who was Admiral . Laurence a Hollander , in a Prize of 26. Guns , Vice-Admiral . Christian a Hollander , in Van Horn's Patach of 40. Guns . Mitchel a French-man , in a Prize of Laurences of 26. Guns . Tanchey , a Hollander , in a Prize of 16. Guns . Bloat a Hollander , in a Prize of 8. Guns . Iacob Hall , a Bermudean , in a small Vessel of 8. Guns . Spurre , an English-man , in a Sloop of Iamaica : And , A Barco Longo of Laurences . These Vessels had between nine hundred and a thousand men , most of them French and Dutch , and some few English . On the 8 ▪ day of May , they came on the Coast of la Vera Cruz , and lay by ; there the men that were to land , were put on Board Yanchy and Christian , and then stood off . On the 9. these two Ships stood in , and in the Night the Spaniards in the Castle and on Shoar , made fires to Pilot them in , supposing them to be two of their Flota ; so they came to an Anchor , and landed before one a Clock in the Morning , about two Miles from the Town , seven hundred seventy and four Men. Van Horn had the Main Body , as General , & was to attack the Placa or chief part of the Town , where they expected the Court of Guard , but found only four Men : Laurence commanded the Forlorn , and with it attempted the two Forts , the one of twelve , the other of eight Guns , both close Forts , but they found them open , and the Centinel asleep ; so with the loss of one man killed by the Spaniards , and three by a mistake of the French , by break of day they had made themselves Masters of the Forts and Town ; and had they , as Laurence advised , sent at the same time , but two Canoes and fifty Men , they had without doubt surprized the Castle , which stands upon a Rock in the Sea , three quarters of a Mile from the Town , and has in it seventy Guns mounted . But the Pyrates thinking it more safe and profitable to plunder the Town : set Guards at the Streets ends , and sent Parties to break open the Houses , where they found every body as quiet , as in their Graves , and for three days they continued breaking of Houses , plundering them , and dragging the miserable Inhabitants to the Cathedral , and though at this time they got abundance of Jewels , Plate , &c. and about three hundred and fifty Bags of Cochenelle , each containing one hundred and fifty or two hundred pound weight , as they say ; yet were they not satisfied , but put the considerable people to ransome , and threatned to burn the Cathedral and Prisoners in it , which were five thousand and seven hundred , if they did not immediately discover all they had ; so that the fourth day they got more than the other three ; and had seventy thousand pieces of Eight for the Governour Cordoua's Ransome , which Spurre found hid amongst Grass in a Stable . The Buccaneers feared the Spanish Flota , which had been two days in sight , consisting of twelve great Ships , and likewise apprehended succours might come to the Spaniards from los Angelos , a City thirty Leagues from la Vera Cruz , so they left the Town , and carryed their Prisoners and Plunder to a Cay , where the Ships rode , called los Sacrificios , from a famous Indian Temple that was there ; and at their passing by the Spanish Fleet , lying at the mouth of the Harbour , which they expected would have fought them ; the Buccaneers perceiving that they suffered them to go off with their Booty so quietly , resolved to have a Bout with them , but the Spaniards preparing to be gone away , it prevented their ingagement . Here at los Sacrificios the Pyrates stay'd eight dayes , to receive Ransomes , and to divide what they had got , which is generally said to be eight hundred pieces of eight , a share in Plate and Mony , and they made near twelve hundred shares for Men and Ships ; and Van Horn had about fourscore shares coming to him , for himself and his two Ships . But Laurence and Van Horn quarrelling about the dividend , sought , and Van Horn being wounded in the Wrist , no body thinking it to be but a slight wound , they all embarked , and Van Horn once more proposed to attack the Flota , and engaged to board the Admiral ; but Laurence utterly refusing it , away they went , carrying also with them about a thousand Negroes and Mulatos . About fifteen days after , Van Horn dyed of his Wound which had gangreened , and was thrown into the Sea off of Cape Iucatan , leaving his Son , a Youth of about ten or twelve years of Age , to the value ( as they say ) of twenty thousand Pounds Sterling on Board ; and his Lieutenant Gramont , took upon him the command of the Ship , intending for Petit Guave . Laurence and the rest of the Fleet were seen not long after , off of the Island of Iamaica , and went for Guantanamo , a Port on the South side of Cuba : since that , Spurre and three or four hundred more of them , are said to be dead ; and his excellency Sir Thomas Linch the Governour of Iamaica , was endeavouring to seize Spurre's Sloop . This Account was sent in August , 1683. from Iamaica . Nevis in the West-Indies , August 18. 1683. Captain Charles Carlisle , Commander of his Majesties Ship the Francis , having Orders from Sir William Stapleton , Governour in chief of the Leeward Islands , to go in search of several Pyrates , who have infested these parts , came on the first of this Month into the Road of S. Thomas , one of the Virgin Islands , where he found at Anchor the Ship la Trompeuse , commanded by that notorious Pyrate Hamlin , ( who had taken seventeen Ships of all Nations , of which eleven English , upon the Coast of Guinea , and most barbarously and inhumanely treated the Men belonging to the● ) but the Francis no sooner came within reach of the Pyrate , but she received a shot from him , which was followed by another from the Castle : Captain Carlisle sent on shoar to know the reason , and to demand the Pyrate as a common Enemy ; but receiving no satisfactory answer , he immediately prepared Fire-works , and that Night fitted out his Boats , and set the Pyrates Ship on fire , and then rowed betwixt her and the Shoar , to prevent any assistance that might come from thence to her relief ; all the Men that were on board her , made their escape , except four which were taken Prisoners : The Fire took good effect , and when the Pyrates Ship was burnt down to the Powder , she blew up , one piece of Timber of her , which was all on fire , lighting on another Ship likewise in the Road , ( that used to be helpful to them in Careening ) burnt her also . The next Morning the Francis setting sail from thence , they espyed a Ship on Ground , about a League from them , which they made up to , and coming to her , found her a Ship laden with Cables , Cordage , and other necessaries for Shipping , and designed for supply of the Pyrates ; wherefore they likewise set Fire to , and burnt her , and then again set sail for this Island , where they safely arrived with the four pyrate Prisoners , who upon Examination , confessed , That the day before the Trompeuse was burnt , they had landed in the Castle there , a very large Chest of Gold Dust , 150 Piggs of Silver , 200 Baggs of Coined Money , besides Plate , Jewels , Elephants-Teeth , and other valuable Goods and Commodities . This service is very acceptable to all Traders in these parts , whose Trade is very much secured by the destruction of this Pyrate . The true Relation of Admiral Henry Morgans Expedition against the Spaniards in the West-Indies , in the Year 1670. ADmiral Morgan on the fourteenth day of August 1670. put to sea , with eleven Sail of Ships , and six hundred Men , and on the second day of September following , arrived at a small Island called the Isle of Ash , which was to be the place of Rendezvouz of all his Fleet●for● that Expedition . From whence Vice-Admiral Collier upon the sixth of the same Month was dispatched with six Sail , and three hundred and fifty Men , for the Coast of the Main , to get Prisoners for Intelligence , and Victuals for the whole Fleet. The last day of September , arrived Captain Morris in a small Ship ill manned , and brought with him Emanuel de Rivera his Vessel of eight Sacres , who had lately burnt the Coa●●s of Iamaica , and had sent a Challenge to dare out the best Ship of that Island to come and fight him ; he was taken at the East end of Cuba . The seventh of October following , there happened so violent a Storm , in the Harbour , that it drove all the Fleet on Shoar , ( except the Admiral 's Vessel ) then consisting of eleven Sail : All● of which , but ▪ three , got off again and were made serviceable . In this Month arrived three French Vessels , and conditioned to sail under the Admiral : And in November our Fleet was encreased with seven Sail more of English Ships . Upon the twenty eighth of the same Month , our Vice-Admiral Collier , returned from the Main , with good quantities of Provision , and two of the Spaniards Vessels , one of which called la Gallarda , was of Rivera's Company , assisting him to burn the Coaf●s of Iamaica . Some of the Prisoners , brought in this Ship , confessed that the President of Panama , Don Iuan Perez de Gusman , had granted several Commissions against the English : And that divers Spanish Ships with these Commissions , were already out , who had made Prize of as many English , as they could master ; that they were still fitting out more ; and that the Spa●●●rds both at Land and Sea , were arming against the English. On the second day of December , Admiral Morgan commanded all the Cap●ains on board him , being thirty seven in number , and demanded their advice what place was prope . rest for them first to attack ; and their Result , which they drew up , and gave him under their hands , was to this effect ; THAT having seriously considered , what place might prove most feasible to attack and carry , and be most advantageous for the safety of the English , and in particular for the security of the Island of Iamaica , for preventing the a ▪ noyances and invasions of the Spaniards , they did all unanimously conclude , That it would stand most for the general good of the English , trading to Iamaica , and the rest of his Majesties Plantations in the West-Indies , to take Panama The President whereof having granted several Commissions against the English , to the great anoyance of Iamaica , and of our Merchant Men ; as both by the Oaths of the Spanish Prisoners , and the very original Commissions , taken with the afore mentioned Spanish Vessels , did most evidently appear . ; To which the Admiral consented , and having called another time the Captains on board him , to consult of the manner of carrying on that attempt , and where to find Prisoners to be our Guides for Panama : It was voted that from the Island of Providence , most of the people there being taken from Panama , that no place could be more fit . December the eighth , we sailed , and the fourteenth we arrived at Providence by eight in the Morning , and by two in the Afternoon , were possessed of the great Island without any resistance . The fifteenth the Admiral sent a a Summons to the Governour to deliver the Little Island , who willingly submitted , upon Condition , That he might have good Quarter , and Transportation to any part of the Main ; which was granted and duly performed : But four of his Souldiers voluntarily took up Arms with us , and became our Guides : And by them understanding , The Castle of Chagre blocked our way . The Admiral called a Council of all the Captains , where it was resolved that we should attack this Castle of Chagre . Of the taking the CASTLE OF CHAGRE . FOR this purpose were four hundred and seventy men , in three Ships , forthwith dispatched away , under the command of Captain Ioseph B●dley , with three other Captains , and four Lieutenants . On the 27. they were safely landed within four Miles of the Castle , by twelve a Clock at Night ; By two they had made their approach within Shot one of the other ; and by three a Clock had got into their Trenches , where they continued fighting till eight in the Morning : from whence they had returned without effecting their design , if in plying their Granadoes , they had not set a Guard-house on fire , that stood upon the Walls , which caused a breach ; where our Men couragiously stormed , and the enemy as bravely defended , to the last Man ; and obstinately refusing Quarter , it cost them the lives of three hundred and sixty Men. Of our side were thirty killed out right , one Captain , and one Lieutenant , and seventy six wounded , whereof the brave Bradley was one , with two Lieutenants , who dyed within ten dayes after , of their Wounds , to the great grief of the Admiral , and of all our Fleet in general . Admiral Morgan's Expedition against Panama . JAnuary the second 1670 / 1 Admiral Morgan arrived with the whole Fleet , and understanding that the Enemy lay with Forces to endeavour the re-taking of the Castle of Chagre , he gave order for the Fleet to follow , him into the Harbour ; but five of the foremost , had the ill fortune to be cast away , amongst which the Ship where in the Admiral himself was , was one , and four more , but they saved their Men. The rest of the Fleet being come in , they prepared to go up the River , where the Admiral understood our Enemies had entrenched themselves , and had six several Retreats , in Breast-Works ; whereupon he gave order , That seven sail of the lesser Ships , should be fitted to go up the River , and fill'd them with Men , and great Guns , leaving three hundred to guard the Castle and the Ships , under the command of Captain Richard Norman . Munday the ninth , Admiral Morgan began to set forward with fourteen hundred Men , in the said seven Ships , and thirty six Boats. The twelfth day he got to the first Intrenchment , which the Spaniards had basely quitted , and set all on fire , as they did all the rest without striking a stroak for it . Here he was forced to leave the Ships and Boats , ( being unable to get them conveniently up further ) with two hundred Men to guard them , under the command of Captain Robert Delander , and we betook our selves to our march through the wild Woods , where was no Road nor Path for four and twenty Miles together , but what our Pioneers cut and made for us . The fourteenth , our Admiral with our Army , arrived within two Miles of Venta Cruz , the place where we should have landed , if we had been able to have got our Vessels up so high : And here we came to a narrow and dangerous Pass , which the Enemy thought to have secured , and put a stop to our further progress in that design ; but indeed they were presently routed by our Forlorn , commanded by Captain Thomas Rogers , the rest of our Men never being put to the trouble of firing one Shot , and without sustaining any loss , saving three Men slightly wounded , but the Enemies loss we could never learn. Ianuary the fifteenth , we arrived at Venta Cruz upon the River of Chagre , which is a very handsome Village , and the place where they land and embark all the Goods which come and go to Panama : And where we thought we might meet with some Provisions , having marched three days with but a very slender Dyet , but found this ( as the rest of the places we had passed ) all on fire , and the Inhabitants and Souldiers all fled . The sixteenth we marched on forwards , the Enemy galling us from their Ambuscades , and by small Parties , and we still beating them for a League together ; although they had all the advantage of us that could be , by reason of the Ways being so narrow that we could seldom march above four a Breast , and was for the most part so deep and hollow , that the Enemy could keep over our heads to annoy us . About Noon we got safely to the Savanas or open Fields , with the loss but of three Men Killed outright , and six or seven wounded : and of the Enemy , twenty killed , and one Captain , besides many wounded . About three Miles further , we took up our Quarters , to refresh our Men , and thank God for the successful service of that day . The seventeenth we continued our march without any opposition , and about nine a Clock in the Morning saw that desired and long wished for sight , the South Sea and not far distant from us 〈◊〉 parcel of Cattle and Horses feeding . Whereupon our Admiral commanded a general halt to be made ; and gave our Men leave to kill Horses and Beeves enough to feast us all . At about four a Clock in the Afternoon , our Men having refreshed themselves very well , we marched on again ; and at five came within sight of the Enemy , where he was drawn up in Battalia , with two thousand and one hundred Foot , and six hundred Horse ; but finding the day far spent , the Admiral thought it not fit to engage , but took up quarters within a mile of them , where we lay very quiet ; not being so much as once allarmed . The next Morning being the eighteenth , our Admiral gave out very early his Orders , To draw out his Men in Battalia ; which was accordingly performed , and they were drawn up in form of a Tertia . The Vanguard , which was led by Lieutenant Colonel Prince , and Major Iohn Morris , was in number three hundred Men. The main Body , containing six hundred Men , the right Wing thereof was led by the Admiral , and the Left by Colonel Edward Collyer . The Rere-Guard consisting of three hundred Men , was commanded by Colonel Bledry Morgan . Our Admiral , after having viewed his Men , and encouraged them , commanded the Officers all to repair to their respective charges . Mean while the Enemy being drawn up in an advantagious place , still kept their station , nor would at all move , though often provoked by us , fearing to lose the security of their Ground . Which our Admiral perceiving , presently gave order , That our Officers should wheel our Body to the left , and endeavour to gain a Hill which was hard by , and which if once gained , we should then force the Enemy to engage , to their great disadvantage ; because he could not be able to bring out of his great Body , any more Men to fight at a time , than we should out of our small ; and that we should likewise have the advantage , both of the Wind and Sun. Our Officers streight put this command in execution , and in a small time we gained the Hill , together with a little dry Passage , of convenience for us . So the Enemy was constrained to fight us upon their hasty march , not having room enough to wheel their whole Body , by reason of a great Bogg , which was just at their Rear , and before which they had purposely drawn up , to entrap us : But we having thus Changed our Ground , that proved in the upshot to be of prejudice to themselves . We being thus advanced , Don Francisco de Haro , who commanded their Cavalry , with his Horse gave the first Charge to our Vanguard , which he did very furiously , coming upon the full speed ; and we having no Pikes among us , our Admiral gave order , That we should double our Ranks to the Right , and close the Files to the Right and Left inward , to the close Order : But their fiery Commander could not stop his career till he dropt , losing his life in the FrontRank of our Vanguard . Upon this their Horse wheeled off to the Right , and their Foot advanced to try their Fortunes , but they proved as unsuccessful as their fellows ; for we being ready , with our main Body to receive them , with our first Volley gave them such a warm welcome , and pursued our work in hand , with that vigour and briskness , that our friends the Spaniards thought it safest to retreat , and by and by were so closely plyed by our Left Wing also , who at first could not come to engage , ( because of their hindrance by the Hills ) which our Enemies not able to endure , mended , though unwillingly , their pace , and at last all in general betook themselves to plain running . Just before which , they practised such a stratagem , as hath seldom been heard . For while the Foot had engaged us in the Front and the Flanks , they had contrived to force in , two great Droves of Oxen , of above a thousand in each , into the Right and Left Angles of our Rear , with intention to break and disorder us : Which design might probably have taken effect , had not our prudent Admiral , with great presence of mind , spoiled their project , giving order to a small Party to fire at the Drivers , and not at the Cattle , which put the rest into so great a fear , that the Oxen were soon forced back with ●afe . So that this stratagem being thus defeated , they were in so great consternation , that happy was he that could get first into the City : There they had two hundred fresh men , and two Forts ; in the one were fix Brass Guns mounted , and in the other eight . They had all their Streets barricadoed , and in many of them had also planted great Guns ; the number of which amounted in all to thirty two Brass Guns : But instead of fighting after all this preparation , the President caused the City to be fired , and his chiefest Fort to be blown up , which was done with such hast , that he blew up forty of his Souldiers in it . We followed them into the Town , where in the Placa Mayor , or chief Market place , they made a short resistence , fring some of their great Guns at us , with which they killed us four Men , and wounded five . At three a Clock in the Afternoon , we had quiet possession of the City , although in Flames , with no more loss on our side in this days work , than five Men killed , and ten wounded ; but of the Enemy about four hundred . And now were we forced to put all Hands to work for the quenching the Fire of our Enemies Houses , which they themselves had kindled to disappoint us of the Plunder ; but all our labour was in vain , for by twelve a clock at Night , all the whole City was burnt , except a part of the Suburbs , which with our great industry , we made a shift to save , being two Churches , and about three hundred Houses . Thus was that ancient and famous City of Panama consumed and laid in Ashes ; being the greatest Mart for Silver and Gold in the whole World : for it receives all the Goods and Merchandise coming from Old Spain , in the Kings great Fleet , which is first landed at Puerto Belo and Venta Cruz , and thence brought on Mules , and by other land-Carriage , hither ; and likewise delivers to the Gallions of the Flota or Plate Fleet , all the Silver and Gold which comes from the Mines of Potozi , and all Peru. Here at this City we stayed eight and twenty days , making continual incursions upon the Enemy by Land , for twenty Leagues round about , without having so much as one Gun shot at us in anger , although we took in this time near three thousand Prisoners of all sorts : And kept Barks likewise cruising in the South Sea , and fetching off Prisoner from Toboga and other Islands near that Coast , to which the Spaniards had fled with their Families . February the fourteenth , we quitted Panama , and began our march towards our Ship with all our Prisoners , and the next day came to Venta Cruz , at about two in the Afternoon , which is about fifteen English miles . Here we stayed refreshing our selves till the four and twentieth , giving the Spaniards , opportunity to ransom their Prisoners . The twenty sixth we got to Chagre ; which we found in good order since our leaving it . And here we divided the Plunder amongst the Souldiers and Seamen , which amounted to about thirty thousand Pound Sterling . March the sixth , we fired the Castle of Chagre , having first spiked the Guns ; and then embarked for our Voyage towards Iamaica ; where in a short time , we safely arrived . The reason why we got no more wealth in that expedition , was , because they had two Months notice of us , before our coming , and conveyed most of their Treasure away on board their Ships , to be transported to Lima in Peru ; one of which Ships was laden with Gold , Silver , and precious Stones ; which Ship contained seven hundred Tun : And there was likewise another of three hundred Tun , laden also with Riches , both which made their escape from us . This , together with their firing the City of Panama , made us return so empty home . Don Juan Perez de Guzman President of Panama , his Relation of the late Action of the English there in the West●Indies . Being a Letter intercepted by them , as it was going into Spain , and brought to Admiral Morgan . Rendred into English , out of the Spanish . HAving had advice from the Governour of Carthagena , which he sent me by way of Darien , that the English of Iamaica , assisted by the French , intended with an Army of three thousand Men , to Invade Carthagena and Panama , I presently orderded two hundred Men to march to Puerto Velo , and to Chagre one hundred and fifty . And to the Castillan Don Francisco Saludo I sent order that with five hundred Men he should guard the passage of the River , and fortifie it . About five months before this I had consulted Don Iuan de Aras , Capellan of the Audiencia , and other Intelligent persons . And they perswaded me that the forts on the River as well as the Castle , were all impregnable ; And in reiterated Letters which I had from Don Pedro de Lisardo , he assured me the same of Chagre , and that I needed not to take care for them , for that although six thousand Men should come against them , he should with the Fortifications , and Men he had , be able to secure himself and destroy them : The like those who were at the passages of the River confidently assured me . And now the Enemy being come those of the Castle of Chagre fought whole day , and defended themselves with great Valour and Resolution , Killing above two hundred Men , and repulsing above six Assaults , until the English taking advantage of the night , and by the help of their Fire-balls set on Fire the Fortifications , because the outsides were of Wood. They likewise burnt the Castellans or Governours House , being thatched with Palm , and consumed all the good Arms within . There was Killed above half the People , the Lieutenant also and the Castellan , who all had behaved themselves with great Valour , and had it not been for the Fire , the Enemy had never gained it . At the unhappy News of the loss of this considerable Castle , those on the River were extreamly astonished , and fearing the English would come up to them with two thousand Men , Luis de Castillo Captain of the Mulatto's , whom the Castellan Saludo , had ordered to his Post , a place called Barro Colorado , having called a Council of War of those Officers under his Command , without having any Order of mine or power to do it , retired to Barbacoa , forsaking his Post , without fo much as ever seeing the Face of the Enemy : The Castellan Saludo did the same , quitting the Fortifications of Barbacoa , and retired with his Men to Cruzes . Before this , at the first notice I had of the loss of the Castle of chagre . Two mestises called the Sollices and a Negro of Vregoa , offered with a hundred Men to regain the Castle , or so to disorder the Enemy in case they should attempt to come up the River , as to hinder them : And for fear they should gain the Castle of Santos , I sent Gil de la Torre who had been Lieutenant there , to Govern and Defend it . But neither of these complied with their undertaking ; for having sent two hundred and fifty chosen Men , instead of the one hundred they had desired ; with the Sollices , who meeting the Enemy on the River , neither durst they stay to fight him , as they might have done , nor did they pass on to regain the Castle of Chagre : But rather went round by the Mountain , and came out at Capira , after which they all dispersed without doing any good at all . In this conjuncture having had the misfortune to have been lately Blooded three times for an Erysipelas , I had in my right Leg , I was forced to rise out of my Bed , and march to Guiabal with the rest of the People , which I had raised in Panama ; where I slaid until I understood the exact course of the Enemies march , because I would be sure not to miss them , for they might have gone by Barbacoa , port Gilloa and Puerto de loes Naos . With me I took eight hundred Men , and three hundred Negroes , that were Vassalls , and Slaves of the Assentistaes . And from the aforesaid place , I sent to Cruzes three hundred Men , amongst whom went one hundred Indians of Darien , with their Commanders ; Of these I had greater Credit and Opinion than of any others , yet had not these the courage to perform any thing . Having been a day in Guiabal , and my Men pretty well refreshed , I received a Letter from a Negro Captain , called Prado , in which he assured me that the Enemy marched against us two thousand strong ; which News so much discouraged my Men , that they ceased not to importune and press me to return to the Town , protesting they would defend themselves in it to the last . But it being impossible then to fortifie it , it having many entrances , and the Houses all built of Wood ; so soon as the Enemy should once make a breach , we should quickly be exposed to their fury , and forced miserably to shift for our selves ; for which reasons I consented not to them . Next morning at break of day , I found my self with not above one third part of my Men , the rest having deserted me . So that I was constrained to return back to the City , to perswade them to Fight there at Panama , there being no other remedy . I arrived on Saturday night at Panama , and Sunday morning went to the great Church , where having received the Holy Communion before our Blessed Lady of Immaculate Conception , with great Devotion . I went to the principal guard , and to all that were present , I expressed my self to this effect . That all those , who were True Catholicks , Defenders of the Faith , and Devoto's of our Lady of Pure and Immaculate Conception , should follow my Person , being that same day at four a Clock in the afternoon , resolved to march out to seek the Enemy , and with this caution , that he that should refuse to do it , should be held for Infamous and a Coward , besely slighting so precise an obligation . All proffered me their assistance , except those that had slunk from me at Guiabal ; And when I had drawn them up in order , I carried the chief of them to the great Church , where in the presence of our Lady of Pure and Immaculate Conception , I made an Oath to die in her Defence ; And I gave her a Diamond Ring of the Value of forty thousand pieces of Eight , in token of Compliance with my word , and heartily invoked her aid . And all present made the same Oath , with much fervour . The Images of the Pure and Immaculate Conception ever since the day of the Fight at Chagre Castle , had been carried out in general Procession , attended by all the Religious , and Fraternity of the Cathedral of St. Francis , that of the Nuns of our Lady of the Rosario , those of San Domingo , and those of the Mercedes , together with all the Saints and Patrons of the Religious . And always the most Holy Sacrament in all Churches was uncovered and exposed to publick view . Masses were continually said for my happy success . I parted with all my Jewels and Relicks collected in my Pilgrimage , presenting them to the asforesaid images , Saints and Patrons . After this I marched with my Army about a League from Panama having with me three Field pieces covered with leather and charged . And from that place I ordered another Party with two other Guns , of the Men which came from the River , being above three hundred , to advance towards the Enemy , which neither did any good . This Body of Men which I had thus brought with me , was compounded of two sorts , Valiant Military Men , and faint hearted Cowards , many of them having all their Estates , or pay due to them , left in the Castle of Chagre , and Puerto Velo , and a great part of my Men were Negroes , Nulattos and Indians , to the number of about twelve hundred , besides two hundred Negroes more belonging to the Astiento . Our Fire Arms were few and bad , in comparison of those the Enemy brought : For ours were Carbins , Harquebusles and Fowling pieces , but few Muskets for they had likewise been left in Puerto Velo and Chagre . Now having formed the Army , into two double Squadrons , and the Cavalry which were two hundred , mounted on the same tired Horses which had brought them thither , and with two great Herds of Oxen and Bulls , drove thither by fifty Cow-keepers on purpose to disorder the Enemy . The Army all appeared brisk and courageous , desireing nothing more than to engage ; nor wanted there any thing of Regalo to infuse Spirit into them . So that it seemed to me , by what I saw , and what they told me , that they would be able to charge the Enemy like Lightning . On Wednesday morning , the Enemy appeared , seeming to direct their march towards our Rear in three Squadrons , wherein they had two thousand three hundred Men , as I understood for certain afterwards , but by and by they taking a compass , advanced to the Front of our Army . I had put for Leader of our left Wing Dom Alonso Alcaudete , and for Leader of the right Wing the Governour of Beragues , Don Iuan Portando Bargueno , and in the centre the Serjeant Major ; To these I gave strict Command that none should move without my order , and that coming within shot , the three first Ranks should Fire on their Knees , and after this charge , they should give place to the Rear to come up and Fire , and that although they should chance to see any fall Dead , or Wounded , they should not quit their stations , but to the last extremity observe these their Orders . I was at this time in the right Wing of the Vanguard , watching the Enemies motion , which was hasty , by the Foot of a Hill , in a narrow place , about three Musket shot from the left Wing of our Army . When on a sudden I heard a loud clamour , crying out , Fall on , fall on ; For they Fly. At which Don Alonso de Alcaudete , was not able to keep them in their Ranks nor stop them from running away , though he cut them with his Sword , but they all fell into disorder ; And I well knowing the Fatality of this gave command that they should drive in the Herds of Cattle , and charge with the Horse , So putting my self in the Head of the Squadron of the right Wing , saying , come along Boys , there is no other remedy now , but to Conquer , or Die ; Follow me . I went directly to the Enemy , and hardly did our Men se● some fall Dead , and others Wounded , but they turned their backs , and fled ; leaving me there with only one Negro , and one Servant that followed me . Yet I went forward to comply with my word to the Virgin , which was to Die in her Defence , receiving a shot in a staff which I carried in my Hand upright close to my cheek . At which moment came up to me a Priest of the great Church , called Iuan de Dios ( who was wont to say Mass in my House ) beseeching me to retire and save my self whom I twice sharply reprehended . But the third time , he persisting , telling me that it was meer desperation to Die on that manner , and not like a Christian. With that I retired , it being a miracle of the Virgin to bring me off safe from amidst so many thousand Bullets . After this I endeavoured with all my industry to perswade the Souldiers to turn and face our Enemies , but it was impossible ; so that nothing hindering them , they entred the City , to which the Slaves and Owners of the Houses had put Fire , and being all of Boards and Timber , 't was most of it quickly burnt , except the Audiencia , the Governours House , the Convent of the Mercedes , San Ioseph , the Suburbs of Malambo , and Pierde Vidas , at which they say , the Enemy fretted very much for being disappointed of their Plunder . And because they had brought with them an English Man , whom they called The Prince , with intent there to Crown him King of the Terra Firma . The English having thus got possession of the Relicks of our Town , found a Bark in the Fasca , although I had given order there should be none , yet had they not complied with my command , and when they would have set it on Fire , the Enemy came fast and put it out , and with it did us much damage , for they took three more with it , and made great havock of all they found in the Islands of Tabaga , Otoque , and las Islas del Rey , taking and bringing from thence many Prisoners . After this misfortune , I gave order to all the People I met , that they should stay for me at Nata for there I intended to form the Body of an Army , once more to encounter the English. But when I came to that City , I found not one Soul therein , for all were fled to the Mountains . The same happened to me at the Town from whence I dispatched a Vessel to Peru , with the sad News of our misfortune , as I had done by Land to Guatimala , Mexico , and by Puerto Velo to Sparue . And although I afterwards attempted several times to form an Army , yet I could not do any good of it , because no Man would be perswaded to follow me . So that I remained utterly destitute of any Guard , till such time as the English marched back to the Castle of Chagre to make his Voyage for Iamaica . There embarked themselves for Peru , without seeing the face of an Enemy , the Castellan Saludo , ( whom I did not believe to be such a one ) Don Iuan de Aras , Francisco Gonzales Ca●asco being a young lively Captain , and many Others . This Sir , has been a Chastisement from Heaven , and the same might have happened to that great Captain Gensalo Fernando de Cordova , as did to me , if his Men had deserted him , for one Man alone can do little . In the middle of all this Torrent of Affliction , it was no small good fortune , to have the Fort of San Geromino in Puerto Velo finished ; And to have the Fortifications of those two Castles made there anew . Because their first intent was to have attaqued the said Castles , which are , as report goes , well furnished with Men and Ammunition . If all were lost , I hope God would give me patience to suffer so great a Punishment . But so it is , that all the Presidents together that this Kingdom has ever had ; have not done the third part of what I have done , in order to the prevention of these mischiefs : But I know my self so unfortunate as not to have People sent me out of Spain that are paid ; And so long as that shall happen not to be so in this Kingdom , and that Chagre and Panama shall not be fortified , they will be in perpetual danger of loseing the Indies . This is what has passed , omitting infinite particulars , not to enlarge too much , and which is all I have to say to you , whose Life God preserve many years . Panama , &c. The Relation of Colonel Beeston , his Voyage to Carthagena , for adjusting the Peace made in Spain , for the West-Indies , &c. COlonel William Beeston having received Orders and Instructions from the Honourable Sir Thomas Linch Knight his Majesties Lieutenant Governour of the Island of Iamaica , to embark on the Assistance Frigate , for his Negotiation to Carthagena , there to Congratulate and Adjust with that Governour the Peace that had been made in Madrid for the West-Indies , by his Excellency Sir William Godolphin Knight his Majesty of Great Brittains Ambassador in the Court of Spain : And the Conde de Penneranda ; And having also Power to demand all such Prisoners not only English but any other Nation , which had been taken under the Colours of his Majesty in order to his Service . On Sunday , Iuly the sixteenth 1671. We went aboard , and immediately put to Sea ; The Colonel having a handsome Train of Servants , and half a dozen Gentlemen , who went out of respect to wait on him , and a curiosity to see the Spaniards Country . We had also attending on us another Frigate called the Welcome , commanded by Captain Wilgresse . Wednesday the nineteenth , Captain Hubert having been sick some few days before , died at about four a Clock in the afternoon , in the latitude of fifteen degrees : And on the twentieth at ten in the morning , and in latitude fourteen degrees was decently , and with the usual Ceremonies of such persons dying there , buryed in the Sea. Sunday the twenty third in the morning , we fell in with the Land of Carthagena and stood towards the City , which we came in view of at one a Clock ; And being within about a league and a half of it , the Colonel sent off the Pinnace , with a White Flag , and in her Mr. William Stone , and Mr. David Gomez , with these Orders : That after due respects paid to the Governour , they should tell him that the Ships that appeared before the City , were two of his Majesty of Great Britains Frigats , which were sent thither by the Honourable Sir Thomas Linch his Majesties Lieutenant Governour of Iamaica . And that they were sent from a Gentleman on board to him , to let him know who he was , and further to acquaint him , that he came by order of the said Governour to Congratulate , and adjust with him , the Peace made in Madrid for the West-Indies . That the said Gentleman desired to know , whether they might have Liberty to come on shoar , and return on board again with safety , as their business might require : The which if he would promise they would come ashoar , and impart what they had in Commission to him . The Colonel moreover ordered them to acquaint the Governour , that it was not the Custom of his Majesties Ships of War , to salute any place where-ever they should come with their Ordinance , unless they were assured of a due return , which if he would please to promise by those Gentlemen at their coming back on board ; We would salute the City . About five in the evening our Pinnace came off with their White Flag surled , and Mr. Stone at his coming aboard , brought this account : That the Governour entreated him to tell the Colonel , that he was very welcome ; that he should have all the Liberty he could desire , both in coming ashoar and returning aboard ; that the City was ready to receive us with all respect , and where we should be with all manner of Freedom ; and that the Colonel might as●ure himself , he should be treated , as a Person bearing that Character ought to be : And if we should think good to 〈◊〉 the City , they would retarn the 〈◊〉 with an equal number of Gvns. Which Civil answer having received , we ●ired from the Assistance twenty one and from the Welcome fifteen Guns , which they answered from their Walls with forty . Munday the twenty fourth , we went ashoar , with both the Ships Pinnaces and for the more solemnity ; had salutes from both the Frigates at our putting off . At our landing , which was at a small distance from the Town-wall , we were met by ten Coaches , a Company of Foot , the Serjeant Major of the Town , and the Captain Bocca Chica the Castellan , or Commander of the Castle , with several other Gentlemen of Quality and saluted with those Ordinance , which lay on that part of the Wall next us , and thence conducted to the House of the Governour Don Pedro de Ribadaneira , in our way to which , the streets were extreamly thronged with People , who wondred much at our Garb , being used to see none but those of their own Nation . When we came to the Governours , who received us at the stair head , en●tring into a large Room , we found him waited on by about fifty of the Best Gentlemen of the City , who as himself was , were richly habited , and adorned with Gold and Jewels , and many of them of the Orders of Saint Iago , Calatrava , and Alcautara . After the Ceremony of our reception was over , all then fate down ; The Governour with great compliment placing the Colonel , and Captain Reide his Companion , in the two first Chairs on the right hand , no Apologies on their parts serving to excuse it . After this the Colonel delivered his Letters and other Papers relating to the Affair he came about , which were given to the Secretary , to cause them to be transalted , and then they passed the time in publick Discourse , At noon we were treated with an extraordinary Dinner , served all in Plate , and entertained with Musick , much Chearfulness shown , and great expessions of their Satisfaction , by Drinking his Majesties Health , the Queens , his Royal Highness the Duke of Torks and others . Betwixt this , the Papers were translating ; we spent most of the time in treating such Gentlemen of Quality , as the Governour permitted to come on board , and see the Frigates ; who gave him an account of the Strength and Beauty of them , with which , and their entertainment , they were infinitely pleased . On Wednesday morning the Governour called his Council together , and having placed Colonel Beeston on his right , Hand , and Captain Reide on his left . The Papers were all read , and the business of the Peace was Discoursed , not without much resentment , for the taking of Panama , which was with great eagerness and dissatisfaction urged , as done after certain notice of the conclusion of the Peace , which they alledged was published in Carthagena the second of March. All which the Colonel excused , as much as he could , acquainting them with our Ignorance of it in Iamaica , till the 〈◊〉 of Sir Thomas Linch our Present Governour . Then the Colonel demanded of them , our English Prisoners taken by them , which were immediately delivered to us , to the number of three and thirty ; And to pacifie in some measure their complaints , it was at length concluded on by us , That all Spanish Negroes , of the Provinces of Carthagena and Panama , which had been taken and could be found in Iamaica , and that could prove they were free in their own Country , should be set at liberty : And that all Negroes of the said Provinces , which were Slaves should be redeemed by their Masters , if they would come for them , at eighteen or twenty pounds per head . After we had quite finished our business , The City invited us to Dinner , where we were nobly treated , as well with Feasting , as with their great Guns , and all other expressions of their Joy for the Peace . Though in the main , they seemed suspicious , as doubting whether or no we intended to keep it strictly ; And to strengthen it , soon after Dinner , there came an Express to the Governour , from the wind-ward , giving him an account , that there were two Privateers come to an 〈◊〉 , near 〈◊〉 de Canu , which is about five leagues from the City . At which they seemed infinitely dissatisfied , and confidently affirmed they must needs be English , and told us with all that there was but small likelihood the Peace should be long continued , when our Privateers came before the Town , whilst we were there treating with them , and owning the Peace . To appease which , the Colonel , assured them , Sir Thoms Linch had called in all the Commissions , and that he was confident we had not on Privateer abroad . So that if there were any such Vessells out , they were French of Tortuga ; But for their better satisfaction , if the Governour desire it , he would send one of the Frigats to see what they were . Which offer he gladly accepted . And that he might see we intended nothing more than the Preservation of the Peace , the Colonel sent Captain Wilgresse to Sea , who returned again in twenty four hours , having been beyond the place , where they were reported to have been , but saw none , at which they were again satisfied . The remainder of the time we staid here , which was whilst the Governours Papers were dispatching , we spent in viewing the Town , and treating several Gentlemen of theirs a board , who were curious to see the Frigats and their strength . The City of Carthagena lies on a Bay by the Sea side , built on a Sand , but to Landward it is very boggy . It is in length about three quarters of a mile , and not full half a mile in bredath . ` T is walled all round with a thick stone wall of about four and twenty foot high , with Bastions built with Orillons , in some parts , in others they are plain : But has neither Graffs nor Ramparts . The Guns which are in number one hundred twenty six , are most Brass and Copper , and lie upon the Parapets , and looking over the tops of the walls , without either Battlements , or common Basekets , to blind them . In the wall are three Gates ; one to the South called San Domingo ; one to the North East , called Santa Catalina , and one to the East , which goes to the Harbour , and into the Country . This City nevertheless is not strong , for there is neither Castle , nor any considerable place of strength in it ; and moreover to the North North West , which is the Bay , those winds have made in the wall three great Breaches , which may be entred with ease . The People likewise are not many besides Church Men , and for the most part are Creolians who are half Spaniard and half Indian ; There are also many Molatto's and Negroes amongst them . Their Souldiers are Armed ( for Fire Arms ) only with match Locks , in the use of which they are likewise very unexpert . The City in general is well built with Stone , and covered with Tile ; the streets are narrow , and the Houses for the most part contiguous , and most of them four or five stories high , with Balconies of Wood and great Wooden Lattices as they have in Spain . Here are many Beautiful Churches , and other Publick Structures . One of their greatest wants is fresh water , having none but what falls from the Clouds , for the reception whereof , they have large Cisterns in most Houses and likewise under the Bastions in the walls , where they keep and husband it till God send a fresh supply . The Town appears very Beautiful at a distance , for there are many Cocao Nut Trees which resemble Palms , growing promiscuously in several parts thereof , and overtopping the Houses ; which is a delightful Ornament to it . On the East side of it , about a mile distant , upon an Eminence stands a Castle called Santa Madalena , provided with many Guns of Brass , Copper and Iron , which they look upon , as of great strength , and able to do much in their defence , and for preservation of their City . Whilst we staid here some of our Company were desirous to treat with one Herman an Eminent Factor here for the Grillo's Genoese Merchants in Spain , in hopes to have sold him some Negroes from Iamaca , but he was so ill beloved by the People , and they were so suspicious of us , left we should sell the Negroes which waited on us , that we could not have any discourse with him . On Friday the twenty eighth . We received our Letters and Dispatches , and in the afternoon took our leaves of the Governour and City , and went on board , staying all Saturday to fit our Ships . Sunday morning we Sailed , saluting the City at our going off ; which they with the same number of Guns answered . Tuesday , August the first , we met with the Santa Cruz. Captain Francisco Garibaldo Commander , a Ship of thirty two Guns . Sixteen Petreros , and a hundred and six Men , she belonged to the Grillo's and had on board a hundred and twenty thousand pieces of Eight , with which she was going from Carthagena , to Corizo , to buy Negroes . Out of her we took Five Prisoners , which made our number thirty eight . After which we passed on ; And without any thing worthy of remark in our Voyage , standing over for Iamaica ; On Munday August the seventh in the morning , we arrived , and came to an Anchor in Port Royal Harbour . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A26296-e1590 An. Dom. 1680. April . An. Dom 1680. May An. Dom. 1680. Iune An. Dom. 1680. Iuly An. Dom. 1680. August . An. Dom. 1680. Septem . An. Dom. 1680. Octob. An. Dom. 1680. Novem. An. Dom. 1680. Decem. An. Dom. 1680. Septem . An. Dom. 1680. Decem. An. Dom. 1680. Ianuar. An. Dom. 1680. Februa . 1680 / 1. March. 1681. April . May. 1681. May. Iune . 1681. Iune . 1681. Iuly . August . 1681. August . Septem . 1681. Septem . October . 1681. October Novem. 1681. Novem. Decem. 1681. Decem. 1681 / 2. Ianuary 1681 / 2. Ianuary Notes for div A26296-e21210 1683. Notes for div A26296-e22380 1670. 1670 Decem. 1670. Ianuary 1670. Febr. Notes for div A26296-e23690 An. Dom. 1670. Ianuar. Notes for div A26296-e24990 An. Dom. 1671. Iuly . 
A82459	----	An Act for the redemption of captives Public General Acts. 1650-03-26 England and Wales. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82459 of text R232004 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E1119C). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 158 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 81 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82459 Wing E1119C ESTC R232004 99897647 99897647 133329 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82459) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 133329) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2514:22) An Act for the redemption of captives Public General Acts. 1650-03-26 England and Wales. 6, [2], 64, 49-152 p. s.n., [S.l. : 1650] Imprint from Wing CD-ROM, 1996. Caption title. With an order to print dated: Die Martis, 26 Martii, 1650. "The rates of merchandize" has separate pagination. Text is continuous despite pagination. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. eng Pirates -- Turkey -- Early works to 1800. Ransom -- Turkey -- Early works to 1800. Hostages -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. A82459 R232004 (Wing E1119C). civilwar no An Act for the redemption of captives. England and Wales 1650 31808 84 0 0 0 0 0 26 C The rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ACT FOR THE Redemption of Captives ▪ WHeras the parliament formerly taking into consideration the Redemption of Captives , taken by Turkish , Moorish , and other Pirates , did for the accomplishment of that worke , by severall Ordinances impose a duty on Goods and Merchandizes Exported and Imported into , and out of this Realm , which some time since hath been expired : But the Parliment finding that the Moneys already collected on those Ordinances , will not be sufficient to perfect that good work , Doe therefore Cnact , and be it Enacted by Authority of this present Parliament , That one fourth part of one per cent . which is One shilling in every Twenty shillings paid for Custome and Subsidy , according to the now Book of Rates established by the Authority of this present Parliament , shall from and after the first day of April , one thousand six hundred and fifty , be raised ; levyed and paid over and above thesaid Custome and Subsidy , of and from all and every such Goods , Warres , and other Merchandizes , to be Imported into , or Exported out of this Commonwealth of England ; the said summe of one quarter of one per cent . to be raised and paid for the space of two years next after the said First of April , One thousand six hundred and fifty , and received and taken by the Commissioners of the Customs for the time being , their Deputy or Deputies , and by them to be laid out , paid and imployed , in such manner as by the Committee of the Navy shal be ordered & directed , whose Order from time to time shall be their sufficient discharge . And be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid ▪ That if any Goods , Wares or Merchandizes , whereof the sum of one Fourth part of one per cent . is or shall be due and payable by vertue of this Act ▪ shall at any time hereafter be shipped , or put into any Boat or other Vessel , to the intent to be carried into the parts beyond the Seas , or else be brought from the parts beyond the Seas into any part of this Common-wealth aforesaid , and unshipped to be laid on Land , the sum of one quarter of one per cent . due on the same not paid ; all the same Goods , Wares and other Merchandize whatsoever shall be forfeited and lost , the one moyety of the value thereof to be to him or them that will seize or sue for the same , and the other moyety to be imployed for the Redemption of Captives as aforesaid . Provided , That the said duty be not demanded or levyed of the Merchant-Strangers , trading upon the Composition Trade at Dover . Provided also , and it is the true intent and meaning of this Act , That no Merchant-Stranger whatsoever , as to this duty , doe pay any more then the Merchant-Denizen doth ; and likewise that as touching the duty hereby imposed , there be no deduction or defalkation of fifteen per cent . Any thing in this Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . Die Martis , 26 Martii , 1650. ORdered by the Parliament , That this Act be forthwith Printed and Published . Hen : Scobell , Cler. Parl. FINIS . The RATES . OF MERCHANDIZE . RATES Inwards . A ADzes for Coopers the dozen ▪ — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Aggets small as a Beane , the hundred dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Aggets large the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Alphabets the set , containing twentie foure — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Allum the hundred weight , containing an hundred and twelve pound . — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Alpisti , or Canary-seed the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.03 . S. 15 . D. 00 Anber the pound — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 04 the mast , cont. two pound and an halfe — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 04 Beades the pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 ●●●es the little barrell — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 06 Andirons or Creepers of Lattin the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 of Iron the paire — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Andlets , or Mailes the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Anvils the hundred weight , containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Aneile of Barbary the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Annotto the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Apples the bushell — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 the barrell containing three bushels — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 vocat . Pippins , or Rinnets the Barrell containing three bushels — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Aqua-vitae the Barrell — L.05 . S. 06 . D. 08 the Hogshead — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 Argall white and red , or powder the hundred weight , cont. an hundred and twelve poun — L.01 . S. 03 . D. 04 Armour . old the hundred weight containing 112. pound . — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Arrowes for Trunks the groce , containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Ashes voc. Pot-ashes the Barrell contoining two hundred pound — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Wood or Soap Ashes , the last containing twelve barrels L.12 . 〈…〉 Aule-blades the thousand — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Aulgers for Carpenters the groce — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Axes or Hatchets the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 BAbies , or Puppets for children , the groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Babies heads of earth the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Bacon of Ireland the Flitch — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 of Westphalia and Hamborough , or the like , the hundred weight , containing 112. pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Balkes great the hundred containing 120. — L.12 . S. 00 . D. 00 middle the hundred contain . 120. — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 small the hundred , containing 120. — L.02 ▪ S. 00 . D. 00 Baggs with locks the dozen — L.02 . S. 08 D. 00 with steel rings without locks the dozen — L.01 . S. 12 . D. 00 Ballances vocat . Gold Ballances the groce , cont. twelve dozen paire — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ounce Ballances the groce , cont. twelve dozen paire — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 the sort cont. foure dozen — L.02 . S. 13 . D. 04 Balls voc. Tennis balles the thousand — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Washing balles the groce , containing twelve dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bandelieres the hundred , cont. five score — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Band-strings the dozen knots — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Bands vocat . Flanders bands of bone-lace the band — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bands of cutworke , of Flanders , or any other Countrey . — L.20 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bankers of Verdure the dozen pieces . — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Barbars aprons , or checks , the piece , not above ten yards — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Barlings the hundred , containing an hundred and twenty — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Barley the quarter cont. eight bushels . — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Barillia , or Saphora , to make glasse , the barrell , containing two hundred weight — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Basket-rods the bundel — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Baskets voc. handbaskets , or sports the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Basons of Lattin the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Bast or Straw-Hats knotted the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 or Straw-Hats plaine the dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Bastropes the Rope — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 the bundle containing ten ropes — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound . — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Batterie , Bashrons , or Kettels , the hundred weight , containing 112. pound — L.09 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bayes of Florence per yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Beades of Amber the pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Bone the great groce cont. 12. small groce — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Box the great groce — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Corall the pound — L.01 , S. 00 . D. 00 of Christall the thousand — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Glasse and Wood all sorts the great groce — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Jasper square the hundred stones — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Beaupurs the piece , containing 24. or twenty five yards — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 Beefe of Ireland or Scotland the barrell — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 or Porke of Ireland or Scotland per ton — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bells vocat . Hawkes bells , French making the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Hawkes bels Norembrough making the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Horse bells the small groce containing 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Dog bels the small groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Morrice bels the small groce , containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Clapper bels the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Bell-mettall the hundred weight , co●t . ●12 . pound — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 ●owes the paire — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Bits for Bridles the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Blacking or Lamp-blacke the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Blankets vocat . Paris mantles coloured the mantle — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Paris mantles , or others uncoloured the mantle — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Boards , vocat . Barrell boards the hundred containing 120. — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Clapboards the hundred con . 120. boards — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Pastboards for bookes the thousand — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Pipe boards or pipeholt the hundred cont. 120. boards — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 White boards for shoomakers the board — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Bodkins the small groce cont. 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Bomespars the hundred , cont. 120. — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Borratoes or Bombasines narrow the single piece not above 15. yards — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 broad the single piece not above 15 yards — L.07 . S. 00 . D. 00 of silke the yard — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Bookes unbound the basket or maund con. eight bales or two fats — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 the fat containing halfe a maund — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bosses for bridles the small groce cont. twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Botanoes per peice — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Bottles of Earth covered with Wicker the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 of Glasse covered with Wicker the dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 of Glasse with vices covered with Leather the dozen . — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Glasse uncovered the doz . — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 . of Wood , vocat . sucking bottles the groce cont. twelve dozen . — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Boultell Raines the piece — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 the bale cont. 20. pieces — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bowes vocat . stone bowes of steele the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Bow-staves the hundred containing six score staves — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Boxes fire or tinder-boxes the groce , cont. twelve dozen boxes — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Nest boxes the groce , cont ▪ twelve dozen Nests — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Pepper boxes the groce , con. twelve dozen boxes — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Spice boxes the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Round boxes , or French boxes for Marmelade or Gelly the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Sand boxes the groce , cont. 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 13 D. 04 Soape boxes the shocke cont. three score boxes — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Touch boxes , covered with leather the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Touch boxes covered with velvet the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Touchboxes of Iron or other mettall , guilt the dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Tobacco boxes the groce containing twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bracelets or Neck-laces of glasse the small groce , cont. 12. bundles or dickers — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Red the small groce cont. 12. bundles or dickers . — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Brasse or Laver Cocks the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Pile weights the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Trumpets the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Lampes the dozen . — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Brickstones , vocat . the 10 00. brick stones — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Flanders Tile to scoure with , the thousand — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Gallie tiles the foot — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Paving tiles the thousand — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bridles the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Brouches of Lattin or Copper , the groce cont. twelve dozen . — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Brushes , vocat . beard brushes , the groce con. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of Heath course the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 of Heath fine , or head brushes the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of Haire called head brushes the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of Heath , vocat . rubbing brushes the dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 of Haire , vocat comb brushes the groce , cont. 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 of haire , vocat . weavers brushes the dozen . — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 of haire vocat . rubbing brushes the dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Brimstone the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound . — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Bristles rough or undrest the dozen pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 drest the dozen ponnd — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Buckrams of Germany , or fine per piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of the East countrey the roule or halfe piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 of French making the dozen pieces — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 vocat . Carrick Buckrams the short piece — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Buckles for girdles the small groce , containing 12. dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 for Girthes , the groce , containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 06 Buffins , Mocadoes , and Lile Grograms , narrow the single piece , not above 15 yards — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 broad , the single piece , not above 15 yards . — L.04 . S. 10 . D. 00 Bugasins or Calico Buckrams the halfe piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Bugle great the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 small or seed Bugle the lib. — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Lace the pound — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Bullions for purses the groce , cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Bull Rushes the loade — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Burrs for Milstones the hundred , containing five score — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Buskins of leather the dozen paire — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bustians the single piece , not above 15. yards . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Butter the barrell — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Ireland the hundred weight cont. 112.l . — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Buttons of brasse , Steele , Copper or Lattin the great groce , containing twelve small groce , every groce twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 of Chrystall the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of glasse the great groce , con. twelve small groce — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 of thread the great groce , cont twelve small groce — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of silk the great groce , cont. twelve small groce — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of fine damask work the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of bugle the dozen . — L.00 . S. 00 , D. 08 for Hand-kerchers the groce , cont. twelve dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of haire the groce cont. 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 C CAbinets or Countores smal the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 or countores large the piece — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cables tarr'd or untarrd the hundred weight . containing 112. pound , — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Caddas , or cruell Ribband the dozen pieces ? every piece cont. 36 yards . — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Calve-skins in the haire the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Cambogium vide Druggs . Cameletto halfe silke , halfe haire , the yard — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Candles of fallow the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 03 Candle plates , or Wallers of Brasse or Lattin the pound . — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Candlesticks of brasse or Lattin the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 of wire the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Candleweeke the hundred weight cont. 112. pound . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Canes or reedes the thousand — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Canes of wood the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 the shock containing 60. Canes . — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cant spars the hundred , cont. six score — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Capers the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Capravens the hundred , cont. six score — L.03 . S. 13 . D. 04 Cap-hookes , or hooke ends the groce , cont. 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Caps vocat . double turfed , or Cockared Caps the dozen — L.02 . S. 08 . D. 00 for children the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Night caps of Sattin and Velvet the dozen — L.03 , S. 00 . D. 00 Night caps of silke knit the dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Night caps of woollen the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Night caps of linnen the dozen . — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Cards vocat . Playing cards the groce , cont. 12. dozen paire — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Wooll cards old the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Wooll cards new the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Carpets , vocat . of Tonney the piece containing two yards and a halfe long — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Scotland the piece — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 of Cornix the Carpet two yards and a halfe long — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 Brunswick Carpets stript and unstript the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 China of Cotton course the piece — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Gentish the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Turkey or Venice short the piece — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Turkey or Venice long containing foure yards and upwards — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Persia the yard square , the yard — L.02 . S. 05 . D. 00 Carrells the piece , containing 15. yards — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Cases for looking glasses guilt of No. 3. and 4. the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of No. 5. and 6. the dozen . — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 00 of No. 7. and 8. the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of No. 9. and 10. and upwards the dozen . — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Cases for looking glasses unguilt . of No. 3. and 4. the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 of No. 5. and 6. the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 06 of No. 7. and 8. the dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 of No. 9. and 10. the dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Cases with wooden Combs garnished the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 with small Ivory Combes garnished the dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 with middle sort Ivory combs garnished the doz . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 with large Ivorie Combes garnished the dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 for combs single the groce cont. twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 for Combes double the groces , cont. 12. doz . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 for Spectacles guilt the groce , cont. 12. dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 for Spectacles unguilt the groce , cont. 12. doz . — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 for Needles or Pincases the groce cont. 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 for Needles French guilt the dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Caskets of Iron small the dozen — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Iron middle sort the dozen — L.02 . S. 08 . D. 00 of Iron large the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Steele the dozen — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Caviare the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Caules of Linnen for women the dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 of silk the dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Cesternes of Lattin the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Chaffing dishes of brasse or Lattin the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 of Iron the dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Chaines for Keyes or Purses , fine , the dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 for dogs course the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Chaires of Wallnut-tree the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Chamlets unwatered or Mohaires the yard — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 watered the yard — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 halfe silk halfe haire the the yard — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cheese the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Cherries the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Chesse-boards the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Chesse men the groce , cont. 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Chests of Iron small or middle sort the piece — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Iron large the piece — L.06 . S. 13 . D. 04 of Cyprus wood the nest , containing three chests — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Spruce or Dauske the nest containing three chests — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 painted the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Chimney-backs small the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 large the piece — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 China Pease the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Chizels for Joyners the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Citterns the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Clapholt or Clapboard the small hundred , cont. sixscore boards — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 the ring , cont. two small hundred — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 the great hundred , containing twenty foure small hundred — L.18 . S. 00 . D. 00 Claricords the paire — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Cloakes of Felt the piece — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cloth vocat . French woollen per yard — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Scarlet cloath of France or Florence per yard — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cochaneile voc. Sylvester , or Campeachea cochaneile the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of all sorts of Cochaneile except Sylvester or Gampeachea Cochaneile the pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Coales of Scotland the Tonne — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Coffers covered with guilt leather the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 covered with Velvet the dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 with Iron barres the nest , containing three coffers — L.01 , S. 12 . D. 00 plaine the nest , containing three coffers — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 painted the Nest , containing three coffers — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 00 Comashes out of Turkey the piece — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Combes for wooll the paire , old or new — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 of Bone the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of B●x the groce , cont. 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 voc. light wood combes the groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of horne for barbars the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 of Ivory , the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 vocat horsecombs the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Comfets the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Compasses of Iron for Carpenters , the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 of brasse the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 for ships the dozen — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 06 Copper brickes or plates round or square , the hundred weight , cont. 112. l. — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Chaines , the chaine — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 purles or plate the marke — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Copperas green the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cordage or Ropes tarrd or untard the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Corke tacks of Iron the thousand — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of teele the thousand — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Corke for Shoomakers the dozen pieces — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of all other sorts the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Coverlets of Scotland the piece — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Counters of Lattin the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Crosbow Laths the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Threed the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Racks the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cruses of stone without covers the hundred , containing five score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cruses of stone with covers the hun●red , cont. five score — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Cushians of Scotland the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cushen-cloths course the dozen — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Tapestry the doz . — L.04 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cuttle bones the thousand — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 DAggs with fire locks or Snap-hances the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Daggers blades the dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 for children the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of bone for children the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 black , with velvet Sheaths , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 guilt with velvet sheaths , the dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Deales vocat . Meabro-deales the hundred cont. six score — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Norway deales the hundred , cont. six score — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Deales voc. Burgendorp deales the hundred cont. six score — L.12 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spruce deales the hundred , cont. six score — L.15 . S. 00 . D. 00 Desks or stayes for bookes the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 for women to work on , covered with woollen the piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 for women covered with velvet the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Dialls of wood the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 of bone the dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Dimity the yard — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Dogs of earth the groce , cont. 12. dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Dornix with caddas the piece , cont. 15. yards — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 with silke the piece , cont. 15. yards — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 with wooll the piece , cont. 15. yards . — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 with thred the piece , cont. 15. yards — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 French making the ell — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 French making the yard — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Dudgeon the hundred pieces , cont. five score — L.01 , S. 00 . D. 00 Du●●●e or Duretty with thred the yard — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 with silke the yard — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Dutties the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Druggs vocat . Acacia the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Acorus the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Adiantum Album the l. — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Adiantum Nigrum the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Agaricus or Agarick trimd or pared the l. — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Agaricus rough , or untrimd the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Agnus Castus seeds the l. — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Alkanet rootes the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Alchernes Syrup the l. — L.00 . S. 06 , D. 08 Con●ectio the ounce — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Aloes-Cicotrina the l. — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Aloes Epatica the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Allum Ronish ▪ or roch the hundred cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ambergreece blacke or gray the ounce Troy — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ameos seed the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Amomi seeds the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Anacardium the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Angelica the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Antimonium crudum the hund. wt . cont. 112. l — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Antimonium praeparatum or Stibium the l. — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Argentum Sublime or limum the pound or Quicksilver — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Aristolochia longa and rotunda the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Arsnick white or yellow or Rosalger the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 Asarum rootes the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Aspalathus the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Assa foetida the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 02 Almonds bitter the hundred weight , cō . 112. pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Alumen plume the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Balaustium the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Balsamum artificiall the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Balsamum naturall the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Bayberries the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Barley huld or French barley the 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bdellium the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Benalbum or Rubrum the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Benjamin of all sorts the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Beazer stone of the East India , the ounce Troy — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Beazer stone of the West India the ounce Troy — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Black lead the 112. pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Blatta Bizantia the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Bolus communis , or Armoniacus the hund. weight , cont. 112. l. — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Bolus verus the pound , or fine bole — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Borax in paste or unrefined , commonly called tinckull the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Borax refined the pound — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Bunkins Holliwortles or pistolachia the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Callamus the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Camphire refined the pound — L.00 , S. 05 . D. 00 Camphire unrefined the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Cancri oculus the pound . — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Cantarides the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Caraway seeds the 112 pound — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 Cardamomes the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Carpo Balsami the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Carrabe or Succinum the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Carthamus seeds the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Cassia fistula the pound of all sorts — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Cassia lignea the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Castoreum or Bevor codds the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cerussa the hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 China rootes the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Ciceres white and red the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Ciperus longus & rotundus the 112. l. — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Ciperus Nuts the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Civet the ounce Troy — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Coculus Indiae the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Coloquintida the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Corall red or white in fragments for physical use the Pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Corall whole the pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Coriander seeds the 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cortex guaci the hundred and 12. pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cortex Caperum the l. — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Cortex Tamerisei the l. — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Cortex Mandragorae the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Coscus dulcis and amarus the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Cubebs the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Cumminseed the hundred and 12. pound — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Cuscuta the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Cyclamen , or panis porcinus the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Citrago the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Cetrach the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Cinabrum or Vermilion the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Copperas White the hundred and twelve l. — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 blew , of Dansk or Hungary the hundred and 12. pound — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Cambogium or Gutta Gambae the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Chrystall in broken pieces for physick uses per pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Carlina the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Carolina the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 Cortex winteranus the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Daucus Creticus the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Diagredium or Scamony the pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Diptamus leaves the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 r●otes the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Doronicum the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Eleborus albus and niger the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Epithemum the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Es Vstum the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Euphorbium the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Fennell seeds the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Fenugreeke the hundred and 12. pound — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Flory the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Folium Indiae the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Fox lungs the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Frankincense of France or Parrosin the 112. pound — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Galbanum the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Galanga the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Generall the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Gentiana the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Ginny Pepper the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Grana Pinae the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Greene ginger the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Gum Animi the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Gum Armoniack the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Gum Carannae the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Gum Tragagant the l. — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Gum Elemni the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 10 Gum Hederae the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Gum Lack the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Gum Opopanax the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Gum Sarcocoll the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Gum Serapinum the pound or Segapenum — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Gum Taccamahaccae the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Grana Tinctorum — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Graines of Guiny or French graines the 112 pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Gum Arabeck , or Gum Seneca the hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Gum Sandrake , or gum Juniperi the hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 08 . D. 00 Gum Guiaci the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Gum Caramen the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Hermodactilus the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Hypocistis the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Hornes of Harts or Stags , the hundred — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Incense or Olibanum the 112. pound — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ireos the hundred and twelve pound — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Isonglasse the hundred and twelve pound — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Jujubes the poun● — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Jolop the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Juniper berries the ●1● . pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Labdanum or Lapadonum the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Lapis ( allaminaris the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Lapis Hematitis the pound — L.00 , S. 01 . D. 00 Lapis Judaicus the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Lapis Lazuli the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Lapis Tutiae the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Leaves of Roses the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 of Violet or Flowers the pound . — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Lyntiscus or Xylobalsamum the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Lignum Aloes the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Lignum Asphaltum the l. — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Lignum Rhodium the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Lignum vitae the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Litharge of Gold the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Litharge of silver the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Locust the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Lupines the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Lentills the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 03 Lapis contrayerva the oun . — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Lignum Nephreticum the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Madder Rootes or Rubea tinctorum the l. — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Manna the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Marmelade the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Mastick white the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Mastick red the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Mechoacan the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Mercury sublimat . the pound . — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Mercury praecipitat . the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Methridate Venetiae the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Millium solis the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Mirabolanes dry the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Mirabolanes condited the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Mirtle berries the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Mummia the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Musk the ounce Troy — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Muske Cods the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Myrrha the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Nygella the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Nytrum the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Nutmegs Condited the l. — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Nux de Benne the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Nux Cupressi the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Nux Indica the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Nux vomica the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Nardus Celtica , or Spica Romana the 112. pound — L.05 . S. 12 . D. 00 Nux pini or Grana pini the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Olibanum or Incense the hundred and 12. pound — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Opium the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Osipium Huirredum the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Orcant or Almiet the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Oringe Flower Oyntment the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Water the gallon — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Origanum the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Ossa●de Corde cervi the pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Oyle of Amber the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Oyle of Rosemary the pound . — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Oyle de Bay the 112. pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Oyle of Mace or Nutmegs the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Oyle de Ben the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Oyle of Spike the pound — L.00 . S. 01 , D. 08 Oyle of Almonds the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Oyle de Scorpio●s the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 08 Oleum Petrolium the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Oleum Turpentine the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Orabus the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Orpment , or Auripigmentum , the hundred and twelve pound . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Panther the pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Panis porcinus , vide Cyclamen — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Pearle seed the ounce Troy — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Pellitory the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Pepper long the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Perrosen , vid. Frankincense — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Piony seeds the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Pistachias or Nux Pistachiae the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Pix Burgundiae the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Polium Montanum the l. — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Polipodium the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 Pomegranet pills the 112. pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Poppy seeds the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Praecipate , vide , Mercurie praecipitat . — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Psyllium the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Prunellaies or Pruans of Brunolia the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Quicksilver , vide Argentum vivum — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Rhapontikum the pound — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Radex Esule the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Red lead the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Rhabarbarum or Rubarb the pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Rosalger the pound , vide Arsnick — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Rosset the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Radex contra Yerva the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Radex Scorcionera the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Ra ex Peonae the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Sal Alkali the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Sal Armoniacum the l. — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Sal Gem the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Sal Niter the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Sandracha or Gum Sandracha or Gum Juniperi the hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 08 . D. 00 Sandiver the hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Sanguis Draconis the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Sarsaparilla the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Sassafras wood or roots the 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Saunders white the l. — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Saunders yellow the l. — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Saunders red , alias stock the hundred and 12. pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Scamonie , vide Diagredium . — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Scincus Marinus the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 Scordium the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Scorpions the piece . — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 03 Sebestines the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Seeds for Gardens of all sorts the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Seler Montanus the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Semen Cucumeris . Cucurb . citrul . melon the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Sena the pound . — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Soldonella the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Sperma caeti fine the pound . — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Sperma caeti course oyly the hundred and 12 pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spica celtica , vide Nardus Celtica , or Spica Romana — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sanguis Hirci the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Spicknard the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Spodium the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Spunges the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Squilla the hundred and twelve pouud — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 Squinanthum the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Stecados the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 10 Staphisager the hundred and twelve l. — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stibium , vide Antimonium preparatum — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Storax Calamita the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Storax liquida the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Succus Liquiritiae the l. — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Sulphur vivum the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Tamarindes the pound . — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 10 Terra Lemnia the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Terra Sigillata the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Thlaspii Semen the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Tornsall the pound — L.00 , S. 00 . D. 08 Trocisci de Vipera the ounce Troy — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Treacle common the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Treacle of Venice the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Turbith the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Turbith Thapsiae the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Turmerick the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Turpentine of Venice , Scio , or Cyprus the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Turpentine common the hundred and 12. pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Talke white the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Talke greene the pound — L.00 , S. 02 . D. 00 Verdigreece the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Vernish the hundred and twelve pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Vermillion vide Cinabrium — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 Vitriolum Romanum the pound — L.00 , S. 01 . D. 00 Vmber the hundred weight , containing an hundred and 12. pound . — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Viscus quercinus the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 White Leade the hundred and twelve l. — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Wormeseeds the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Zedoaria the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Xylobalsamum vide Lentiscus — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 00 EArelings the groce , cont. 12. dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Eggs the hundred , containing six score — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Elephants teeth the hundred , cont. five score . — L.06 . S. 13 . D. 04 Emery stones the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Ebony wood , the hundred weight , containing 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 F Fannes for corne the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of paper , the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 for Women and Children , French making the dozen . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Feathers for beds , the 112. pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 vo . Estridge or Ostridge feathers undrest the l. — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Feather beds old or new the piece — L.02 . S. 13 . D. 04 Felts for cloakes French making three yards and an halfe long , one yard and a halfe broad the felt . — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Fiddles for children the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Fire shovels , the dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Fire shovell plates , the hundred weight , containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Figuretto , the yard — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 04 Files , the groce containing twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Fish , vocat . Codfish , the barrell — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Cod-fish , the last containing twelve barrels — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cod-fish the hundred containing six score — L.02 . S. 06 . D. 08 Cods-heads , the barrell — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Cole-fish , the hundred cont. six score — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Eeles vocat . Pimper Eeles , the barrell — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Shaft , Kine or Dole Eeles , the barrell — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Spruce Eeles , the barrell — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stub Eeles , the barrell — L.02 . S. 06 . D. 08 Quick Eeles , the Ships ●ading — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gull-fish , the barrell — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Haddocks the barrell — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Hettings white ful or shotten , the barrell — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 04 white full or shotten the last , containing 12 barrels — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 red the cade containing five hundred — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 04 red the last containing twenty cades — L.08 . S. 06 . D. 08 Lampreis the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Lings of all sorts the hundred cont. six score — L.03 , S. 06 . D. 08 Newland fish small the hundred containing six score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 fish middle sort , the hundred , containing six score — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Newland fish great , the hundred containing six score — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Salmon the barrell — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Girles the barrel — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Sealefish , the fis — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Stock-fish , voc. Cropling , the hund. cont. six score — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 the last , cont. a thousand — L.06 . S. 13 . D. 04 Lubfish the hundred con . 6 score — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 the last , cont. a thousand — L.13 . S. 06 . D. 08 Titling the hund. cont. six score — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 the last , cont. a thousand — L.03 . S. 06 . D. 08 Whitting the barrell — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Note that all sorts of fish English taken , and brought in English ships ought to pay no custom , as by the Statute of 5. to . El. Reg. Flannell the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Flasks covered with leather the dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 covered with velvet the doz . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of horne , the dozen — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Flax , vocat . Spruce Moscovy , and all flax undrest the hund. weight , cont. 112 pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 drest or wrought flax , the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Fleames to lead blood , the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 02 Flocks , the hundred weight , cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Flutes course the groce containing 12. dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Freeze of Ireland the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 09 Frizado the piece containing 24. yards . — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 Furrs , vocat . Armins the timber containing forty Skins — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Badger skins the piece — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Beare skins black or red the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 white the piece — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Beaver skins the whole piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 wombes the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Budge White tawed the hund. containing five score skins . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 black tawed the dozen skins — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 untawed the hundred cont. 5. score skins — L.03 . S. 10 . D. 00 poules the fur containing foure paire — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Naverne the hundred leggs , cont. 5. score — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 04 Rumney the hundred leggs cont. 5. score — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Calaber untawed the timber containing fortie skins — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 tawed the timber containing fortie skins — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 seasoned the paine — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stagg the paine — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 Cats skins the hund. cont. five score — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 poults the hund. cont. five score — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 the mantle — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 03 Wombes the paines or mantle — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 03 Dokerers the timber cont. forty skins — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Fitches the timber containing forty skins — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 the paine or mantle — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 Foxes the black Fox skin — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 the ordinary skin — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 the paine or mantle — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Wombes , poules , or pieces the paine — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Foynes backs the dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 tailes the paine or mantle — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 with tailes the piece — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 without tails the piece the — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 raw the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 pouts the hundred containing 5. score — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 wombes seasoned the paine or mantle — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Wombes stagg the paine or mantle — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Grayes untawed the timber cont. forty skins . — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 04 tawed the timber cont. forty skins — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 Jennets black raw the skin — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 black seasoned the skin — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 gray raw the skin — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 gray seasoned the skin — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Letwis tawed the timber , cont forty skins — L.00 . S. 08 , D. 04 untawed the tymber cont. forty skins — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Leopards skins the piece — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 wombs , the paine — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lewzernes skins , the piece — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Martrons the timber cont. 40. skins — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 the paine or mantle — L.09 . S. 00 . D. 00 Pouts , the paine or mantle — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Gils the timber containing forty skins — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 tailes the hundred cont. five score — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Miniver the mantle — L.00 , S. 13 . D. 04 Minkes untawed the timber , cont. forty skins — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 tawed the timber cont. forty skins — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Moule skins the dozen — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Otter skins t●e piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Ounce skins the piece — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 Sables of all sorts , the timber , cont. 40. skins — L.30 . S. 00 . D. 00 Weazele skins the dozen — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 Wolfe skins tawed the piece — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 untawed , the piece — L.01 . S. 03 . D. 00 Wolverings the piece — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 Fustians , vocat . Amsterdam , Holland or Dutch fustians , the piece , cont two halfe pieces , of fifteene Yards the halfe piece — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Barmilians the piece , containing two halfe pieces — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cullen sustians , the piece cont. two halfe pieces — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Holmes and Bevernex fustians , the bale cont. 45. halfe pieces — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Holmes and Bevernenex fustians , the piece , cont. two halfs piece — L.02 . S. 14 . D. 00 Ieane fustians , the piece cont two halfe pieces — L.02 . S. 05 . D. 00 Millain fustians , the piece , cont two halfe pieces — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Naples fustians , tripe or velure plain the halfe piece , containing seven yards and an halfe — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Naples fustians tripe or valure , plaine the piece containing fifteene yards — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Naples fustians tripe or valure plaine the yard — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Naples Fustians wrought voc. Sparta velvet , the halfe piece containing 7. yards and a halfe — L.04 . S. 10 . D. 00 wrought , or Sparta Velvet the yard — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Osbrow or Augusta fustians , the piece , containing two hal●e pieces — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 with ●ilke the yard — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 of Weazell , the piece cont. two halfe pieces . — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Fusses of Cloves the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 G GAdza of all sorts without gold or silver the yard — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 08 Gadza stript with gold or silver the yard — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Gally dishes the dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Garnets small rough , the pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 small or great cut the pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gantlets the paire — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Garters of silke French making , the dozen paire — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gaules the hundred weight containing 112. pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gimlets for Vintners the dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Girdles of cruell , the groce containing twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 of leather the groce containing twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 of silk , the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of velvet , the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 , D. 00 of Woollen , the dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 00 of counterfeit gold and silver , the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Glasses for windowes voc. Burgundy white , the chest — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Burgundy coloured the chest — L.03 . S. 10 . D. 00 Normandy white the case — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Glasse for windows Normandy coloured the case — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Rhenish the way or web , containing sixty bunches — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Muscovie glasse , or slude , the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Drinking glasses voc. Venice drinking glasses , the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Flanders drinking glasses , the hundred glasses — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Scotch and French drinking glass●● the hundred containing five score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 course drinking glasses the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Glasses voc. Burning glasses the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Balme glasses the groce , cont. twelve dozen . — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Vials the hundred cont. five score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Water glasses , the dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Looking glasses . halfe penny ware , the groce , containing 12. dozen . — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 penny ware , the groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 00 of steele small the dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 of Steele large — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 of Christall small , the dozen under N. 6.01.10.00 of Chrystall middle sort , the dozen , N. 6. — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Christall small the dozen , N. 7. 8. 9. 10. — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Chrystall the dozen N. 11. 12. — L.45 . S. 00 . D. 00 . Houre glasses of Flanders making course , the groce containing 12 dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Flanders making , the dozen fine — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 of Venice making , the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Glasse stone , plates , for spectacles rough the dozen . — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Glasse plates or sights for looking glasses unfyled . of Chrystall small under N. 6. the do . — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Chrystall , N. 6. the dozen . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Chrystall N. 7. 8 9. 10. the dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Chrystall , N. 11 12 , the dozen — L.30 . S. 00 . D. 00 Glasse pipes small , the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 great the hundred weight containing 112. pound — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Glew , the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Globes small , the paire — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 large the paire — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gloves of Bridges , or French making , the groce containing twelve dozen — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Canary , Millen , or Venice , unwrought , the dozen paire — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Canary , Millen , Venice or French wrought with gold or silver the dozen paire — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Vandon the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of silke knit the dozen paire — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Spanish plaine , the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Gold and silver threed counterfeit , voc. Bridges gold and silver , the pound cont. 16. ounces Hab : de poiz . — L.00 . S. 1● . D. 04 Cap gold and silver , the pound conti 16. ounces Hab : de poiz — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Copper , gold and silver upon quills and rolls or roles or in skaine , the pound containing 16. ounces Hab : de poiz . — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cullen gold and silver , the mast , containing two pounds and an half at twelve punces to the pound . — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 French Copper , gold and silver , the marke containing 8 ounces Hab. de poiz . — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Lyons copper , gold and silver double guilt the marke cont. 8. ounces , Haber de poiz . — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Gold and silver threed right voc. Venice , Florence , or Mi●aine gold and silver , the pound , cont. 12 ounces Venice wt . — L.03 . S. 06 . D. 08 French and Paris gold and silver , the marke cont. 11. ounces and a half Venice weight . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gold foile , the small groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Gold pa●er the small groce , containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Graines French or Guiney the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Graine or Scarlet powder , the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of Sevill in berries and graines of Portugall or Rotta , the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Grindle Stones the chalder — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Grocery wares , vocat . Almonds , the hundred weight , containing 112. pound — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Anniseeds , the hundred weight containing 112. pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cloves the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Corrants the hundred cont. 112. pound — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Dates the hundred wt . containing an hundred and 12. pound — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ginger of the East Indies the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 of the west Indies the pound — L.00 . S. 01 , D. 04 Licoris , the hundred weight , containing 112. l — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Maces the pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Nutmegs the pound — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Pepper the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Sinamon the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Reisins great the hundred weigh cont 112. pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 of the Sun , the hundred weight , containing an hundred & 12. pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Smyrna black the hundred weight cont 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 red , the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Figs , the hundred weight , containing 112. pound — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Prunes , the hundred weight , containing an hundred and 12. pound — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Sugar Candy brown , the hundred weight containing an hundred and 12. pound — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Candy white , the hundred weight containing an hundred and 12. pound — L.15 . S. 00 . D. 00 Muscovadoes , the hundred weight containing an hundred and 12. pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Refined double or single in loaves , the hundred wt . containing an hundred and 12. pound — L.17 . S. 00 . D. 00 Saint Thome and Pannellis , the hundred weight , containing 112. pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 white the hundred weight , cont. 112 pound — L.09 . S. 06 . D. 80 Turkey Grograines , the yard — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 06 Gunns vocat . Calivers the piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Muskets the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Gunpowder vocat . Serpentine the hundred weight , containing an hundred and 12. pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Corne powder the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 H HAlberds gilt , the piece — L.00 . S. 13 , D. 04 ungilt , the piece — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Hammers with wooden handles or without , the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Voc. Horsemens Hammers the dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Handkerchers , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Harnesse Roses the thousand — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Harnesse vocat . Corselets c●mpleat the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Curats the piece — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 Morians or head-piece graven the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Morians or head-piece plaine the piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Harpestrings or Catlings the groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Hatbands the groce cont. twelve dozen — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hats of Beaver wooll or haire , the Hat — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Bridges , the dozen — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Dutch felts or hats made of wooll , the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spanish or Potugall felts the dozen — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Silke French making , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Straw , vid. Bast . of Venice , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 of wooll or worsted trimed , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hawkes , voc. Faulcons , the Hawke — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Goshawks the Hawke — L.03 . S. 06 . D. 08 Jerfaulcons , the Hawke — L.04 . S. 10 . D. 00 Jerkins , the Hawke — L.03 . S. 06 . D. 08 Lanners the Hawke — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lannarets , the Hawke — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Tassels of all sorts , the Hawke — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hawkes hoods , the groce containing twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Haire bottomes for Sives , the groce containing 12. dozen . — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Haire voc. Camels haire , the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Elkes haire for saddles , the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 Goates haire the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 02 Headings for Pipes , Hogsheads , or barrels , the hundred , containing six score — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Heath for brushes , the hundred containing an hundred and 12. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hempe , voc. Hemp short drest , the hundred weight , containing . 112. pound — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cullen and steele Hemp and all other sorts of drest hemp , the hundred weight cont. 112 pound — L.10 . S. 00 ▪ D. 00 Spruce , Moscovia and and all other rough hemp , the hundred weight , containing 112. pound . — L.00 . S. 13 D. 04 Hides , voc. Buffe hides , the hide — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cow hides of Barbary and Moscovia the hide — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Cow or horse hides tanned , the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cow or horse hides in the haire the piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 India hides , the hide — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 04 Losh hides the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Hides , red or Muscovia hides , tanned , coloured or uncoloured , the hide 00 ▪ 06.08 Hilts for swords or daggers , the dozen . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Honey the barrell — L.02 S. 00 D. 00 the tonne — L.2 S. 00 D. 00 Hoopes of Iron for pipes or hogshheads , the hundred weight , containing 112 pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 for Coopers , the thousand — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Hops , the hundred weight , containing an hundred and twelve pound . — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Horses and Mares , the Horse or Mare — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hose of Cruell , voc. Mantua Hose , the paire — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 I JEat , the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Jewes Trumpes , the groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Imperlings , blew or red , the dozen — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Inke for Printers , the hundred weight , containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Inkhomes the groce containing twelve dozen — L.03 S. 00 D. 00 of Brasse the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Incle unwrought the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 wrought the dozen pound — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Roules , the dozen pieces containing 36. yards the piece — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Indico of Turkey of the west Indies , or Rich Indico , the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Indico dust the pound . — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Instruments for Barbers , and Chirurgions , voc. Bullet scrues the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Inciscion sheeres the dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Sets the bundle containing sixteene — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Paices or toothdrawefs , the dozen . — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Plulicanes , the dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Trepans , the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Iron . Amys , Spanish , Spruce , and Swethish the tun — L.07 . S. 00 . D. 00 Backs for chimneys small the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Backs for chimneys large the piece — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Bands for kettles , the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Fire Irons the groce , cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Hoopes , the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Stones the piece — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Iuice of Lemmons , the pipe — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ivory , the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 KEy knops , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Knives Almaine , Bohemia & all other course knives , the dicker con. 10 knives — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Butchers knives , the dicker cont. 10 knives — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Carving knives , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Collen knives , the gro. cont. 12 dozen — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 French knives , the groce con. 12 dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Glovers knives , the bundle cont. six knives — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Pen knives , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Sker knives , the dicker cont. 10 knives — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Stock knives unguilt , the doz . stocks — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stock knives guilt , the dozen stocks — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 L LAce voc. Bone lace of thred , the dozen yards — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Brittain lace , the groce cont. 12 dozen yards — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cruell lace , the smal gro. cont. 12 dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gold & silver lace , the pound containing 12 ounces Troy — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gold and silver lace , the ounce Troy — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Pomet lace , the groce cont. 12 dozen yards — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Purle or antlet lace of thred , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Silk bone lace , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.20 . S. 00 . D. 00 Silke lace of all other sorts , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ladles voc. melting ladles , the hun . weight cont. 112 pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lapis magnata falce , the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Lattin voc. black lattin , the hund. weight cont. 112 pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 shaven lattin , the hund. weight cont. 112 pound — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lead oare , the ton — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lemons pickled , the pipe — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lemon water , the ton — L.10 . S. 13 . D. 04 the gallon — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 11 Leather voc. Basill leather , the dozen — L.20 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spanish leather or Cordevant , the dozen skins — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spruce or Dansk leather , the dozen skins — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hangings guilt , the piece — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Leather for masks , the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Leaves of gold , the hund. leaves cont. five score — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Lewers for Hawks , the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Lyme for Dyars , the barrell — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Lines of Hamborough for ships , the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Lin-seed , the bushell — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Linnes blew or red , the dozen — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Linnen cloth or Callicoes fine or course , the piece — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Cambrick the half piece con. six elles and an halfe — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 the piece contain . 13 ells — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Canvas voc. Dutch Barras and Hessens Canvas , the hund. ells cont. 6 score — L.03 . S. 10 . D. 00 French or Normandy canvas and line narrow brown or white , the 100 ells cont 120 — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 French canvas and line broad for tabling , being an ell and 1 / 2 quart . and upwards , the hundred ells cont. 6 score — L.15 . S. 00 . D. 00 Packing Canvas , guttings , and Spruce canvas , the hund. ells co● six score — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Poledavies , the bolt containing eight & twenty ells — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spruce Elbing or Quiesborow Canvas , the bolt containing 28 ells — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Stript or tufted canvas with thred , the piece cont. 15 yards — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stript tufted or quilted , canvas with silke , the piece cont. 15. yards — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stript canvas with copper , the piece contai . 15 yards — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Vandalose or Vittery canvas , the hund. ells cont. 120 — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Working canvas for cushions narrow , the hund. ells cont 120 — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Working canvas broad , the hund. ells containing 120 — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Working canvas of the broadest sort , the hundred ells cont. 120 — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Damask Tabling of Holland making , the yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Towelling and napking of Holland making , the yard — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 00 Tabling of Silesia making , the yard — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Towelling and napkenning of Silesia making the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Diaper Tabling of Holland making , the yard — L.00 . S. 09 . D. 00 Towelling and napkenning of Holland making , the yard — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Napkins of Holland making , the dozen — L.01 . S. 16 . D. 00 Tabling of Sletia making the yard — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Towelling and napkenning of Sletia making the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Lawnes the halfe piece containing six ells and halfe — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 the piece containing 13 ells — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 voc. Callico lawnes , the piece — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 voc. French lawnes , the piece — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 voc. Sletia lawnes , the piece cont. between 4 and 8 yards — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Flanders Hol. cloth Flemish cloth , Gentish cloth , Isingham cloth , Overisils cloth , Rouse cloth , Brabant cloth , Embden cloth , Freeze cloth , Brown Holland Bag Holland , the ell — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 British , the hundred ells con. five score — L.06 . S. 13 . D. 04 Cowsseild cloth or plats , the ell — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Driling and pack duck , the hund. ells cont. six score — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Elbing or Dansk cloth double ploy , the ell — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Hamborough and Sletia cloth broad , the hund. ells cont , 6 score white or brown — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hamborough cloth narrow , the hund. ells cont. 6 score — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hinderlands , Middlegood , Headlake and Muscovia linnen narrow , the hund. ells cont. six score — L.02 . S. 13 . D. 04 Irish cloth , the hund. ells cont. six score — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lockerams vo . Treager , grest and narrow or common dowlasse , the piece contain . 106 ells — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Broad dowlasse , the piece containing 106 ells — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Minsters , the roule containing 1500 elles at five score to the hund. — L.56 . S. 13 . D. 04 Ozenbrigs , the roule contain . 1500 ells at five score to the hundred — L.60 . S. 00 . D. 00 Soulthwitch , the hund. ells cont six score — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Polonia , Vlsters , Hannouers , Lubeck , narrow Sletia , narrow Westphalia , narrow Harford , plain napkenning , and all other narrow cloth of high Dutchland , and the East countrey , white or brown and not otherwise rated , the hundred ells con. six score — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Strasborough or Hamborow lin . the ell — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Twill and Tiking of Scot . the hundred ells cont. 120 — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lockers or chapes for daggers , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Locks voc. Budget or hanging locks small , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Hanging locks ▪ large , the groce cont. 12 doz . — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lutes Cullen making with cases , the dozen — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 Venice making with cases the dozen — L.24 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lutestrings voc. Catlings , the groce cont. 12 doz . knots — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 08 Minikings , the gro. cont. 12 doz . knots — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Litmus , the hund , weight cont. 112 pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 MAdder voc. Croppe Madder , & all other bale madder , the hundred weight contain . 112 pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Fat Madder , the hundred weight , containing 112 pound — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Mull Madder , the hundred weight contain . 112 pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Magnus , the hund. weight cont. 112 pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Maps printed , the Reame — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Masks of Velvet , the doz . — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Satin , the doz . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Masts for ships small , the mast — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 middle , the mast , — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 great , the mast — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Match for Guns , the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 02 Mats of Rusia ▪ the mat — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Mault and Barley , the quarter cont. 8 bushels — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Meale of Wheate or Rie , the last cont. 12 barrels — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Medlers , the basket cont. 2 bushels — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Mellasses of Rameales , the ton13 . 06.08 Messelanes , the piece cont. 30 yards — L.09 . S. 00 . D. 00 The single piece , cont. 14 yards of Sletia making — L.01 . S. 16 . D. 00 Metheglin , the hogshead — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Methredate , the pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Mocado ends , the doz . pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Morters & pestles of brasse , the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Mustard seed , the hundred weight containing 112 ▪ l. — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Mittins of Wadmol , the doz . paire — L.00 . S. 09 . D. 00 Nalles voc. Chaire nailes , the 1000 — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Copper nailes , Rose nailes & Sadlers nailes , the summe cont. 10000 — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 head naile , the barrell — L.08 S. 00 . D. 00 harnesse nailes ▪ the summe containing 10000 — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 small nailes , the half barrell — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 sprig nailes , the famme containing 10000 — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 tenter hooks , the thousand — L.00 S. 05 . D. 00 Napkins French making , the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Neats tongues of Russia , the piece — L.00 S. 00 . D. 02 the barrell — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Neckerchers of Flanders making , the dozen — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Needles the dozen thousand — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 voc. pack needles , the 1000 — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 voc. faile needles , the 1000 — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Nutmegs pickled , the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 Nuts voc. small Nuts , the barrell — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Wall Nuts , the barrell — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 OAkeham , the hund. weight cont. 112 pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Oaker , the barrell — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Oares the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 the hund. cont. six score — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Oates , the quarter cont. 8 ●ushels — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Oyle voc. Rape and Linseed oyle , the ton — L.40 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sivil oyle , Majorca oyle , Minorca oyle , Apuglia , Province oyle , and Portugail oyle , the ton — L.32 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sallet oyle , the gallon — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 train oyle of greenland , the ton — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 train oyle of new found land ▪ and the like sort , the ton — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Olives , the hogshead — L.08 S. 00 . D. 00 Onions the barrell — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 the hundred bunches — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 seed , the hundred weight cont. 112 pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Orchall , the hund. w. cont. 112. l. — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Oringes and Lemmons , the thousand — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Orsedew , the dozen pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 PAckthred in skeines . the hund. l. — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 vo . bottomthred , the hūd . l. — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Pans voc. dripping & frying pans , the hund. w. cont. 112 pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 warming pans , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Paper voc. blew Paper ▪ the reame — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 brown Paper , the bundle — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Cap Paper , the reame — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 06 Demy Paper , the reame — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 ordinary Printing and Copy Paper , the reame — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 06 Painted Paper , the reame — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 pressing Paper , the hund. leaves — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Rochell Paper as large as demy Paper , the reame — L.00 . S. 09 . D. 00 Royall Paper , the reame — L.01 S. 00 . D. 00 Paste of Iene , the pound — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 06 Peares or Aples dried , the barrell — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Pease , the quar . cont. 8 bushels — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Penners , the groce cont. 12 doz . — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Petticoats of silk , the piece — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Percer bits , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Pheasants the dozen from Christmas to Midsommer — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 pouts , from Midsommer to Christmas — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Pike heads , the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Pikes without heads , the piece — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 06 with heads , the piece — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Pinnes , the dozen thousand — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Pincers and plyers , the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Pintados or Callico cupberd cloths the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Pipe or hogshead staves , the hund. cont. six score — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Pipes for Tabors , the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 D. 00 Pipes for children , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Pitch voc. small band , the last containing 12 barrels — L.02 . S. 00 D. 00 great band , the last containing 12 barrels — L.03 . S. 06 . D. 08 Plaister of Paris , the mount containing 3000 weight — L.02 S. 00 D. 00 Plane Irons , the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Planks of Ireland , the hund. foot cont. five score — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 06 Plate silver white or unguilt , the ounce — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of silver parcel guilt the ounce — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 60 of silver guilt , the ounce — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Plates voc. single white or black , the hund plates — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 double white or black , the hund. plates — L.02 . S. 13 . D. 04 single white or black , the barrell cont. 300 plates — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 double white or black , the barrell cont. 300 plates — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 Harnesse plates or Iron doubles , the plate — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Harnesse plates or Iron doubles , the bundle containing 10 plates — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Playing Tables of Walnut tree , the paire — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Points of thred , the great groce cont. 12 small groce — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of capiton , the great gro. cont. 12 small groce — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of fine silk , the small groce cont. 12 dozen — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Pomystones , the ton — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Pomegranats , the thousand — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Pork the side — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 the tonne — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Potatoes , the hundred weight con. 112 pound — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Pots of earth or stone covered , the hund. cont. 5 score — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 of earth or stone uncovered , the hund. cast cont. a gal. to every cast , whether in one pot or more — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 vo . gally pots , the hund. cont. 5 score — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 voc. melting pots for Gold-Smiths , the hund. — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 of Iron , French , or Flemish making , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Pullies voc. Pullies of Iron , the gro. cont. 12 dozen — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Brasse , the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of Wood , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Punsons and gravers for Gold-Smiths , the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 QVailes , the dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Quils , voc. Goosequils , the 1000 — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Quilts French making , the doz . — L.04 . S. 16 . D. 00 of Callico , the piece — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Satin or other silk , the piec . — L.06 . S. 13 . D. 04 Quinces , the hundred — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 R RAckets , the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Rape of Grape , the tonne — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Rape seed , the quarter — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Rashes voc. Bridges or Leiden Rashes , the single piece cont. 15 yards — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bridges or Leiden Rashes , the double piece cont. two single pieces — L.07 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cloth Rashes , the piece — L.18 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ratles for children , the groce containing 12 dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 with bels , the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Razers , the dicker cont. ten — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Recorders , the set or case containing five recorders — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ribband of silk of all sorts , the pound — L.04 S. 00 . D. 00 Rice , the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Rozen , the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Rugs voc. Irish rugs , the piece — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Polish rugs , the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Rye the quarter — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 the last , cont. ten quarters — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Ryms for Sives , the groce contain . twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Rings voc. for Keys , the groce cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 09 . D. 00 for Curtaines , the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 of Wyer , the groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of Brasse , Copper , or Saint Martins guilt , the groce cont. twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 small , the bo●● containing two groce , twelve dozen to each groce — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Haire , the groce cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 S SAckcloth the hundred ells , cont. six score — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 of single threds , the piece cont. fifteen yards — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 with white thred , the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 with silke , the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Saddels of Steele , the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Saffora , vide Barilia Saflore , the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Saffron , the pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Salt voc. White or Spanish salt , the bushell — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 White or Spanish salt , the wey cont. forty bushels — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Bay or French salt , the bushell — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Bay or French salt , the way cont ▪ forty bushels — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Salt-peter , the hundred weight containing an hundred & twelve pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sawes voc. Hand-sawes , the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Tenant-sawes , the dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 14 Whip sawes , the piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Leg-sawes , the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Sayes Double sayes or Flanders Searges , the piece containing fifteen yards — L.09 . S. 00 . D. 00 double Say or Serge the yard — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Mild Sayes , the piece — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hounscot Saye , the piece cont. 24 yards — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Scamoty , the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Scamoty , the piece containing seven yards and a halfe — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 06 Scisers , the groce cont. twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Sea-holly roots , the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sea-morse teeth , the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 S●arge of Athens , the yard — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 of Florence , the yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sheares for Shearemen new , the paire — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 for Shearemen old the paire — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 for Glovers , the paire — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 for Seamsters , the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 voc Forceps , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 for Taylo●s , the dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 00 Shubs of Calaber , the piece or Shub — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Shumack , the hund. weight cont. an hund. and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Shruffe or old brasse , the hundred weight containing an hund. and twelve pound — L.03 S. 00 . D. 00 Sider , the tonne — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Silke voc. Bridges silk , the pound cont. sixteen ounces — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ferret or Floret silke , the pound containing sixteene ounces — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Fillozel or Paris silke , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Granado silke blacke , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 silke in colours , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Naples silke blacke , the pound containing 16 ounces — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 silke in colours , the pound containing 16 ounces — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Orgasine silk , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.01 . S. 15 . D. 00 Pole and Spanish silk , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Raw China silke , the pound containing twenty foure ounces — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Raw Morea silke , the pound containing twenty foure ounces — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Raw long silke of all sorts ( except China and Morea ) the pound containing 24 ounces — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Raw short silk or Capiton , the pound containing 24 ounces — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Satin silke , the pound cont. sixteen ounces — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sleave silk course , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Sleave silke fine or Naples sleave , the pound cont. 16 ounces — L.02 . S. 13 . D. 04 Silk Nubs , or Huskes of silke , the pound cont. 21 ounces — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Thrown silk , the pound cont. sixteen ounces — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Thrown silk , the pound died cont. 16 ounces — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Silkes wrought , voc. Borratoes of silk , the yard — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Caffa or Damaske right , the yard of all colours — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 Counterfeit Damaske or Caffaes , halfe silk , halfe thread , the yard — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 06 Callimancoes narrow , the yard — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Callimancoes broad , the yard — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Catolopha , the yard — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Chamlets or Tabins narrow , the yard — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 broad , the yard — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 of silke tincelled with gold and silver , the yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 China Damaske , the yard — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Cloth of gold and silver plain , the yard — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 of gold and silver wrought , the yard — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Tissew , the yard — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Silke curles , the yard — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Grograin of silke narrow , the yard — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 of silk broad , the yard — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 vo . Taby grograin the yard — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 voc. China grograin , the yard — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Philozel●a broad the yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 narrow , the yard — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Sarcenets of Bolonia or Florence , the ell — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 voc. China Sarcenets the ell — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 With gold and silver , the yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sattins voc. Bridges Sattin , the yard — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Bridges Sattin , tincelled with gold and silver , the yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 tincelled with copper , the yard — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 China and Turkey Sattin , the yard — L.00 . S. 07 . D. 06 of Bolonia , Lukes , Ieane and all other Sattin of like making , and of all colours , figured or plaine — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 tincelled with gold & silver , the yard — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Silke say , the yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Silke stockins , the paire — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Tabines tincelled , the yard — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Taffeties voc. China taffeties . the yard — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Levant taffeties , the yard — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Narrow or Spanish , the yard — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Narrow stript with gold or silver , the yard — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 stitched or stript narrow , the yard — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 stitched broad , the yard — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Towers narrow and broad , the yard — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 of Mantua , the ell — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Taffety ell broad , the ell — L.00 . S. 18 . D. 00 Tufftaffety narrow the yard — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 broad the yard — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 stript with silver the yard — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Tersonella broad the yard — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 narrow , the yard — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 imbroydered the yard — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Velvets voc. China , the yard — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Phelpes and plushes of all colours , except China velvets the yard — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sipers voc. Curle Sipers , the single piece cont. ten yards — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Narrow Sipers , the dozen yards — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 10 Scumm Sipers , the doz . yards — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Silke or broad Sipers , the dozen yards — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Skins voc. Buck skins in the haire , the skin — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 drest , the skin — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Calfe skins of Ireland raw , the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 tanned — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cardivant of Scotland , the dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Dog-fish skins for Fletchers the skin — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Fox-skins drest , the dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 00 Gold skin , the skin — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Goate skins of Barbary , or the East Countrey in the haire , the doz skins — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Scotland and Ireland in the haire , the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 tanned , the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Husse skins for Fletchers , the skin — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Kids skins in the haire , the hundred containing five score — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 drest , the hundred containing five score — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Portugall skins , the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Seale skins , the skin — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Sham way skins , the dozen — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Sheep skins in the wooll , the skin — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 03 Spanish Sevill or Cordovant skins , the dozen — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spruce skins tawed , the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Skeets for Whitsters , the skeet — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Slip , the barrell — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Smal●s , the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Snuffers of all sorts , the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Soape voc. Castle or Venice , the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Flemmish , the barrell — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spangles of Copper , the thousand — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Spars small , the hundred containing six score — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spectacles without cases , the groce cont. twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spoones of horne , the groce cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 00 Spunges , vide Drugs . Standishes of Wood , the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of Brasse , the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 covered with Leather guilt , the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 voc. Pocket standishes the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Starch white the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Staves voc. barrell staves , the hundred cont. 6 score — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Firking staves , the hund. cont. six score — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Steele voc. Long steele , Wisp steele , and such like , the hund. weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Gad steele , the halfe barrell — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stockins of Wad-moll the paire — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Stone birds , or Whistles , the small groce cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Stones voc. Bloud stones , the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cane stones , the ton — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Dog stones , the last cont. three paire to the last — L.26 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stones voc. Mil-stones , the piece — L.06 . S. 13 . D. 04 Querne stones small , the last — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Querne stones large , the last — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Slickstones , the hundred contain . five score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Sturgion the firking — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 the cagg — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Succad wet or dry , the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Sword blades , of Venice , Turkey , or fine blades , the dozen — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 course of Flanders making , the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 T TAble books course , the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 fine . the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Tables voc. playing Tables of Wainscot and all other sorts course , the paire — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Tacks of Iron , the thousand — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Tallow , the hund. weight cont. 112 l. — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Tannets of cruell , the yard — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Tapistry with haire , the Flemish ell — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 with caddas , the Flemi . ell — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 with silk , the Flemish ell — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 with gold or silver , the Flemish ell — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 with wool , the Flemish ell — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Tarras , the barrell . — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Tarre small band , the last cont. 12 barrels — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 great band , the last cont. 12 barrels — L.03 . S. 06 . D. 08 Tazels , the thousand — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Thimbles , the thousand — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Thred Bridges thred , the doz . pound — L.02 . S. 05 . D. 00 Crosbow thred , the hundred pound cont. fivescore — L.03 . S. 06 . D. 08 Lions or Paris thred , the bale cont. a hund. bolts — L.30 . S. 00 . D. 00 Outnall thred , the doz . pound — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Piecing thred , the doz . pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Sisters thred , the pound — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 whited brown the doz . pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Thrums of linnen or Fustian the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 of woollen the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Tikes Brizel Tikes and counterfeit Brizell the Tike — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Turnall Tikes , the tike — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Tiking of the East country , the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Tikes of Stoad , the Tike — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Tincall the pound , vide Drugs . Tinfoile , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Tinglasse , the hund. weight con. 112 l — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Tinsell with Copper , the yard — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 right gold & silver , the yard — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Tinsh ore , the groce , cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Tobacco vocat * Spanish and Brazeil Tobacco , or any not English plant . the l. — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spanish or Brazeil Tobac . in pudding or roule the l. — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 S. Christophers , Barbadoes or any the Carib Islands , Virginia & Somer Islands Tobacco , the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Tooles voc. Carving tooles , the gro. cont. twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Tow , the hundred weight contain . 112 pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Trayes of wood , the shock containing 60 trayes — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Treacle Flanders Treacle , the barrel — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Ieane , the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Trenchers white sort cōmon , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 red or painted , the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Treene nailes , the thousand — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Trunnels , the thousand — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Tweezes of France , the dozen — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Twine of Hamborough the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 the hundred weight con. 112 pound — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Twist for banstrings , the dozen knots — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 V VAllances of Scotland the piece — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Verditor the hundred weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Verders of Tapestry with haire the Flemish ell — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Vellum for Table books the skin — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Viols the piece — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Vice hasps the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Vice tongues or hand-vices the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Vinegar the Tonne — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Vizards the dozen — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 VVAdmoll the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 09 Wainescots the hundred containing six score — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Wax the hundred weight containing 11● . pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 vocat hard wax the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Whale finnes the finne — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Wheat the quarter cont. eight bushels — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Whet-stones the hundred stones , containing five score — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Whip-cord the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Whistles , cocks , or Bellowes , the groce — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 Whistles , cocks , or Birds of stone the small groce cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Woad vocat . Islands or greene-woad the Tonne cont. twenty hundred weight — L.15 . S. 00 . D. 00 Tholose woad the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Worme-seed the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Worsteds voc. S. Omers narrow , or halfe worsted the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 vocat . Russels worsteds or broad worsteds the piece — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Wood vocat . Box-wood for Combs the thousand pieces — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Brazeile or Farnambuck wood the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.03 . S. 10 . D. 00 Brazelette or Gemeaco ▪ wood the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 01 . D. 08 Ebonie wood the hundred weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Fustick the hundred weight containing an hundred twelve pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Lignum vitae , vide Drugs . Planks of Ireland the foot — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 1● . Red or Genny wood the Tonne — L.30 . S. 00 . D. 00 Speckled wood the hundred weight , cont 112. pound — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Sweet wood of West-India the hundred weight containing 112. pound — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 Timber of Ireland the Tonne or load — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Wooll vocat . Bever wooll the pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cotton wooll the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 Estridge wooll the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 French wooll the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Irish wooll comb'd the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Irish wooll uncomb'd the hundred weight containing 112. pound — L.02 . S. 16 . D. 00 Lambs wooll the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.02 . S. 10 ▪ D. 00 Polonia wooll the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Spanish wooll for clothing , the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Spanish felt wooll the hundred weight cont. 112. l — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 02 Red wooll the pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Wrest for Virginals the groce , containing 12. dozen — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 Wyer vocat . Dagger and quartern wyer the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Iron wyer the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Lattin wyer the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.06 . S. 13 . D. 04 Steele wyer the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Strawsborough wyer the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Virginall wyer the pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Wine-lees the Tonne — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Yarne vocat . CAble yarn the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.00 . S. 13 ▪ D. 04 Camel or Mo-hair yarn the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Cotton yarne the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Grograine yarne the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 Irish yarne the pack , cont. 4 00. weight at six score pound the hundred — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Raw-linning yarn Dutch or French the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Saile yarne the pound — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 06 Spruce or Muscovia yarne the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.02 . S. 13 D. 04 Scotch yarne the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Woollen or bay-yarne the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.03 S. 06 . D. 08 THE SVBSIDIE OF TONNAGE Vpon all Wines to be brought into the Port of London , and all other Ports of England , and Dominions thereof by Englishmen . GAscoigne and French wines brought into the Port of London , the Tonne to pay — L.04 . S. 10 . D. 00 Brought into all other Ports , to pay — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Rhenish wines brought into any Port , the Awme — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Muscadels , Malmesies and other wines of the Levant brought into the Ports of London , Bristoll , or Southampton , the Butt or Pype to pay — L.02 . S. 05 . D. 00 Brought into all other Ports , to pay — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Sacks , Canaries , Malagaes , Maderaes , Romneys , Hollocks , Bastards , Tents , and Allicants , brought into the Port of London , the Butt or Pype to pay — L.02 . S. 05 . D. 00 Brought into all other Ports , to pay — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 ALl Merchants Strangers bringing in any sorts of the said wines , are to pay thirty shillings in the Tonne , over and above the aforesaid rates which the native payes ; Including twenty shillings the Tonne formerly paid to his Majesty , by the name of Southampton duties for Muscadels , Malmsies , and all other wines of the growth of the Levant . For which sorts of wines , the Stranger is also to p●y to the use of the Town of Southampton for every Butt or Pype , the sum of ten shillings . Moreover , the Stranger is to pay the ancient duty of Butlerage , which is two shillings upon every Tonne . Note , that such wines as shall be landed in any of the Out-Ports and Custome paid , and afterwards brought to the Port of London by certificate , shall pay so much more Custome , as they paid short of the duty due in the Port of London . The RATES OF MERCHANDIZE . RATES Outwards . A Labaster the Lord — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Allome English the hundred weight , containing 112. pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Anvils the hundred weight containing 112. pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Apples the bushell — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Apples vocat Pippins the Bushell — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Aquavitae the hogshead — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Ashes of English wood the last cont. twelve Barrells — L.01 . S. 13 ▪ D. 00 B BAcon the Flitch — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Baggs the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Barrells for Birding pieces , the Barrell — L.00 . S. 0● . D. 0● Beefe the Barrell — L.04 . S. 00 . D. ●● Beere the Tonne — 〈…〉 Beere Egar the Tonne — 〈…〉 Bell mettall the hundred weigh● , containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bellowes the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Billet the thousand — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Birding pieces the piece — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Birdlime the hundred containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Bodies vocat stitched Bodies with silke the paire — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 of whale-bones the paire — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Bones , vocat . Oxe-bones the thousand — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Books unbound the Maund — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 bound the Maund — L.13 . S. 06 . D. 08 Brushes English of Heath the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Buck weed the quarter — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Buttons of haire the small groce , containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Butter good or bad the barrell — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Bayes Barnestable course of twenty pound weight and under , the bay — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 Manchester or Barnestable fine and all other single Bayes not exceeding thirty foure pound weight the piece — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Double Bayes the piece in weight from thirty foure pound weight , to sixty pound weight — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Minikin Bayes containing in weight from sixty pound weight to ninety pound weight , to pay as three single bayes — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 And if they do contain above ninety pound in weight ▪ and not above an hundred and twelve pound , to pay all duties as for foure single bayes and no more — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 C CAlve-skins the dozen of thirty six pound weight undrest , and twenty two pound weight drest — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 No one skin undrest in any dozen to exceed foure pound weight , and no one skin drest in any dozen to exceed two pound in weight . Cambodium the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Candles The dozen pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 The barrell , containing ten dozen pound — L.03 . S. 00 ▪ D. 00 Canvas English tufted , the piece containing thirty yards — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Canvas Shropshire making the hundred els containing five score — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Caps vocat . Monmouth Caps plain the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 vocat . Monmouth Caps trim'd the dozen — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 Buttond English making the dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 of Wooll black the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cards vocat . Stock cards the dozen — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 Tow cards new the dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Wooll-cards vocat . new the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 vocat . old the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Card-bords the small groce , cont. twelve dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Carpets Northern the piece — L.01 . S. 03 . D. 04 Catlings or English hat-makers-strings the groce cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 00 Cheese the hundred weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cloaks old the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Cloak Bags the dozen — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Coales vocat . Sea Coales the Chalder , Newcastle Measure — L.11 . S. 06 . D. 08 Sea Coales the Chalder , London measure — L.08 . S. 13 . D. 04 Sea coles of Wales or the West countrey , which shall be transported into Ireland , the Isle of Man , or Scotland to pay twelve pence the Chalder water measure . The Officers of the Ports to take good security for the landing of the said coales respectively . The Merchant Stranger to pay double custome if he carry out coales in a forraign Bottome , but if in English Bottoms then 18 shillings the Chalder . That if any English transport Coales in strange Bottoms , to pay strangers custome . Cobweb Lawnes the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Comfits the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Conney haire or Wooll blacke or white the pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Cordage tarr'd or untarr'd the hundred weight , containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Coverlets of Wooll and haire the piece — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 of Caddas the piece — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Curricombs the dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 Cushions of Yorkshire the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cottons , Northerne , Manchester , Taunton , and Welch Cottons the hundred Goades ▪ — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Cottons called Welch plaines the hundred Goades — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 D DArnix of English making the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 voc. Coverlets English the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Dice the groce — L.00 . S. 09 . D. 00 Dimitie the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Dublets of Leather the piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Dust of Cloves , of Ginger , of Lignum vitae , of Mace , of Nutmegs , of Pepper , of all Spices and the like , are to bee exported Custome free , having paid at the importation . EMery Stones the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 F FEnnell seed the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Figurettoes with Silke or copper the yard — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 narrow the piece — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 broad the piece — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Filozelloes broad of silke the yard — L.00 . S. 06 D. 08 Fire-locks the piece — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Fitches the Timber , cont. fourty skins — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 Flannell the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 09 Flaskes of Horne the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Flox the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Freezes the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Fustians English Millaine containing two halfe pieces of fifteen yards the piece — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 with silk English the piece — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 voc. Venetian English the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 G GArtering of Cruell the groce , cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Garters of Worsted the groce , containing 12. dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Geldings or Nags the piece , See Horses . Girdles of Leather for men the groce , cont. 12 dozen — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 for children the groce , cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Norwich the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Glasse broken the barrell — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Glasses to drink in , fine English the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 to drink in , course English the dozen — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Glew English the hundred weight cont. an hundred and 12. pound — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Gloves plaine of Sheep or Lambs Leather the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 fringed and stitched with silk the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 furr'd with Conney-wooll the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 of Buck-leather the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Glovers clippings the Fat or Maund — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Goose-quills the thousand — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Grindlestones the Chalder — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Gun-powder the hundred pound , cont. five score — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Guts , vocat . Oxe-guts the barrell — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Haire voc. HArts haire the hundred weight , cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 12 . D. 00 Horse haire the hundred weight , cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Oxe or Cow haire the hundred weight , cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Turkey Goates hair the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Haire-cloth the piece — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Hakefish the hundred cont. six score — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Harts-horn the hundred weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 12 . D. 00 Hatbands of cruell the groce containing twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Hatchets the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Hats Faced with Velvet without bands the dozen — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 with Taffatie for children the dozen — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Lined & faced wth Taffaty the doz . — L.02 . S. 00 D. 00 Lined in the head only , the dozen — L.01 . S. 16 . D. 00 Plaine or unlined the dozen — L.01 . S. 00 D. 00 for children the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Hawkes-hoods the dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Hempseed the quarter cont. 8. bushels — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Herrings , voc. winter herrings white full packed the barrell — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 packed the last cont. 12. barrels — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 unpacked or Seasticks the last cont. 18. barrels — L.08 . S. 00 . D. 00 shotten packed the barrell — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 packed the last cont 12 barrels — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 unpacked or Seasticks the last , cont. 18 barrels — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 red , full the Cade , containing five hundred — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 the last containing twenty cades or ten thousand — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 Herrings , vocat . Winter herrings Red , Shotten , 〈…〉 L. 0● . S. 03 . D. 00 〈…〉 ten thousand L.03 . S. 0● . D. ●0 Summer herrings shotten white packed the barrell — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 packed the last cont. 12 barrels — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 unpack'd or seastick the last con. eighteen barrels — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Red the Cade , cont. five hundred — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 00 the Last contain . twenty Cades , or ten thousand — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hornes vocat . Blowing hornes small the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of Bucks the hundred — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Inkhornes the dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Hornes for Lanternes the thousand leaves — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Oxe hornes the thousand — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Powder hornes the dozen — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 of Rams the thousand — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Sheep the thousand — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Shooeing hornes the dozen — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 of Staggs the hundred — L.01 . S. 12 . D. 00 Tips of horne the thousand — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Horses vocat . Stone-horses , Geldings or Nagges the piece — L.66 . S. 13 . D. 04 Mares the Mare — L.126 . S. 13 . D. 04 Horse tailes with haire the hundred weight cont. five score — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Horse collers the hundred containing five score — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Hoopes for Barrels the thousand — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 IRon the Tonne — L.16 . S. 00 . D. 00 Iron wrought the hundred weight cont. an hundred and 12. pound — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 Old the Tonne — L.16 . S. 00 . D. 00 Iron Ordnance the hundred weight cont. an hundred and 12 pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Irish Mantles the Mantle — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Knives vocat Shoomakers paring-knives the dozen — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Cutting-knives the dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 03 Sheifield knives the small groce cont. 12. dozen — L.01 . S. 04 . D. 00 London knives ordinary the dozen — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 L LAce of Gold Silver and Silke the pound — L.01 . S. 16 ▪ D. 00 Lace of Velvet the pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Voc. Statute Lace the groce , cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Leatharge of Leade the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 Lampernes the thousand — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Loome-work the yard — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Lime the Chalder — L.00 . S. 1● ▪ D. 04 Linseed the quarter cont ▪ eight bushels — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Linsey woolsey vide Stuffe . Linnen shreds the Maund or Fat — L.02 ▪ S. 00 . D. 00 Lists of Cloth the thousand yards — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Leade cast and uncast the Fodder , cont. twenty hundred weight — L.20 . S. 00 . D. 00 Note that every Merchant stranger is to pay for Leade double custome . MVstard-seed the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Melasses or Rameales the Tonne — L.10 S. 00 . D. 00 N NAiles , voc. Stubnailes the hundred weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Nuts smal the barrel cont. three bushels — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 OAtemale the Bushell — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 the Barrell cont. three Bushels — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Oyle , vocat . Traine oyle made in England the tonne — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 Oysters the small barrell in pickle — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 Oker yellow or red the hundred weight , cont. 112 pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 PArchment the Roule — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Pastbo●●●●he groce , cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 00 Pilchers the tonne by strangers — L.20 . S. 00 . D. 00 Points of Leather the small groce cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 06 Purles of broadcloth the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 04 R RApe cakes the thousand — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Rape seed the quarter containing eight bushels — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Rugs vocat Irish Rug the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Irish Rugs for beds , the Rug — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Russetting for painters the hundred weight contain . an hundred and twelve pound — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Rashes , voc. silke Rashes broad or narrow the yard — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 SAddles voc. Scotch Saddles the Saddle — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Saddle trees the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Sackcloth to make Sacks , the boult or piece ▪ — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Saffron the pound ▪ — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Salt-peeter the hundred weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Seamorse teeth the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Shagg with thred the yard — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 with thred the piece — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 Shovels shod the dozen — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 unshod the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Shreds and peeces of broad-cloth the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Shooes new the hundred paire — L.10 . S. 00 . D. 00 old the hundred dozen paire — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 All Plantations English to be furnished with shooes to pay only halfe the custome . Silke vocat . English Throne silke the pound cont. sixteene ounces — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Skins , voc. Conney-skins Tawed and dyed into colours the hundred cont. an hundred and twenty — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gray stag the hundred cont. six score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Gray seasoned the hundred cont. six score — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Gray tawed the hundred cont. six score — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Black with silver haires or without , the hundred , cont. six score — L.02 . S. 13 . D. 04 Kid-skins In the haire the hundred cont. five score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 drest the hundred , cont. five score — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Lamb-skins voc. Morkins , untawed the hundred , cont. six score — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 voc. Morkins tawed with the wooll the hundred cont. six score — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 08 white or black untawed the hundred cont. six score — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 white or black tawed with the wooll , the hundred cont. 6. score — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Otter skins raw the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 tawed the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 wombs the mantle — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Sheep and Lamb skins t●wed with the wooll the hundred cont. six score — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 drest in oyle the hundred cont. six score — L.02 . S. 13 . D. 04 Pelts the hundred cont. five score — L.03 . S. 06 . D. 08 Rabbit skins black the hundred — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Hare skins the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 03 Cat skins the hundred — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Fox skins the piece — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 08 Swan skins the peece — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Dog skins the dozen — L.00 . S. 0● . D. 06 Elke skins the piece raw — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Wolfe skins tawed the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 00 Badgers skins the piece — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Squirrels skins the thousand — L.02 . S. 10 . D. 00 Sleeves of Leather the dozen paire — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Soape hard English make the hundred weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 the Barrell — L.02 . S. 13 . D. 04 Spanish Sattin● English making the single piece cont. 15. yards — L.01 . S. 03 . D. 04 The double piece , containing 30. yards — L.02 . S. 06 . D. 08 Sprats the Cade , cont. a thousand — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Starch the hundred weight cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Steele , vocat . Gad-steele the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Stockins Irish the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Kersie long the paire — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Kersie short the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 06 Leather the dozen paire — L.00 . S. 16 . D. 00 Silke the paire — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Woollen for children the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Worsted for children the dozen — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Woollen for men the dozen — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Worsted for men the dozen — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 Lower ends of worsted stockings the dozen — L.00 . S. 12 . D. 04 Stones vocat . Hilling stones the thousand — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 0● Slate the thousand — L.00 . S. 15 . D. 00 Stuffs vocat . Perpetuanas and Serges in regard of their coursnesse , the pound weight — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 0● All other Stuffe made of wooll , or mixed with Mohaire or silk or thred the pound weight — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Sugars course of all sorts formerly brought into this kingdom having paid their custome , and after refined and made into loaves and exported by way of Marchandize the hundred , cont. 112. pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 T TAllow English the hundred weight containing an hundred and twelve pound — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Thred vocat . Black the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Brown the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Blew , vocat . Coventry blew the pound — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 Thrums the hundred cont. five score pound — L.01 . S. 06 . D. 08 Tiking English the piece cont. twelve yards — L.00 . S. 18 . D. 04 Tiffinie the yard — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Tobacco pipes the small groce cont. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 00 Tuftaffaties English broad the yard — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 English narrow the yard — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 with thred the yard — L.00 . S. 05 . D. 00 Tinne unwrought the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.07 . S. 06 . D. 03 wrought , vocat . Pewter the hundred weight , containing , 112. pound — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 Note that every Merchant stranger is to pay for Tynne double custome . V VElures English the single piece , containing seven yards — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Velures the double piece cont. fifteen yards — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Vinegar of wine the Tonne — L.02 . S. 06 . D. 08 Virginals the paire — L.01 . S. 13 . D. 04 VVAd-moll the yard — L.00 . S. 00 . D. 09 Wastcoates of Wadmoll the dozen — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 of Cotten the dozen — L.01 . S. 07 . D. 00 of Kersies of Flannell the piece — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 of Worsted knit the piece — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 of Woollen knit the piece — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 08 Wax English the hundred weight ▪ cont. 112 pound — L.06 . S. 00 . D. 00 English hard wa● the pound — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Weld the hundred weight , cont. an hundred and twelve pound — L.01 . S. 05 . D. 00 Whalebone the pound — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 08 Whalefins the groce , con. twelve dozen — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 Woad English the Tonne — L.15 . S. 00 . D. 00 Woadnets the hundred containing five score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 Wood Red wood the hundred weight cont. 112. pound — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Gambray wood the hundred weight , cont. 112. pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 06 Box wood the Tonne — L.04 . S. 00 . D. 00 Worsteds narrow English the piece — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 Broad English the piece — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 Wine-lees the Butt — L.01 . S. 00 . D. 00 Wooll Spanish . Yarn , vocat . Grograine yarn the pound — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 ALl kinds of graine which shall be carried out of this Realm ( when by the Statute the same may lawfully be done ) to pay for Custome and Subsidie , as in the Statute is limited and not otherwise , viz. For every quarter of wheat — L.00 . S. 02 . D. 00 For every quarter of other graine , as Rye , Barley , Malt , Oates , Beanes and Pease — L.00 . S. 01 . D. 04 For every Ton of Beere to be exported by Englishmen , to pay according to the Statute — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 06 For every Tonne of Beere to be exported by strangers , to pay according to the Statute — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 ANd if there shall happen to be brought in or carried out of this Realm , any goods liable to the payment of Custome and Subsidie , which either are omitted in this book , or are not now used to be brought in or carried out , or by reason of the great diversity of the value of some goods ( as of Diamonds and other Stones , and Jewels ) could not be rated . That in such case , every Customer or Collector for the time being , shall levie the said Custome and Subsidie of poundage , according to the vallew and price of such goods , to be affirmed upon the oath of the Merchant in the presence of the Customer , Collector , Comptroller , and Surveyor , or any two of them . All forraigne goods and Merchandizes which shall be carried out of this Realm , and which according to the intent of the Act of Tonnage and Poundage , and this present Book of Rates , and the clauses and limitations therein contained , are to pay Subsidie outwards , and are not mentioned amongst the Rates for Subsidie outwards , shall be rated to pay Subsidie outwards , after the rate of five per Cent , according to the true value and price of such goods , to be affirmed by the oath of the Merchants in presence of the Officers . Directions for the payment of the Subsidie upon Woollen Clothes or old Drapery . EVery Englishman shall pay for every short cloth containing in length not above twenty eight yards , and in weight not above sixty foure pound white or coloured , by him to be Shipped and carried out of this Kingdome , &c. — L.00 . S. 06 . D. 03 Being after the rate of one penny farthing the pound weight . And so after that rate for all other sorts of clothes of greater length and weight , allowing not above twenty eight yards and sixty foure pound to a short cloth ; That is to say , for every pound weight over and above 64. pound , to pay one penny and farthing , and for all other sorts of lesser clothes to be allowed to a short cloth as hereafter is expressed , Every stranger shall pay for every short cloth cont. in length not above 28. yards , and in weight not above 64. pound , white or coloured , by him to be shipped and carried out of this Kingdome — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 Besides the old 14. pence . And so after that rate for all other sorts of cloth of greater length and weight , and for all sorts of lesser clothes to bee allowed to a short cloth , as hereafter is expressed . VVHat and how many sorts of the lesser Woollen clothes hereafter specified shall be allowed to short cloth . Seven Dorset and Somerset dozens rudge washt shall goe and be accompted for a short cloth , and shal pay after the Rate of the short cloth before rated , And for over weight one penny farthing the pound Cardinals Pinwhites Straites Statutes Stockbridges Tavestocks Five Tauntons , Bridgewaters , and Dunsters , the five not exceeding 64. pound in weight ▪ Devon dozens cont. 12 or 13 yards , in weight 13. pound Foure Ordinary Pennistones or Forrest whites cont. between 12. and 13. yards , and in weight 28. pound Sorting Pennistones cont. 13 or 14. yards & in weight 35 pound unfrized Three Narrow Yorkshire Kersies whites and reds , cont. not above 17. or 18. yards , and in weight 22. pound shall goe and be accompted for a short cloth , and shall pay after the Rate of the short cloth before rated , And for over weight one penny farthing the pound . Hampshire ordinary Kersies Newberrie whites , and other Kersies of like making , cont. 24. yards , and in weight 28. pounds Sorting Hampshire Kersies cont. 28. yards , and in weight 32. pound Two Northern Dozens single sorting Pennistones cont. between 13. and 14. yards , and in weight 35. pound frized One Northen dozen double The new sort of cloth called Spanish cloth , otherwise narrow list Western broad cloth , not exceeding 25. yards in length and 43. pound in weight , to be accompted two thirds of the short cloth before rated And for every pound weight exceeding fourty three pounds , one penny farthing the pound weight . Cloth Rashes , alias cloth Serges , cont. 30 ▪ yards , weighing 40 , pound to be accompted two thirds of the short cloth before rated . And for every pound exceeding fourty pound weight , penny farthing the pound weight . And for any other sort of wollen Cloth of the nature of the old Drapery , and not mentioned in this book , to pay one penny farthing , for the Subsidie of every pound weight thereof . Certaine Orders , Directions , and Allowances , for the advancement of Trade and encouragement of the Merchant , as also for the Regulating as well of the Merchants in making of due Entries and just payments of their Customes , as of the Officers , in all the Ports of this Kingdome , in the receipts of their severall Fees , and in the faithfull discharge of their duty . I. EVery Merchant shall have free libertie to break Bulk in any Port allowed by the Law , and to pay custome and subsidie for no more than he shall then enter and land ; Provided that the Master or Purser of every such Ship , shall first make Declaration upon oath , before any two principall Officers of the Port , of the true content of his Ships lading , and shall likewise after declare upon his oath , before the Customer , Collecter , Comptroller or Surveyor , or two of them , at the next Port of this Kingdome where his Ship shall arrive , the quantity and quality of the goods landed at the other Port , where Bulke was first broken , and to whom they did belong . II. ALl forraign goods and Merchandizes ( except Spanish woolls or any other outlandish Woolls , Wines , and Corrants ) first imported , shall be againe exported by any Merchant English within twelve moneths , or stranger within nine moneths . And such Merchant or Merchants as shall export any such forraign goods or Merchandize ( except before excepted ) shall have allowance and be repayed by the Officer which received the same , the one moiety of the subsidie which was paid at the first importation of such forraign goods and Merchandizes , or any part thereof , so as due proofe bee first made by certificate from the Officers of the due entry and payment of the custome and subsidy of all such forraigne goods and merchandizes inwards , together with the oath of the Merchants importing and exporting the same , affirming the truth thereof , and the name of his Majesties searcher or under-Searcher in the port of London , and of the Searcher of any other the out Ports , testifying the Shipping thereof to bee exported . After all which duly performed in manner before expressed , the moiety of the Subsidie first paid inwards , shall without any delay or reward ( more than the duties set down in the table for the certificate ) be repaid unto such Merchant or Merchants , who doe export such goods and Merchandizes , within one moneth after demand thereof . III. ANd if there be any agreement now in force , which was formerly made by the late Farmers of the Customes and Subsidies , with the Merchants , Strangers or their Factors , or shall hereafter be made by any Commissioners , or Farmers , of the Customes and Subsidies , or any other power ( except by consent of Parliament ) with any Merchant or Merchants , Strangers , or their Factors , for any forraign goods and Merchandizes to be brought into the port of London or any other Port or Haven of this Kingdom of England , or principality of Wales , and to be exported againe by way of composition ; all other Merchants being his Majesties subjects shall bee admitted into the same composition , and not bee excluded from any other priviledge whatsoever , granted to the stranger by any private agreement or composition , under the same conditions , and with the same restriction , as shall be made with the Merchant stranger . IV. EVery Merchant as well English as Stranger ; that shall ship and export any kinde of Wines , which formerly have paid all the duties of Tonnage inwards , shall have repaied or allowed unto them all the duties of Tonnage by them paid inwards , ( except to the Englishman twenty shillings the Tonne , and except to the stranger five and twenty shillings the Ton , ) upon due proofe of the due entry and payment of the tonnage in wards , and of the shipping thereof to be exported to be made in manner as in the second Article is mentioned , and expressed . V. IF any Merchant , Denizen , or Stranger , shall export any Spanish , or other forraign Woolls formerly brought into the Kingdom , hee shall have no allowance of any part of the subsidie which he formerly paid inwards , only shall have liberty to export the same without payment of any other duties more then are limited in the Table of Fees for certificate of the due entry and payment of custome and subsidie , at the importation , and of the shipping for exportation , as in the second Article is directed , and with this further condition , that such Spanish or other forraign Woolls whatsoever , be not exported in any other Ship or Vessell whatsoever , with intent to be carryed beyond the Seas , out of the Kingdome of England , and dominion of Wales , then only in English shipping , upon paine of confiscation . VI . EVery Merchant as well English as Stranger , which shall ship and export any Currants which formerly were duly entred and paid the subsidie and custome inwards , shall have allowed or repaied unto them respectively , all the custome and subsidie by them paid inwards for the same ( except eighteen pence for every hundred weight to the English , and two and twenty pence and halfe penny for every hundred weight to the stranger , ) upon due proofe of the due entry and payment of the custome and subsidie thereof Inwards , and of the shipping thereof to be exported , to bee made in manner as in the second Article is declared . VII . IF any Merchant having duly paid all duties inwards for forraign goods , and in regard of gard of bad sales , shall be inforced to keep the same or any part thereof in his hands , without alteration of property after the space of a yeere shall be elapsed , in this case he is to be permitted to ship the same out for the parts beyond the Seas ( if he so think fit ) without payment of any subsidie for the same outwards , upon due proofe that the same was duly entred , and subsidie paid inwards . VIII . NO Merchant , or other persons whatsoever shall have any allowance or abatement of subsidie made him by bill of store , or otherwise , for any sort of Tobacco , under pretence of being corrupt or unmerchantable , but that in case any Merchant shall refuse to make entry of such Tobacco , and to pay the subsidie of two pence per pound for the same , the principall Officers of the Custome-house , or any two of them shall cause all such corrupt Tobacco to be publikely burnt , as not wholesome for use , and the owner thereof is to be discharged from payment of any subsidie for the same . IX . EVery Merchant bringing in any sort of Wines into this Kingdom , by way of Merchandize ; and shall make due entries of the same in the Custome-house , shall bee allowed twelve per cent . for Leacage . X. EVery Hogs-head of Wine which shal be run out and not full seven inches or above left therein : And every Butt or Pipe not above nine inches shall be accounted for outs , and the Merchant to pay no subsidie for the same . XI . IF any Wines shall prove corrupt and unmerchantable , and fit for nothing but to distill into hot waters , or to make vineger , then every owner of such wines shall be abated in the subsidie , according to such his dammages in those Wines , by the discretion of the Collectors of the Customes , and one of the principall Officers . XII . IF any Tabacco , or other goods , or Merchandize brought into this Kingdome , shall receive any dammage by Salt water or otherwise , so that the owner thereof shall be prejudiced in the sale of such goods , the principall Officers of the Custom house , or any two of them , whereof the Collector for the time being , to be one , shall have power to choose two indifferent Merchants , experienced in the vallues of such goods who upon visiting the said goods , shall certifie and declare upon their corporall others , first administred by the said Officers , what dammage such goods have received , and are lessened in their true value , and according to such dammage in relation to the Rates set on them in this book , The said officers are to make a proportionable abatement unto the Merchant or owner of the Subsidie due for the same . XIII . THe Merchant stranger , who according to the Rates and values in this book contained do pay double subsidie for Lead , Tinn , Woollen-cloth , shall also pay double custome for native Manifactures of Wooll or part Wooll , and the said strangers are to pay for all other goods , aswell inwards as outwards , rated to pay the subsidie of Poundage , three pence in the pound , or any other duty payable by Charta Mercatoria besides the subsidie . XIV . THat the Merchants trading into the Port of London have free libertie to lade and unlade their goods at any the lawfull Keyes and places of shipping and landing of goods between the Tower of London and London-bridge , and betweene Sun rising and Sun setting , from the tenth day of September to the tenth day of March , and between the houres of six of the Clock in the morning and six of the clock in the evening , from the tenth day of March to the tenth day of September , giving notice thereof to the respective Officers , appointed to attend the lading and unlading of goods : And such officer as shall refuse upon due calling to bee present , hee shall forfeit for every default five pounds , the one moitie unto the King , and the other moitie to the party agreeved , and suing for the same . XV . THe Merchants of York , Kingston super Hull , and Newcastle upon Tyne , and the members thereof shall be allowed free of Custome and Subsidie , two of the Northern Clothes and Kersies in ten to be shipped in those Ports in the names of double wrappers as formerly hath been there allowed them . XVI . THe Merchants of Exeter , and other Westerne parts , shall bee allowed free of Subsidie , one Perpetuanoe in ten for a wrap , and three Devon dozens in twenty for wrappers , the same to bee shipped out of the Ports of Exeter , Plymouth , Dartmouth , Barnestable , or the members thereof . XVII . ALl Merchants transporting any sort of Woollen cloth , called old Drapery , as also Bayes and Cottons , shall be allowed one in Ten for a wrapper , free of Custome and Subsidie , as formerly hath beene accustomed . XVIII . EVery Merchant shall bee allowed upon all other goods and merchandize appointed to pay to any the Subsidie of Poundage , according to the rule of this book , to bee imported five in the hundred of all the said Subsidies of poundage , so appointed to be paid . XIX . THe Officers who sit above in the Custome-house of the Ports of London , shall attend the service of their severall places , from nine to twelve of the clock in the forenoone ; and one Officer , or one able clark shall attend with the book in the afternoone , during such time as the Officers are appointed to wait at the waters side , for the better deciding of all controversies that may happen concerning Merchants warrants . All other the Officers of the out-Ports , shall attend every day in the Custome-house of every respective Port for dispatch of Merchants and shippers , between the houres of nine of the clock and twelve in the Morning , and two and foure of the Clock in the after-noone . XX . FOr avoiding all oppressions by any of the Officers of the Custome-house in any Port of this Kingdome , in exacting unreasonable fees from the Merchant by reason of any entries , or otherwise touching the Shipping or unshipping of any goods , wares , or Merchandize : It is ordered that no Officer , Clerk , or other belonging to any Custome-house whatsoever , shall exact , require , and receive any other or greater fee of any Merchant or other whatsoever , then such as shall be established by the Commons in Parliament assembled : If any Officer or other shall offend contrary to this order , he shall forfeit his Office or place , and bee ever after uncapable of any office in the Custome-house . XXI . EVery Merchant making an entry of goods , either inwards or outwards , shall be dispatched in such order as he commeth , and if any Officer or his Clark shall either for favour or reward put any Merchant or his servant duly attending by his turne or other wayes delay any person so duly attending and making his entries aforesaid , to draw any other reward or gratuitie from him than is limited in the Table ; if the Master officer be found faulty herein , hee shall upon complaint to the chiefe Officers of the Custome house , be strictly admonished of his duty , but if the Clerk be found faulty therein , he shall upon complaint to the said chiefe Officers bee presently discharged of his service , and not permitted to sit any more in the Custome House . XXII . ALl Fees appointed to be paid unto the Customer , Comptroller , Surveyor , or Surveyor Generall in the Port of London for any Cockquett or Certificate outwards shall be paid altogether in one sum , to that Officer from whom the Merchant is to have his Cockquett or Certificate above in the Custome-house : and after the Merchant hath duly paid his custome and Subsidie , and other duties above in the Custome house , as is appointed by this book of Rates , he is to be Master of , and keep his own Cockquett or Certificate , untill hee shall ship out his goods so entred , when as hee is to deliver the same to the head Searcher , or his Majesties under searcher in the Port of London , or other Ports , together with the mark and number of his goods . XXIII . THe Lord Maior Communaltie and Citizens of the City of London , their Officers or Deputies , for , and touching the Offices of Paccage , Scavage , Baleage , or Portage of any goods or Merchandize of Aliens , or their Sonnes borne within this Kingdome , imported or exported into , or out of the City of London , or the liberties or Ports thereof , unto , or from the parts beyond the Seas , for or concerning the receiving or taking of any fees or Rates heretofore usually taken , for , or in respect of the said Offices or any of them might and may receive and take the same , any thing in this Act , or book , or any former Act to the contrary notwithstanding . XXIV . ALl ancient duties heretofore lawfully taken by any City , or Town Corporate , their Farmours , Deputies or Officers , under the name of Town Customes or the like , for the maintenance of Bridges , Keyes , Harbours , Wharfes , or the like , shall and may be received , and enjoyed as formerly , any thing in this or any other Act or Book to the contrary notwithstanding . XXV . THe under-Searcher or other Officers of Graves-end , having power to visit and search any Ship outward bound , shall not without just and reasonable cause detaine any such ship under colour of searching the goods therein laden , above three tydes after her arrivall at Graves-end , under paine of losse of their office , and rendring dammage to the Merchant and owner of the Ship . And the Searcher or other Officer of the Custome house in any of the out-ports having power to search and visit any ship outward bound , shall not without just and reasonable cause , detaine any such ship under Colour of Searching the goods therein laden above one tide after the said ship is fully laden and ready to set sayle , under paine of losse of the office of such offender , and rendring dammage to the Merchant and owner of the ship . XXVI . NOte , That all Timber in Balkes , which shall bee of eight inches square or upwards , that shall be imported or brought from any part beyond the Seas into the Realme of England , Dominion of Wales , Port and Towne of Barwick , or any of them , shall be rated according to the measure of timber , the foot square three pence for the value thereof , and according to that Rule shall pay for Subsidie twelve pence in the pound according to poundage , and all under eight inches square , and above five inches square , shall pay for Subsidie according to the Rates mentioned in this Book of Rates for middle Balkes , and all of five inches square or under shall pay according to the Rate of small Balkes . Errata in the Book , according to the severall folio's to bee amended , as followeth . fol. 73 TVeill and Tiking of Scotland , and all other Linnen made in that Kingdom the hundred ells containing six score — L.02 . S. 00 . D. 00 fol. 68. Scottish Canvas called harden for packing , the hundred ells containing six score — L.00 . S. 10 . D. 00 fol. 91. Goat skins of Scotland in the haire the dozen — L.00 . S. 03 . D. 04 fol. 83 Salt made in Scotland the wey containing forty bushels — L.00 . S. 13 . D. 04 fol. 41. Scottish Herrings brought in by the natives of Scotland , in Scottish or English bottoms , the last cont. 12. barrels — L.03 . S. 00 . D. 00 fol. 41. Red Herrings of the same Kingdome the last containing twenty cades — L.05 . S. 00 . D. 00 fol. 41. Salmon of the same Kindome taken and brought in as before , the barrell — L.01 . S. 10 . D. 00 fol. 41. Codfish of the same taking , brought in as before , the Barrell — L.00 . S. 08 . D. 00 fol. 19. Coales of Scotland brought in as before , the Tun — L.00 . S. 04 . D. 00 FINIS . Faults scapt the Presse . Pag. 44. line 10. for paire read panes . Pag. 57. line 28. for 80 d. read 8 d. Pag. 78. line 28. for 60 d. read 6 d. Pag. 83. line 22. for 14 d. read 4 d. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A82459e-240 * Note that this sort of Tobacco , untill the ninth of September , 1642. is to pay after the rate of 2 l and afterwards according to the rate of 3. pound .